331

Behind the Indian facade of Dakini, Mahavairocana appears as the unique principle of everything. What is lowest and inferior in the world of gods suddenly becomes the highest expression of truth. By means of Mahavairocana Dakini becomes interchangeable with other Buddhas and Bodhisattvas. So the goddess of Inari identified by Kukai with Dakini could become the Japanese form (suijaku) of Kannon or Monju. She became also exchanged with her messenger: the white fox. In the fourteenth century Shingon esoterism turned Fushimi Inari into a huge mandala. Seikei in his Inari-ckronicle merged on this mountain the mounds of the Hata, the foxes, the goddess of food and the doctrine of Shingon Tantrism and turned the top of Mount Inari into a four-petalled lotus flowerwhic h offers residence to many Buddhist figures, concretized in Japan in their Shintoist counterparts: the honji and the suijaku. In the centre of this flower we find, of course, the focus of the Buddhist and Shinto world: Inari, Amida and Shin-ko-o. The firsttw o names are familiar to us, but who is Shin-ko-o? One translation could be: King Dragon Fox. If we take into consideration, however, that shin is a zodiacal sign, it could also be translated as: the King, Fox from heaven. This can be identified with the byakko: the white fox and the mount of Dakini. Now it will not surprise anybody that writings of the same period turn this sacred animal god into a Buddhist saviour by calling it: bosatsu Shin-ko-o: the Bodhisattva King, Fox from heaven. Thus, the ancestor gods of the Hata are kept alive in a belief-system which vacillates between merely a fox, goddesses, and the highest truth, Dharmakaya- three representations of a god, who has no original shape.

The Religious Background of the Deification of Tokugawa leyasu

W. J. BOOT

On the 26th day, 9th month of Kyoho 6 (1721) an edict of Yoshimune was read to the assembled fudai-daimyo. The third article is entitled 'That the Peace of the World is due to the Divine Virtue of the Gongen.*1 It reads: 'That I myself and all of you have met with a period of peace, in which the empire is well-ordered, and that we live in ease, is solely due to the divine virtue of the Toshogu. Is it not something to be grateful for? Moreover, that you all now live in ease on account of the meritorious military service of your ancestors, and that your fathers and ancestors have obliged you with their military favour - how could you take this lightly?' We could of course say that these are pious sentiments, and that the gist of the edict lies in the strictures it contains against hiring too many 332

commoners instead of employing warriors, against the misgovernment of the fiefs and against the fudai not setting an example to the tozama-daimyo. The references to the Toshogu no skintoku etc. could be taken as an oblique way of reminding the participants of the fact that none of them would have been present at this occasion if their ancestors had lost at Sekigahara and Osaka. That, however;, is precisely the point. It would be quite possible to express this sentiment 'We are here because we have won' in Japanese, as it would have been possible to express any number of other reasons to explain the peace of the empire. Yet we find a group of very competent native speakers of Japanese making phrases like sejo anhitsu wa gongen-sama go-shintoku no koto. It must have meant something, though what it meant is something historians as a rule do not try to establish. Divine wrath and favour are categories of explanation the modern writer of history hesitates to use. It is a pity that this advance in methodology tends to blind Mm to the fact that the subjects of his research very definitely thought in these terms. To give one example: What should a loyal bakufu official, distressed by the licentious behaviour of his lord (in this case shogun Tsunayoshi), do but go to Nikko and pray to the daigongen, as did Yagi chikara-gashira Nobuyuki? This particular instance I have found in one of the so-called jitsuroku of the Edo-period, which as a genre are of course notorious for containing much fancy and little fact. However, since I want to establish not any particular historical fact but a way of thinking I will be allowed, I trust, to make use of this example. The text in question is the Nikko kantan makura, 'The Dream-Pillow of Nikko,' and purports to describe the evil machinations of Yanagisawa Yoshiyasu and his attempt to dislodge the Tokugawa shogun. The story begins with one Yagi Nobuyuki, who is a retainer, at first even something of a favourite of Tsunayoshi. On account of his remonstrances with the shogun, however, he has fallen from grace and has been sent down to live in the country. Still uneasy in his mind he .. .formed the intention of [going] to Nikko and pray. He went there at once. He worshipped the shrine and prayed for the continued military fortune (buun chokyu) of his Lord. That night he kept vigil next to the shrine, but dozed off. ...Around midnight he awoke. An old man, correctly gowned and capped, opened the doors of the sanctuary and stood at his pillow, [saying]: 'The Toshogu has been moved by the sincerity of your loyalty, Yagi Chikara, and he will show you something. ...Because you have remonstrated [with the shogun] to the full extent of the loyalty [you owe him], you have roused his anger. Since the Gongen has been moved by your loyalty and has told me to show you at this place the whole life of Lord Tsunayoshi, I have come to meet you.' With these words he took Nobuyuki by the hand and entered the gate of the shrine. Suddenly the shrine buildings changed to Edo castle. It was certainly most strange to see the whole life of Lord Tsunayoshi before one's eye.'2 The story illustrates how a continuous protection of the bakufu and its loyal servants was confidently to be expected from the god Toshogu- daigongen, and how this expectancy was sufficiently widespread to suggest itself as a useful ploy for introducing a work of popular literature dating from the Shotoku period (1711-1716). 333

For the background of this story I refer to an article by Ishige Tadashi, in which Ishige claims that 'The Kyoho era especially was a time when the ideas of "worshipping the Tosho-daigongen" showed an unusual intensification.'3 In support of this thesis Ishige quotes, amongst others, a passage from a work of Daidoji Yuzan (1639-1730), a military theorist and pupil of Yamaga Soko, which reads: This man, who had acted in accordance with the three virtues of Wisdom, Benevolence and Courage, we worship as the Tosho-daigongen no miya. He may even surpass the gods of the ancient period, at least no one will claim that he is inferior to them. However, it is a very shameful thing that in these times the people of the world do not show any intention of believing in him. They are devoted to Kan'on, Yakushi and Jizo, who are reputed to be Buddhas from India far west, or they consider as gods only the gods of the ancient times of our country and only venerate those. That they are neglecting the Toshogu can only be called ungrateful insolence. ...When amongst the ones dear to you someone is terribly ill (or, of course, when you are ill yourself), it will not be necessary to rely on the other Buddhas and gods: if the divine powers of Toshogu have proven to be of no avail, you may consider it as something that has certainly happened because the time for this person has come (jogo no toki idekitaruyue no koto narubeshi) and resign yourself [to this fate]...4

The message is clear: the Toshogu-daigongen is a divine power on par with the other gods and Buddhas, and when he cannot help, the help of the others, too, will prove to be in vain. We can compare this passage with a quotation from another work by Daidoji Yuzan, his Ochibo-shu, which was completed in Kyoho 13 (1728). At the end of the entry in which he relates the rather gruesome story of the Miike sword, Yuzan explains Ieyasu's divinization as an instance of the usual Shinto procedure: Take the ancient gods of our country. When there were men who during their lifetime had done extraordinarily good deeds, they appeared as gods, and the people of the world venerated and revered their virtue, and worshipped them, calling them gods (shinmei). Thus I have heard. Since the many good deeds these gods have done during their lifetime have been written down in the ancient records, those who are educated will be able to convince themselves of this with one glance.5 Then follows a similar passage as in the first quotation, about Ieyasu having acted in accordance with the three virtues of Wisdom, Benevolence and Courage and not being inferior to the ancient gods; which is topped off by an interesting piece of theological speculation. The point of departure is Lun-yii 1 B 24: 'For a man to sacrifice to a spirit who does not belong to him is flattery.' After quoting this text Yuzan continues: There will not be one man, not only amongst the fudai but also amongst the tozama who since the battle of Sekigahara in Keicho 5 has not received the favour of the Gongen. No one who belongs to this group will say of the Toshogu-sama that he is 'not his spirit.' It is therefore quite natural that they address not only the ordinary prayers for the permanence of the military fortune, the avoidance of disasters and a long life to Toshogu-sama, but that also vows are made to him when they themselves or those dear to them are 334

struck by illness. As the common expression says: 'A god is how you pull him (kami mo hikikata).' If only you ask him sincerely, the Gongen-sama, too, will not treat you coldly, and it will not come to pass that he will not deign to bestow his divine power. Therefore, while [prayers to him] will certainly be heard, to ignore this Toshogu-sama, who is so close to you, and to make vows to the Buddhas and gods who are 'not your spirit/ will mean that it will be very difficult to obtain one's wishes. [On the other hand], when prayers were offered by former fudai-daimyo who suffered from illness, immediately there were signs that the godhead responded. I know this well and it has often happened. It will be evident that Yuzan's discussion must be placed within a Neo- Confucian context, which is not very surprising, considering his background and the times in which he was writing. The obvious Neo- Confucian elements are his rather disparaging treatment of Buddhism, his euhemeristic ideas about the origin of the gods - the Koskitsu was finished in 1716 - and the typical Neo-Confucian problem 'Is it possible to worship a spirit to whom you are not related?' i.e. who has not the same ck'i as you have. The thrust of Yuzan's argument, however, is that Ieyasu has not merely become 'the guardian deity of the house' - go-toke no shugoshin is the phrase he uses elsewhere - but is a god to whom everybody (everybody who counts, that is) can appeal with a good chance of success. Which is part of the 'upgrading' of the Toshogu-daigongen noted by Ishige, and that Ishige claims took place in the Kyoho-era. Two things should be noted: this popularization came about at this rather late date, and it was quite at variance with the ways in which theologically speaking the deification of Ieyasu was originally brought about.7 It is a matter of common knowledge that after Ieyasu had died there were some differences of opinion about the interpretation of Ieyasu's so- called testament. The quarrel was between Bonshun (?1553-?1633)8 and Tenkai (?1536-1643). Bonshun wanted to enshrine Ieyasu according to the rules of Yoshida-shinto, and proceeded to do so, with the support of Konchi'in Suden (1569-1633) and the approval of Hidetada, on the Kuno- zan in Sunpu. The precedent he had in mind was of course the enshrinement of Toyotomi Hideyoshi as Hokoku-dai-myojin, in which the Yoshida - Bonshun's brother Kanemi had become the chief priest of the Hokoku-jinja - had great stakes. Tenkai, claiming a personal oral communication from Ieyasu, attacked these procedures, managed to convince Hidetada, and one year later enshrined Ieyasu in Nikko as Toshogu-daigongen according to the rites of Sanno Ichijitsu Shinto. Some eighteen years later, on the occasion of the large-scale building projects that Iemitsu undertook in Nikko, Tenkai composed the Tosho- daigongen engi9 in which he described the history of the god and the history of the shrine. Tenkai's text is in Chinese. The so-called Tosho-daigongen kana-engi10 was composed somewhat later. This work contains the same material as Tenkai's Engi; it is, however, differently arranged, and not as comprehensive as Tenkai's original. For the purpose of our discussion we will stick to Tenkai's kanbun text.11 Tenkai begins his Engi after Ieyasu's retirement to Sunpu, with a description of a little outing he made to a mountain in the neighbourhood, 335 the Shizuki-yama. Ieyasu strayed from his followers, and against nightfall he heard a hermit recite the following lines: 'This day has passed. My life has lessened. We are like fishes in shallow water. What pleasure could this be?' Ieyasu suddenly realized the vanity of life, and instantly turned to Buddhism. He assembled Buddhist monks of various persuasions at his court, and discussed with them the finer points of Buddhist theology. One of the subjects that came up for discussion was Shotoku-taishi. The issue was, why a great saint like Shotoku-taishi should not have left any descendants. Nobody knew the answer, but one monk came forward and quoted a counter-example, of a famous man who did leave heirs. This man was Nitta Yoshisada, whom the Tokugawa by this time had claimed as one of their forbears. Yoshisada, said the monk, was forced to flee Kyoto, but before he went he paid a visit to the shrine of Sanno-gongen and asked him either to give him, Yoshisada, the strength to defeat the 'enemies of the court' or to let one of his descendants raise an army and 'purify the body of his ancestor.' (This vow was of course fulfilled - no need to insist upon the obvious - when Ieyasu won at Sekigahara and subsequently was appointed shoguri). Ieyasu then makes a comparison between Shotoku-taishi and himself. He characterizes the difference with two slogans: enri edo gongujodo and genze an'on koshozensho. The first slogan means 'to grow weary of this defiled world and strive for the pure land.' This was the type of Buddhism of which Shotoku-taishi was an adherent; no wonder he did not leave any offspring. Ieyasu's kind of Buddhism, on the other hand, sought for 'a peaceful existence in this life and rebirth, afterwards, in a good place,' This slogan genze an'on etc. also occurs in the context of Tenkai ministering to Ieyasu on his deathbed.121 think we can safely say that this teaching was the essence of the Sanno Shinto that Tenkai claimed he had imparted to Ieyasu. According to Ieyasu it ensured his house would flourish. The rest of the first book of the Engi is taken up with discourses on the Sanno-gongen, who is extolled as the most important god of Japan. The conclusion of the first book is, that Ieyasu has been able to become a god on account of the karma of his former life, the prayer of Yoshisada to the Sanno-gongen and the special teachings of Tenkai. The second book treats the reasons for Ieyasu's reburial in Nikko. According to Tenkai this was done on Ieyasu's express instructions. According to him Ieyasu had even said that he wanted to be buried in Nikko immediately after his death, and that his advisers had had to talk him out of that idea with many references to Japanese and Chinese authorities. He then settled for reburial in Nikko after a period of one hundred days or one year (isshuki) had elapsed, according to the precedent set by Fujiwara no Kamatari. When in this way he has dealt with the problem of Ieyasu's preliminary burial on the Kuno-zan and definitive burial in Nikko, Tenkai moves on to the question 'Of which Buddha is Ieyasu the gongen? And he explains that this is Yakushi-nyorai, long worshipped in the Yakushiji founded by Ennin on the southern shore of the Chuzenji-ko. The other two gongen of the Nikko trinity were Sanno-gongen and Matara-o. As is clear from the 336

Engi and also from another of Tenkai's writings, the Toshogu sangongen honchi kuyo hiho,1* the other two were avatars of Shakyamuni and Amitabha respectively, that is to say, the same trinity as is worshipped in the Enryakuji, but differently arranged. The rest of the second and the whole of the third book of the Engi is taken up by descriptions of the new buildings Iemitsu put up in Nikko, the ceremonies performed and the poems written by the Korean embassy of 1636, who came to Nikko, Tenkai claims, 'moved by the power of their own faith.' As far as the purely theological aspects are concerned, it is less interesting. To sum up, Tenkai explains, or rather, describes, Ieyasu's deification in terms of the traditional ryobu-skinto of the Tendai-sect, albeit with a few twists of his own: Ieyasu is an avatar of a Buddha, and this incarnation has been made possible through the vows of a (spurious) ancestor to Sanno-gongen, a secret teaching of the Tendai-sect and the merit accumulated during previous existences. This explanation is quite at variance with the one given by Daidoji Yuzan: the euhemeristic thesis that in Japan great men tend to become gods, and that gods formerly were great men. The two writers agree, however, on the point that it is possible for men to become gods, whether on account of their karma or of their good deeds. The next question we have to address, therefore, is, where this idea originated. In other words, what were the precedents that prompted Ieyasu to say on his deathbed that after his death he would manifest himself as the hasshu no chinju, the 'Protecting Deity of the Eight Provinces,' and also: what were the precedents that made those who heard him accept this as a likely event and not dismiss it as the rambling words of an old man? In the foregoing we have had two hints that point in the direction of the deification of Hideyoshi as Hokoku-daimyojin and that of Fujiwara no Kamatari as Tonomine-daimyojin. The first instance has come up in connection with the activities of Bonshun; the second has been mentioned in connection with Ieyasu's reburial in Nikko. The factors these three cases appear to have in common are that Ieyasu., Hideyoshi and Kamatari before dying all expressed the wish to be interred in a specified place and that they all promised that after their death they would manifest themselves as gods. In the case of Kamatari we have a very circumstantial account in the Tonomine engi by Ichijo Kaneyoshi (1402-1481), which concludes: 'If you place my grave on this spot, my children and grandchildren will rise to high rank.'14 In the case of Hideyoshi we have nothing to go on but a remark by Maeda Gen'i, reported in the Miyudono-no-ue no nikki, several months after Hideyoshi's death, that a shrine had been built in pursuance to the last wish of Hideyoshi.15 In the case of Ieyasu, again, we have a very reliable account in Suden's diary.16 An obvious link between Hideyoshi and Kamatari is that they are both the first ancestor of a new uji. The same does not apply to Ieyasu, who was possibly the first to bear the name Tokugawa, but Tokugawa was a karnei, not a sei. Ieyasu, on the other hand, according to Tenkai stated very clearly that as a god he would protect 1) his descendants, 2) Buddhism and the imperial house (busshu nisshu), and 3) the military rule (tenka 337 buun),17 which, however, appears to be different from the most authentic version of his will, namely that he wanted to become the 'protecting deity of the Eight Provinces.' This most authentic version is in accord with the assumption that leyasu wanted to be buried on the Kuno-zan and with other instructions he gave to Sakakibara Kiyohisa (Teruhisa) 'on whose knees he expired.' In the Tokugawa jikki these are summarized as follows: [leyasu] told him: 'You must serve me [after I have died] in the same way as you have served me during my lifetime.' Again he said: 'Since the countries to the East are mainly in the hands of fudai, I do not think anybody will plan rebellion. About the West, however, I am less sure. Therefore my statue must be placed facing West.' The Miike-sword, too, apparently was placed with its point turned to the West.19 This statue is again mentioned in the Skintoku-shu, where the writer relates having seen a wooden statue (go-mokuzo no go-shintai) in the inner sanctuary at the Kuno-zan. The incident is dated Enpo 2/1/15.20 This statue, facing west in order to repel any attacks on the Kanto, of course, forms a link between leyasu and Kamatari, who is known for the extreme activity his statue displays: whenever the fortunes of the Fujiwara or of the empire were threatened the mountain on which the shrine was built roared and trembled, and cracks appeared in the statue. In the appendix to the chronicle of the shrine, the Taishokkan-zo haretsu-kifuroku, thirty-five instances are listed since 898. The last recorded instance was in 1607. At this occasion the Fujiwara did not manage to make the cracks close again. The Yoshida were called in, and when they proved successful, they were congratulated, amongst others, by leyasu. The Tonomine- daimyojin certainly was 'in the picture' in the Keicho-period.21 It seems to be one of those vexed family resemblances. What we would really need in order to settle, or at least clarify the matter, is an Engi of the Hokoku-jinja, but that seems to be lost, if it ever existed.22 Nevertheless, for the time being I am willing to work on the following assumptions: 1) the worship of deified ancestors at their tomb is a fairly recent, medieval development, i.e. there is no continuous tradition that connects the so-called byoshinto of the kofun-jidai with the medieval developments that are instanced by the deification of Fujiwara no Kamatari; 2) the crucial precedent for later developments, i.e. the deifications of Hideyoshi and leyasu, was the worship of Kamatari as Tonomine-daimyojin; 3) the worship of leyasu gradually developed from the worship of a deified ancestor by his descendants to the worship of a god by the whole nation. 390

War //, Leiden, 1968; Czaya, M. Gods of Myth and Stone, New York, 1974; Danielou, A. Le polytheisme Hindou, Paris, 1960; Dowson, J. A classical dictionary of Hindu mythology and religion, London, 1953; Earhart, H. B. Japanese Religion: Unity and Diversity, Encino Cal. U.S.A., 1974; Eder, M. 'Die Reisseele in Japan und Korea' in Folklore Studies, 14: 215-244 1955; Geschichte der japanischen Religion, I. Band, Nagoya, 1978; Eliade, M., Turner, V. eds. Encyclopedia of Religion, New York, 1987; Florenz, K. Die kistorische Quellen der Shinto- Religion, Gottingen/Leipzig, 1919; Gorai, S. Inari-shinko no kenkyit, Tokyo, 1985; Griaule, M., Dieterlen, G. Le renard pale, Paris, 1965; de Groot, J. J. M. The Religious system of China, vol. 2, 4, 5; Taipei, 1976; Gundert, W. Japanische Religiomgeschichte, Tokyo, 1935; Hakeda, Y. H. Kukai, New York, 1972; Hayashiya, T. Momoyama, Kyoto, 1976; Herbert J. Aux sources du Japan: Le Shinto, Paris, 1964; Hori, I. Folk Religion of Japan, Chicago, 1968; Waga kuni minkan shukyo no kenkyu, 2 vol., Tokyo, 1985; Jensen, A. E. Mythos und Kult bei Naturvdlkern, Wiesbaden, 1951; Kamstra, J. H. Encounter or Syncretism, Leiden, 1967; 'Between inwardness and axis mundi' in Nederlands Tijdschrift voor Tkeologie: 230-241 1983; 'Unidentifiable Buddhas and Bodhisattvas of the Asuka period (592-697)' in Visible Religion, 4-5: 50-62,1986:1; Ben moeilijke keuze: degodsdunst van gewone mensen, Bolsward, 1986:2; 'Hijiri' in M. Eliade, V. Turner, Encyclopedia of Religion, vol. 6, 321 322, 1987; Kuroita, K. Kokushitaikei nos. 1 and 2: Nihonshoki, Tokyo, 1962; Levi-Strauss, C. Antkropologie structurale, Paris, 1958; Lewin, B. Aya and Hata, Wiesbaden, 1962; Martin, J. M. Le Shintoisme, 2 vol., Hongkong, 1927; Matsunaga, A. The Buddhist Philosophy of Assimilation, Tokyo, 1969; Ogura, K. Kokutai Jingi Jiten, Tokyo, 1940; Pelton, R. D. The trickster in West Africa, Berkeley, 1980; Shimonaka, Y. Shinto Daijiten, 3 vols., Tokyo, 1940; Toyakawa, R. 'Zenshu-jiin to Inari-shinko* in: S. Gorai ed. Inari-shinko no kenkyu, Tokyo, 1985; de Visser, M. W. 'The fox and the badger in Japanese folklore,' in: The transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. 36, part 3, Yokohama, 1909; Volker, T. The animal in Far Eastern Art, Leiden, 1950.

Chapter 38 w. j. BOOT The Religious Background of the Deification of Tokugawa Ieyasu 1. Tokugawa kinrei ko, 1st coll., vol. 4, pp. 300-301. 2. Quoted from a manuscript in the possession of Kyoto University, no. 41 shi 16. 3. Ishige Tadashi, 'Edo jidai koki ni okeru ten no shiso (Tosho-daigongen suhai shiso no henshitsu)', Bunka Shigaku, XXVII (1971,11), pp. 64-81; quotation ibid, p. 66. 4. Daidoji Yuzan, Ryogenyawa daii no ben-, compl. in Kyoho 13. Here quoted from Ishige, op. cit., p. 66. 5. Ochibo-shu tsuika; here quoted from Dai-Nihon Shiryo, XII, 24, pp. 227-228. 6. Dai-Nihon skiryo, XII, 24, loc. cit. 7. As background material for the remainder of this article, read my 'The Deification of Tokugawa Ieyasu,' The Japan Foundation Newsletter, XIV/5 (Feb. '87), pp. 10-13. Some of the points I mention below (or do not even mention: e.g. the deification of Oda Nobungag) are discussed there in greater detail. 8. Bonshun was a (bastard) son of Yoshida Kanesuke and the younger brother of Yoshida Kanemi. The Yoshida were hereditary advisers in Shinto matters to the court. For Bonsun's dates, cf. Kakei Iori, 'Bonshun no seibotsu no nenji ni tsuite,' Kokugo to kokubungaku, VIII, 5 (1931), pp. 101-104. 9. Text in Jigen-daishi zenshu, rpt, Tokyo: Kokusho Kankokai, 1976, vol. I, pp. 1-34. 10. Op. cit. pp. 35-65. 11. For more details cf. my article 'Tokugawa Ieyasu no shinkakka o megutte,' to appear in Omata Noriaki et ai., comp., Nikon kyoikushi ronso - Motoyama Yukikiko kyoju taikan kinen ronbunshu, Kyoto: Shibunkaku, 1988. 12. Cf. e.g. Toei-kaisan Jigen-daishi denki, in Jigen-daishi zenshu, I, p. 294. 13. Op. cit., pp. 118-126. 14. Gunsho ruiju, XV, p. 435; Tonomine engi, ibid,, pp. 430-438. It is interesting to note that no story of this kind appears in the Kaden, i.e. a biography of Kamatari dating from the Nara-period (text in Gunsho ruiju, III, pp. 689-693). 15. See Miyudono-no-ue no nikki under Keicho 4/3/5, quoted in Koji ruien: Jingi 3, p. 1655. Ooms (Tokugawa Ideology, pp. 49-50) writes that 'Hideyoshi requested that a shrine dedicated to himself be built next to the Hokoji, where he had erected the Great Buddha. 391

His divine title ...as stated in his will, was also an abbreviation of a name of Japan....' He does not, however, give the necessary references; it is not in any of the wills collected in the Hoko ibun. 16. See Honko kokushi nikki, vol. 3, p. 316 - vol. 4, p. 54, i.e. kan 20 and 21, which cover the whole period from the first till the eighth month of Genna 2. 17. Cf. Jigen-daiski zenshu, I, p. 294. 18. Honko-kokushi nikki, vol. 3, p. 382. 19. Cf. Tokugawa jikki, Toshogu go-jikki furoku 16, p. 285, and the sources quoted ibid. 20. Cf. Koji ruien:Jingi 4, p. 376, the quotation from the Shintokushufuroku. In connection with the Toshogu in Nikko the American businessman/journalist Francis Hail, who stayed in Japan from 1859 till 1866, makes mention of a statue of leyasu, the hair of which was that of leyasu himself: oral communication from Dr F. G. Notehelfer, who is at present preparing Hall's diary for publication. 21. Cf, Dai-Nikon Bukkyo Zensho: Jiin sosho 2, pp. 512-517. The last recorded instances before Keicho 12 were four cases in the Tenbun period. 22. The Library of Tenri University has in its possession a sheet of paper which is catalogued as 'fragment of the manuscript of the Hokoku-daimyojin engi' (Yoshida Bunko 34-97), but this is very inconclusive and not very illuminating. The thing that comes nearest to being an engi is, to my knowledge, the Hokoku-daimyojin sairei-ki by Ota Gyuichi (Zoku Gunsko Ruiju, III, pp. 223-231).

Chapter 39 MICHAEL ASHKENAZI Anthropological Aspects of the Japanese Meal: Tradition, Internationalization and Aesthetics REFERENCES CITED Befu Harumi, 1974, 'An ethnography of dinner entertainment in Japan' Arctic Anthropology 11:196-203; Cobbi, Jane, 1978, Le vegetal dans la vie japonaise: l'utih'sation alimentaire des plantes sauvages dans un pays de montagne. Paris: Publications orientalistes de France; 1984, 'Tradition et adoptions: Cuisines du Japon' Les Amis de Sevres. Juin, Cuisines et cultures; Cooper, Eugene, 1986, 'Chinese table manners: You are how you eat,' Human Organization 45(2): 179-184; Douglas, Mary, 1982, In the active voice. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul 'Food as a system of communication' pp. 82-124; Douglas, Mary, 1984, 'Introduction' in M. Douglas (ed) Food in the social order. N.Y.: Russell Sage Foundation; Farb, Peter and George Armelagos, 1980, Consuming Passions: The anthropology of eating, N.Y.: Washington Square Press; Frake, Charles O., 1984, 'How to ask for a drink in Subanun,' American Anthropologist 66(6): 127-132.; Goode, Judith, Karen Curtin, and Janet Theophano, 1984, 'Meal formats, meal cycles and menu negotiation in the maintenance of an Italian-American community' pp. 143-217 in M. Douglas (ed.) Food in the social order. N.Y.: Russell Sage Foundation; Goody, Jack, 1982, Cooking, cuisine and class. Cambridge: Cambridge U. Press; Gross, Jonathan, 1984, 'Measurement of calendrical information in food-taking behavior,' pp. 219-277 in M. Douglas (ed.) Food in the social order, N.Y.: Russell Sage Foundation; Hughes, Richard, 1978, 'Foreword' in D. Perkins (ed.) The China Gas Cookbook. Hong Kong: Hong Kong and China Gas Co; Kondo, Dorrine, 1985, "The way of tea: A symbolic analysis,' Man 20(2):287-306; Mennell, Stephen, 1985, All manners of food. Oxford: Basil Blackwell; Moeran, Brian, 1986, 'One over the seven: Sake drinking in a Japanese pottery community,' pp. 226-242 in J. Hendry and J. Webber (eds.) Interpreting Japanese society: Anthropological approaches. Oxford: JASO; Morris, Ivan, 1979, The world of the shining prince. Harmondsworth: Penguin; Murcott, Anne, 1982, 'On the social significance of the "cooked dinner" in South Wales.' Social Science Information 21(4/5):677-696; Norge, Jerome, 1975. 'On determining food patterns of urban dwellers in contemporary US society,' pp. 91-111 in M. Arnott, (ed.) Gastronomy: The anthropology of food and food habits. The Hague: Mouton; Powers, William K. and Powers, Maria M. 1984, 'Metaphysical aspects of the Oglala food system,' pp. 40-96 in M. Douglas (ed.) Food in the social order. N.Y.: Russell Sage Foundation; Rozin, Elizabeth, 1973, The flavor principle cookbook. New York,: Hawthorn; Rozin, Elizabeth, 1981, 'The structure of cuisine' in L. M. Barker (ed.) Psychobiology of human food selection. Westport, Conn.: AVI: Rozin, Elizabeth and Rozin, Paul, 1981, 'Some surprisingly unique characteristics of human food preferences,' pp. 243-252 in Alexander Fenton and Trefor Owen (eds.) Food in perspective. Edinburgh: John Donald Publishers; Sansom, George, 1973, Japan: A short cultural history. Tokyo: Tuttle.