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												  A Main Document V202ABSTRACT Title of dissertation: TELEVISION NEWS AND THE STATE IN LEBANON Jad P. Melki, Doctor of Philosophy, 2008 Dissertation directed by: Professor Susan D. Moeller College of Journalism This dissertation studies the relationship between television news and the state in Lebanon. It utilizes and reworks New Institutionalism theory by adding aspects of Mitchell’s state effect and other concepts devised from Carey and Foucault. The study starts with a macro-level analysis outlining the major cultural, economic and political factors that influenced the evolution of television news in that country. It then moves to a mezzo-level analysis of the institutional arrangements, routines and practices that dominated the news production process. Finally, it zooms in to a micro-level analysis of the final product of Lebanese broadcast news, focusing on the newscast, its rundown and scripts and the smaller elements that make up the television news story. The study concludes that the highly fragmented Lebanese society generated a similarly fragmented and deeply divided political/economic elite, which used its resources and access to the news media to solidify its status and, by doing so, recreated and confirmed the politico-sectarian divide in this country. In this vicious cycle, the institutionalized and instrumentalized television news played the role of mediator between the elites and their fragmented constituents, and simultaneously bolstered the political and economic power of the former while keeping the latter tightly held in their grip. The hard work and values of the individual journalist were systematically channeled through this powerful institutional mechanism and redirected to serve the top of the hierarchy.
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												  The 2021 Syrian Presidential ElectionJuly 2021 The 2021 Syrian Presidential Election Political deadlock and Syrian Burnout Hadia Kawikji Introduction The legitimacy of any position is based on two main elements, first the manner in which the individual attained the position, and second is the ability of the individual to fulfill the related responsibilities. For the first point, Bashar al-Assad’s Presidency in Syria was attained through heredity within a ludicrous system following his father who seized the power via a military coup. Both father and son ruled Syria for the last half a century with de-facto legitimacy, through nominal referendums completely dominated by the Ba’ath party. This was instead of an election that reflects the Syrian people’s will. In terms of the ability to fulfill the responsibilities of the presidency, many indicators showcase the regime’s failures to the Syrians. The recent years have witnessed the collapse of the Syrian pound to unprecedented levels, along with the displacement of more than half of the Syrian population,1 and the rise of extreme poverty to 82%,2 with the fact that 37% of the Syrian territories are outside of the regime’s control. Additionally, the violation of the Syrian decision is evidenced by the control of the Lebanese “Hezbollah”, Iranian militias, and Russian troops controlling over roughly 85% of the Syrian borders, finally yet importantly, the Syrian regime’s inability to protect its territory is illustrated by the haphazard attacks by Israel on Syrian land at any given time. In March 2011, the majority of the Syrian people called for the removal of the Assad regime and the transition to a democratic country.
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												  Public Transcript of the Hearing Held on 16 March 2015 in the Case Of20150316_STL-11-01_T_T128_OFF_PUB_EN 1/73 PUBLIC Official Transcript Procedural Matters (Open Session) Page 1 1 Special Tribunal for Lebanon 2 In the case of The Prosecutor v. Ayyash, Badreddine, Merhi, 3 Oneissi, and Sabra 4 STL-11-01 5 Presiding Judge David Re, Judge Janet Nosworthy, 6 Judge Micheline Braidy, Judge Walid Akoum, and 7 Judge Nicola Lettieri - [Trial Chamber] 8 Monday, 16 March 2015 - [Trial Hearing] 9 [Open Session] 10 --- Upon commencing at 10.40 a.m. 11 THE REGISTRAR: The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is sitting in an 12 open session in the case of the Prosecutor versus Ayyash, Badreddine, 13 Merhi, Oneissi, and Sabra, case number STL-11-01. 14 PRESIDING JUDGE RE: Good morning to everyone. We are sitting 15 today to hear the evidence of Mr. Bassem El-Sabeh, but first let's take 16 the appearances starting with the Prosecution. Good morning to you, 17 Mr. Cameron. 18 MR. CAMERON: Good morning, Your Honour. It's Graeme Cameron for 19 the Prosecution today, assisted by Ms. Tanja Zekaj. 20 PRESIDING JUDGE RE: And for the Legal Representative for the 21 Victims. 22 MR. HAYNES: Good morning, Your Honour. Peter Haynes and 23 Mohammad Mattar for the participating victims, assisted by Kinga Tibori. 24 PRESIDING JUDGE RE: And the Defence. 25 MR. AOUN: Mr. President, Your Honours, good morning. Good Monday, 16 March 2015 STL-11-01 Interpretation serves to facilitate communication. Only the original speech is authentic. 20150316_STL-11-01_T_T128_OFF_PUB_EN 2/73 PUBLIC Official Transcript Procedural Matters (Open Session) Page 2 1 morning, everyone.
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												  Transformations in United States Policy Toward Syria Under BasharNova Southeastern University NSUWorks Department of Conflict Resolution Studies Theses CAHSS Theses and Dissertations and Dissertations 1-1-2017 Transformations in United States Policy toward Syria Under Bashar Al Assad A Unique Case Study of Three Presidential Administrations and a Projection of Future Policy Directions Mohammad Alkahtani Nova Southeastern University, [email protected] This document is a product of extensive research conducted at the Nova Southeastern University College of Arts, Humanities, and Social Sciences. For more information on research and degree programs at the NSU College of Arts, Humanities, and Social Sciences, please click here. Follow this and additional works at: https://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd Part of the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons Share Feedback About This Item NSUWorks Citation Mohammad Alkahtani. 2017. Transformations in United States Policy toward Syria Under Bashar Al Assad A Unique Case Study of Three Presidential Administrations and a Projection of Future Policy Directions. Doctoral dissertation. Nova Southeastern University. Retrieved from NSUWorks, College of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences – Department of Conflict Resolution Studies. (103) https://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/103. This Dissertation is brought to you by the CAHSS Theses and Dissertations at NSUWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Department of Conflict Resolution Studies Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of NSUWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected].
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												  Economic Sanctions Case 2011-2: EU, US V. Syrian Arab Republic (2011Case Studies in Economic Sanctions and Terrorism Case 2011-2 EU, US v. Syrian Arab Republic (2011– : human rights, democracy) Gary Clyde Hufbauer, Peterson Institute for International Economics Jeffrey J. Schott, Peterson Institute for International Economics Kimberly Ann Elliott, Peterson Institute for International Economics Julia Muir, Peterson Institute for International Economics July 2011 © Peterson Institute for International Economics. All rights reserved. See also: Cases 86-1 US v. Syria (1986– : Terrorism) Additional country case studies can be found in Economic Sanctions Reconsidered, May 2008 Summary Post‐2000 the United States has imposed three rounds of sanctions against Syria, in response to: (1) Syria’s support for terrorist groups and terrorist activities in Iraq; (2) its pursuit of missiles and weapons of mass destruction (WMD) programs; and (3) the occupation of Lebanon. In May 2004, President George W. Bush issued Executive Order 13338, implementing the provisions in the Syria Accountability Act, including a freeze of assets of specified individuals and a ban on munitions and dual use items, a ban on exports to Syria other than food and medicine, and a ban on Syrian aircraft landing in or overflying the United States. Sanctions also required US financial institutions to sever correspondent accounts with the Commercial Bank of Syria because of money laundering concerns. In April 2006, Executive Order 13399 was implemented, which designates the Commercial Bank of Syria, including its subsidiary, Syrian Lebanese Commercial Bank, as a financial institution of primary money laundering concern and orders US banks to sever all ties with the institution. In February 2008 the United States issued Executive Order 13460, which freezes the assets of additional individuals.
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												  Who Rules Syria? Bashar Al-Asad and the Alawi 'Barons' | the Washington InstituteMENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 472 Who Rules Syria? Bashar al-Asad and the Alawi 'Barons' by Michael Eisenstadt Jun 21, 2000 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Michael Eisenstadt Michael Eisenstadt is the Kahn Fellow and director of The Washington Institute's Military and Security Studies Program. Brief Analysis he orderly transfer of power following the death of President Hafiz al-Asad, in accordance with Syria’s T constitutional succession mechanism, has highlighted the role of the formal power structures of the Syrian state: the presidency, cabinet, National Assembly, and, above all, the Ba’th party. It has, however, obscured the crucial role played by members of the informal power structure--the Alawi "Barons" who head key army and security posts--in the accession of Bashar al-Asad. Although the formal power structure imbues the regime with an aura of republican respectability, the members of the informal power structure ultimately ensure its survival. The Barons generally played a minor role in day-to-day decision making under Hafiz al-Asad, who tended to rely on civilian advisers and cabinet ministers--many of them Ba’thist apparatchiks--for advice on domestic, foreign, and economic policy. Yet, the Barons played a prominent role in fighting the Islamist opposition between 1976 and 1982, in thwarting Rif’at al-Asad’s 1984 coup attempt, and in ensuring a smooth succession following the death of the president. They are likely to continue to play a vital role in the coming months, as the regime consolidates power and either tries to stay the father’s course, or charts a new course under Bashar.
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												  Private Discounts to PrintDissent and Reform in the Arab World: Empowering Democrats A Report of the American Enterprise Institute Dissent and Reform in the Arab World Project Edited by Jeffrey Azarva, Danielle Pletka, and Michael Rubin The AEI Press Publisher for the American Enterprise Institute WASHINGTON, D.C. AEI Press Publisher for the American Enterprise Institute 1150 Seventeenth Street, N.W. Washington D.C., 20036 www.aei.org/books © 2008 by the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, Washington, D.C. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without permission in writing from the American Enterprise Institute except in the case of brief quotations embodied in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. The views expressed in the publications of the American Enterprise Institute are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the staff, advisory panels, officers, or trustees of AEI. Printed in the United States of America Contents INTRODUCTION, Jeffrey Azarva, Danielle Pletka, and Michael Rubin 1 PART I: ESSAYS BY PROGRAM PARTICIPANTS 9 1. BAHRAIN 11 Challenging Government Control of Media Omran Salman 11 2. EGYPT 19 Challenges to Democratization Ayat M. Abul-Futtouh 19 3. IRAQ 26 Pluralism—Its Wealth and Its Misery Haider Saeed 26 The Development of Shi’ite Islamic Political Theory Sama Hadad 32 4. JORDAN 41 Building a Political Will Jamil al-Nimri 41 The Challenge of Progress Emad Omar 51 5. LEBANON 59 Together: Equal but Different Jad al-Akhaoui 59 Hezbollah and the Problem of State Control Lokman Slim 63 A Country to Be Born Najat Sharafeddine 71 6.
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											The Russian-Syrian ConnectionThe Russian-Syrian Connection: Thwarting Democracy in the Middle East and the Greater OSCE Region Wednesday, March 9, 2005 1:00 PM - 3:00 PM 226 Dirksen Senate Office Building Statement for the record of Prof. Walid Phares, Florida Atlantic University and senior fellow, Foundation for the Defense of Democracies Mr Chairman, Mr Ranking member, members of the United States Helsinki Commission. I am pleased to participate in this timely hearing on the subject of Russian involvement with Syria. I shall focus my remarks upon the impact of Russian-Syrian relations on Lebanon. I am a professor of international relations, an expert on terrorism and am originally from Lebanon. I am the Secretary-General of the World Lebanese Cultural Union, and in that capacity I have just been in New York where I met seven ambassadors to the UN Security Council (Algeria, Argentina, Brazil, France, Greece, Russia, US) and the Deputy Secretary General for Middle Eastern affairs. While I am not an international lawyer, I shall draw your attention to international legal standards which I sincerely believe Russia is not meeting. As you know, the present turmoil in Lebanon stems from the assassination of the former prime minister, Rafiq Hariri, on February 14, 2005. Mr Hariri’s murder was, however, not a bolt from the blue. Rather, his brutal removal from the political scene followed months of threats by Syria and its proxies against Lebanese who have sought the end of the Syrian occupation of Lebanon in compliance with UN Security Council Resolution 1559 of September 2, 2004 (UNSCR 1559/2004).
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												  Middle East Brief 76Judith and Sidney Swartz Director Prof. Shai Feldman Lebanon at the Brink: The Impact of the Associate Director Kristina Cherniahivsky Syrian Civil War Charles (Corky) Goodman Professor of Middle East History and Prof. Joseph Bahout Associate Director for Research Naghmeh Sohrabi Senior Fellows Abdel Monem Said Aly, PhD as the Syrian civil war become also a Lebanese war? And if Khalil Shikaki, PhD Hso, how long will it take before the country comes apart at Myra and Robert Kraft Professor the seams? By several measures, conditions in today’s Lebanon of Arab Politics Eva Bellin already resemble those that prevailed in the country on the eve Henry J. Leir Professor of the of the civil war that consumed and transformed it between Economics of the Middle East 1975 and 1990. Regional tempests and perils, beginning with Nader Habibi the aftereffects of the 1973 October War but probably reflecting Sylvia K. Hassenfeld Professor of Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies as well aftershocks of the earlier 1967 Six-Day War, have been Kanan Makiya grafted onto Lebanon’s internal fragilities and cleavages so as Junior Research Fellow to gradually unravel the state. And the country’s seemingly Eric Lob, PhD unbearable burdens have been exacerbated by its numerous political factions—and by these factions’ armed militias pursuing their separate agendas. But if Lebanon is again confronting the possibility of imminent disintegration, is it inevitably heading toward a similar fate? When hearing some Lebanese say, “We’ve been there, done that—but are about to do it again,” many both in Lebanon and outside it doubt that the Lebanese have learned any useful lessons from their tragic recent history.
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												  London School of Economics and Political ScienceView metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by LSE Theses Online London School of Economics and Political Science Understanding and Explaining US-Syrian Relations: Conflict and Cooperation, and the Role of Ideology Jasmine K. Gani A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, November 2011. 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without the author's prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 114,900 words. (Approved word limit: 115,000). 2 Abstract This thesis is a study of US-Syrian relations, and the legacy of mistrust between the two states. While there has been a recent growth in the study of Syria’s domestic and regional politics, its foreign policy in a global systemic context remains understudied within mainstream International Relations (IR), Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), and even Middle Eastern studies, despite Syria’s geo-political centrality in the region.
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												  Statement of Unrwa Commissioner-General to the Virtual Advisory Commission – 23 November 2020STATEMENT OF UNRWA COMMISSIONER-GENERAL TO THE VIRTUAL ADVISORY COMMISSION – 23 NOVEMBER 2020 Mr. Chair, Mr. Vice-Chair, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, I am pleased to be with you here today, at this Advisory Commission meeting. Let me start by thanking the Chair, Mr. Sultan Mohammed Al Shamsi - Assistant Minister for International Development Affairs of the United Arab Emirates. I would like to acknowledge with appreciation the important role as Vice-Chair of Dr. Hassan Mneymneh - President of the Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee. And from the Subcommittee: I thank Ms. Jessica Olausson, Consul General of Sweden, Vice-Chairs: Mr. Jason Tulk, Head of Cooperation, Representative Office of Canada, Palestine, and Engineer Rafiq Khirfan, Director-General of the Department of Palestinian Affairs, Jordan. We are also honored by the presence of India and China as guests: Ambassador Sunil Kumar, the Representative of India to the State of Palestine, and Ms. Wang Xi, Counsellor at the Representative Office of China to the State of Palestine, are attending this Advisory Commission meeting. Finally, I wish to express my deep condolences on the passing of Mr. Saeb Erekat, a greatly respected Palestinian leader and tireless advocate for a just peace. I also wish to offer my deep condolences on the passing of Mr. Walid Muallem, the long-serving Foreign Minister of the Syrian Arab Republic, and a supporter of UNRWA Excellencies, distinguished delegates, On 10th November, I informed the Advisory Commission during an Extraordinary meeting that UNRWA’s core budget had run out of cash. I emphasized that the Agency faced this year a shortfall of 115 million Dollars, of which 70 million Dollars in new contributions are needed to cover November and December salaries of over 28,000 staff.
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												  Should Europe Help Syrian Refugees Return Home?POLICY BRIEF THE DISPLACEMENT DILEMMA: SHOULD EUROPE HELP SYRIAN REFUGEES RETURN HOME? Jasmine M. El-Gamal March 2019 SUMMARY European governments must decide when and how to protect Syrian refugees who are voluntarily returning home They should do so using their remaining levers of influence in Syria, in line with European interests and UNHCR protection parameters. European engagement on voluntary refugee returns should be limited, cautious, and conditional. Europe must work with Middle Eastern host countries to prevent forced refugee returns. European governments must talk to all relevant stakeholders in the Syrian conflict, particularly Russia. Introduction After eight years of fighting and destruction resulting in the largest humanitarian and refugee crisis of our time, the government of Bashar al-Assad has all but won Syria’s brutal war. As his regime tightens its grip on Syrian territory and as conditions for refugees in their host countries become increasingly unbearable, European governments now face the challenge of when and how to protect those who fled the conflict and now wish to return home. With donor fatigue increasingly palpable,[1] many EU member states unwilling to expand their resettlement quotas, and states such as Lebanon and Jordan facing difficulties sustaining adequate conditions for their refugee populations, the European Union should adopt a more humanitarian- focused policy that seeks to improve the living conditions of voluntarily returning refugees. In reality, some Syrian refugees in the region have already begun returning home – be it voluntarily or, in the case of Lebanon, under pressure from their hosts. And while Europe should clearly not actively encourage returns given that overall conditions are not yet safe for them to do so – and should work with regional host countries to prevent forced returns – this paper argues that the potential benefits of limited, cautious, and conditional European engagement on returns are worth the risks.