Civil Society, the Church, and Democracy in Southern Mexico: Oaxaca 1970-2007

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Civil Society, the Church, and Democracy in Southern Mexico: Oaxaca 1970-2007 CIVIL SOCIETY, THE CHURCH, AND DEMOCRACY IN SOUTHERN MEXICO: OAXACA 1970-2007 A Dissertation Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY by Juan Manuel Lombera January 2009 ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the process of transition to democratic governance in developing nations. In particular, it explores the role of civil society and of the progressive Catholic Church as a significant part of it in the democratization process at a sub-national level. The regional-temporal focus of this study is southern Mexico from the 1970s to the present, more specifically the predominantly indigenous state of Oaxaca. This dissertation fills a gap in the literature on the application of a concept, that of civil society, that arose in the context of the modernizing West to the democratization process of a Latin American and largely indigenous society. The choice of Oaxaca as an area for study allows for two main perspectives of analysis: first, it highlights the differences in state-society relationships that take place at a sub-national as compared to a national level, and the types of regimes resulting from these differences. Second, it emphasizes the way in which the highly indigenous character of Oaxaca’s population shapes the nature and goals of this state’s civil society. The central point of this dissertation is that civil society has been a significant factor in inducing democratization in Oaxaca by transforming the state-society relationship from co- optation to contestation, as well as in conveying the culturally determined political demands of the indigenous peoples to liberal political institutions. The success of civil society on this endeavor, however, depends not only on the composition of civil society itself but also on the complex array of rights, leaders, political opportunity for reform, and cultural environment in which civil society develops. iii More specifically, the processes of democratization and de-democratization in Oaxaca depend in large measure on the ways in which national and sub-national actors shape the balance between cooperative, confrontational, and radical forms of civil society. Where political opportunities for reform allow confrontational forces to gain great capacity to challenge categorical inequalities, the processes of democratization have greater chances of succeeding. Where national and sub-national elites are able to use cooperative and radical spaces in civil society to restrict contestation, de-democratization should be expected. iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Above all I wish to thank my three sons, Diego, Manuel, and Juan Carlos, and my partner, Nancy Farriss, for their love and support. My dissertation advisors, professors Richard Deeg, José Antonio Lucero, Joseph Schwartz, and Phillip Berryman provided invaluable advice and encouragement. Temple University gave me the opportunity to initiate a meaningful second career. My conversations with a large number of people in Oaxaca allowed me to begin understanding the complex social and political environment of the region. Especially helpful were Lupita Reyes, Marcos Leyva, Manuel Arias, José Rentería, Juan Ruiz Carreño, Roberto Raygoza, Franz Van der Hoff, Francisco W. Mairén, Sara Méndez, Adelfo Regino, Joel Aquino, Juanita Vázquez, Gustavo Esteva, Austreberta Luján, Ignacio Franco, Antonio González Roser, Jorge Herández Díaz, Victor Raúl Martínez Vásquez, Fausto Díaz Montes, Gloria Zafra, Victor Leonel Juan Marínez, Cipriano Flores Cruz, Othón Cuevas, Teresita de Jesús Santaella, Cristina Salazar, Beatriz Ramírez, Blanca Castañón, Maru Mata, Roberto Molina, Angeles Romero, Manuel Esparza, and Cristina Velázquez. In Mexico City, Luis del Valle, Clodomiro Siller, and Miguel Alvarez provided me with valuable insights on the role of the Church in bringing about social justice for the indigenous people. Karen Vellucci read the entire dissertation more than once and helped me root out errors. My deep appreciation to all of them. v TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT……………………………………………………………………….….………iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS………………………………………………………......................v LIST OF FIGURES………………………………………………………………...……..…viii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS………………………………………………………................ix CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION..................................................................................................................1 1.1 The Democratization Debate...................................................................................1 1.2 Aims and Central Points of this Study ....................................................................6 1.3 Theoretical and Empirical Conceptions of Civil Society........................................8 1.4 The Role of the Church……………………………………………………….….15 1.5 The Gradual Transformation of the State-Society Relationship..…………….….16 1.6 The Organization of this Dissertation……………………………………...…….23 1.7 Methodology and Case Selection ..........................................................................23 2. CIVIL SOCIETY AND DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION ...................................................29 2.1 Theories of Democratic Transition........................................................................31 2.2 Philosophical Conceptions of Civil Society..........................................................35 2.3 Civil Society in Practice ........................................................................................42 2.3.1 Some Controversies over the Practice of Civil Society...........................45 2.3.2 The Development of Civic Traditions......................................................55 2.4 Civil Society and Political Institutions..................................................................63 2.5 Civil Society and the Church.................................................................................71 2.6 Conclusion.............................................................................................................81 3. CIVIL SOCIETY IN OAXACA ..........................................................................................84 3.1 The State’s Attitude towards Indigeneity..............................................................86 3.2 Indigenous Civil Society .......................................................................................92 3.3 Indigenous Movement Organizations..................................................................100 3.3.1 Antecedents of Indigenous Movements..................................................101 3.3.2 Post-1992 Goal of Indigenous Movements: Multicultural Reforms......105 3.3.3 Challenges of Implementation of Multicultural Reforms ......................115 3.3.4 Contribution of Multicultural Reforms to Democratization..................119 3.3.5 Multicultural Reforms amidst Economic Neo-liberalism......................121 3.4 Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs).........................................................125 3.5 Conclusion...........................................................................................................128 vi 4. THE CHURCH IN OAXACA...………………………………………………………… 131 4.1 The Church’s Attitude towards Indigeneity………………………………….... 133 4.1.1.Indigenous Theology…………………………………………………. 138 4.2 The Origin of Church-sponsored Civil Organizations……………………...…. 141 4.2.1 Indigenous and Social Ministry……………………………………… 141 4.2.2 Youth Ministry….…………………………………………………….. 144 4.2.3 Base Ecclesial Communities (BECs).………………………………... 145 4.2.4 A Change of Attitude by the Church’s Hierarchy…………………..... 149 4.3 Five Church-led Democratization Initiatives……………………………...….. 156 4.3.1 The Church in the Isthmus………………………………………...…. 157 4.3.2 An Indigenous Coffee Cooperative………………………………...… 168 4.3.3 An Environmental Protection Project……………………………...… 170 4.3.4 The Preservation of the Woods………………………………...…….. 172 4.3.5 The Recognition of Indigenous Electoral Practices…………...…….. 173 4.4 Conclusion…...…………………………………………………………...…… 175 5. SUB-NATIONAL POLITICS…………………………………………………...……… 177 5.1 Decentralization and Sub-national Democratization…….…..……………...… 180 5.2 The State-Society Relationship in Oaxaca 1986–1998: Semi-clientelism and Pluralistic Tolerance………………………………………………………….. 187 5.3 State-Society Relationships in Oaxaca 1998–2007: Authoritarian Clientelism……………………………………….……………….…...………. 193 5.4 Citizens’ Response to Authoritarianism…………………………...………….. 205 5.5 Conclusion………….…………………..…………………………...………… 225 6. CONCLUSIONS..………………………………………………………………….…… 229 6.1 The Role of Civil Society...…………………………………………………… 230 6.2 The Role of the Progressive Catholic Church….………………………………233 6.3 Elite Pacts………………………………………………………………………235 6.4 Conditions and Processes Required for Democratization...…………………… 237 REFERENCES CITED….………………………………………………...……………….. 243 vii LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE Page 1.1 Regions of Oaxaca.......................................................................................................xii 1.2 Districts of Oaxaca .................................................................................................... xiii 5.1 Distribution of Oaxaca's Municipalities Governed by the Party System ..................189 5.2 Oaxaca's Vote for President.......................................................................................190 5.3 Oaxaca's Vote for Directly Elected Federal Representatives....................................191 5.4 Oaxaca's Vote for Governor ......................................................................................203
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