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Home , Equal opportunity, Symbolic racism

2 RACIAL ATTITUDES INTHE Laissez-Faire : 1990s The Crystallization of a Kinder, Gentler, Antiblack Change Lawrence Bobo, James R. Kluegel, and Continuity and - Ryan A. Smith

Studies of racial attitudes in the present a difficult puzzle. Edited On the one hand, several recent studies point to the steadily improving by racial attitudes of whites toward (Steeh & Schuman Steven A. Tuch 1992; Firebaugh & Davis 1988). Theseattitudinal trends are reinforced by many more tangible indicators, most notably the size, relative security, Jack K. Martin and potentially growing influence of the black middle class (Dawson 1994; Landry 1987). On the other hand, a number of social policies put for­ ward to improve the status of African Americans and other minorities, such as , are often contested if not ubiquitously unpop­ ular (Bobo & Smith 1994; Kluegel & Smith 1986). Again, signs of negative racial attitudes are borne out by a number of tangible indicators, such as the burgeoning evidence of racial experienced by blacks almost irrespective of background (Bobo & Suh 1995; Kirschenman & Neckerman 1991; Feagin & Sikes 1994; Braddock & McPartland 1987; Waldinger & Bailey 1991; Zweigenhaft & Domhoff 1991). These contradictory patterns open the door to sharply opposed inter­ pretations of the real state of racial attitudes and black-white relations. Some scholars argue that antiblack racism, although not completely dead, plays only a delimited and, more important, diminishing role in (Sniderman & Piazza 1993; Roth 1990) and other spheres of social life 1 (D'Souza 1995). With equal plausibility, some scholars argue that anti­ black racism lives on, powerfully influencingpolitics (Sears 1988; Kinder Westport, Connecticut & Sanders 1996), a wide array of other social outcomes (Massey & Denton London

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1993), and day-to-day encounters between blacks and whites (Feagin & RACISM IN THE MODERN ERA Sikes 1994). We aim to bring greater theoretical coherence to the hotly debated Is Racism an Appropriate Label? question of whether the racial attitudes of reflect less The social science literature has put forward many different definitions racism now than was evident 40 -or even 20 -years ago. We argue that of racism (Chesler 1976; See & Wilson 1988). For our purposes, Wilson in post-World War II U.S. society, the racial attitudes of white Americans offers a particularly cogent specification when he argues that racism is involve a shift from Jim Crow racism to laissez-faire racism. As part of "an ideology of racial domination or exploitation that (1) incorporates this change, we witnessed the virtual disappearance of overt bigotry, of beliefs in a particular race's cultural and/or inherent biological inferiori­ demands for strict segregation, of advocacy of -mandated ty and (2) uses such beliefs to justify and prescribe inferior or unequal discrimination, and of adherence to the belief that blacks are the categor­ treatment for that group" (Wilson 1973, p. 32). Jim Crow racism readily ical intellectual inferiors of whites. The decline of full-blown Jim Crow fits within this definition of a racist ideological system. The express aim racism, however, has not resulted in its opposite: a thoroughly antiracist of the ideology was the domination and exploitation of African Ameri­ popular ideology based on an embracing and democratic vision of the cans; it mandated inferior treatmentacross virtually all domains of social common humanity, worth, dignity, and place in the polity for blacks life; and all of this was justified on the premise that blacks were the inher­ alongside whites. Instead, the institutionalized racial inequalities created ent biological inferiors of whites (Fredrickson 1971). Thus, the ideology by the long era of followed by Jim Crow racism are now popular­ was manifest in institutional arrangements, such as separate schools and ly accepted and condoned under a modem or laissez-faire voting restrictions, a variety of collective behaviors, such as , racist ideology. and readily expressed individual beliefs. Laissez-faire racism involves persistent negative stereotyping of It is less apparent that the modem period is as fittingly termed "racist." African Americans, a tendency to blame blacks themselves for the black­ Race relations and the status of African Americans have changed marked­ ly in the post-World War II period (Jaynes & Williams 1989). Nonetheless, white gap in socioeconomic standing, and resistance to meaningful poli­ a strong case can be made that the United States remains a racially domi­ cy efforts to ameliorate U.S. racist social conditions and institutions. Jim native society: We believe it appropriate to continue to speak of a racist Crow racism was at its zenith during a historical epoch when African social order in the United States. We use the phrase "laissez-faire racism" Americans remained a largely southern, rural, agricultural workforce; to emphasize, however, that the forms and mechanisms of that domina­ when antiblack bias was formal state policy (that is, separate schools and tion are now far more loosely coupled, complex, and permeable than in other public accommodations); and when most white Americans com­ the past. fortably accepted the idea that blacks were inherently inferior. Laissez­ The basis for retaining the term "racism" is twofold. First, African faire racism is crystallizing in the current period as a new U.S. racial belief Americans remain in a unique and fundamentally disadvantaged struc­ system at a point when African Americans are a heavily urbanized, tural position in the U.S. and polity. This disadvantaged posi­ nationally dispersed, and occupationally heterogeneous population; tion is partly the legacy of historic racial discrimination during the slav­ when state policy is formally race neutral and committed to antidiscrirni­ ery and Jim Crow eras. Even if all direct racial bias disappeared, African nation efforts; and when most white Americans prefer a more volitional Americans would be disadvantaged because of the cumulative and mul­ and cultural, as opposed to inherent and biological, interpretation of tidimensional nature of historic racial in the United States. blacks' disadvantaged status. Furthermore, racial discrimination continues to confront African Ameri­ Our purpose in this chapter is threefold. First, we seek to clarify the cans, albeit in less systematic and absolute ways in its current form. concept of laissez-faire racism and to distinguish it from related notions, Rather than relying on state-enforced inequality as during the Jim Crow such as "." Second, we assess the record of change in era, however, modem racial inequality relies on the market and informal whites' racial attitudes in the light of our concept of laissez-faire racism. racial bias to re-create, and in some instances sharply worsen, structured Third, we develop the historical and theoretical basis for understanding racial inequality. Hence, laissez-faire racism. laissez-faire racism as the core thrust of the modem U.S. racial ethos. Our The unique structural disadvantage of African Americans is manifest­ argument draws heavily on the framework for understanding racial prej­ ed in several ways. Despite important relative gains on whites recorded udice developed in the work of Herbert Blumer. during the 1940s and the 1960s, the black-white gap in socioeconomic 18 RACIALA1TITUDES IN THE 1990s Laissez-Faire Racism 19

a re a e rmo a k a re a an a a e a st tus m ins no us. Bl c dults m in two- d- -h lf tim s s s o er s o es e e e e a e er e a e a r a (Ma sey & Dent n 1993). Although th e wa s me mod t d clin in th lik ly s whit s to suff from unemploym nt. This g p xists t vi tu l­ o ra a res e re b 0 0 a ea e a b a 0 a a level f ci l id ntial seg gation etween 198 and 199 (� rley & ly ch level of th educ tion distri ution (J ynes 199 ). If one c sts re b k e r e re a o re br a er e o b ere e a e F y 1994), lac s r main hype s g g ted (_Dent n 1994�. ":711�t is mo , o d n t t �sk a o�t "und mpl�ym nt" - th t is, falling out of th a e e e s ra .a a . b r r e e be ab e e k r r housing udit studi s show high l v l of drrect ci l discnmm tion by l� o fo ce ntir ly, ing un l to find full-tim wor , o wo king full e or an or a e an ear e r e a be o er e e a e ra s e e b k e ra r alt s and l dl ds ag inst African Am ric s (P c 1979; Tume tim t low p v ty-l v l w g te - th n th lac -whit tio in e e e o a e er . a r rban area r e e a o e 1992; Ying r 1996). Ther is mounting vidence that m rtg g lend s dis­ m jo u s has is n from th custom ry 2-to-1 disparity t v ry e a a s an er o o e e are ear r e a e er e a e e criminat g in t Afric Am icans, with s me f th mor c ful stud­ n ly 5-to-1 ove th p st two d cades (Licht 1988). Cons rv tiv sti­ s r a b a e e a er or a re e an e a e e a e b a e a e r ie showing aci l i s v n ft controlling f financi l sourc s d mat s show th t young, w ll- duc t d l cks who ar m tch d in wo k e a a ob s b e a r a e er e e an e ara er ea er e e s cr dit history(J ckson 1994). Residenti l m ility ha e n c itical p th­ xp i nc d oth r ch ct istics with whites still m 11 p c nt l s a a a o e e o s a e r e a e e e e ab arke w y to ssimil tion int th con mic and o�i l mains�r am fo o� r annu lly (Farley 1984). Studi s continu to docum nt dir ct l or m t rs 0 e ea . r a b e r e e o s e an groups (Liebe on 198 ). Y t it is d r that Afnc� Americans, mdu�ing disc imination t oth low-skill, nt y-l v l p sitions (Kir ch nm & e b a k e rm ab b a e ear e ker a r r k a er a e th l c middl class, face fo id le o st cles m th s ch for high­ N c m n 199�; Tu n� , Fix, � Struy 1991; W lding & B il y a s se e a s b r a an re ea k r qu lity hou ing. Such gr g tion i consequential. Neigh o hoods m y 1991) d mo hig�ly skilled positions (� gin & Si es 1994). A g owing vary greatly in e es s o a e s re a . e . a e a e s e an a e s rvic , ch ol quality, s fety, and l vel of exposu to chorus of studi s mdic t th t ven highly kill d d ccomplish d variety of unwanted social conditions (Massey, Gross, & Eggers 1991). b a k ana er r a s ra e a an e l c m g s encounte gl s ceilings in corpo t Americ (Fern d z e ro b e s reas o e e a a s a b a Ind ed, a particularly t u ling tr nd i th� �c il:� ov�rl�p �ong 1986; J n s 1986), prompting som n lysts to sugge t th t l cks will b b rs b o ra e o a r e er b a e er e e a su ur an ve us ur an l cation, c , and distinct p litic l Ju isdictions. n v e fully dmitted to th U.S. pow lite (Zweig nh ft & Domhoff e re e a ar e b a k er or e e e r a a er a e er b a k sa a e e In th ext m case, l g ly l c inn city (f xampl , D t oit) is 1991). In contr st to an earli er , how v , l c di dvant g in th e ra e o o e rea e ab r arke re ke rma e e municipal unit s pa t fr m the surr unding whit suburb� a s. This mod m l o m t is mo li ly to flow from info l r cruibn nt e e e a o e ke b s ro e an s a b a ra a e r is a d v lopm nt th t, if it continues, w uld w a n the � ic structur�l and p motion m ch i ms than from l nket ci l xclusion o er e e e be e b a e se e a int d pendency presum d to xist tw en l ck and whit communi- gm nt tion. ties (Massey & Hajnal 1995). e a a ere e ea e er b a k e a . . . Judg d g inst diff nc s in w lth, how v , l c -whit g ps in The problems of differential , differ nhals, dis­ e e a an e s ee abs e a r a e � n:p!oym nt st t�s d arning s m olut ly p lt y (J yn s .& parities in wealth, and racial residential segregation place African er­ e e a era e ere e e � Williams 1989; Oliv r & Shapiro 1995). Th v g diff nc s in w alth icans in a uniquely disadvantaged position in U.S. economy and polity. b a k s s a be e b a ar s�ow l c hou ehold l gging hind whit s y factor of ne ly 12 Adverse market trends, apparently race neutral in origin, have far more e or e o e ar e s b a k se tim s. F very n doll of w alth in white hou eholds, l c hou ­ pronounced negative effects on African Americans as a result. Over the o a e e s an e e e e o ea e b h lds h v l s th t n cents. In 1984 th m dian lev l f w lth h ld y past two decades, the U.S. economy has und rgone slow but modest a k o e s as a o 000 e gure � . . bl c h us hold w r und $3, ; for whit households, the fi o arp a a o as 000 e o se o o be ee 00 gr wth, sh ly rising inequ lity in w ges paid t high- and low-skill w $39, . Ind ed, white h u h lds with inc mes of tw n $7 5 workers (heavily favoring the former over the latter), and a gener�lly an 000 a e e ean r e an a e an d $15, h v "high r m net wo th and n t fin cial ss ts th sharp rise in the skill demands for workers made by employers (Danziger a k o a 000 0 000 a r a bl � h useholds m king $45, to $6 , " (St r 1992, p. 12). Th t is, & Gottschalk 1995). These general trends, however, appear to have wors­ e ear e b e e r b a e re whit s n th ottom of th white incom dist i ution h v mo ened the relative position of blacks in the labor force. The ea an b a k e e b a k e r b e w lth th l c s n ar the top of th l c incom dist i ution. W alth prospects of young black males relative to comparable white males s an a s a be r a r o a e an ea i in m y w y tte indic to f likely qu lity of lif th rnings declined during the 1980s, with the earnings of college-educated black e a (Oliv r & Sh piro 1995). males undergoing a particularly sharp drop during this period (Bound & a e a an e s o a e a Blacks occupy uniqu ly dis dv tag d po iti n in physical sp c , s ree an a ers a an an e F m 1992). well. D�mogr ph Douglas M ssey d N cy D nton (1989) conclud­ ar e e a an a e an er an e e r be e b a a e e re a Simil ly, th uniqu ly dis dv t g d position of Afric Am ic s ed that it �ak s s ns� to desc i th l ck condition s hyp rs g g tion e a o e re e a o e r e r e o e a e re e ra a m ans th t g v rnment policy tr nchments may ls hav disp opor­ - � condition wh r�m a.g oup simultan ously sc r s s xt m ly ci l­ tionate adverse effects. For example, it appears that the shift in federal so a e e r o e an a r res e ly i l t d from whit s on fou f fiv st dard me su es of id ntial support for higher from outright grants and scholarships to e a o ra e an er ans an a segr g tion. As c nt sted to th conditions of Asi Am ic d L ti­ loans hit African Americans particularly hard. There was a sharp an er an are e r ba e 0 e a a r nos, Afric Am ic s th only g oup, s d on 198 c nsus d t fo decline, both absolutely and relative to whites, in the chances that a black a e e ro an area ra k a e re a e e l rg m t polit s, to n s hyp rseg g t d from whit s high school graduate would go on to college beginning in about 1979 and 21 20 RACIALATIITUDES IN THE 1990s Laissez-Faire Racism continuing through the mid-1980s Gaynes & Williams 1989; Hauser Does Laissez-Faire Racism 1993a). This occurred for both black men and black women and occurred Differ from Symbolic Racism? largely across theclass spectrum in the black community. The trendruns against other evidence of rising black achievement scores relative to We are not the first or only analysts to attempt to conceptualize the whites and persistently high aspirations (Hauser & Anderson 1991; changing character of whites' attitudes toward blacks. One important line Hauser 1993b ). of research is that concerning symbolic racism. Although defined and Our second reason for retaining the term racism is that these racial ultimately measured in a variety of ways, the concept of symbolic racism inequalities exist in a social climate of widespread acceptance of notions proposes that a new form of antiblack has arisen in the United of black cultural inferiority. In the wake of the civil disorders of the 1960s, States. It is said to involve a blend of early learned socialvalues, such as H. Schuman (1971) called attention to the pronounced tendency of white the Protestant ethic and antiblack fears and apprehensions. In a context Americans to view the race problem as flowing from the freely chosen where segregationist and biological racismare less inevidence, according cultural behaviors of blacks themselves. The tendency to deny the mod­ to the symbolic racism researchers, it is this modem symbolic racism that em potency of discrimination and to see a lack of striving and effort on plays a more formidable role (Sears & Kinder 1971; McConahay & Hough the part of blacks as the key issue in black-white inequality has been con­ 1976). firmed in a number of subsequent investigations based on regional data Our concept of laissez-faire racism differs in two critical respects from sources (Apostle, Glock, Piazza, & Suelzle 1983; Sniderman & Hagen the theory of symbolic racism as proposed by David Sears and colleagues & 1985) and national data sources (Kluegel 1990; Kluegel & Bobo 1993; Tuch (Kinder Sears 1981). First, the theory of laissez-faire racism is explicitly & Hughes 1996). (With the publication of works, such as R. J. Hermstein based in a historical analysis of the changing economics and politics of and C. Murray's The Bell Curve (1994) and D'Souza's The End of Racism race in the United States. Even in the most extensive theoretical state­ (1995), one could argue that an incipient biological racism, no longer ments offered after two decades of research (Kinder 1986; McConahay plainly on the margins, is reasserting itself.) We review more fully below 1986; Sears 1988), the symbolic racism researchers have not satisfactorily and in a later chapter the evidence on the prevalence of belief in black cul­ explained why what they call old-fashioned racism went into decline or tural inferiority. The critical point is that sharp and, in some instances, why symbolic or modem racism assumes the specific form and content worsening racial inequalities exist. Rather than constituting a problem that it now does. In some respects, this theoretical silence on the causes of widely recognized as justifying ameliorative social intervention, howev­ the shift from old-fashioned to symbolic, or modem, racism is a virtual er, these conditions are comfortably accepted, if not in fact actively justi­ necessity of the logic of the theory. As originally formulated, the theory fied and explained, by many white Americans as a reflection of the choic­ expressly denies that there is a significant material social basis to the for­ es blacks themselves have made. mation of antiblack attitudes outside of processes of and the We try to use the term racism in a delimited sense. We argue neither operation of routine cognitive and emotional psychological processes that racial discrimination is the only factor constraining black opportuni­ (Kinder & Sears 1981; Sears, Hensler, & Speer 1979). ty in the modem period nor that race is as central a factor in the life We argue that Jim Crow racist ideology reflected the economic and chances for any given black individual as it was in the pre-civil era political needs, as well as the prevailing cultural ideas, of a specific his­ (Wilson 1978). Indeed, we have emphasized the role of the market, the torical period and set of actors. The setting was the post-CivilWar South. formally race-neutral and antidiscrimination posture of the modem state, The critical actors were the old Southern planter elite. The cultural trend the shift away from biological racist ideas, growing class heterogeneity was the rise and scientific legitimacy accorded notions of biological among African Americans, and the informal, complex, loosely coupled, racism. As the economic and political power of these historic conditions and more permeable character of the modem color line. Nevertheless, we and actors waned, as cultural trends turnedagainst biological racism, and use the term racism to characterize the modem period and common pat­ as the power resources of the black community rose, Jim Crow social terns of attitudes and belief. We do so because African Americans remain structures and, ultimately, Jim Crow ideology were defeated. Rising from in uniquely disadvantaged positions despite greater class differentiation the collapse of Jim Crow racism, we argue, is laissez-faire racism. Thelat­ within the black community; because racial discrimination of both his­ ter set of ideas legitimates persistent black oppression in the United toric and a variety of modem types plays a part in the social reproduction States, but now in a manner appropriate to a modem, nationwide, postin­ of distinctly racial disadvantage; and because a large segment of white dustrial free labor economy and polity. In effect, a significant segment America attributes black-white inequality to the failings of black . of white America effectively condones as much black disadvantage and RACIALATIITUDES IN THE 1990s Laissez-Faire Racism 23 22 segregation as the legacy of historic discrimination and modem-day free­ PATTERNS OF CHANGE IN RACIALATTITUDES r a r u market fo ces. and informal soci l mechanisms can eprod ce or even The longest trend data from national sample surveys may ?e �ound for a rba r oo h o ab o a . ex ce te. Unde st d in this fas i n, the l els Jim Cr w r cism and racial attitude questions that deal with matters of racial principles, the laissez-faire racism are both more concrete and historically well specified , lementation of those principles, and social distance preferences. than the vague terms old-fashioned racism and modem racism used in s o abou r r so o b ra �! ti ns t p inciple ask whethe U.S. ciety �h �l� e inte� ted bo ra r the sym lic cism lite ature. or segregated and engage in equal treatment of individuals without o ur or o a r a r s roo a so . Sec nd, o the y f laissez-f i e r cism is exp e sly ted in ci­ regard to race. Such questions do not raise issues of the practical steps ological theory of prejudice. Below we elaborate on H. Blumer's classic a h b s ar o a o h a r o o a s ual th t mig t e nece s y t cc mplis gre te integ�ati n r s ure eq statement on prejudice as a sense of group position (Blumer 1958), which treatment. Implementation questions ask what actions, usually by gov­ places a subjective, interactively and socially created, and historically ernment (and, especially, the federal government), ought to be taken to emergent set of ideas about appropriate status relations between groups bring about integration, to prevent discriminatio�, ru:i�to a�hie�e greater at the center of any analysis of racial attitudes. The framework is one that . equality. Social distance questions ask about the individual s will1;flgness takes seriously the imperatives that derive from both the institutionalized to personally enter hypothetical contact sett gs in schools or neighbor­ n: _ . structural conditions of social life as wellas from the processes of human hoods where the proportions of blacks to whites vary from virtually all interaction, subjectivity, and interpretation that lend meaning to social white to heavily black (Schuman, Steeh, & Bobo 1985). conditions and thereby guide behavior. Symbolic racism, in contrast, was explicitly premised on a sociocultural theory of prejudice (Kinder & Sears 1981). Such theories place central importance on social learning and the The Decline of Jim Crow Racism psychological-affective nature of racial attitudes (Allport 1954; Katz 1991; The gradual retreat of Jim Crow racism is seen most clearly in e . � Sears 1988). trends for questions on racial principles. These types of questions provide Under the group position theory, the crucial factors are: first, a sense the largest and most consistent pool of evidence on how the attitudes of among members of the dominant racial group of proprietary claim or white Americans toward blacks have changed. With crucial baseline sur­ entitlement to greater resources and status and, second, a perception of veys having been conducted in 1942, tren�s fo:m ost racial prin:ip�e ques­ threat posed by subordinate racial group members to those entitlements. tions show a steady increase among whites m support for principles of Together, the feelings of entitlement and threat become dynamic social and equality. Whereas a solid majority, 68 percent, of forces as members of the dominant racial group strive to maintain a priv­ white Americans in 1942 favored segregated schools, only 7 percent took ileged status relative to members of a subordinate racial group. From this such a position in 1985. Similarly, 55 percent of whites surveyed in 1944 vantage point, as the economic and political foundations of the Jim Crow thought whites should receive preference over blacks in access to , social order weakened, had to be justified and defended compared with only 3 percent who offered such an opinion as long ago as on new and different grounds. Jim Crow racist ideology lost its structur­ 1972. Indeed, so few people were willing to endorse the discriminatory al supports and, therefore, eventually lost its persuasive appeal to the response to this question on the principle of race-based discrimination mass of white Americans. Whites still enjoyed a substantially greater that it was dropped from national surveys after 1972. On both of these share of economic, political, and prestige resources than African Ameri­ issues, then, majority endorsement of the principles of segregation and cans, however, despite important changes in the magnitude and perme­ discrimination have given way to overwhelming majority support for ability of the color line. Furthermore, many whites perceived black integration and equal treatment (unless otherwise noted, all percentages demands as threatening incursions on their interests and prerogatives. are taken from Schuman, Steeh, & Bobo 1985). Hence, in our argument, laissez-faire racist attitudes emerged to defend This pattern of movement away from support for Jim Crow toward white privilege and explain persistent black disadvantage under sharply apparent support for racial holds with equal force f?r ques­ changed economic and political conditions. It is the sense of entitlement tions dealing with issues of residential integration, access to public trans­ and threat, as delineated in Bl umer's group position theory of prejudice, portation and public accommodations, choice among qualified candi­ that we believe gives us the greatest theoretical leverage in accounting for dates for political office, and even racial intermarriage. To be sure, the changes in whites' racial attitudes in the United States. The full import of high absolute levels of support seen for the principles of school integra­ this position we develop below. tion and equal access to jobs (both better than90 percent) are not seen for

28 RACIALATIITUDES IN THE 1990s Laissez-Faire Racism 29

Despite these patternsth ere is no evidence of a broad backlash in racial To reject Myrdal's guilt hypothesis does not mean embracing the posi­ attitudes. Many have expressed special concern that young adults, those tion that in the main, whites' racial attitudes reflect undifferentiated hos­ who underwent critical socializing experiences during the Reagan-Bush tility toward blacks. First, at a societal level, the American creed was years, are the source of a racial backlash. Work by C. Steeh and H. Schu­ clearly an important cultural and ideological resource used by civil rights man (1992) indicates no distinctive backward movement among younger activists in the struggle for social change. In this more societal but causal­ white adults, who continue to be a bit more liberal than their immediate ly delimited sense, Myrdal's analysis seems more telling. Second, an argu­ predecessors. What evidence there is of backward movement is quite ment closely related to Myrdal's formulation can be called the ambiva­ issue specific. During the 1980s, most whites, regardless of age, became lence hypothesis. There is evidence of internal complexity and less supportive of policies seeming to call for racial preferences for ambivalence in the views on race held by many white Americans. Indeed, minorities. Katz and Hass (1988) proposed that whites' racial attitudes are profound­ There is also little sign that whites' understanding of the causes of ly ambivalent, mixing both aversive and sympathetic tendencies. The black-white will change in favorable ways. How inclination that predominates in thinking is a function of immediately e e e e e e whites perceive and explain the black-white socioeconomic gap is an salient cont xtual factors. Using coll g student subj cts in exp rim ntal e e e e e important input to whether they will support or oppose policies designed s ttings, Katz and colleagues hav shown that cont xtual cu s that mak , hard work, and self-reliance salient will also incline whites to improve the position of blacks (Kluegel & Smith 1982, 1986). The more to focus on blacks' shortcomings in these areas. Contextual cues that rein­ individualistic the attributions made for black-white inequality (for force egalitarianism and , in contrast, tend to elicit a more sym­ example, blacks do not try hard enough), the less open to supporting gov­ patheticr esponse to blacks. ernment intervention on behalf of blacks an individual is likely to be. The The ambivalence theory, however, fails to specify whether there is a more structural the attributions made for black-white economic inequali­ predominant tenor to whites' racial attitudes, nor does it well specify how ty (for example, blacks face racial discrimination), the more open to sup­ these ambivalent feelings are likely to play out in concrete social settings. porting intervention an individual may be. As Kluegel's cohort analyses Perhaps most important, the theory seems unable to explain the persistent (1990) have shown, however, there has been little or no change in the and substantial opposition to a range of social policies aimed at substan­ denial of discrimination or in the prevailing tendency to attach individual tially improving the material conditions of African Americans. blame for the black-white socioeconomic status gap. These cohort studies are valuable, but they are also limited. All of these analyses of cohort replacement or individual change as sources of the The Decline of Biological Racism sweeping increase in support for and inequality are not A second substantive explanation of the broad progressive trend is the explanatory. The analyses provide a statistical decomposition of trends, possibility that key beliefs in the case for and discrimi­ not substantive accounts of the roots of the change. nation suffered a direct cultural assault and quickly eroded. Surveys showed that popular acceptance of the belief that blacks were less intelli­ Myrdal's Hypothesis gent than whites went into rapid decline in the post-World War II peri­ od. In 1942, 53 percent of white Americans nationwide expressed the e e e e On possibile xplanation of th chang is Myrdal's (1944) guilt opinion that blacks were less intelligent. By 1946 this number had hypothesis. He proposed that the discomfort and internalt ension created declined to 43 percent, a IO-percentage-point drop in only four years. By by the ever-raging conflict in the hearts of white Americans would 1956, fully 80 percent of whites nationwide rejected the idea that blacks increasingly be resolved in favor of racial equality. Any number of direct were less intelligent; this is rapid change. It is especially telling that this efforts to test Myrdal's hypothesis have failed. Even in the 1940s and change occurred well before the height of the and 1950s, few whites felt that blacks were unfairly treated (Hyman & Sheat­ thus presumably before the larger national climate shifted decisively in sley 1956; Williams 1964). Those who acknowledged differences in treat­ favor of protecting the civil rights of African Americans. ment were quick to offer justifications for it (Westie 1963). Even more What seemed the bedrock belief in the case for a racially segregated recent and novel tests of Myrdal's idea produced no support for it (Cum­ and discriminatory social order had undergone a precipitous drop in mings & Pinnel 1978). The empirical research literature provides no sup­ acceptance. Consequently, it is less surprisingthat support for racial seg­ port for the Myrdalian hypothesis at the individual level. regation and discrimination in schools, in housing, and the like would

32 RACIALATTITUDES IN THE 1990s Laissez-FaireRacism 33

Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (1982), The position of blacks as an impoverished and heavily oppressed agri­ provides a rich analysis of how socioeconomic and demographic shifts cultural labor force began to shift decisively with the decline of "King fundamentally altered the level of power resources of the black commu­ Cotton." Increasing foreign , the introduction of new tech­ nity. Aldon Morris's The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement: Black Com­ nologies and of synthetic fibers, the boll-weevil infestation, and the munities Organizing for Change (1984) reveals in detail the internalo rgani­ declining centrality of cotton to the U.S. export economy began to push zational dimensions of strategies used by black communities and leader­ more and more blacks away from the rural South in order to earna living. ship as they mobilized the growing resource base in their own communi­ According to McAdam, "the factor most responsible for undermining ties for political and economic gain.J. M. Bloom's book Class, Race, and the the political conditions that, at the tum of century, had relegated blacks to Civil Rights Movement (1987) helps pinpoint the great success of the civil a position of political impotence ...w ould have to be the gradual collapse rights movement as the political defeat of the old planter aristocracy, of cotton as the backbone of the southern economy" (1982, p. 73). When whose economic fortunes were most dependent on the Jim Crow stric­ measured by the amount of cotton acreage harvested and the average sea­ tures that had locked many blacks in a condition of poverty and agricul­ sonal price of cotton per pound, the decline in cotton as the backbone of tural labor. Taken together, these works provide a rich sociological analy­ Southern economy was enormous. The price of raw cotton took a nose­ e ro o en e o n o an en sis of how the interweaving of the economy and polity resulted in div "f m a high f 35 c ts p r p u d in 1919 t less th 6 c ts in 1931" (McAdam 1982, p. 75). From 1931 to 1955, the price of raw cotton changes in the status of blacks and set the for the emergence of a actually rose; yet during this same period, in an attempt to increase the new U.S. ideology on race. demand for cotton, the total amount of cotton harvested significantly decreased. Growing Power Resources in Black Communities In addition, with World War I and the cessation of heavy European , there was a growing need for black labor in the industrial As long as blacks remained a heavily oppressed, poorly educated, North. The combination of these and other forces led to one of the great­ Southern and rural labor force, they were unlikely to be able to mount est internalmig rations of all time. Upwards of 200,000 blacks migrated to effective political resistance to the Jim Crow social order. According to the North in the first decade of the century, while the next decade saw the McAdam, four factors presage the emergence of a sustained and potent largest black outmigration at more than 500,000 (McAdam 1982, p. 74). civil rights movement. A series of reinforcing economic and demograph­ The migration of blacks reduced the number of Southernblack farm oper­ ic changes led to expanded political opportunities for blacks.Th ese trans­ ators. From a high of slightly more than 915,000 in 1920, the number of formations increased the potential within black communities to develop black farm operators plummeted to a low of 267,000 by 1959 (McAdam stronger indigenous organizations. When coupled with a more receptive 1982, p. 95). Blacks thus shifted from a largely rural and Southern op pu­ political climate at the national level in the post-World War II period, a lation to a heavily urban and increasingly Northern op pulation. major transformation of political consciousness within the black popula­ These changes had the concomitant effect of altering the resource base tion took shape. The end result was a sustained and effective movement of critical black institutions, such as the church, black colleges and uni­ of protest for social change. versities, and the NAACP. The rise in the numbers of blacks in urban set­ During the Jim Crow era, core institutions of the black community that tings had the effect of increasing black economic resources while reduc­ would later become engines of the civil rights movement - the black ing the level of intimidation and violence used to repress blacks. Urban r o e e an e i ie an or i io e chu ch, black c ll g s d univ rs t s, d gan zat ns such as th black church congregations tended to be much larger and to have more n o i n r e an e o ore e e Natio al Ass c atio fo th Adv c ment of C l d P opl (NAACP) substantial financial support, which facilitated the hiring of better trained - were fledgling versions of what they would become. From roughly and better educated ministers. These forces, coupled with greater politi­ 1880 through 1930, not only did the black church espouse an other-world­ cal latitude afforded blacks in urban settings, contributed to a shift in the ly theology of waiting for better treatment in the afterlife, but also black theological emphasis within many black churches toward an increasing congregations tended to be small, the churches were financially strapped, concern for in the here and now. and ministers were often poorly educated. Black colleges at the time were The growing success of the NAACP legal strategy, which initially - sorely underfunded, providing little more than a high school equivalent sought to force Southern states to live up to the doctrine of separate but education. The NAACP, founded in 1909-10, was principally a Northern equal, had led to important increases in the resource base at many histor­ organization, still crafting its long-term legal strategy for change. ically black colleges and . Thus, more blacks began to receive

36 RACIALATIITUDES IN THE 1990s Laissez-Faire Racism 37

The impetus, the organization, the leadership, and the control of this movement "These killings, by no means the only ones, were acts of terror designed rested in the hands of the traditional black-belt ruling class that had emerged after to force blacks back into their place. They were part of the larger process Reconstruction.That class was still centered in the black belt, though in most cases of violence and intimidation in that period" (1987, p. 101). One study now in small towns. Its members were businessmen and bankers in these areas, reported that upwards of 530 cases of murder against blacks occurred as well as merchants and landlords.... It was the old Southern ruling class that within a three-year period, between 1955 and 1958. The major effect of set state policy. It was, moreover, the Deep South states of Georgia, Mississippi, such terror was a precipitous drop in registered black voters throughout , Louisiana, and South Carolina that, in addition to Virginia made up the the South. For example, in Mississippi, prior to the Brown decision, "there core of the resistance. In these states the old Southernruling class remained the had been 265 registered black voters in three black belt counties .. . by strongest. In almost everysingle case where the White Citizens Council emerged, later summer in 1955 there were only 90. In the whole state the number of they were led and organized from the black belt. (1987, pp.101-102) black voters declined from 22,000 to only 8,000 between 1952 and 1956" (Bloom 1987, p. 101). It was this old planter elite, still heavily located in cotton-producing The efforts of the WCCs and others committed to the Jim Crow social black-belt areas, that most depended on the Jim Crow social order for order did not succeed. The civil rights movement achieved pivotal victo­ their livelihoods. As such, leadership of the WCCs was often drawn from ries - victories that crushed the institutionalized basis of the Jim Crow the upper classes. The WCCs drew their leadership "primarily from the South. With the passage of the and the Voting ranks of the white community's business, political, and social leadership. Rights Act of 1965, the Jim Crow social order, the political power of the . . . Theseare the same people who made up the 'courthouse cliques' that older planter elite, and the arrangements they had created lay in ruins . ran the South, the 'banker-merchant-farmer-lawyer-doctor-governing class"' (Bloom 1987, p. 102). The WCCs directed both economic and political intimidation at blacks The Link to Mass Racial Attitudes who attempted to challenge their subordinate status. Indeed, although The declining importance of cotton to the larger U.S. economy and as the leaders of the WCC were drawn from the ranks of the most respected a source of livelihood for blacks opened the door to tremendous econom­ leaders of the South, they were not above committing or sanctioning acts ic and, ultimately, political opportunity for African Americans. These of violence against blacks to protect their interests. Although violence opportunities - stronger churches, colleges and universities, and politi­ against blacks was more frequent in an earlier era and more commonly cal organizations - produced a sustained movement of protest for racial associated with the tactics used by the , subsequent to the justice. The movement and the organizations it created had indigenous Brown decision, violence against blacks on the part of the WCCs became leadership, financing, and a genuine mass base of support. Through cre­ an effective tool, particularly in discouraging blacks from voting. Mur­ ative, carefully designed, and sustained social protest, this movement ders sprang up all over the South, most noticeably in places such as successfully toppled a distinct, epochal form of racial oppression; a sys­ Mississippi, with the effect of causing terror in blacks throughout the tem of oppression of African Americans that was no longer essential to region. After economic pressures failed, for example, a leader of the the interests and needs of a broad range of U.S. political and economic NAACP was wounded by a shotgun for not giving up his right to vote; a elites. black minister who promoted black voting was murdered; and a black Quite naturally then, widespread cultural attitudes endorsing elements political leader who sought to teach blacks how to vote by absentee ballot of the Jim Crow social order began to atrophy and decay under a relent­ to avoid violence at the polling booth was murdered. Perhaps the most less attack by blacks and their white allies. Segregationist positions were noteworthy case was the murder of Emmit Till, the 14-year-old boy who under steady assault and increasingly lacked strong allies. We suggest the was "kidnapped from his grandfather's home in the middle of the night, end product of these forces, the decline of Jim Crow racism, is seen in the pistol whipped, stripped naked, shot through the head with a .45 caliber broad patternof improvement in the racial attitudes of whites in the Unit­ Colt automatic, barb-wired to a 74 pound cotton gin fan, and dumped ed States. shifted decisively against the principles of seg­ into twenty feet of water in the Tallahatchie River" for having reportedly regation, antiblack discrimination, and the bedrock premise of the Jim "wolf-whistled" at a white (Bloom 1987, p. 101). Crow social order that blacks were the innate intellectual inferiors of Such extreme acts of violence meant that the eventual dismantling of whites. Jim Crow loomed large in the minds of many whites. In desperation, Although monumental accomplishments, the Brown decision, the Civil some whites embarked upon a campaign of terror. As Bloom explains: Rights Act of 1964, and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 primarily secured 38 RACIAL AITITUDES IN THE 1990s Laissez-Faire Racism 39

the basic rights of African Americans. The successes of the make understandable a preference for relatively little group differentia­ civil rights mo ement did not end racialized social identities among black tion and inequality under some social conditions, or for a great deal of dif­ . � or �hitE� Amencar:is (Sh�atsley 1966); they did not eradicate sharp black­ ferentiation and inequality under others. white differences in social and economic status (Duncan 1968· Lieberson By this logic, decreasing advocacy of the principle of segregated & Fu�uitt 1�67; S!egel 1970); and they did not undo nationwide patterns schooling does not mean a desire for greater contact with blacks or even of racial residential segregation (Taeuber & Taeuber 1965). That is, the a positive value attached to integrated education. From the vantage point e�o�ous and far-reaching gains of the civil rights movement did not of group position theory, it means declining insistence on forced group eliminate stark patterns of racial domination and inequality that existed inequality in educational institutions. Declining support for segregated above, beyond, and irrespective of the specific dictates of the distinctly public transportation does not signal a desire for more opportunities to SouthernJim Crow system. interact with blacks on buses, trains, and the like. Instead, it means a In the wake of the collapse of Jim Crow social arrangements and ideol­ declining insistence on compulsory inequality in group access to this ogy, �e new ideology of laissez-faire racism began to take shape. This domain of social life. new ideology concedes basic citizenship rights to African Americans· Under the group position theory, change in political and economic reg­ . however, it takes as legitimate extant patterns of black-white socioeco� ularities of social life decisively shape thesocially constructed and shared �omic inequality and residential segregation, viewing these conditions, as sense of group position. The sources of change in attitudes - changes in it does, not as the deliberate products of racial discrimination, but as out­ preferred group positions - are not foundprincipally in changing feel­ co�es of a fr�e-market, race-neutral state apparatus and the freely taken ings of like and dislike. Changes in the patterns of mass attitudes reflect actions of African Americans themselves. changes in the social structurally based, interactively defined and under­ stood, needs and interests of social groups (Bobo & Hutchings 1996). To LAISSEZ-FAIRE RACISM AND THE put it differently, in order to have meaning, longevity, and force in peo­ SENSE OF GROUP POSITION ple's everyday lives, the attitudes held by individuals must be linked to the organized modes of living in which people are embedded (Rabb & This anal si casts studies of racial attitudes in a different light. Stu­ Lispet 1962). As such, the demand for segregated transportation, segre­ r � . . dents of preJudice and racial attitudes may have misunderstood the real gated hotels, and blanket labor market discrimination increasingly ring object of raci�I attitudes. The attitude object, or perceptual focus, is not hollow under an economy and polity that has less and less need - in fact really the socia� category of blacks or whites; it is not neighborhoods or may be incurring heavy costs - as a result of the presence of a super­ schools of varying degrees of racial mixture. Instead, as Herbert Blumer exploited, racially identifiable labor pool. When the economic and politi­ (1958) arg�ed, t�e real object of prejudice - what we really tap with atti­ cal needs of a significant segment of a dominant racial group no longer tude questions in surveys - is beliefs about the proper relation between hinge upon a sharp caste system for effective reproduction of the advan­ groups. The real attitude object is relative group positions. This attitude tages of race for members of that dominant group, then the permeative of sense of group ositi n is historically and culturally rooted, socially acceptance and effects of that ideology will weaken and take new form. . � ? learned, �� modifiable in response to new information, events, or struc­ A key link between changing structural conditions and the attitudes of tural c?n�1tions, �s long as these factors contribute to or shape contexts the mass public are those significant social actors who articulate, and fre­ for so�ial interaction among members of different groups. quently clash over and debate, the need for new modes of social organi­ Attitudes toward integration or toward blacks are, fundamental! zation (Blumer 1958). The claims and objectives of the visible leadership statements about preferred p sitional elations among racial group�� r u r u r . � � elements of g o ps p es mably spring from thei conceptions of theiden­ Theya re not srmply or even mainly emot10nal reactions to groups1 group tities; interests, opportunities, resources, and needs of the group at a par­ symbol�, or situations. Nor are they best understood as statements of sim­ ticular time. That is, the direction and tenor of change are shaped in the ple feelings of like or dislike toward minority groups and their membe larger public sphere of clash, debate, political mobilization, and struggle. a!�ough certain meas�reme�� approaches may fruitfully aim at such s::� In that regard, following on the heels of the Reagan-Bush years, the c1fic constructs. Nor, in add1t10n, are they simply perceptions of group new system and ideology of laissez-faire racism would now appear to be trai s d dispositions, although are also key dimensions of crystallizing. Although a full analysis of the current political context is : � . �reJud1ce. Racial attitudes capture aspects of the preferred group posi­ beyond the scope of this paper, it is evident that the assault on affirmative tions and those patternsof belief and feeling that undergird, justify, and action policies has intensified. The of CaliforniaRegents voted RACIAL ATIITUDES IN THE 1990s Laissez-Faire Racism 41 40

to eliminate their affirmative action efforts. Predictions are that this will decision, the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and result in a reduction in African-American and Latino undergraduate other political successes of the civil rights movement. enrollments anywhere from a minimum of SO percent to possibly as high Because racial attitudes reflect the structural conditions of group life as 80 percent. The effect on law school enrollments has been especially (Rabb & Upset 1962), it is no surprise that JimCrow attitudes in the mass severe. The number of black students admitted to the UCLA law school public - such as near-consensus support for strict segregation and open declined by 80 percent, falling from 104 in the 1996-97 school year to just discrimination - all premised on the assumed biological inferiority of 21 for the 1997-98 school year. A similar decline ws recorded at UC­ blacks, would eventually and steadily ebb in popular acceptance. Jim Berkeley, where black law school admissions fell from 75 students to 14 Crow racism was no longer embedded in U.S. economic or political insti­ (Weiss 1997). After a highly racially polarized campaign, voters in Cali­ tutions with the centrality that it had once enjoyed. In response to the forniapass ed the CaliforniaCivil Rights initiative effectively banning all challenge posed by the civil rights movement and its allies, most of the affirmative action efforts by elements of state government. Parenthetical­ ideological tenets of Jim Crow racism came to be widely understood as ly, these transformations immediately make it clear that there are real inconsistent with U.S. values. group and individual interests at stake in the politics of affirmative action, African Americans, however, remain economically disadvantaged and not merely symbolicr esentments as some would maintain. Even a Demo­ racially segregated despite growing class heterogeneity within the black cratic president, elected with substantial black support, has called for a community and despite the successes of the civil rights movement. These reevaluation of and reduction in affirmative action commitments. social conditions continue to prompt many white Americans to feel both Supreme Court rulings and other actions taken by the Republican-domi­ morally offended and apprehensive about losing something tangible if nated Congress may soon reduce the number of blacks holdingco ngres­ strong efforts are made to improve the living conditions of African Amer­ sional seats. Funding for the Congressional Black Caucus has been elimi­ icans (Bobo 1983, 1988b). Furthermore, sharp black-white economic nated. Fundamental reductions in the range of commitments inequality and residential segregation provide the kernelof truth needed are on the agenda of the new Congress. All of these events tend to signal to regularly breathe new life into old stereotypes about putative black the consolidation of a new understanding about race relations. We believe proclivities toward involvement in crime, violence, and welfare depen­ this new understanding is aptly described as laissez-faire racism because dency. Viewed in this light, the gap between increasingly egalitarian it stands in the face of substantial and widening racial economic inequal­ racial principles and resistance to strong forms of affirmative action are ities, high levels of racial residential segregation, and persistent discrimi­ not paradoxical at all. Both are the result of changes in U.S. social struc­ nation experienced across class lines in the black community. ture and politics that at once successfully deposed Jim Crow institutions but simultaneously el ft much of the black population in a uniquely dis­ CONCLUSIONS advantaged position. The end product of these conditions and processes is theemerg ence of n e e ee The lo g and unabat d r cord of sw ping change in racial attitudes a new racialized social order under a new racial ideology: laissez-faire that national surveys document cannot be read as a fundamental racism. Under this regime, blacks are still stereotyped and blamed as the breakdown in racialized thinking or in antiblack prejudice. We have wit­ architects of their own disadvantaged status. The deeply entrenched pat­ nessed the disappearance of a racial ideology appropriate to an old social ternof denying societal responsibility for conditions in many black com­ order: that of the Jim Crow post-Civil War South. A new and resilient munities continues to foster steadfast opposition to affirmative action and laissez-faire racism ideology has emerged and has apparently begun to other social policies that might alleviate race-based inequalities. In short, crystallize. a large number of white Americans have become comfortable with as Jim Crow racism went into decline, in part, because of a direct and much racial inequality and segregation as a putatively nondiscriminatory potent assault on it by the civil rights movement. Jim Crow practicesand polity and free can produce: hence the reproduction ideology were made vulnerable by an interlocking seriesof social changes and, on some dimensions, the worsening of racial inequalities. These cir­ - the declining importance of cotton production to the U.S. economy, cumstances are rendered culturally palatable by the new ideology of limited immigration from , black migration to urban and Northern laissez-faire racism. areas - all of which dramatically increased the power resources available to black communities. The economic basis for Jim Crow had been weak­ ened. Its political underpinnings were gradually undone by the Brown 42 RACIALAITITUDES IN THE 1990s

NOTE The authors thank Howard Schuman for his comments on an earlier version of this paper. This research was partly supported by the Russell Sage Foundation and the National Science Foundation (SBR-9515183). II

THE RACIALATflTUDES OF WHITES

240 References References 241

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