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The End of Yugoslavia and New National Histories

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The End of Yugoslavia and New National Histories Articles 29/1 16/7/99 11:46 am Page 149 Review Article Wendy Bracewell The End of Yugoslavia and New National Histories Marcus Tanner, Croatia: A Nation Forged in War, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1997; ISBN 0–300–06933–2; xiii + 338 pp Jill Benderly and Evan Kraft (eds), Independent Slovenia: Origins, Movements, Prospects, New York, St Martin’s Press, 1996; ISBN 0–312–09963 (hbk); 0–312–16447–5 (pbk); xxii + 262 pp.; $19.95 John Lampe, Yugoslavia as History: Twice There Was a Country, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1996; ISBN 0–521– 46122–7 (hbk); 0–521–46705–5 (pbk); xx + 421 pp.; £40, £14.95 The assumption that contemporary political categories provide the most appropriate frame within which to narrate the past has made the nation and the nation-state into the organizing principle for a great deal of modern history writing. This approach often works on the principle of the collective biography: the nation is born, emerges into self-consciousness, undergoes various vicissitudes, and achieves maturity and fulfilment (or not, as the case may be) in inde- pendent statehood. The nineteenth century, with its proliferation of nationalisms and nation-states seeking legitimation in the past, was the heyday of such national histories, but the national framework continues to shape the writing of history. However, recent critiques of the idea of the nation and of the practice of history have made historians more wary of this conventional approach. Students of nationalism have challenged the idea that nations are natural entities with ancient lineages, seeing them instead as modern phenomena, the product of specific socio-economic and political processes or as ‘imagined communities’ created through the discursive efforts of intellectual élites (including historians). At the same time, post- modern theorizing has highlighted the investments and implications European History Quarterly Copyright © 1999 SAGE Publications, London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi, Vol. 29(1), 149–156. [0265-6914(199901)29:1;149–156;007768] Articles 29/1 16/7/99 11:46 am Page 150 150 European History Quarterly Vol. 29 No. 1 of the meta-narratives historians use to find meaning in the past. It is not just that narratives of national emergence and destiny are connected to particular political interests, or that they are convenient fictions created in the historian’s imagination as much as found in the historical record, or that they exclude and silence alternative visions of the past. They can also help to constitute the very entity they claim merely to describe — a self-conscious national com- munity. Still, although history in the national mode runs the risk of falling hostage to its subject, there are reasons for historians to retain a critical focus on the nation. One of the functions of history is, after all, to explain how we got here. How else except through historical analysis are we to make sense of the nation-state’s relations with other forms of community, its diversity and its contemporary ubiquity? Critical historical accounts of nation-building are also a useful corrective to the continuing blandishments of nationalist mythmaking. These issues are thrown into relief when dramatic changes in the political sphere are echoed in the writing of history (as has recently been the case in Yugoslavia and its successor states), but are also more broadly relevant. The nation persists as a taken-for- granted category of analysis for much European historiography, often without critical attention to the assumptions that underpin it. The Yugoslav case illustrates some of the problems of national history, not just as produced for local consumption, but also in the West. In recent years a plethora of works have been published for a western audience describing and analysing the causes of Yugo- slavia’s violent break-up.1 Many of these looked to the past, often either advancing or contesting the notion that the conflicts were the inevitable consequence of ‘ancient ethnic hatreds’. (These claims had contrasting implications for the international community’s involve- ment in the conflicts.) But the collapse of Yugoslavia has also provoked more general historical reassessments, less immediately concerned with explaining the causes of the war. A number of authors have taken the occasion to re-examine the histories of indi- vidual Yugoslav nations, regions or successor states, and to perform a post-mortem on Yugoslavia and the Yugoslav idea.2 The three books reviewed here provide overviews of Croatian, Slovene and Yugoslav history for an English-speaking audience. They all stress the need for an informed understanding of the past for an adequate response to the present; and all of them address a number of common themes, in particular the tensions between particular nationalisms and the Yugoslav idea. But reading them together also highlights some of the issues raised by putting the nation at the centre of historical analysis. Marcus Tanner’s Croatia: A Nation Forged in War began as an Articles 29/1 16/7/99 11:46 am Page 151 Bracewell, Yugoslavia and New National Histories 151 account of the war in Croatia, which he covered as a reporter for the London Independent from 1988 to 1994. Conscious of the lack of English-language histories of the area and convinced that Croatia deserved separate treatment, both on its own merits and as a key player in the Yugoslav drama, he expanded his account into a full- scale Croatian history, beginning with the arrival of the Slavs in the Balkans in the seventh century. The book is lively and readable, especially in the last third of the work dealing with the 1980s and 1990s, where it is enlivened by Tanner’s own impressions of indi- viduals and events. One of the virtues of the work is Tanner’s readi- ness to confront some politically charged myths. He addresses the issue of fascism and Ustasˇa atrocities in the wartime Independent State of Croatia (often used by Croatia’s detractors to anathemize all forms of Croatian nationalism), discriminating between popular support for independence and attitudes to Ante Pavelic´’s Ustasˇa, and noting the extent of hostility to the regime. However, despite a concern to redress what he sees as a pro-Serb bias in British opinion (272), Tanner is not an apologist for Franjo Tudjman’s Croatia, taking on a number of the tenets of contemporary Croatian nationalism (noting the long-standing Croatian attraction to current- ly unfashionable pan-Slav and Yugoslav projects, for example, and criticizing official attempts to rehabilitate the Ustasˇa leaders as flawed but patriotic Croats). But Tanner is only partly able to hold nationalism at a critical dis- tance. This is largely because of his approach to history, deeply in debt to a familiar teleology of national self-realization. In spite of his claim that the narrative deals with Croatia rather than the Croatians (xii), the emphasis is squarely on the nation — already defined as Croatian from its appearance in the seventh century and not chang- ing much through all its struggles for freedom. The echoes of recent scholarship on nationalism and nation-building in the ambiguous sub-title (‘a nation forged in war’) do not resonate through the text itself. As a result, the reader gets little sense of the obstacles to a unified Croatian national identity, the means by which it was con- structed, the alternative visions it has excluded and the different forms it has taken. Though the Croatian nation is the true hero here, much of the narrative is organized around the personalities and actions of indi- viduals. Many of Tanner’s vignettes are vivid and perceptive, though he sometimes recycles the romantic myths of an older historio- graphy, so that, for example, the tenth-century Bishop Grgur of Nin is still celebrated here as a defender of the Slavic language and a Croatian church, rather than the ambitious bishop involved in a jurisdictional quarrel suggested by recent scholarship. (The author’s Articles 29/1 16/7/99 11:46 am Page 152 152 European History Quarterly Vol. 29 No. 1 command of modern historiography is patchy; here and elsewhere major postwar Croatian and Yugoslav works have been passed over.) Such a personalized approach can work well when Tanner focuses on the intellectuals who formulated national programmes or politicians whose activities can be used to frame key issues and events. Even so, there is too little attention to the specific details of his activists’ ideas and visions. Not only does this make it difficult to grasp the evolution of national ideas (why various forms of Yugo- slavism should have been attractive to the Croats; the ways Yugoslav ideas contributed to Croatian national integration; whether the nationalism of the Ustasˇa was a radical departure from earlier Croatian ideologies), but it also paradoxically devalues the role of individuals, giving the impression that they simply reflected an enduring national struggle rather than actively influencing the form such conflicts took. At the same time, the constant emphasis on great men distracts attention from the social, political and economic processes that shaped their sphere of action. Since Tanner only rarely places his subject in a broader comparative context, whether Yugoslav or European, the effect is to make the struggles of Croatia’s heroes seem not just enduring, but unique. In his conclusion, Tanner sums up the ‘historic questions’ that had been settled by independence under Tudjman: ‘whether Croatia’s fortunes would be decided in Belgrade, or in Zagreb alone; whether Croatia was a region of a larger state, or a country in its own right; whether Croatia was a land belonging to two nations — Serbs and Croats — or Croats alone’ (300). Although Tanner is clear about the costs of Croatia’s independence struggle and about the less attractive aspects of the new state, he does not question a vision of history that sees independence in a nationally-homogeneous state as the realiza- tion of a ‘thousand-year dream’ (in a phrase repeatedly used by Tudjman).
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