Notes and References

1 Confession and Memory in the Age of Reformations

1. On the various meanings of metanoia, see Richter 11–12. For a detailed discussion of Erasmus’s translation as well as Luther’s reaction to Erasmus’s use of metanoia, see Jarrott 125–8. 2. Historical studies on confession in the English Reformation include Carter; Rowell; Marshall, Catholic Priesthood 5–34; Parker, “Greenham’s”; and Carlson “Auricular Confession,” “Good Pastors,” and “Confession and Absolution.” 3. Recent studies that consider the influence of confession in post-Reforma- tion England include Low; Cummings 328–64; Pilarz; Simpson 68–105; Beauregard 24–39; Shuger, “Reformation of Penance”; King’oo 63–94; Parker, “Faustus, Confession”; Beckwith; and Hirschfeld. Despite the expansion of the field of memory studies, very few scholars have examined the relationship between memory and penitence. Notable exceptions include Margalit, Sullivan 65–87, and Sherman. 4. On the knowledge of forgiveness as fundamental to confession, see Tentler, Sin and Confession 14. 5. The persistence of traditional beliefs and ritual practices has been the subject of several important studies, including Scarisbrick, Reformation and the English People; Haigh, “Continuity of Catholicism”; Duffy, Stripping of the Altars; and Haigh, English Reformations. 6. On this general feature in Marlowe, see Levin 120. 7. On the Lenten confessional rush in pre-Reformation England, see Marshall, Catholic Priesthood 12–13. Joseph Goering cites an anonymous 13th-century sermon in Oxford, New College MS 94, fol. 12v-13r: “Priests were sometimes warned about what to expect from their parishioners: ‘The sinners of your parish will come to confession, I tell you, [only] during Lent, and not in the first or the second or the third week, but in the sixth week, or on Good Friday or Saturday or on Easter Sunday, drawn by the necessity of keep- ing a custom rather than by the compunction of true penance’” (227). By contrast, George Cavendish reports that Cardinal Wolsey, a few days before his death, “was in confession the space of an hour” (182). Southwell uses himself as an example of the importance of frequent confession, explaining, “Every year twice at the least must I make a general confession of my sins past and so from time to time seek to renew myself” (Two Letters 46). On the practice of “General Confession of an Entire Life,” see Myers 168–71. 8. Important interpretations that concentrate on the relationship between confession and power include Greenblatt, Renaissance Self-Fashioning 85–6, 117– 19, and 245–7; Mullaney, Place of the Stage 88–115; Tambling; Schoenfeldt, Prayer and Power 47–53; Sinfield 143–80; Hendricks; Shuger, Political Theologies 102–40; Coleman, Drama and the Sacraments; and Taylor, Culture of Confession. This critical trend emerged from Reformation historiography; see Bossy, “Social History of Confession”; Tentler, “Summa for Confessors”;

181 182 Notes and References

Ozment 49–56; Tentler, Sin and Confession 35–56; Bossy, “Moral Arithmetic”; Myers; Haliczer; and De Boer. 9. See Persons, An epistle of the persecvtion 25. 10. Martin Bucer, for instance, writes, “people have been corrupted by the popish minister of the church for such a long time, and in this way given up all discipline and obedience” (144). 11. On the medieval concern about effective confessors, see Murray, “Counselling in Medieval Confession.” 12. On the exceptional nature of Luther’s anxieties in confession, see Tentler, “Summa for Confessors” 124. On the subject of penitential anxiety in post- Reformation literature, see Mullaney, Place of the Stage 100 and Coleman, Drama and the Sacraments 125. 13. In Confession Concerning Christ’s Supper, Luther similarly writes, “For this reason I have a high regard for private confession, for here God’s word and absolution are spoken privately and individually to each believer for the forgiveness of sins, and as often as he desires it he may have recourse to it for this forgiveness, and also for comfort, counsel, and guidance” (Luther’s Works 37: 368). 14. Luther describes these three forms of confession in his sermon on Riminiscere Sunday, 16 March 1522, which is included in Eight Sermons at Wittenberg (1522). Luther reiterates the three types of confession in The Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ—Against the Fanatics (1526) (Luther’s Works 36: 354-61). In the Small Catechism (1529), Luther identifies two forms of confession: to God and private confession to a pastor (see Kolb and Wengert, eds. 360–2); and in the Large Catechism he identifies these two as well as private confession to another Christian layperson (see Kolb and Wengert, eds. 476–80). On confession in Luther’s catechism, see Steinmetz 136–8. In the section On Private Confession, Melanchthon reiterates Luther’s three forms of confession; see Loci Communes 256–7. 15. Susan Karant-Nunn notes, “Luther’s idea of the lay confessor did not meet the needs of those in authority at the time, and it did not take hold” (93). Tentler observes that in 1523, Luther, “to ensure devout reception of the sacrament [of the Eucharist], instituted the Verhör the pastor’s examination and instruction in faith of individual communicants, and linked the Verhör with the individual confession of sins. Fifty Lutheran church ordinances between 1525 and 1591 decreed individual confession with the Verhör as a precondi- tion of admission to the Lord’s Supper: no Lutheran polities failed to adopt it, and many forbade general absolution by the clergy” (“Confession” 403). 16. On Luther’s personal use of private confession, see Oberman 321. 17. On private confession as a marker of difference between Lutherans and other Protestants, see Rittgers, “Private Confession.” 18. On the legacy of Luther’s reformation of private confession, see Tentler, Sin and Confession 350; Rittgers, Reformation 216–17; and Bagchi 123. 19. See Luther, A right notable sermon br-biiiiv and bvir. 20. On the influence of Lutheranism in sixteenth-century England, see Hall. On late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century English attitudes toward Lutheranism, see Milton, Catholic and Reformed 384–95. 21. On Zwingli’s position on confession, see Stephens, Theology of Huldych Zwingli 23, 46. Notes and References 183

22. On the differences between Lutheran and Calvinist confessional practices, see Karant-Nunn 98. 23. For a discussion of Calvin’s developing attitude towards general and private confession, see Lea 1: 515 and Tentler, Sin and Confession 362–5. 24. See the Bishops’ Book F5r-F7v. The Bishops’ Book was never declared the official statement of the Henrician Church; nevertheless, it promulgated the Henrician Church’s official doctrine of penance as laid out in the Ten Articles. 25. On the Six Articles reflecting a shift in attitudes toward auricular confession, see Redworth 61–2. 26. By the time that Cranmer reached Henry’s deathbed, however, the king was unconscious and was never able to make his final confession and receive Viaticum; see Scarisbrick, Henry VIII 496. 27. The Elizabethan Prayer Book (1559), published as The booke of common praier, and administration of the Sacramentes, and other rites and ceremonies in the Churche of Englande, in “The order for the administration of the Lordes Supper, or holy Communion,” includes an optional exhortation, by the priest, to any individual who “by means aforesaid cannot quiet his own conscience, but requireth further comfort of counsel”: “[T]hen let him come to me, or some other discrete and learned Minister of Gods woorde, and open his griefe, that he may receiue suche ghostly counsaile, aduice, and comfort, as his conscience may be relieued: and that by the ministrie of Gods woorde he may receyue comfort, and the benefit of absolucion, to the quieting of his conscience, and aduoyding of al scruple and doubtfulness” (Mvir). 28. See, for instance, Reginald Pole’s 1556 Legatine Constitutions (Bray, ed. 87–8). Marian visitations emphasize the requirement of receiving sacramental confession before receiving Communion; see Bonner’s 1554 letter to the curates of London and Articles for London and his 1555 Injunction for London (Foxe [1563 ed.] 923 and Frere and Kennedy, eds. 2: 350, 366) as well as James Brooks’s 1556 Injunctions for Gloucester (Frere and Kennedy, eds. 2: 405). 29. The sermon “Of confession and penaunce” and “Of auricular confession” are respectively translations of the medieval pseudo-Augustinian sermons “De confessione peccatorum” (see PL 39, col. 215–16) and “De confessione peccatorum” (see PL 40, cols 1288–90). The sermon “Of penaunce” is a translation of Caesarius of Arles’ sermon 65, “Unde supra” (see PL 39, cols 2221–3). See Machielsen, ed., 1039, 1157, and 1043. I am indebted to Mark Vessey’s entry in the Interscripta Archive for these references. 30. On the publication history of Book 6 of Of the Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity, see Hooker 3: xiii–lxxiii. The manuscripts were definitely read by George Cranmer and Edwin Sandys, who provided notes to Book 6. Andrewes also knew of the Hooker’s manuscripts, as his extant letter to Henry Parry on 7 November 1600 indicates; see Hooker 3: xiii for an excerpt of the letter. For an overview of Hooker’s doctrine of repentance, see also Gibbs, “Richard Hooker’s Via Media” and “Richard Hooker and Lancelot Andrewes.” 31. In Bale’s A Comedy Concerning Three Laws (1538), Lex Natura charges that friars have thoroughly debased the sacrament of confession, “In confession some full beastly occupied be; / Among the close nuns reigneth this enor- mity; / Such children slay they as they chance for to have” (27). By the same 184 Notes and References

token, Hypocrisy boasts of the prowess of friars in using the confessional for solicitation: “ye would marvel, in confession, / What our fathers do to assoil [women] of transgression. / John Thessecelius assoiled a young woman / Behind the high altar, till she cried out of her bones” (54). 32. Sedition also goes on to explain that he uses it to sound out heresy and opposition to the papacy: “When all other [means] fail, he is so sure as steel. / Offend Holy Church, and I warrant ye shall it feel; / For, by confession, the Holy Father knoweth / Throughout all Christendom what to his Holiness groweth” (Bale, A Tragedy of John 185). 33. An article in the 1571 injunctions of Edmund Grindal, Archbishop of York and later Archbishop of Canterbury, reflects the Elizabethan treason legislation’s effort to crackdown on those reconciled to the Church of Rome through auricular confession: “Whether there by any man or woman in your parish that resorteth to any popish priest for shrift or auricular confession, or any that within three years now last past have been reconciled unto the Pope, or the church of Rome, or any that is reputed or suspected so to be … and what be there names” (Frere and Kennedy, eds. 3: 265). 34. On Andrewes at St. Paul’s, see also Lossky 15 and McCullough, “Donne and Andrewes” 168. The office of confessor to the royal household was also retained in the period as a largely symbolic office; see J.K., “Confessor to the Royal Household.” 35. For a summary of events, see the Calendar of the Manuscripts of the Most Hon. The Marquis of Salisbury, 208–12. The translation of the Latin is my own. 36. On the penitential practices of the godly, see Parker, “Greenham’s” 73. 37. For an example of Counter-Reformation emphasis on the consolatory dimension of confession, see William Allen, A treatise 245–8. 38. On English Protestant reforms as an assault on public memory, see also Greenblatt, Hamlet in Purgatory 102–49; Simpson 14–15; and Mullaney, “Affective Technologies” 76. 39. The 1550 “Act against Superstitious Books and Images” (2 & 3 Edw. VI, c. 10) ordered the destruction or defacement of the texts that supported medieval Catholicism and conflicted with the Prayer Book. Jennifer Summit has described this process as an attempt to “reform memory and the reading pro- cesses that produce it by reshaping the libraries on which they depend” (121). 40. For a discussion of the destruction of the Pardon Churchyard, see Marshall, Beliefs and the Dead 107–8. 41. See Lea 1: 395–6 and de Boer 84–125. Some medieval churches contained a shriving screen or faldstool (“kneeling desk”) for penitents to use during confession; see Nichols 145–63. 42. On the history and nineteenth-century discovery of the Catholic pedlar’s trunk, see MacGregor 193–8. On the volatility of forbidden Catholic objects, see also Schwyzer, Archaeologies 3. 43. On this feature of collective memory, see Halbwachs 182–3. 44. On the date of Spenser’s birth, see Hadfield 18. 45. On the limits of communicable memory, see also Assmann 1–31. 46. Philippe Ariès has observed that “[t]his book, the liber vitae, must first have been conceived as a cosmic book, the formidable census of the universe. But at the end of the Middle Ages it became an individual account book. At Albi, in the vast fresco of the Last Judgment dating from the end of the fifteenth Notes and References 185

or the beginning of the sixteenth century, the risen wear this book around their necks, like a passport, or rather like a bank book to be presented at the gates of eternity” (32–3). 47. In On Christian Doctrine, Augustine similarly writes: “Is it when the Lord shall be revealed that these commandments are to be observed lest anyone look back, that is, seek the past life which he has renounced, or, rather, is it at this present time that a man should obey them so that when the Lord shall be revealed he may find retribution for those things which he has observed or scorned” (3.36.54). 48. See also Confessions 10.21. In the preface to his 1620 translation of Confessions, Tobie Matthew repeatedly insists on Augustine’s capacity to resist such temptations. In a marginal note adjoining a catalogue of Augustine’s accusations against himself, Matthew writes: “The vnspeakable purity of S. Austines soule; not, that many of these things were any sins at al, but only they were of lesse perfection” (36). Yet Matthew’s glosses dem- onstrate an acute awareness to the potential risk of past sins; in his notation to 10.43, he writes: “How he looked backe vpon his former life, with great feare: euen now, when he was in a way, of great vertue, and pennance” (575). Donne reiterates Augustine’s interpretation of Lot’s wife, explaining that “some reclinations, some retrospects we have, a little of Lots wife is in us” (Sermons 2: 57). 49. See Luther, Luther’s Works 3: 287. In contrast to many sixteenth-century interpretations of Lot’s wife as wicked, however, Luther describes her as a saintly woman who, “since women are rather weak by nature … either forgot the command of the angels, or she thought there was no longer any danger after she had come into the city from the open country. But disobedience has its punishment, and she is changed into a pillar of salt” (Luther’s Works 3: 298). Connecting Roman Catholic recusants to Lot’s wife pre-dates the Gunpowder Plot; see Dove 8. 50. On the likely date of Wyatt’s paraphrase, see Walker 351. 51. Clare Costley King’oo notes that Fisher identifies David’s successful penance as the sacrament of confession in order to exhort “all those who suffer like him … to mimic his penitential behavior” (74). 52. The dialogic structure of Wyatt’s Paraphrase secures this knowledge. As Rivkah Zim notes, “the Narrator’s privileged commentary describing and analyzing David’s repentance … provides not only a stable framework for the whole poem but also a doctrine of comfort for the reader” (48). 53. Wyatt’s paraphrase exemplifies the type of memorial transactions that mark the Psalm tradition, but he presses this concept of exchange to its extreme in his treatment of Psalm 6: 5, “For in death there is no remembrance of thee.” Wyatt’s David boldly enters into a negotiation with God, arguing that divine forgiveness will cause him to remember God and praise him through his Psalms:

For that in death there is no memory Among the damned, nor yet no mention Of thy great name, ground of all glory. Then if I die and go whereas I fear To think thereon, how shall thy great mercy 186 Notes and References

Sound in my mouth unto the world’s ear? For there is none that can thee laud and love, For thou nilt no love among them there. (131–8)

On David’s attempt to strike a deal with God in Wyatt’s paraphrase, see also Halasz and Walker 372–4. 54. I would like to thank Virginia Langum for introducing me to this tradition and for a very helpful list of medieval sources on the Contrite Scholar. 55. Likewise, Donne explains that “whereas God himselfe, if I have repented to day, knowes not the sins that I that I did yesterday. God hath rased the Record of my sin, in Heaven” (Sermons 5: 319). On the tradition of Christian forgiveness carrying with it forgetfulness of sins, see Weinrich 165–8. 56. The concluding petition that “I think it mercy, if thou wilt forget” alludes both to Psalm 25 as well as the opening of Matins and the Litany in the Prayer Book; see McColley 122. 57. On classical amnesty laws, see Flower 23. 58. For a more detailed treatment of confession and productive forgetting in Confessio Amantis, see Stegner, “Foryet it thou.” 59. Despite this inherent contradiction, early modern memory treatises argued that the ability to forget should be (and could be) cultivated; see Wilder 42–3. 60. For the most comprehensive discussion of the doctrine of contrition, see Spykman. 61. The Glossia Ordinaria similarly explains that “[t]o repent is to deplore things done in the past” (qtd. in King’oo 84). Considering how modern forms of confession continue to constitute and define selfhood, Carr contends that one of the necessary components of a “felicitous confession” is “the figuration of the penitent memory as a storehouse for sin” (37). 62. On the dissemination of the etiquette of condition in the medieval period, see Millett. 63. R. Po-chia Hsia notes that Spanish missionaries in the Philippines were annoyed by “Tagalog confessants [who] often discoursed endlessly on various themes to the annoyance of the fathers” rather than follow the prescrip- tions for a proper confession (180). 64. Authorized printings of the conditions continued throughout the Marian period; see Bonner Qir. The conditions continued to be reiterated in recusant writings throughout the early modern period; see Allen, A Treatise 188. For a discussion of Shakespeare’s treatment of the influence of gender on penitence, see Stegner, “Masculine and Feminine Penitence.” 65. This treatise was later appended to Vaux, Catechisme. A Short and an Absolute Order of Confession similarly warns against confessing “as if we tolde a tale to delyte those that heare vs talke” (Bvir). 66. The separation of memory from affect has also been treated in modern psychology. Erik Berggren notes that the French psychologist Pierre Janet “considered that during the painful and difficult narration of a traumatic memory the ‘forces’ surrounding that memory are discharged; and he asked: ‘How does it happen that the traumatic memory, after it has been discharged by confession, is not immediately charged again?’ In his opin- ion, recharge does not take place because of the high tension aroused in the patient by his emotional excitation during treatment” (94). Notes and References 187

67. This association of memory and desire remains constant in the early modern period. Writing in 1599, John Rainolds explains that “the imagination of a thing desirable doth stir vp the desire” (V3v). 68. See Coleman 94. 69. See Augustine, On the Trinity 12.12. 70. For a brief discussion of the different treatments of forgetting in heaven, see Weinrich 24–39 and Volf 131–51. 71. For this reason, Jean-Luc Marion observes, “The desire for the happy life is something with which we are familiar without knowing or comprehending, for it inhabits us like the immemorial, the closest and the farthest away, inasmuch as it happens in and through our desiring” (87). 72. Exceptions to this rule exist in the penitentials, such as John Gerson’s On the Confession of Masturbation, which asks the penitent to recall his erections as an adolescent and is thus “remarkable because of its unsurpassable frank- ness” (Tentler, Sin and Confession 91). 73. Aquinas defines delectatio morosa in De Malo 512. 74. This demonstrates the degree to which Donne’s understanding of the role of memory in confession recapitulates the Augustinian engrafting of memory to Christian salvation; see Ettenhuber. 75. In his reading of the Catholic Church’s control over history, Halbwachs similarly notes, “As long as the Church was able to impose its tradition on the world, the entire life and history of the world had to conform to the tradition of the Church. All the remembrances that corresponded to that life and history had to be so many confirmations of the teaching of the Church, which could enrich its memory with all these new testimonies without devi- ating from the line of its past” (113). 2 Confession and Redemptive Forgetting in Spenser’s ‘Legend of Holiness’

1. See also Fulke, Tvvo treatises Ciiv. 2. Marshall argues “that wherever the ancients speak of solemn repentance, they generally mean both the outward ordinance and the inward duty … whether they expressed it by Pœnitentia, Exhomologesis, Metanoia, or by any other term, they mean by it both what passes within the soul, and what appears in the external form of penitential mortification” (Penitential Discipline 35–6). 3. See also Hume 99–100; Reid 473–4; and Low, “Sin, Penance, and Privatization.” 4. Hadfield 224–5 posits that Spenser was conflicted about the disunity caused by the Reformation even though he personally benefitted in some respects from the dismantling of medieval Catholicism. 5. In the Spenser–Harvey correspondence, Harvey boasts how he has “the Arte Memoratiue at commaundement” (628). 6. On the importance of Cicero and the history of memory, see Yates 17–21. 7. On the relationship between memory, forgetting, and prudence in Book 2, see Boughner; Black; Stewart and Sullivan; and Owens. 8. See Plato, Meno 86b and Phaedo 73c–75c. On the influence of Platonic and Augustinian memory theory in the Castle of Alma, see King, The Faerie Queene 185–7 and Helfer 168–230. 9. On traces of transcendent memory in Eumnestes’s chamber, see also Black 83n43. 188 Notes and References

10. In Book 4, Spenser also distinguishes between physical and eternal memory at the beginning of his continuation Chaucer’s Squire’s Tale, explaining that “Dan Chaucer, well of English vndefyled, / On Fames eternall beadroll worthie to be fyled” even though his rhymes are defaced by “cursed Eld the cankerworme of writs” (4.2.32–3). 11. Even though the first complete English translation did not appear in England until Tobie Matthew’s 1620 edition, several Latin editions of Confessions were in circulation in the sixteenth century, including Amerbach’s (Basel, 1506), Erasmus’s (Basel, 1528–9), and the “Louvain” edition (1576–7). Several editions of the Latin text of Confessions were available at Cambridge during Spenser’s residence. On the presence of Erasmus’s edition at Pembroke College, see Schiavone. Humphrey Tyndall, a fellow at Pembroke who received his M.A. in 1570 and B.D. in 1577, owned a six-volume edition of Augustine’s Opera; see Leedham-Green 2: 62. 12. For important analyses of Augustine’s influence on Spenser, see Kane, Spenser’s Moral Allegory; Bergvall; Cheney, Spenser’s Famous Flight; Gregerson 62–9; Kaske, Spenser and Biblical Poetics; King, The Faerie Queene 185–8; and Warner 183–94. Nohrnberg 349–50 discusses the influence of Augustine’s treatment of memory in Confessions on The Faerie Queene, though only in relation to Book 2. 13. On the relationship between knowledge and memory, see Geary 17. 14. James Mourant writes that, for Augustine, “even a sinner … walks in the image of God because he has a memory, understanding, and love of himself. And by this image of God within him he can cling to God, for only God is above his nature” (49). 15. Coleman notes that Augustine derives his model of ascent through memory through Plotinus; see Ancient 107. 16. On Augustine’s treatment of the neutrality of thoughts entering the mind, see On the Spirit 110. 17. See Elliott 2–5. Elliott notes that Augustine’s belief that nocturnal emissions signify imperfect chastity corresponds with John Cassian’s Institutions 6.10 and Conferences 7.2. 18. On medieval warnings against lustful dreams, see LeGoff 224–7. 19. In Paradise Lost, Milton returns to this Spenserian episode and recapitulates its structure in order to maintain Eve’s unfallen condition after her satani- cally inspired dream. Redcrosse’s “irksome spright / That troublous dreame gan freshly tosse his braine” (1.1.55) becomes, in Milton’s handling, Eve’s dream “of offense and trouble, which [her] mind / Knew never till this irksome night” (5.34-5). Like Redcrosse, Eve rejects the temptation in her dream. Adam, too, aims to preserve her from any guilt in his discussion of the faculties of reason, fancy, and imagination, concluding: Evil into the mind of God or Man, May come and go, so unapprov’d, and leave No spot or blame behind: Which gives me hope That what in sleep thou didst abhor to dream, Waking thou never wilt consent to do. (5.117–21) Yet Adam fails to address that the dream leaves, as Patricia M. Howison notes, an “imprint, a memory, and a warning which needs to be heeded” Notes and References 189

and “to make a causal link between what happened in the dream and what perhaps it ‘lively shadow’d’” (532). The structural repetition of the satanic dream in the final temptation reveals that, despite Eve’s initial revulsion to the dream and Adam’s reassurance, a transformation has occurred in Eve’s psyche that leaves her more susceptible if not more inclined to sin. Satan successfully implants the somatic markers that will be remembered in the waking world. He uses these markers not only to reawaken Eve’s desire to sin, but also to tempt her to forget her previous guilt and the divine prohibition against eating from the Tree of Knowledge. 20. See Ovid, Metamorphoses 4.285–6. 21. Spenser’s treatment of the self-forgetting caused by desire functions much in the same way as Sidney’s representation in The Old Arcadia of Gynecia’s willful suppression of any thoughts besides her anticipated enjoyment with Cleophila: “And thus down she went to the cave-ward … suffering no other thought to have any familiarity with her brains, but that which did present unto her a picture of her approaching contentment” (197). 22. On dilation and delay as central to romance, see also Parker, Inescapable Romance 48. 23. I would like to thank Lacey Buck for this point (personal communication, 8 June 2010). 24. Despaire’s rhetorical method and misreading of Scripture has been the subject of numerous studies; see Hamilton 80–1; Cullen 59–61; and Mallette 37–42. 25. On the disruption of the masculine body and early modern humoral theory, see Paster 9, 167–8. 26. Similarly, citing Augustine’s discussion of continence as “unity of self” (10.30.41), Camille Paglia writes: “Virtue in The Faerie Queene means holding to one’s visible shape. In the human realm, formlessness or wanton metamorphosis is amoral” (176). 27. Shakespeare similarly uses resolve to signify dissolution in Hamlet’s solilo- quy “O that this too too sullied flesh would melt, / Thaw and resolve itself into a dew” (Hamlet 1.2.129–30) and in A Lover’s Complaint, where the female complainant explains that her seducer’s “passion, but an art of craft, / Even there resolved my reason into tears” (295–6). 28. Spenser connects Fidelia’s instruction of Redcrosse to Despaire’s rhetoric through his emphasis on memory; for similarities between the two episodes, see Dughi 27. 29. On Catholic elements in the House of Holiness, see Hickey 499–501; Nelan 359–62; Whitaker 44–57; and Weatherby 31–2. 30. The most comprehensive treatment of the medieval understanding of complete confession is found in Tentler, Sin and Confession 104–33; see also Lea 1: 347–53. For a discussion of Luther’s objection to naming sins, see Bagchi 121 and Myers 162–71. 31. The absence of a specific rite of absolution, such as “I absolve thee” (present in only the 1549 Prayer Book) could suggest Spenser’s doctrinal accomoda- tionalism in this episode; see Carter 129–34. 32. Hamilton, ed. glosses “recured” as “Through absolution the knight is recured, i.e. restored to health,” which demonstrates the extent to which Patience’s words effect Redcrosse’s internal transformation (128). Redcrosse’s 190 Notes and References

passivity suggests Spenser’s avoidance of any appearance of semi-Pelagian- ism, which was a Protestant criticism of medieval confessional practices. 33. On the connection between Patience’s absolution and the traditional sacramental formula “Absolvo te,” see Nelan 362. 34. Spenser’s model of mortification corresponds to “An Homilie of Repentaunce” 273v. For another example of Spenser’s positive depiction of physical mortification, see Britomart’s experiences in the Temple of Isis (5.7.9). 35. See Edwards 13–37. 36. See Berger 51. Spenser’s use of correctio in The Faerie Queene has been observed by Gilman 78–83 and Kaske, Spenser and Biblical Poetics. On the connection between the rhetorical figure metanoia and the “psychic state in the speaker,” see Clark 578. I suspect that lingering beneath these corrections is St. Paul’s correctio in his rebuke of the Galatians’ continued worship of idols: “But now seing ye knowe God, yea, rather are knowen of God, how turne ye again vnto impotent and beggerlie rudiments, whereunto as from the beginning ye will be in bondage againe” (Gal. 4: 9). 37. See Gless 173–4. 38. See also McManus 242. 39. In Book 2, Spenser returns to this image of melting to illustrate intemper- ance. The Palmer explains to Guyon the necessity of finding a mean between “melt[ing] in pleasures whott desyre” and “fry[ing] in hartlesse griefe and dolefull tene” (2.1.58). He also accentuates its eroticism through Guyon’s “melting hart” at the sight of the wrestling damsels in the Bower of Bliss (2.12.66). 40. Chapman, Patrons 33 notes that the Palmer’s identification of Redcrosse as a saint signifies his membership among the earthly saints that have professed belief in Christ as well as the medieval St. George.

3 The Will to Forget: Marlowe’s Doctor Faustus

1. On this general model of the transformation of ritual in the early modern theater, see Greenblatt, Shakespearean Negotiations 19–20, 94–128. 2. For a summary of the textual issues surrounding the play, see Bevington and Rassmussen, eds. 62–77. 3. This textual difference could have evoked doctrinal distinctions for Marlowe’s audience, for Wittenberg was famously associated with Martin Luther and the birthplace of the Protestant Reformation, whereas Wertenberg presented a more complex history of its official Lutheran orthodoxy and other Protestant groups, including Zwinglians, Anabaptists, and Calvinists, and its tangled relationship with Austria and the Empire. My argument focuses more on the Lutheran connections that either city signified and that inform the tragedy as a whole rather than more local religious and political associations. Leah Marcus cautions against pressing “the parallel between Marlowe’s ‘Wertenberg’ and the historical Württemburg … too far” (235n12). 4. For similar interpretations of Faustus’s status as a reprobate, see Sachs (1964) and Waswo (1974). For a reading of Marlowe’s representation of the sacraments as “negotiating the borderlines,” see Coleman, Drama and the Sacraments 91–108. Notes and References 191

5. On the presence of the Ovidian in Doctor Faustus, see also Laroque 165–77 and Poole, “Devil’s in the Archive.” 6. On this interpretation of Ovidian metamorphosis, see Burrow, Epic Romance 117–18. 7. On the identification of the pseudo-Ovidian Elegia de pulice as the original source, though mediated through Italian writers, of the flea motif, see Françon 329. 8. Woodhouse includes Ovid’s name in the marginalia beside this passage. On the flea as masculine lover in early modern Continental literature, see Cayley. 9. Jones also considers several of the flea poems in La Puce de Madame Des- Roches, a collection of over sixty flea texts written on the occasion of Etienne Pasquier claiming to have witnessed a flea on Catherine Des Roches’s breast; see 117, 123. On the eroticism of van Honthorst’s Merry Flea Hunter, see Moffitt. 10. On Circe as a figure of black magic, see Ascham 226. 11. On Faustus’s attraction to Helen’s superficial beauty, see Levin 127. 12. In Etymologies, Isidore of Seville makes the connection between flea (pulex) and dust (pulvis) (259). 13. On the medieval tradition of using the flea as a modesty topos, see Curtius 84. 14. Critics have dismissed the significance of the disjunction between Faustus’s and these characters’ spiritual fate largely because of the comedic tone of scenes like this. See Guenther 56n24. 15. See also Donne, Sermons 8: 152. In Donne’s Holy Sonnet 9, however, the speaker questions, “If lecherous goats, if serpents envious / Cannot be damn’d; Alas, why should I bee?” (3–4). 16. On the supposed effeminacy of the sultan’s court, see Vitkus 115–18. 17. The grammatical parallels between Faustus’s heroic projection and Ithamore’s to Bellamira in The Jew of Malta underscore that they remain to be realized. Ithamore promises: Content, but we will leave this paltry land, And sail from hence to Greece, to lovely Greece. I’ll be thy Jason, thou my Golden fleece; Where painted carpets o’er the meads are hurled, And Bacchus’ vineyards overspread the world. Where woods and forests go in goodly green, I’ll be Adonis, thou shalt be Love’s queen. (4.2.101–7) This intertextual connection further diminishes Faustus’s self-perception as superior and unique, for it is shared not by another comedic magician, but rather a foolish, deceived lover. 18. On contingency and determinism of “will” and “shall” as it applies to Doctor Faustus and early modern thought, see Cummings 263–4, 406–17. 19. On the connections between Faustus’s kiss and the sublime, see Cheney, Marlowe’s Republican Authorship 184. 20. John Webster turns to this infection in the penitential process in The Duchess of Malfi, where the Cardinal soliloquizes after the murder of Julia, “O, my conscience! / I would pray now, but the devil takes away my heart / For having any confidence in prayer” (5.4.25–7). Of course, for both Faustus and 192 Notes and References

Webster’s Cardinal, this displacement of agency onto the demonic serves their own purposes. 21. For a tragedy so focused on psychomachia, it is striking that Marlowe never uses the term conscience in the A-Text; he uses it only once in the B-Text during Mephistopheles’s interaction with Beelzebub: “Fond worldling, now his heart-blood dries with grief; / His conscience kills it, and his labouring brain / Begets a world of idle fantasies” (5.2.11–13). I would like to thank Giuseppina Iacono Lobo for this observation (personal communication, 1 September 2009). 22. On the differences in Marlowe’s representation of the Old Man in the A- and B-Texts, see Warren 133–9. 23. On Faustus as an inverted Christ figure, see Ornstein, “Marlowe and God” 1384. 24. Greenblatt also reads this “unwitting” acceptance of the dominant social order as a mark of Marlowe’s rebellious figures (Renaissance Self-Fashioning 209). On blasphemy’s recapitulation of the power structures it resists, see also Jameson 68. 25. Deleuze and Guattari have noted this connection within language itself: “[I]t is relatively easy to stop saying ‘I,’ but that does not mean that you have gotten away from the regime of subjectification; conversely, you can keep on saying ‘I,’ just for kicks, and already be in a regime in which personal pronouns function only as fictions” (138). 26. On early performances of Faustus, see Bevington and Rasmussen, eds. 49. 27. Modern dramatic performances, including Matthew Dunster’s 2011 production at the Globe Theatre in London, typically have Mephistopheles change his wardrobe several times. This directorial decision registers the developing relationship between Faustus and Mephistopheles, but it obscures the religious and political resonance generated by his fraternal attire. 28. Snyder reads Mephistopheles as a parodic spiritual advisor who acts as “hell’s advocate” throughout the tragedy, save in his description of the torments of Hell (“Marlowe’s Doctor Faustus” 570). 29. Rowlands’s description contrasts with the image of Alleyn playing Faustus on the title page of the 1616 quarto, where he is dressed in “what appears to be a surplice” (without a cross), an academic robe, and square hat (Lublin 75). For a discussion of Faustus appearing as an Anglican priest, see Marcus 61. 30. See Müller 276. 31. On Doctor Faustus as a typical instance of the antifraternal tradition, see Geltner 28. 32. On the identification of Bernardine as a Dominican Friar and his attire, see Garber 315. 33. Bernardine’s lustful commentary functions as a form of ironic confession to the audience, for it answers Ithamore’s question to Abigall, that is, “A very feeling one: have not the nuns fine sport with the friars now and then?” (3.3.37–8). 34. Elizabeth Butler notes that in the Urfaustbook that “Mephisto waits on Faustus in the habit of a monk” (25). 35. On insincerity as a defining characteristic of the medieval Vice, see Happé 109–10. Notes and References 193

36. Recent editors, including Bevington and Rasmussen and Roma Gill, follow John Searle’s connection of Mephistopheles’s description of the pains of hell to St. John Chrysostom’s Homily on Saint Matthew 23.9; see Searle 139. 37. On the Lutheran influence on Doctor Faustus, see also Davidson 154. 38. Dollimore 110–16 has argued that Faustus’s internal contradictions are central to his identity.

4 Hamlet, Confession, and the Extraction of Interiority

1. Shakespeare represents ritual confession and refers to it more than any other Roman Catholic sacrament; see Mutschmann and Wentersdorf 218. 2. On these confessorial offices in the early modern period, see Chapter 1. 3. On the rise of Protestant autobiography, see Lynch. On Puritan autobiography functioning as a substitute for the confessional, see Haller 96. 4. See Voaden 56. 5. See Denery 59 and Brooks, Troubling Confessions 99. 6. This distinction between the limitations of the senses of the body and the senses of the soul occurs as early as Augustine; see Soliloquies 40–5. 7. For a detailed discussion of the patristic and medieval treatments of Judas’ repentance and suicide, see Murray 2: 323–68. On the New Testament meaning of metameleia, see Bromley 589–90. 8. This criticism is reiterated in Fulke, A confutation 31r. 9. For an additional association between Roman Catholic confession and Judas; see Bullinger 53r. 10. A similar logic may be observed in Calvin’s understanding of self- examination, see Bouwsma 180. 11. Many early modern writers, including Calvin, Foxe, Peter Martyr Vermigli, Edwin Sandys, and Arminius, nevertheless interpreted Spira’s death as a sign of his damnation; see Campbell 225-–2 and Overell 159–68. 12. For a discussion of this connection in the context of common worship and the theater, see Targoff, “Performance of Prayer.” 13. For a discussion of the relationship between authority and scaffold confessions in relation to the trial, confession, and execution of Robert Devereux, second earl of Oxford, see Coddon 56–7. 14. On the connection between confession and torture, see Foucault, History of Sexuality 59. On the early modern awareness of the limitations of confession under torture, see Merchant of Venice 3.2.32–3 and Donne, Devotions 108. 15. The most detailed account of Cranmer’s final days appears in MacCulloch 554–605. 16. On the problem of determining intentionality in public confession, see Halley. 17. On the disjunction between outward behavior and internal beliefs in scaffold confessions, see Maus 6–7. For a discussion of the problematic relationship of external authority and individual faith, see also McEachern 67–72. 18. On confession in Foxe as a “privileged kind of discourse” that reveals the conscience, see Robinson 62. 19. For a discussion of martyrdom and theological polemic, see Gregory 339–41. 194 Notes and References

20. On Calvinist pressure to determine election or reprobation, see Tipson. 21. The 1559 Prayer Book instructs ministers to exhort the congregation to receive communion; see The booke of common praier Mviir. 22. On the connection between “disappointed” and sacramental confession, see Jenkins, ed. 200. 23. For a discussion of the Ghost’s faith in the Catholic sacrament of Extreme Unction, a traditional rite that contains sacramental absolution, see Gurr 71. 24. On the significance of memory in Hamlet’s actions as a revenger, see Wilder 107–39 and Scott 130–56. 25. Woodbridge’s argument that by “[f]orcing a foe to make satisfaction, a revenger usurps the role of a priest or of God” directly pertains to Hamlet’s manipulation of the confessiorial role to determine guilt and exact punishment (40). On the importance of restitution in medieval confession, see Bossy, Christianity in the West 47–8. For the transformation of satisfaction in Reformation thought, with particular reference to the connection of satisfaction being applied through vengeance against oneself, see Hirschfeld 65–93. 26. Greenblatt, Hamlet in Purgatory 105 connects such verbal confrontations with the dead to the larger spiritual and cultural attempt to organize the afterlife, citing Chiffoleau. 27. This tension between Hamlet’s inward feelings and speech is registered in the Second Quarto’s version of Hamlet’s first speech to his mother. Instead of the Folio’s reading of “good mother” (1.2.75), the Second Quarto reads “cold mother” and thereby suggests that Hamlet struggles to contain his true feelings regarding her marriage with Claudius (1.2.76). 28. The prominence of secrets in theatrical space has been the subject of numerous critical studies; see Coddon; Burnett, “Heart of My Mystery” 35; Parker, Shakespeare 229–72; and Wilson, Secret Shakespeare 26–8. 29. On the confessional aspects of King Hamlet’s murder, see Tambling 73–6 and Freeman 253. 30. John Kerrigan, Revenge Tragedy 16–17 observes that imitation and emulation represent common themes in classical and early modern revenge tragedy. Similarly, Woodbridge writes, “Hamlet kills Claudius unshriven, as Claudius killed his father, and forces poison into Claudius’ mouth as Claudius forced poison into his father’s ear. The need to get it exactly right contributes to the revenger’s delay. (Hamlet won’t kill Claudius at prayer, lest he fail to die unshriven)” (18). 31. The First Quarto assigns this power to contrition, “Why, say thy sins were blacker than is jet — / Yet may contrition make them as white as snow,” which establishes a more explicit connection than later versions of the play do to the first part of confession (contrition) in both the Catholic and Protestant traditions (10.8–9). Further, the concluding prayer in the First Quarto, “Ask grace of heaven to keep thee from despair” (10.13), reso- nates with the type of penitential binaries established by the Old Man in Marlowe’s Doctor Faustus: “Then call for mercy and avoid despair” (5.1.57); see also the parallels between Hamlet, Q1 10.3 and Faustus 2.3.1–2. Hamlin suggests that this Davidic allusion could make Claudius’s and the audience’s doubts about his belief that he may be forgiven “understandable, since David did in fact receive forgiveness despite remaining married to Bathsheba” (216). Notes and References 195

32. On the connections between Claudius’s penitential prayer and the Church of England’s conception of private repentance, see Prosser 185–6. 33. For another interpretation of the Catholic undertones of Claudius’s prayer, see McGee 124–5. 34. Joseph Sterrett argues that Claudius’s isolation prevents the successful completion of his confession: “He cannot find a prayer because he cannot conceive of anyone listening and can find nothing definitive, neither a soul within nor a friend without, that can give his prayer meaning” (104). 35. Hamlet’s judgment of others is more forceful in the Folio: he justifies his treatment of Rosencrantz and Guildenstern by remarking, “Why, man, they did make love to this employment” (5.2.57); and he explicitly connects his “perfect conscience” to the killing of Claudius by rhetorically asking, “is’t not perfect conscience / To quit him with this arm?” (5.2.67–8). 36. For a precursor of this interpretation, see Wilson, What Happens in Hamlet 256. 37. The meaning of “assume” in this line has been the subject of critical debate. Interestingly, the Oxford English Dictionary uses it to illustrate the meaning of “assume” as “To take to oneself in appearance only, to pretend to possess; to pretend, simulate, feign” (def. 8). For a reading of “assume” as a reference to the practice of virtue, see Jenkins, ed. 326. 38. For a discussion of the significance of Hamlet’s roles as scourge and God’s minister, see Bowers 98. 39. In his literary biography of Shakespeare, Greenblatt imagines a situation somewhat analogous to the doctrinal tension present in Hamlet, hypothesizing that John Shakespeare may have been simultaneously both a Catholic and Protestant; see Will in the World 102–3. If Greenblatt’s theory is correct, the collapse of the effectiveness of ritual in Hamlet suggests that Shakespeare considered such a position to be ultimately untenable. A realization that John Shakespeare, if his so-called “spiritual testament” is to be held as authentic, had arrived at before his death. 40. Social anthropologists have challenged this interpretation of ritual; see Bell 182–96. Yet ritual and authority are frequently connected in early modern English drama.

5 Will and the Reconciled Maid: Shake-speares Sonnets

1. Unless otherwise noted, all citations from the Sonnets and A Lover’s Complaint are taken from Duncan-Jones’s edition. I accept Shakespeare’s authorship of A Lover’s Complaint, though it is not necessary for my argument. The question of Shakespearean authorship has nevertheless been reopened; see Elliott and Valenza and Vickers. McDonald has argued for the retention of the poem in the Shakespeare canon. 2. Based on the absence of gendered pronouns in many of the sonnets, the traditional grouping of the Sonnets into those addressed to the Young Man (Sonnets 1–126) and the Dark Lady (127–52) has been challenged by Dubrow, “Uncertainties.” In Sonnet 33, which Helen Vendler notes “is the first sonnet to remark a true flaw in the friend. Even so, it is stated as a flaw by omission (permit) rather than a flaw by commission,” the Sonnets-speaker 196 Notes and References

specifies a masculine object of desire (see 33.6, 11, and 13) (178). From this original moment of loss, moreover, he continues to turn inward to negotiate the repercussions of transgressive desire in those sonnets addressed to both the young man and “my mistress” (127.9). 3. On A Lover’s Complaint providing a possible context for reading the Sonnets, see also Edmondson and Wells 110–13. An overview of the material and thematic connections between the sonnet sequence and complaint may be found in Sharon-Zisser and Whitworth 13–15, 33–6. 4. Joel Fineman has observed this movement in the sonnet sequence as a whole, noting that the final couplet of Sonnet 24 “reacts back upon the body of the sonnet, with the result that as a reader concludes the poem he ceases to overlook the way the visual conceit has all along resisted the familiar pictorial imagination it professes,” and this “second reading [functions] not entirely unlike the retroactive rereading of the young man sub-sequence that is enjoined by even a first reading of the dark lady sub-sequence” (137–8). See also Freinkel 217. 5. For critics who suggest that the fickle maid exaggerates her complaint, see Underwood 38; Kerrigan, ed., Motives of Woe 51; and Mehl 138. Critics who posit that the fickle maid resolves her conflict include Underwood 101; Laws 85; Roberts 150; and Bates. 6. The OED (def. 1.a) defines reverend as “a respectful epithet applied to mem- bers of the clergy” and cites Shakespeare’s Henry VIII 4.2.1—“The reuerend Abbot / With all his Couent honourably received him”—as a representative usage of the word in the early seventeenth century. 7. The economic difficulties facing the lower clergy in the late Elizabethan period were substantial and often caused ministers to seek various types of employment, such as university fellowship, assistant curate, or reader. See O’Day 70–2. 8. All of the sixteenth-century examples given in the OED (def. 4) of the verb bluster—“To utter with a blast, or with stormy violence or noise”—have religious connotations. The citation from Thomas Cranmer’s Catechism illus- trates this clearly: “These more then deullish swerers … do blowe & bluster oute of theyr vngodly mouthes such blasphemies.” The OED cites A Lover’s Complaint as the first example of blusterer, which is defined as “One who utters loud empty boasts or menaces; a loud or inflated talker, a braggart.” This definition does not undercut the reverend man’s religious occupation; rather, it indicates his previous shortcomings as a minister. 9. As Burrow, ed. notes in his gloss to lines 59–60, the reverend man is one “who had allowed the rapidly passing days of youth to slip away, but who had drawn instruction from them (observèd)” (699). 10. The parallels between the reverend man and Spenserian poetry have long been recognized; for a summary of the criticism, see Cheney, Shakespeare, National Poet–Playwright 245–9. The reverend man’s occupation as a cat- tle herder does not preclude him from religious occupation. In fact, rural clergy regularly supplemented their income through raising livestock; see O’Day 99–101. 11. See also Nichols 150–1. 12. As Rollins, ed. glosses: “deuide] Schmidt (1874): Share, communicate” (Poems 340). Most editors follow this reading. For instance, Kerrigan, ed. Notes and References 197

writes: “Her grievance with his hearing to divide. The reverend man invokes proverbial lore, ‘Grief is lessened when imparted to others’ (compare The Passionate Pilgrim XX.53–8), ‘When shared, joy is doubled and sorrow halved’, while the poet plays on grievance (both cause and, by extension, effect of ‘grief’) and emphasizes, once more, verbal ‘doubleness’ (divide as ‘share even-handedly’)” (Sonnets 404). However, as Spevack shows, of the twenty-six uses of “divide” in Shakespeare’s works, the majority denote separation rather than sharing (310). 13. Kerrigan, ed. writes: “Not a melodramatic revelation of identity but – as at line 288 and, for instance, Coriolanus 5.1.3 – a title of respect used of old and venerable men. Arguably, the maid’s predicament, the reverend man’s care, and the confessional nature of what is to follow make the ‘ghostly father, confessor’ contribute to the vocative’s ring” (Sonnets 404). Given what pre- cedes the fickle maid’s confession, I would further posit that “Father” simply confirms the reverend man’s religious identity. 14. On the young man’s strategy of seduction, see Roe, ed. 69. 15. For an examination of the fickle maid’s relationship to Eve, see Muir 164. 16. Stressing the emotional situation of the fickle maid, Duncan-Jones, ed. notes: “[T]he ‘fickle maid’ is already touched by ‘seared age’ (14), and finds that she is unable to free herself from emotional dependence on the betray- ing words of her lover.… And though poetic language may beautify, promote or redefine desire, in the process of so doing it, too, becomes infected” (95). 17. Bell relates that the “male lover brags shamelessly about his ability to project his ‘shame’ onto his lovers” (“That which thou hast done” 467). 18. Rollins, ed. notes: “reconciled] Lee (ed. 1907) A repentant maid, one who has expiated her sin. — Pooler (ed. 1918): Readmitted to the Church after excommunication” (Poems 366). Similarly, Burrow, ed. glosses reconciled as “reformed, repentant. OED sense 5a of ‘reconcile’ may be germane, given that the ‘father’ to whom the confession is made has priestly overtones (he is a reverend man at l. 57): ‘To bring back, restore, or readmit to the Church, spec. the Church of Rome’” (717). On the connection of sacramental reconciliation to Roman Catholicism, see Chapter 6. 19. Vickers contends that “reconciled” “should be understood in the ethico- psychological sense, as in the OED (8a): ‘To bring into a state of acquiescence or submission to a thing’”; Vickers bases his argument primarily on the fact that John Davies uses the term in such a manner (254). When taken together, the religious themes of the complaint and the jarring nature of the fickle maid’s conclusion make such a positive connotation unlikely. 20. This tension between sex and sin undergirds the Pauline and Augustinian devaluation of matrimony in favor of celibacy; see 1 Cor. 7–9 and Augustine, On Marriage 1.14–19. 21. See also Duncan-Jones, ed., Shakespeare’s Sonnets 94. 22. Taking a slightly different view of the confessional relationship between speaker and reader, Bruce Smith has argued that “[t]he listener to the confessions recorded in Shakespeare’s sonnets is not, in fact, an authority figure at all: he, or she, is a collaborator. We as readers become ‘confessors’; we ourselves ‘take confession.’ Speaker and listener are bound together in a pact of secrecy. The speaker of Shakespeare’s sonnets, because he asks for our imaginative complicity, ends up confessing us” (233). 198 Notes and References

23. On this exculpatory strategy of comparing the young man’s fault to nature, see Freinkel 214. 24. If Edward Capell’s 1711 emendation of “losse” to “crosse” in line 12—so that the line reads “To him that bears the strong offence’s cross”—is correct, then the effect of the reversal in the final couplet is even more spiritually severe (Duncan-Jones, ed., Shakespeare’s Sonnets 179). Although the speaker endures the sufferings of the cross and manifests his pain through the metaphori- cal tears of “rain on my storm-beaten face,” the young man’s tears take on a redemptive, Christ-like quality that redeems the world without having to endure the Passion. In this figuration, the speaker becomes the scapegoat for his beloved, both bearing the weight of the beloved’s “disgrace” and depend- ing on him for forgiveness. On the disturbing effects of the speaker’s self-deceptions, see Dubrow, “Shakespeare’s Undramatic Monologues” 65. The process of self deception begun in the sonnets involving the young man continues into the sonnets of triangulated desire; see, for instance, Sonnets 138 and 152. 25. Kerrigan, ed. observes that this “common couplet makes the two group rhyme, as it were,” thereby manifesting the interior stasis of the Sonnets- speaker (Sonnets 297). 26. This scriptural connection has been noted by Booth, ed. 410; Kerrigan, ed., Sonnets 342; and Duncan-Jones, ed., Shakespeare’s Sonnets 352. 27. See Gilson 8 and Fineman 18–19. 28. On the equation of “mine eye” and “my self,” see Booth, ed. 242. 29. This passage was noted by C.K. Pooler in the First Arden edition of the Sonnets (1918); see Rollins, ed., Sonnets 1: 165n5. 30. The term speculum peccatoris was the abbreviated title of the pseudo- Augustinian tract Speculum Aliud quod dicitur Peccatoris, which circulated in the medieval period as “The Mirror of Sinners” (see Rolle 2: 439) and in the seventeenth century as The Glass of Vain-glory (1609). Speculum humanum is taken from Stephen Gosson’s short poem “Speculum Humanum,” which was appended to Pope Innocent III’s The Mirror of Mans Lyfe (1576) Kviv-Kviir. On the relationship between early modern mirrors and individual subjectivity, see Shuger, “The ‘I’ of the Beholder”; Kalas; and Deitch. 31. On Shakespeare’s use of Augustine’s concept of “pride as the perverse imitation of God” in the sonnets addressed to his mistress, see De Grazia 130. Shakespeare’s use of Augustine’s concept of disordered will in his dramatic works has been explored by Battenhouse 44–50. 32. Compare Luis de Granada’s warning in The sinners guyde (1598) about the misguided belief that satisfying sinful desire is possible: “Remember, that the oftner thou giuest thy thoughts and thy body for a prey to carnall lust, thou shalt finde the lesser satietie in them. For the delight doth not bring satiety vnto them, but doth procure and increase a further thirst: for the loue between a man and a woman is neuer altogether extinguished, yea the flame when it is supposed extinct, on a sodaine reuiueth and burneth more fiercely” (394). The publisher of de Granada’s treatise was Edward Blount, who would go on to publish Shakespeare’s First Folio (1623), and the dedica- tion to the privy counsel was written by Francis Meres. Shakespeare’s direct knowledge of this treatise cannot be determined, but his incorporation of this type of didactic commonplace in the Sonnets points to the penitential themes that structure the speaker’s representation of his interior conflict. Notes and References 199

33. On how the lack of the narrative conclusion to the Sonnets pressures readers to entertain simultaneously contradictory perspectives, see also Zarnowiecki 168. 34. The inclusion of quotation marks, of course, modernizes the sonnet for contemporary audiences, but it also reflects a critical tendency to import the dramatic into the Sonnets, which results perhaps from the desire to find Shakespeare the man of the theater in his poetry. In her commentary to Sonnet 34, for instance, Vendler includes a diagram of “The Temporal Sequence of Interchanges in Sonnet 34,” wherein she supplies the “implied words and actions of the friend” (181–2). Hypothesizing such a dramatic exchange into the Sonnets accomplishes the same result as inserting quotation marks. 35. On the ways in which quotation marks distinguish between narrator and character, see Kerrigan, ed., Motives of Woe 26, who cites John Higgins’s pioneering use of quotation marks in his 1587 edition of The Myrroure for Magistrates. 36. The multilayered reporting of A Lover’s Complaint, which filters the “sad- tuned tale” of the fickle maid to the reverend man through an unnamed narrator, repeats this feature of the sonnet sequence and reinforces the formal continuity throughout the volume (4). 37. On Augustine’s perspective on the risks of this form of “unbounded” solitude, see Barbour, 32–42. 38. James J. O’Donnell notes, “The transformation of the self into [an] object of inquiry both reflects the maxim ‘know thyself,’ and also reveals a reversal of ordinary expectations, where now for A[ugustine] the answers to questions come not from the cleverness of the questioner (who is now the object of the question), but from divine grace” (Augustine: Confessions 3: 220). 39. In The Anatomy of Melancholy, Robert Burton identifies what he calls “volun- tary solitarinesse”: “A most uncomparable delight, it is so to melancholize, to build castles in the ayre, to goe smiling to themselves, acting an infinite variety of parts, which they suppose, and strongly imagine they represent, or that they see acted or done”; but these fantasies are eventually transformed into an unhappiness where they are “lead round about an heath with a Pucke in the night, they runne earnestly on in this labarinth of anxious and solitious melancholy meditations, and cannot well or willingly refraine or easily leave off, winding and unwinding themselves, as so many clocks, and still pleasing their humours, until at last the Sceane is turned upon a sudden, by some bad object, and they being now habituated to such vaine meditations and solitary places, can endure no company, can ruminate on nothing but harsh and distasteful subjects” (1: 243). The difference between Burton’s melancholiac and Shakespeare’s Sonnets-speaker and female complainant is that the latter two never move completely past the false perception of the young man; instead, they turn inward to their “phantasticall imaginations” (1: 405). Such a description of the hazards of exclusionary introspection would later be repeated by John Sym in his popular treatise Lifes Preservative against Self-Killing (1637), where he states, “So long as men, in distresse of conscience of their sinne, looke not off, or beyond themselves, for ease and comfort, they cannot but sinke under their owne burden” (219). 200 Notes and References

6 Treasonous Reconciliations: Robert Southwell and the Criminalization of Confession

1. For a corroborative account, see Munday Aiiir-v. 2. On the Catholic identification of Hanse as true martyr, see Wilson Aa4r; on the Protestant treatment of him as a false martyr executed for treason, see The fierie tryall of Gods saints H4v. 3. See Bellamy 70. See also Allen, A true 3. On Elizabethan treason law, see also Neale 378–92 and Williams 375–94. 4. For the context of the act, see LaRocca. 5. On the criminalization of confession, see Youngs 690. Accusations about the connection between treason and confession began in the late 1530s after Henry VIII’s break from Rome, but it became officially recognized in the Elizabethan period. For an early example of the treasonous potential of auricular confession, see Marshall, Catholic Priesthood 28–9. 6. On Southwell and English treason law, see White, Tudor Books 240- 76 and Abbas. On Southwell’s use of post-Tridentine penitential doctrine and emphasis on its consolatory potential, see Brown, “Structure”; Scallon 181–6; Cummings 330–64; Pilarz 242–66; Sweeney 52; and Kuchar 32–46. 7. For a discussion of treason and confession in this scene, see Slights 62. 8. On the connections between sacramental confession and Elizabethan treason law, see also Questier, Conversion 174–80. 9. On the authorization of priests to reconcile English Catholics, see Bayne 175–9. 10. On the relationship between reconciliation and treason law, see Trimble 106. 11. The 1591 treason declaration reiterates this official position, stating that priests “haue bene impeached, by direct execution of Lawes against such Traitours for meere treasons, and not for any pointes of Religion, as their sautours woulde coulour falsely their actions[,] … howe they are neither executed, condemned, nor endited, but for high Treasons” (4). See also the anonymous pamphlet, An aduertisement and defence for trueth Aiir. 12. This official distinction also undergirds the 1605 Treason Act and the Oath of Allegiance. On the contradictions between these statutes and governmen- tal policies, see Questier, “Loyalty” and Lemon 123–5. 13. In an effort to refute Crowley’s version of events, Allen accuses Crowley of “forg[ing]” Hanse’s statement that “treason to the Q[ueen] was no sinne before God” (A briefe historie Dr). 14. Garnet’s distinction between what may be described as private and public reconciliation supports the Jesuit mission’s strategy of focusing their efforts on maintaining those faithful to Rome rather than reconciling heretics. See Haigh, “The Continuity of Catholicism” 195. 15. On Roman Catholic martyrs’ professed loyalty to Queen Elizabeth, see Pollen 295. 16. On the Jesuits’ involvement in the English Mission, see also McCoog 138–9. 17. For a discussion of the contradictory positions of Catholic writers on the purposes of the English Mission, see also Pritchard 8–10, 69–72. 18. On the Appellant Controversy, see Bald, ed. xii and Questier, Catholicism and Community 39n35. Notes and References 201

19. On Bancroft’s support of Appellant publications, see Plomer. 20. Unless otherwise indicated, all citations from Southwell’s An Humble Supplication are taken from Bald’s edition. On the purely religious motives of the English Mission, see also Southwell, An epistle of comfort 91r. According to Allen, Hanse returned to England once he had become “wel instructed in cases of conscience, and al deuties of Priesthood” and out of the “vnspeakable desire he had to gaine both others, but specially some of his dearest frendes into the vnitie of the Church and saluation” (A briefe historie Cviiv). 21. On the government’s offer of clemency for conforming to the Church of England, see “Ane Acte agaynste the bringing in” and Chapman, “Persecution” 35–6. In this instance, Catholic polemicists overstate their case, for under Mary Tudor it was treasonous to pray for the death of the queen, but this penalty could be reduced by repentance; see Williams 377. 22. For another account of Catholics beings persecuted for religion, see also Verstegan 45. 23. The argument that other nations and religions have greater religious tolerance than England, see Persons, An epistle 36. 24. Early printed editions of the Supplication read “reuile” rather than “reveale”; see Southwell, An Hvmble Svpplication 63. This corrected reading appears in a contemporary secretary hand in the margin of the copy at the British Library (BL, 3935.aa.33). 25. On Southwell and Catholic writers’ use of historical analogues between England’s past and present, see Pilarz 190. 26. On this strategy in Southwell’s prose works, see also Abbas 455. 27. For a recent interpretation of the recusant context of the poem, see Southwell, Collected Poems 165–6. 28. On the problems of satisfactory conclusion, see Snow 73, 83. 29. On the connections between auricular confession and early modern complaint, see Diaz. 30. Comparing the suffering English Catholics to early Christians’ is a recurring image in Catholic polemic; see also Allen, A briefe historie aiiv. 31. For a discussion of the development of the doctrine of merit in the English Reformation, see White, Predestination 50–6. 32. For the effects of the Gunpowder Plot on the treasonous potential of confession, see Lake with Questier 301. 33. Evoking the purported involvement of Jesuit priests in the Gunpowder Plot, the philologist Isaac Casaubon relates a “Iesuit in France[’s]” claim “[t]hat if our Lord Iesus Christ were liuing vpon the earth, subiect to death, and some man had told him in confession, that he would kill him, not withstanding, rather than he would reueale that confession, he would suffer (I tremble to speak it) Christ Iesus himselfe to the murthered” (17). This emphasis on the limitations to the seal of confession follows the Jacobean Canons of 1604, which upheld the mandate that a confessor “do not at any time reveal and make known to any person whatsoever any crime or offence so committed to his trust or secrecy,” but included the following exception: “except they be crimes as by the laws of this realm his own life may be called into question for concealing the same” (Bray, ed. 413). 34. On Donne’s criticism of Roman Catholic intrusions into England, see also Pseudomartyr 141–7. 202 Notes and References

Conclusion: Memories of Confession in Seventeenth-century England

1. On the contrast between the swift abolition of Purgatory and the gradual relegation of prayers of the dead to only “the most allusive connection … [with] the Eucharist” and the public practices of the English Church, see Wooding 32. 2. In place of private confession and absolution, A Directory for Publique Worship of God explains that the minister “shall exhort the sick person to examine himself, to search and try his former wayes, and his estate towards God…. And if the sick person shall declare any scruple, doubt or temptation, that are upon him, instructions and resolution shall be given to satisfie and settle him” (66–7). 3. The parenthetical “clause [was] added in 1662 in accordance with presbyte- rian concerns that absolution should be dependent on repentance not on priestly authority” (Cummings, ed. 781). On the debate over the language of the 1662 Prayer Book, see Rowell 102. 4. The presence of several conflicting positions on the rite of private confession reflects the general composition of the early seventeenth-century Church of England; see Lake, “Lancelot Andrewes” 114. 5. On the rise of anti-Calvinists, see Tyacke, Anti-Calvinists. 6. Variations of this question were repeated in episcopal visitations in the years leading up to the English Civil War, including those by Richard Neile (Lincoln, 1624) (Fincham, ed. 1: 86); Richard Montagu (Chichester, 1628 and Norwich, 1638) (2: 28, 203); Matthew Wren (Hereford, 1635) (2: 136); Robert Skinner (Bristol, 1637) (2: 188); Ewers Gower (Northumberland, 1639) (2: 212); and William Juxon (London, 1640) (2: 232). 7. Defenders included John Cosin, master of Peterhouse and later vice-chancellor of the university, Richard Sterne, master of Jesus and ex-chaplain to Laud, and Edward Martin, Laud’s ex-chaplain and president of Queen’s College; see Tyacke, Anti-Calvinists 222; Milton, Catholic 74–5; Carlson, “Confession and Absolution.” 8. On the intersections between Donne and Andrewes, see Doerkson. For an opposing view of Donne’s penitential theology, see Stanwood 370, 375n8 and Johnson 94–6. 9. On Donne’s use of the compass as a sign of resurrection and reunion with God, see Papazian 609. 10. For Donne’s similar caution about acting as one’s own physician without divine assistance, see Donne, Essays in Divinity 75–6. 11. Echoing the mainstream Protestant position, Donne elevates the ecclesiastical administration of private confession even as he denies that the rite burdens the conscience, as it does in the Roman Catholic Church, declar- ing, “I am not submitted to such a confession as is a racke and torture of the Conscience” (108). See also Sermons 9: 308–9. 12. Raspa, ed. interprets Donne’s use of absolution here to refer to general absolution offered to a “congregation at the general confession during the Daily Offices,” yet the personal and private context of the Devotions equally signifies private absolution and confession (Devotions 182). Bibliography

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Abelard, Peter, 61 Bernard of Clairvaux, Saint, 38–9 absolution, 4, 11–15, 18–21, 38–9, Bird, John, 159 45, 60–2, 103–4, 115, 123–4, 126, Bonner, Edmund, 18, 25, 155, 183n28 133, 137, 139, 148, 150, 153, Book of Common Prayer, The, 2–3, 156, 159, 169, 171, 174, 176–8, 17, 20–1, 60–61, 92, 108, 142, 189n31, 190n33, 202n2, 202n3 174, 176, 178, 180 see also confession; confessor see also confession Acquaviva, Claudio, 156, 158–9 Branagh, Kenneth, 106 Adams, Sylvester, 176 Brooks, Arthur, 20 Alighieri, Dante, 31 Browne, Anthony, 22 Alphabet of Tales, An, 31 Bruno, Vincenzo, 40 Allen, William, 159–64 Bunny, Francis, 157 Alleyn, Edward, 95 Bunyan, John, 108 Anderson, Edmund, 159 Andrewes, Lancelot, 21, 27, 132, Calvin, John, 2, 15–16, 98, 117, 143, 176–7, 183n30 174–5 anti-Calvinists, 21, 75, 175–6 see also anti–Calvinists; Calvinism see also Calvin, John; Calvinism Calvinism (Reformed Church), 15, 18, Aquinas, Thomas, Saint, 35, 40, 50–1, 21, 58, 75–6, 92, 95, 97–8, 103 111–12, 187n73 see also anti–Calvinists; Calvin, Aristotle, 37, 85 John Augustine, Saint, 6–7, 30–2, 34, 37–9, Campion, Edmund, 153, 156, 164 48–51, 56, 58, 63, 111, 137, 142 Cecil, Robert, 166 City of God, 38 Cecil, William, 155, 173 Confessions, 27, 30, 37, 39, 48–51, Chaucer, Geoffrey, 35–6, 143 56, 63, 147, 149–50, 185n48, Cicero, 46, 48, 109 188n11 Collins, John, 161 On Christian Doctrine, 185n47 complaint, 69, 168–70 On Marriage, 197n20 confession On the Psalms, 27–8 and the Caroline Church, 176–8 On the Trinity, 30 ecclesiastical visitations and see also memory; Pseudo–Augustine injunctions related to, 24–5, 155, Averroes, 57 175–6 and the Edwardian Church, 3, Bale, John, 20, 96, 98, 107, 121, 17–18 183n31, 184n32 and the Elizabethan Church, 19–22 Balmford, James, 172 enumeration of sins in, 2, 9, 60, 66 Bancroft, Richard, 161 etiquette of, 35–7, 132–4, 138 Barnfield, Richard, 82 and the Fourth Lateran Counsel, Barrough, Philip, 53–4 3, 10 Bartholomew of Chaimis, 109 and the Henrician Church, 15–17 Baxter, Richard, 108 and “An Homilie of Repentaunce,” Beard, Thomas, 94 20, 28, 33, 60, 111–12

228 Index 229

and Judas, 13, 101, 110–15 contrition, 10, 13, 21, 31, 35, 61, and King David, 26, 28–9, 122 90–1, 100, 105, 111–13, 124, and the Marian Church, 18–19 132–5, 139, 147, 158, 168–9 and material objects, 23–4 see also confession; memory and metanoia, 2, 43–4, 67, 111–12, Cottam, Thomas, 164 123, 129, 134, 149, 158, 181n1, Cranmer, Thomas, 16–17, 114–15, 187n2, 190n36 183n26, 196n8 of Saint Peter, 111, 167–72 Crowley, Robert, 157–8 as an instrument of social control, 6, 9–11, 20, 162–3 discretio spirituum (discernment of and treason law, 9, 20, 24, 96, spirits), 108–9 152–73 Donne, John, 41–2, 173, 176–8 tripartite structure of, 13, 17, 20, Devotions upon Emergent Occasions, 90, 111–12, 123–4, 158, 167 41, 176–8 and pœnitentiam agite, 2, 43–4 Essays in Divinity, 202n10 Shakespeare’s Sonnets as, 138, 142 “The Flea,” 81 see also absolution; Book Holy Sonnet 9, 33, 191n15 of Common Prayer, the; Pseudomartyr, 201n34 consolation; contrition; Sermons, 41, 87, 173, 176–8 forgiveness, assurance of; “A Valediction: forbidding memory; reconciliation; Mourning,” 177 satisfaction Directory for Publique Worship of God, confessor, 6, 15, 19–20, 29, 31–4, A, 174 36–7, 40, 91, 154–6, 158–9, Drummond, William, 81 164–5, 175 Dryden, John, 179 in A Lover’s Complaint, 132–3 Duckett, James, 161 Claudius as (Hamlet), 121 Despaire (The Faerie Queene) as, 57 Eco, Umberto, 34–5 friars as, 94–9 Edward VI, King, 14, 17 Hamlet as, 8, 106–10, 116–26 Eliot, T.S., 138 and interiority, problem of access Elizabeth, Queen, 19, 21, 152, 155, to, 37, 109–23, 155 159, 166–7, 171–2 Mephistopheles as, 8, 94–9, 103, English Faust Book (P.F.), 87–9, 97 105 epic, 45–58, 62–4, 70, 72, 79, 83 Patience (The Faerie Queene) as, see also romance 59–62 Erasmus, Desiderius, 2, 36, 43, as spiritual physician, 1, 10, 14, 61, 102 104, 177 Everyman, 29–30 see also absolution; confession; consolation; contrition; Fisher, John, 29, 35, 111–12, forgiveness, assurance of; 185n51 satisfaction Fleetwood, William, 152 consolation, 6–22, 25, 55, 61, 78, Ford, John, 107 98–9, 102, 110, 128–9, 133, 148, forgetting 150, 154, 162, 167, in the Christian tradition, 27 169–70, 172, 174–6, 178–9 and classical amnesty laws, 34 see also absolution; confessor; and ecclesiastical injunctions, 23–5 confession; forgiveness, assurance literal form of, 2, 29–31, 33, 35, 42, of 46–8, 53–5, 78 230 Index forgetting – continued paradox, treatment of, 78, 100–5 performative form of, 4, 7, 29, see also Lutheranism 31–5, 41, 55–6, 62–74 Lutheranism (Evangelical Church), 8, in the Psalms, 26 14–15, 18, 95, 102, 117, 182n15, public form of, 71–2 190n3. of the self, 42, 47, 53–4, 71, 78, 91, see also Luther, Martin 178, 189n21 Lydgate, John, 23 see also memory forgiveness, assurance of, 4, 8, 11, Marlowe, Christopher, 4–5, 26 13, 15, 33, 78, 110–16, 126, 128, Doctor Faustus, 5, 7–8, 30, 75–105, 168–70, 178–9 108, 113 see also confession; confessor; Jew of Malta, 91, 93, 96, 107, consolation 191n17 Foucault, Michel, 9–10 Massacre at Paris, 96 Foxe, John, 25, 114–15, 156 Ovid’s Elegies, 83, 85, 90 Freud, Sigmund, 39 Mary, Queen, 155 Matthew, Tobie, 185n48 Garnet, Henry, 156, 158–9 Melanchthon, Philip, 14 Gerson, Jean, 108 memory Gower, John, 34, 143–4 and affect, 8, 35–42, 45, 49, 56–7, Granada, Luis de, 22, 37, 41, 110, 59, 63, 130, 148–9, 151 148, 198n32 as anticipation of the future, Gratarolo, Guglielmo, 54 Augustinian model of, 48–9, Gunpowder Plot, the, 5, 27, 172, 58–9, 62–3 201n33 and Augustinian divine illumination, 47 Hale, James, 114 Biblical treatments of, 26–30 Hanse, Everard, 152–3, 157–9, 163 and clothing, 94–5, 105 Harrington, John, 21 and Lot’s wife, 26–8, 185n48 Harvey, Gabriel, 43–4 and mnemotechnics, 35, 46 Henry VIII, King, 13–14, 17 and Platonic anamnesis, 47 Henslowe, Philip, 95 and prudence, 46–8, 56, 63–4, Herbert, George, 175 71–3 Hooker, Richard, 20, 61 public forms of, 6–7, 22–5, 42, 65, Hooper, John, 24 68, 154, 165–72, 175, Honthorst, Gerrit van, 82 180 Hopkins, Richard, 22 in confession, regulation of, 4, 6–7, Huizinga, Johan, 94 30, 32–42, 45–6, 59, 63–4, 175,177 James VI and I, King, 174–5 and revenge tragedy, 117–18 as writing tablet, 38, 55–6 Langland, William, 147 see also confession; consolation; Latimer, Hugh, 18 forgetting Laud, William, 176 Middleton, Thomas, 107 Leo the Great, Pope, 112 Milton, John, 179, 188n19 Lombard, Peter, 35, 61 Love, Christopher, 175 Lupton, Thomas, 113 Nashe, Thomas, 82 Luther, Martin, 2, 8, 9–14, 22, 28,101–3 Nietzsche, Friedrich, 32 Index 231

Norton, Benjamin, 173 Henry VIII, 107, 155 Norwood, Richard, 108 Love’s Labour’s Lost, 133 A Lover’s Complaint, 5, 8, 129–39, Oecolampadius, Johannes, 14–15 150–1, 155 Overall, John, 21, 175–6 Macbeth, 1–2, 33, 178 Ovid, 8, 52, 77–90, 94, 100 Measure for Measure, 107, 133 , 107 Amores, 80, 82–3, 89 Much Ado about Nothing , 34–6, 107, 133 Metamorphoses, 52, 80 Romeo and Juliet , 5, 8–9, see also Marlowe, Christopher; Shake–speares Sonnets Pseudo–Ovid 129–51 Sonnet 3, 144 Paul, Saint, 27, 39, 56, 41, 108, 137, Sonnet 22, 141–3 141–2, 190n36 Sonnet 33, 138–9 Peacham, Henry, 67 Sonnet 34, 139 Peele, George, 107 Sonnet 35, 138–40, 150 Perkins, William, 20, 86, 98, 112, 116 Sonnet 36, 141, 145 Persons, Robert, 153, 160–3 Sonnet 40, 137, 142, 146 Petrarch, Francesco, 34 Sonnet 42, 141, 144 Pius V, Pope, 152 Sonnet 57, 146 Pliny the Elder, 85 Sonnet 62, 142–5 Pollard, Leonard, 19 Sonnet 68, 144 predestination, 58, 62, 76–7 Sonnet 69, 144 Pseudo-Augustine, 19, 148 Sonnet 84, 141 Sonnet 92, 140 see also Augustine, Saint Sonnet 95, 142 Pseudo-Ovid, 81–4 Sonnet 96, 140–1 see also Marlowe, Christopher; Ovid Sonnet 120, 142 Purgatory, 8, 17, 23–4, 31, 75, 107, Sonnet 121, 141 118, 174 Sonnet 127, 140, 144 Puttenham, George, 67 Sonnet 129, 147 Sonnet 133, 145 reconciliation Sonnet 134, 146 to God, 35, 45, 98, 110, 137–8, 170 Sonnet 135, 146 to the Roman Church, 9, 20, 22, Sonnet 136, 146–7 132, 153–9, 168–9, 171–3 Sonnet 143, 147 see also absolution; confession Sonnet 145, 149 Ricoeur, Paul, 24, 35 Sonnet 147, 149 Rolle, Richard, 51 Sonnet 148, 136 romance, 45, 52, 54, 70, 72 Sonnet 151, 146–7 see also epic Sonnet 153, 147 Rowland, Samuel, 95 The Winter’s Tale, 150 satisfaction, 10, 13, 17–18, 20, 35, 43, Sidney, Philip, 141, 143, 189n21 90, 111–12, 115, 117–18, 124, Smith, Richard, 173 158, 169, 195n25 Socrates, 55–6 see also confession Southwell, Robert, 4–5, 26, 154, 156, 159, 165–6, 172 Scotus, Duns, 61 “David’s Peccavi,” 167 Shakespeare, William, 4–5, 26 An Epistle of Comfort, 157, 163, Hamlet, 5, 7, 103, 106–28, 139, 155 170–1 232 Index

Southwell, Robert – continued Tyndale, William, 17, 114 An Humble Supplication, 160–3, 165–6, 71 Villagarcia, Juan de, 114 “Of the Blessed Sacrament,” 163 “A Phansie turned to a sinners Walpole, Henry, 156 complaint,” 169–70 Watson, Thomas, 19 Saint Peter’s Complaint, 5, 9, 167–72 Webster, John, 107 “Saint Peters Complaynte,” 167 White, Rowland, 21 “The burning Babe,” 167 Whitgift, John, 21 Two Letters, 166, 181n7 Wilkinson, Robert, 27–8 Sparrow, Anthony, 133, 176 William of Nottingham, Spenser, Edmund, 4–7, 26, 43–6, 132 112–13 Amoretti, 144–5 Woodes, Nathaniel, 113 The Faerie Queene, 5, 44–74, 179 Woodhouse, Peter, 81 Virgils Gnat, 53 Wyatt, Thomas, 28–9 Spira, Francis (Francesco Spiera), 113 Wycliffe, John, 102 Stock, Richard, 111 Stow, John, 23, 152 Zwingli, Huldrych, 15