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Appendix: Lists of Interviewees

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Appendix: Lists of Interviewees Appendix: Lists of Interviewees South Africa Father P.J. Pearson, Peace & Justice Commission, Catholic Church. Mr C. Govender, Centre for Community and Labour Studies, Durban. Father P. Kearney, Diakonia Council Of Churches, Durban. Mr A. de Klerk, Police Training Project, Centre for Conflict Resolution, Cape Town. Mr S. Johnstone, Futurelinks South Africa, Cape Town. Ms S. Barade, ANC Research Department, Cape Town. Ms Oldyai, Centre for Dispute Resolution, Cape Town. Professor J. Malan, ACCORD, Cape Town. Mr J. Radcliffe, Quaker Peace Centre, Cape Town. Mr J. McGregor, St Martin’s Anglican Church, Cape Town. Ms F. Franks, School Teacher, Cape Town. Mr N. Andrews, Cape Town. Mr K. Govender, ACCORD, Durban. Dr A. Habib, University of Durban Westville, Durban. Rev M. Vorster, Diakonia, Durban. Mr B. Cele, ANC, Durban. Mr P. Powell, IFP, Durban. Prof A. Johnson, Department of Politics,University of Natal, Durban. Prof J. Daniels, TRC, Durban. Dr R. Taylor, Politics Department, University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. Mr B. Hamber, Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation, Johannesburg. Mr R. Morris, CDRT, Johannesburg. Mr A. Abi, Interculture South Africa, Johannesburg. Mr P. Kelly, TRC, Johannesburg. Mr A. Lewkane, National Economic and Development Council, Johannesburg. Ms S. Duncan, Black Sash, Johannesburg. Father S. O’Leary, Peace and Justice Commission, Pretoria. Mr A. Green-Thompson, Peace and Justice Commission, Pretoria. Delegation from Independent Mediation Service of South Africa, Johannesburg. 220 Appendix 221 Mr C. Staffer, Wilgespruit Spiritual Community, Johannesburg. Representatives from the Institute for Multi-Party Democracy, Johannesburg. Israel/Palestine Dr A. Ghanem, Givat Haviva, Israel. Dr A. Haddi, Palestinian Academic Society for the Study of International Affairs (PASSIA), Al-Quds. Dr E. Kaufman, Harry Truman Institute for the Advancement of Peace, Jerusalem. Dr G. Baskin, Director, The Israeli/Palestine Centre for Research and Information, Jerusalem. Dr J. Aviad, Peace Now and People to People Programme, Jerusalem. Dr M. Darweish, Peace Education Project, The Israeli/Palestine Centre for Research and Information, Jerusalem. Dr P. Lemish, Beit Berl College. Dr R. Twite, The Israeli/Palestine Centre for Research and Information, Jerusalem. Dr S. Adwan, Palestine Consultancy Group, University of Bethlehem. Dr Shul Paz, Israeli Ministry of Education, Culture and Sports, Jerusalem. Dr T. Hermann, Tami Steinmetz Centre for Peace Research, Tel Aviv. Mr A. Najjor, Neve Shalom/Wahat al salam. Mr A. Pollock, UNWRA, Gaza City. Mr C. Zacharia, Centre for Palestine Research and Studies, Nablus. Mr D. Leon, Palestine-Israel Journal of Politics, Economics and Culture. Mr E. Jabbour, House of Hope, Hafia. Mr G. Shah, Ministry of Information, Palestinian National Authority, Ramallah. Mr H. Havassey, Independent Evaluator, Tel Aviv. Mr M. Warschawskii, Alternative Information Centre, Jerusalem. Mr R. Kaminer, Peace Activist. Mr Z. Zougbi, Wiam Centre for Conflict Resolution, Bethlehem. Mrs S. Ozacky-Lazar, Research Co-ordinator, Givat Haviva. Ms A. Badran, Jerusalem Women’s Centre, Jerusalem. Ms I. Maoz, Van Leer Institute, Jerusalem. Ms J. Deedes, The Centre for Jewish-Arab Economic Development, Tel Aviv. Ms J. Montel, B’Tselem, Jerusalem. Ms L. Daboub, Palestine-Israel Journal of Politics, Economics and Culture. 222 Appendix Ms L. Nusseibh, Palestinian Centre for the Study of Non-Violence, Jerusalem. Ms M. Averbuch, Bat Shalom/Women’s Group, Jerusalem. Ms Y. Green, Israeli-Palestinian Centre for Reproachment Between People, Jerusalem/Bethlehem. Prof G. Sheffer, University of Jerusalem. Prof M. Hassassian, Bethlehem University. Prof S. Smooha, University of Haifa. Ms B. Green, New Israel Fund, Jerusalem. Ms D. Carter, New Israel Fund, Jerusalem. Mr Y. Goodman, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Jerusalem. Ms L. Enderson, FAFO, People to People Programme, Jerusalem. Dr M. al-Haj, University of Hafia, Hafia. Dr A. Levi, Israeli Police, Jerusalem. Notes 1 The Comparative Context for Peace Building 1 Under the existing scheme approximately 240 prisoners have been released early. Of these, only two have had to be recalled for breaching their licences. Under these existing arrangements about half of the remaining prisoners would have been released in the next two years. At October 1998, 62 para- military prisoners had been released under the Agreement with the prospect of half the prisoners eligible due out by January 1999. 2 The Prime Minster made a personal pledge to the people of Northern Ireland in May 1998 in advance of the referendum on the Belfast Agreement. He pledged: no change in the status of Northern Ireland without the express consent of the people of Northern Ireland; power to take decisions returned to a Northern Ireland Assembly, with accountable North/South co-operation; fairness and equality guaranteed for all; those who use or threaten violence excluded from the Government of Northern Ireland; prisoners kept in unless violence is given up for good. 3 The Good Friday Agreement sets in place safeguards to ensure that all sections of the community can participate and work together successfully in the operation of the Assembly, and that all sections of the community are pro- tected. One such measure is the arrangements to ensure key decisions are taken on a cross-community basis: (i) either parallel consent, i.e. a majority of those members present and vot- ing, including a majority of the unionist and nationalist designations present and voting; (ii) or a weighted majority (60 per cent) of members present and voting, including at least 40 per cent of each of the nationalist and unionist des- ignations present and voting. Key decisions requiring cross-community support will be designated in advance, including the Chair of the Assembly, the First Minister and Deputy First Minister, standing orders and budget allocations. In other cases such decisions could be triggered by a petition of concern brought about by a significant minority of Assembly members (30/108). Strand One Section 5: The Belfast Agreement. 4 The West Bank is divided into three areas. Area A is entirely Palestinian-run except for security, water, exits and entrances. Area B is jointly patrolled by Palestinian and Israeli soldiers, with security, water, building permits, exits and entrances entirely controlled by Israel. Area C is completely Israeli. In Area A, with about a third of the Palestinian population in the six largest 223 224 Notes towns, constituting between 3–5 per cent of the area of the West Bank, full administrative authority was turned over to the Palestinian Authority. In Area B, including over 400 Palestinian villages and rural areas, about 25 per cent of the West Bank’s area, the Palestinians assumed administrative and police authority, but Israel retains control of security. Movement of Palestinian police from Area A to Area B requires Israeli approval. Redeployment of Israeli forces from Area B occurred prior to the Palestinian Council elections in January 1996. Sparsely settled or uninhabited Area C, constituting over two thirds of the West Bank, includes Israeli settlements and military areas; these were to remain under Israeli control until establishment of the Council when Israel was to begin a phased further deployment in six-month stages to be completed by the end of 1997 (Peretz, 1996: 104). 5 Israeli control over who and what came in to and left the territories. The Israeli Government also issues work permits exercising control over the number of Palestinian workers allowed into Israel. Negotiations to achieve a full peace settlement were due to start in May 1996 and be completed by 1999. These were to deal with the major controversial issues of Israeli settlers in the terri- tories, Palestinian refugees, borders between Israel and the Palestinians, the status of Jerusalem, military locations and water supplies. 6 Binyamin Netanyahu defeated the Labour Party’s Shimon Peres by the nar- rowest of margins (50.4 per cent and 49.5 per cent respectively – separated by 29,000 votes). Likud’s support depends upon a wide range of religious and xenophobic groupings (National Religious Party, the Shas group of Sephardic religious Jews and the United Torah Judaism) – they hold 23 seats in the Knesset. Shimon Peres, Labour’s architect of the Oslo peace process, was crit- icised for failing to call a snap election after Yitzhak Rabin’s assassination by a right-wing extremist (Yigal Amir) in November 1995. 7 Before Wye, Area A represented 2.8 per cent, Area B 24 per cent, and Area C 72 per cent of the land area of the West Bank. Wye gave the Palestinians an addi- tional 1 per cent from Area C, and 14.2 per cent from area B, thus putting about 18.2 per cent under Palestinian control again, with the same exclusions and provisos. 8 The report, based on two and a half years of hearings, amounts to 3,500 pages, five volumes, taken from 21,000 witness accounts and more than 7,000 amnesty applications. 9 Parliamentary elections were held on 26–8 April 1994 – the electorate was 22.7m; turn-out was 86 per cent and 19 parties stood. The African National Congress (ANC) gained 252 seats with 62.7 per cent of votes cast, the National Party (NP) 82 seats with 20.4 per cent, the Inkatha Freedom Party 43 seats with 10.5 per cent, the Freedom Front 9 seats with 2.2 per cent, the Democratic Party 7 seats with 1.7 per cent, the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC) 5 seats with 1.2 per cent and the African Christian Democratic party 2 seats with 0.5 per cent. Voting in South Africa is along racial lines. Most blacks (who make up 76 per cent of the overall population) support the ANC and most whites (13 per cent of the population) vote for one of the three traditionally white parties (the National Party, the Democratic Party or the Freedom Front). The National Party Government ruled South Africa from 1948 to 1994.
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