The Transformation of Cultural Values in Society in West

Fajar Muhammad Nugraha1*, R. Achmad Sunjayadi 2

1. Area Studies Department–Dutch Studies, Faculty of Humanities, Universitas , Kampus UI Depok, Indonesia 16424 2. Department of History-Dutch Studies, Faculty of Humanities, Universitas Indonesia, Kampus UI Depok, Indonesia 16424

*E-mail: [email protected]

Abstract

In 2014, coinciding with the year of the ban on the re-establishment of the Chastelein monument by the Government of Depok, , the results of a survey by the Population and Civil Registry Office of Depok summarized the distribution of Depok residents in 11 sub-districts based on religion. The results show a comparison between the number of Protestants and as follows: Depok residents who are Protestants only amounted to 105,218 people, while Muslims in 2014 totaled 1,853,898 people. This statistical data can certainly provide evidence for the transformation of societal values. Meanwhile, many historical articles, both popular and scientific, discuss the origin of the name Depok as the Dutch language acronym De Eerste Protestante Onderdaan Kerk. This illustrates the fact that Depok was actually born and grew up with strong Protestant values. Using the historical and material culture approach, this paper analyzes the value transformation that occurs in Depok society to see the shift in the meaning of the Chastelein monument and the term “Belanda Depok” (the Dutch of Depok) used the semiology of Roland Barthes. The ban on the re-establishment of the Chastelein monument by Depok’s Government and the degradation of the meaning of “Belanda Depok,” which experienced a negative denotation, can be seen as a source of discomfort for Depok's “indigenous people.” Furthermore, increasingly rapid flows of urbanization have transformed Depok’s demography into an “Islamic” city. Understanding changes in values and the essence of pluralism as a consequence of flows of urbanization that cannot be stopped is the main key to maintaining peace and tranquility in urban society, especially in the city of Depok.

Keywords—History of Depok; Semiology; Urban society; Value Transformation

1. Introduction

Depok is one of ’s buffer cities that experience development and dynamics, geographically and also demographically. From an area of only 1,244 hectares to date, the area of Depok reaches 200, 29 square kilometers. Currently, Depok consists of 11 kecamatan (sub-districts) and 63 kelurahan (urban-villages). In 2016, the total population of Depok was 1,803,708 people (Wanhar, 2011; www.depok.go.id accessed March 17, 2018).

Various fields of studies have explored Depok, both academically and popularly. This includes the field of anthropology and linguistics, such as the studies by Marzali (1975) and de Vries (1976). They discuss identity as well as history, social structure and the linguistic situation of Depok people. From the field of sociology, archeology, and history, there are Suryana (2004a; 2004b), Djafar (2005), Jonathans (2011), Wanhar (2011), Sunjayadi (2015), Kwitshout (2015), and Irsyam (2017). Based on a search of source data related to archives, data on Depok is widely found in Dutch from the colonial period relating to Depok as a center for Christian religious education.

The amount of data relating to Christian education in Depok can be attributed to the name Cornelis Chastelein, a figure associated with the name “Depok” in the 17th and 18th centuries. Chastelein was a Dutchman who became a landlord in Depok and was once a Company employee and member of Raad van Indië (the Council of the Indies). Chastelein wrote a will in ancient Dutch on March 13, 1714. In his will, he bequest the Depok area to his workers who had embraced Christianity (12 families). They inherited 300 buffalos, two gamelan instruments decorated with gold, money for each family of 16 rijksdaalder, and 60 silver plated spears (de Vries, 1976). The 12 families were Bacas, Isakh, Jacob, Jonathans, Joseph, Laurens, Leander, Loen, Samuel, Soedira, Tholense, and Zadokh. This small Christian community initially consisted of around 200 people from , Sulawesi, and Timor and was the first Christian community formed outside the Dutch urban community in Batavia (Lombard, 2000; de Vries, 1976). Then, in 1879, a seminary was established in Depok. According to Lombard, the Depok Christian community was more closed than the Christian community of Kampung Sawah Pondok Gede. However, their contacts with the surrounding population were limited and not so open.

People who lived in Depok and had similarities with the Dutch were named Belanda Depok, meaning ridicule. Belanda Depok were indigenous people related to the Dutch, as well as Dutch people who did live in Depok.

In 2014, the Government of Depok, West Java, implemented a ban on the re-establishment of the Chastelein monument. The monument was built in 1914 to honor Cornelis Chastelein and was demolished in the 1960s (Het Nieuws van den dag voor Nederlandsch-Indië, June 30, 1930; Jonathans, 2011; Sutanarihesti, 2018).

2. Methods

This paper analyzes the value transformation that occurs in Depok society by using the historical and material cultural approach. The historical method consists of heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. Historical primary source is obtained from ANRI (Arsip Nasional Republik Indonesia). The secondary sources, such as books, journal articles are also used as comparison.

To see the shift in the meaning of the Chastelein monument and the term “Belanda Depok” (the Dutch of Depok) used the semiology of Roland Barthes. The prohibition of the re-establishment of the Chastelein monument by Depok’s Government and the degradation of the meaning of “Belanda Depok,” which experienced a negative denotation can be a source of discomfort for Depok's “indigenous people.”

A. Depok and its Inhabitants Viewed throughout history, Depok can be seen from several periods, namely the pre-colonial, colonial, and post-colonial periods. In pre-colonial times it can be divided into prehistoric times, classical times, and Islamic times. As evidenced by archeological findings in the Depok area and its surroundings, Depok has been inhabited since prehistoric times. Based on these archeological findings, prehistoric sites in Depok can be divided into two groups. First, the farming sites in Depok, Kelapa Dua, Serengseng Sawah, Lenteng Agung, Parungbingung, Sawangan, Parung, Bojonggede, Cilebut, Citayam, Cikeas, Cibinong, Ciloa, , Citereup, , and Cipamingkis, with findings in the form of Neolithic stone tools, such as square axes and pottery. Second, the distribution sites in Depok, Pejaten, , Lenteng Agung, and Cibarusa, with findings in the form of metal objects, such as bronze axes, iron spears, bronze statues (Timadar, 2008 cites Djafar, 2005).

However, evidence has yet to be found from classical times (Hindu-Buddhist) in Depok. In an old Sundanese literary work from the 16th century, Bujangga Manik mentioned the names of places around Depok. The names of the places were Cibinong, Tandangan, Citereup, Cileungsi, Bukit Caru, Gunung Gajah, Ciluwer and Ci-Haliwung (). However, he did not mention the name “Depok” specifically (Timadar, 2008 cites Djafar, 2005). Evidence of archeological relics from the Islamic period in the Depok area in the form of mosques, tombs, and sacred wells used before the entry of Islam was uncovered. The mosques and tombs are located in the Cibinong area, Pancoran Mas, (Timadar, 2008). Unfortunately, written evidence that supports their existence has not been found yet.

Regarding the entry and development of Islam to Depok, not much has been revealed. Depok is geographically located in the middle of the three regions: , , and Sunda Kalapa. Therefore, the entry of Islam into Depok could be after the three regions were Islamized. Thus, it is suspected that Islam begun to enter Depok from the 17th or 18th century.

The name “Depok” was recorded in history when Abraham van Riebeeck, a merchant of the in 1703, traveled to the region from Batavia. The route is Batavia-Cililitan-Tanjung (Tanjung Barat)-Seringsing-Pondok Cina-Depok-Pondok Pucung-Bojong Manggis-Kedung Halang-Parung Angsana (Sobari, 1994). Logically, the names mentioned, including the name “Depok” indicates that Depok already existed in the previous period.

The keyword related to Depok is the name Cornelis Chastelein (1657–1714), a former VOC official who owned land in the Depok area and its surroundings, including in Seringsing. The archive record of Cornelis Chastelein found at ANRI Jakarta is an archive relating to the permit to establish a sugar mill in Seringsing (ANRI Collegie van Heemraden Res May 5, 1696–30 Dec 1702). Chastelein bought land in Seringsing, between Batavia and Buitenzorg, on October 15, 1695, for 350 rijksdaalder (Kwisthout, 2015). However, the name “Depok” has not been mentioned yet.

Depok seems to be a joint name (verzamelnaam) of several plots of land which are put together, as Cornelis Chastelein refers to as the land south of Batavia. On February 15, 1696, Cornelis Chastelein received a plot of land in Mampang as a gift from the government in Batavia. On May 18, 1696, Chastelein bought Depok land which shares borders with Mampang from Lucas der Meur. In 1711, Chastelein obtained land in Karang Anjer from the government in Batavia. Two other plots of land located side by side on the east bank of the Ciliwung River were purchased by Chastelein in 1712 from a Chinese named Tio Tong Ko, and in 1713 from a Balinese named Capie Oessien (Kwisthout, 2015).

Chastelein had the idea and belief that there was only one way to make the colonies in the Indies prosper, namely through the formation of an agricultural society (landbouwgemeenschappen), which was based on the principles listed in his writings from 1686 and 1705. According to Chastelein, agriculture was more important than the trade policy of the VOC. If a healthy agricultural area had been formed, the colony would have functioned optimally (Kwisthout, 2015).

The agricultural lands of Depok, Mampang, and Karang Anjer are located on the west bank of the Ciliwung River. Depok was built between Mampang on the west side and Karang Anjer on the north side. The two parcels of land purchased by Chastelein on the east bank of the Ciliwung River were safeguards. Chastelein took slaves from Bali in 1693 and 1697 to be placed on his land. He ordered them to plant pepper, fruits, and rice in Depok. In the west, the land was bounded by the Pasanggrahan River, in the middle of the Krekot River (Kwisthout, 2015).

In its later development, until the end of the 19th century, the right to use Depok land officially continued to apply. In 1850, the Raad van Indië officially announced that Depok’s land was the property of a former Cornelis Chastelein slave. In 1871, the Raad Administratie - Board Administration was assisted by legal experts, including Mr. H. Kleyn formed an executive body known as Het Gemeente Bestuur van Particuliere Land Depok- The Municipal Board of Private Land Depok (De Banier, 1914).

However, the term gemeente bestuur in Depok’s private land area cannot be equated with the term gemeente (municipality) in the 20th century. The term gemeente bestuur in Depok refers to an agency in charge of managing community interests in the private land. The responsible person is called “the president” by his citizens. It can be said that the “president” in the community is actually a representative of former slaves who were inherited from Chastelein. The Depok president is democratically elected by members of the community every three years. The president is not a landlord but the coordinator of the board (bestuur) from gemeente (Irsyam, 2017).

The former slaves and their families grew into a separate community in Depok with an identity determined by their status as Christians. This identity distinguishes them from other communities around their homes. Their existence is formally juridically strengthened by the status of landowners, even though they control and regulate land collectively (Irsyam, 2017).

When Chastelein began to build houses, churches and cultivate land in the Depok area that he owned in the 17th and 18th centuries, others aside from the workers were deliberately brought in. It is unlikely that the Depok area was not inhabited at all, even though the area was still in the form of thickets (Marzali, 1975).

Limitations and lack of written data sources make it difficult for us to trace the community in Depok in addition to the Christian community of Chastelein heritage. As stated previously, people in the Depok region form complex societies in terms of cultural, religious, status, social and economic aspects.

Irsyam divided the Depok community into three categories, namely “Belanda Depok,” Orang Kampung (Village People) and Pendatang (Migrants). This division is based on closeness to colonial power, such as colonial government administration, and colonial economy. Communities belonging to the class “Belanda Depok” live in Depok private lands formed in the 18th century and are from various ethnic groups in Indonesia (Irsyam, 2017). The term “Belanda Depok” arose from their Dutch lifestyle. These individuals received the same rights as Europeans, could go to school for the Dutch, spoke Dutch, and followed a European lifestyle (de Vries, 1976).

Meanwhile, Orang Kampung (Village people) were the names for those who lived in villages around Depok, such as Kampung Blimbing, Malele, Lio, Pitara, Kapupu, Rawadeno, Pulow, Grogol, and Parungbingung. They were Muslim and did not know about Western education. They lived in these villages before Cornelis Chastelein bought land in the Depok area. Most of them were from Sundanese, Javanese, and Betawi Ora (suburbs). They worked as rice farmers, fruit farmers, unskilled laborers, and pottery makers. There were also those who worked for Belanda Depok’s families (Irsyam, 2017). The migrant group can be categorized into four groups, the first group is Europeans and Indo-Europeans; the second group are migrants from regions in Indonesia such as Ambon, , and Papua. They were Depok’s students form the seminary school which opened in 1873 (ANRI Jakarta, Algemeen Verslag Residentie Batavia over het jaar 1890). The third group were Chinese who had been present in Depok since the 18th century and settled in Pondok Cina. The fourth group were people who came to Depok after the recognition of Indonesian sovereignty in December 1949. They consisted of various ethnic groups in Indonesia. This group included newcomers from Jakarta when Perumnas (Perumahan Nasional- National Housing) Depok was opened in 1978 (Irsyam, 2017).

During the Japanese occupation, due to lack of resources, Depok private land was left unattended and remained under Het Gemeente van Het Particulier Landrijen Depok. In 1945, Depok became part of the territory of the Republic of Indonesia. In 1952, private Depok land was returned to the government of the Republic of Indonesia. The problem that arose was the status of the European population. Based on the results of the Round Table Conference at the end of 1949, European residents were given two years to decide whether they would become Indonesian or Dutch citizens. For fear of losing their status and income if they chose to become citizens of the Republic of Indonesia, most of them chose to become Dutch citizens (Blackburn, 2011).

The fear and worry factor of the European population in Depok was also inseparable from their experience in the (Preparatory) Period in 1945, after the Proclamation of Independence of the Republic of Indonesia on August 17, 1945. At that time, there were criminal events and physical violence taking place against the European population known as the Gedoran incident. The event reached the peak on October 11, 1945 (ANRI, Stukken verslagen en rapporten over de moordaanslagen en ongeregeldheden in West-Java Oct 1945- 1946; Wanhar, 2011).

From March 31, 1950, Depok was no longer a part of Jakarta but had become part of West Java. No longer part of Jakarta, Depok became a transitional area between urban and rural areas, whereas the de facto location of Depok is closer to Jakarta (Irsyam, 2017). When Jakarta faced the problem of urbanization and began rolling out a regional concept known as Jabotabek (Jakarta ) in the 1970s, Depok was not included in the terminology, although in reality, Depok was involved in these problems, especially in the provision of housing. This condition changed in 1999 when Depok became an autonomous city. Jabotabek terminology changed to Jabodetabek which included Depok in the terminology (Irsyam, 2017).

The presence of Perumnas and the campus of the , which was followed by other private universities, established Depok as a residential city and a center for higher education in the Bo (de) tabek region (Bogor- Depok-Tangerang-). This was also followed by the construction of shopping centers, restaurants, apartments, hotels, and boarding houses that were more like hotels. In the last ten years, Depok finally began to encounter problems like Jakarta.

The increase and distribution of the population has affected the composition of the Depok population. The diversity of residents who live and the good migrants who aim to study (students) and work colors the composition of the Depok population. Differences in the social background and income of migrants certainly influences the resident population, especially the population in the previous period known as the Belanda Depok.

B. The Degradation of “Belanda Depok” Meaning Process In Barthes’s understanding, the text which consists of a series of letters is seen as a form. The text is likened to a session of onions that can be peeled to the last layer. When it arrived at the last layer, the onion was gone. Understanding the text with the onion analogy, the text does not have unity in the essential sense. Thus, the text becomes something “that can speak for itself”; therefore, there is a tendency to eliminate the subject (author).

The term semiology was first introduced by Ferdinand de Saussure. The general definition of semiology is the study of signs and markers. The myth is included in the area of semiology because it is the type of speech that addresses signs. Ferdinand de Saussure has two terms in semiology: significant and signifier. Markers are concepts while markers are acoustic images. The relationship between markers and signifiers is not the same but it is equivalent. Not one brings out the other, but the correlation unites the two (Hawkes, 1977).

Barthes (1972) then developed this concept based on the semiology that was formulated by Saussure. According to Barthes (1972), there are three terms in semiology: markers, markers, and signs. All three have close functional implications and play an important role in analyzing myths as a form of semiology. The myth is formed based on these three terms, but the myth is a special system built from a series of semiological chains that existed before. Thus, the myth is included in the second level semiological system. Signs on the first system become markers on the second system.

Based on the semiology developed by Saussure, Barthes developed two multilevel marking systems: a denotation and connotation system (Hoed, 2011). The denotation system is the first level signaling system, consisting of a chain of markers and markers, namely the relationship of the materiality of the marker or the abstract concept behind it. In the connotation system, or the second level marking system, the chain of markers/markers on the denotation system becomes a marker, and so on regarding other markers in the higher signification chain.

As explained previously, Barthes developed a connotation on the basis of de Saussure’s concept of signifiant-signifié. If, according to de Saussure language is static, for example, “Belanda Depok” means “those who are direct descendants of Chastelein adopted children,” such is called by Barthes as the primary sign obtained through the relation (R) expression (signifiant / marker) and content (signifié/marker). The primary sign is R1 which generates denotation meaning. Barthes explained that both expression (E) and content (C) can be developed still. If E is developed, the synonym or metabahasa relationship is applied, for example, replacing the word “Belanda Depok” with “descendants of 12 clans from Chastelein.” In explaining his connotation theory, Barthes emphasized the development in terms of C. The word “Belanda Depok,” after experiencing content development, could mean “descendants of 12 clans from non-native/colonial parents,” “exclusive entities,” or “ethnicities that must submit to the natives.” These are called connotation meanings. Then, the connotation will depend very much on how a language user evaluates a word. The meaning of “descent from non-native/colonial parents” may only apply to the extreme right or radical nationalists.

The meaning of connotation can evolve into the meaning of denotation. If the meaning of the word “Belanda Depok” has the connotation of “descendants of non-native/colonial parents” and the meaning is generally believed and has been considered natural in a society, even though it is contrary to the existing reality, then, the meaning of “entity that must submit to the native” becomes a myth. If the myth is believed to be more intense and stronger by a particular society, myth can also turn into ideology, and, then, this ideology makes those considered/called Belanda Depok a symbol of a threatening thing and must be dealt with to submit to the indigenous people who are in fact Indonesia original.

In myth, the construction of the first marking is the language/text 1/ denotation system, while the second is called Barthes as a metabahasa / connotation system. The chart 1 below can help in understanding Barthes’ semiology.

Chart 1. Barthes’ Semiology on Belanda Depok as Text Language Signifier (Belanda Depok) Signified (Belanda Depok as a descendant of 12 clans)

Myth

Sign II. Signified (descendants of non- I. Signifier (Belanda Depok native / colonial as a descendant of 12 parents) clans)

III. Sign (entities that must submit to the natives)

Based on the example given through the chart 1 above, with the form and concept, namely “Belanda Depok” as a descendant of 12 with non-native parents, the meaning is Belanda Depok is an entity that must submit to the natives. Thus, Belanda Depok is a minority that should be submissive and obedient to those who are not descendants of 12 non- native (native) clan parents, because Belanda Depok designation connotes a sub-culture that is in the midst of indigenous culture.

Chastelein’s actions brought many slaves to manage the new land (Depok), and, then, gave the inheritance of the last name and the land of Depok itself with all its contents, which is in fact a positive action and worthy of being an example in life in a diverse society. However, gradually the term Belanda Depok entered a new phase at this time. With Rolland Barthes’ theory of myth and mythology, we can both trace the process of changing views and meanings, Depok people in particular, against the Belanda Depok.

1In this discussion, the "text" is Belanda Depok. So, what is meant by text is not just a sign of language at the linguistic level. As explained in the introduction, in addition to the positive meaning contained in the Belanda Depok term related to community life in Depok, the shift in values in community life in Depok turned out to generate new negative views and meanings concerning the mention of the Belanda Depok.

This situation led to repressive actions against those who were called Dutch Depok, and the extreme chauvinistic extreme right group carried out a lot of propaganda that was discriminatory against the descendants of 12 clans of the Chastelein inheritance. One of the discriminatory actions that attracted attention was Depok’s Government attempt to ban the re- establishment of the Chastelein monument in 2014 (see Fig. 1), especially the writings in the monument's inscriptions. The writing in Dutch reads: “Mijn intentie is dat te Depok mettertijd een fraaie christenbevolking grooei” [My intention is that a beautiful Christian population grows in Depok]. The reason for the time is to avoid value friction in the community where the map of cultural values starts to become more plural, sporadic and is undergoing a shift.

Source: https://www.merdeka.com/peristiwa/depok-larang-tugu-cornelis-chastelein-karena-dianggap-penjajah.html

Figure 1. Prohibition of the establishment of Tugu Cornelis Chastelein by the Government of Depok in June 2014

The connotation that the Belanda Depok designation refers to the meaning of those who must submit to the native can be a new denotation in the future. This will threaten peace and luster in the community life in Depok if it happens. Therefore, the shift in values that occurs in Depok should be understood fundamentally so that peace and harmony in community life can be properly maintained.

C. The Dynamics of Values of the Depok Community The shift in values in the development of Depok city’s growth cannot be separated from the contribution of the migrants who increasingly live in Depok. The diversity that entered and settled in Depok became the main motor in the development of Depok. The migrants from outside the city become factors that cannot be ignored because the values and religion adopted and the religious values held and upheld by the adherents contribute to society.

According to Surya, in the mid-80s the University of Indonesia relocated by moving the university administration center to Depok (Surya, 2007). The relocation of Universitas Indonesia can be seen as the public magnet for migration to Depok. Not only did university students, lecturers, and employees gradually settled in Depok, but the general public also slowly migrated to Depok.

There have been ample business opportunities since Universitas Indonesia relocated its administrative center to Depok, starting with a boarding house and rented business, food and beverage business, photocopy and stationery, and others. This also encouraged local governments to make many changes to accommodate the growth of Depok. However, Depok's changes not only occur at the physical level (infrastructure), but growth on the socio-economic side is also followed by other socio-cultural growths, such as the proliferation of community organizations and regional student association organizations. Universitas Indonesia as one of the largest universities in Indonesia can be considered a miniature of Indonesia because the academic community at Universitas Indonesia comes from all the islands and all the ethnic groups in Indonesia. This means that it also reflects the quality and quantity of student organizations from regions that have Muslim majorities.

In addition to Universitas Indonesia, the presence of other campuses has similarly affected demographic growth in Depok, for example, Gunadarma University and Bina Sarana Informatika (BSI). In addition, the existence of real estate in the 1900s to the present after the Perumnas era in the 1970s provided evidence that migration to Depok is indeed growing. This can be seen from the density of the Commuter Line and the congestion of Jalan Margonda Raya which is always increasing. This is because some Depok residents commute to Jakarta.

In 2014, when the Depok’s Government stopped rebuilding Tugu Chastelein, the Population and Civil Registration Service (disdukcapil) of Depok also issued the results of the population census based on the religion adopted. From the results of the census, it was determined that the number of Protestant Depok residents was 105,218 (see Fig. 2). This number is indeed far higher than the Catholic population; however, if you look at the number of people who are Muslim, the difference is striking. Depok’s Muslim population in 2014 totaled 1,853,898, which is more than 10 times the Depok population who were Protestants at the time.

One of the seven elements of culture is religion as a belief system. Slowly but surely the values embraced by adherents of certain religions will become anchors for living life in their societies. Even though all religions and belief streams actually teach the values of goodness, the concept of sin related to prohibition, and how to behave in society, it is the result of human interpretation. This is quite fragile if each religion adherent only forces the truth of the interpretation version of each of the trusted religious teachings. The danger of friction in society as a result of differences in values has the potential to be a source of problems.

Thus, Depok is experiencing the dynamics of value in its current society. Originating as plantation land over the past three centuries, Depok has transformed into a city where the Protestant community lived, in accordance with Cornelis Chastelein’s will to make Depok a place for Protestant communities to settle. It has become known as very diverse, both in terms of religion, belief, and in terms of ethnicity and descent.

Source: http://disdukcapil.depok.go.id/profil-data-kependudukan-kota-depok-sd-25-maret-2014/

Figure 2. Table illustrating the distribution of the population of Depok, West-Java Province in 2014 in 11 sub-districts based on the religion adopted The rebuilding of the Chastelein monument was intervened by the Depok government on the basis of concerns that it would be a trigger for conflict between residents (Sutanarihesti, 2018). Furthermore, on the original Chastelein monument, there is the inscription “Mijn intentie is dat te Depok mettertijd een fraaie christenbevolking grooei” [My intention is that a beautiful Christian population grows in Depok]. Finally, the Chastelein monument redevelopment continued until it was finished, but with a change, that is, without any additions to the words “Mijn intentie is dat te Depok mettertijd een fraaie christenbevolking grooei” [My intention is that a beautiful Christian population grows in Depok] (see Fig. 3).

We can trace the reason for prohibiting the installation of inscriptions on the monument by looking at events that occurred in the past, among others, post-1945 political events until the 1960s. The hatred of all things Dutch-related was fueled by Indonesian nationalist elites in that period became the trigger. The Dutch are enemies and invaders who must be eradicated from the earth of Indonesia. The inscription on the Chastelein monument that mentions that Christianity is considered part of the Dutch must be removed.

Figure 3. The restored Cornelis Chastelein monument. The blue arrow shows the part of the original monument that contains the Dutch inscription (2018)

Source: Triaswarin Sutanarihesti's private collection

3. Conclusion

The transfer of the administrative center of Universitas Indonesia to Depok, followed by the establishment of Gunadarma University, and Bina Sarana Informatika (BSI) in Depok played a role in population growth in Depok. This can be seen from the rapid growth of residential/residential housing in the 1900s until now, following the Housing era in the 70s in Depok. This population growth plays a role in the transformation of cultural values that previously existed in Depok.

The city of Depok, whose history was a city founded as one of the Gospel Protestant missions by upholding the cultural values of Christianity, has transformed into a more plural city due to its population growth. Pluralism as a result of migration that occurred in Depok gradually changed the cultural values that existed in the early days of the emergence of Depok into a city that upheld the cultural values of the majority of Indonesia as a country with the largest Muslim adherents in the world. This situation was problematic when the Cornelis Chastelein Institution Foundation (YLCC) intended to renovate Chastelein monument in 2014 because Depok’s Government stopped the construction to prevent the possibility of conflict in the Depok community because the monument was considered a cult of colonialism by the Dutch and Christianity. However, finally the rebuilding of the Chastelein monument was still carried out under the condition of the removal of the inscription “Mijn eerste intentie dat te Depok mettertijd een fraaie Christen-bevolking groeie” (My main desire is for Depok to be a Christian growth center), which is actually located in the lower middle of the original monument. The omission of the writing can be seen as a way of continuing to appreciate pluralism, which is growing quite rapidly in Depok. Therefore, understanding changes in values and the essence of pluralism as a consequence of population growth in an area that cannot be dammed become the main key to maintaining peace and tranquility in urban society, especially in Depok.

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