The Integration of Venezuelan Migrants in Colombia

Home , Crime in Colombia, Noticias Caracol, Venezuela Aid Live

The Integration of Venezuelan

Migrants in Colombia

Sofia Alejandra Villamizar

A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Honours B.A. International Development Studies (Co‐op) Specialist.

University of Toronto

The Integration of Venezuelan Migrants in Colombia

Sofia Alejandra Villamizar Bachelor of Arts - 2021 Center for Critical Development Studies University of Toronto

ABSTRACT

Over 4 million Venezuelans have left their country fleeing insecurity, violence, food and medicine shortages, and threats. The Venezuelan migration crisis has become one of the world’s largest displacement crises in recent history. Since 2016, Venezuela’s neighboring country Colombia has received the greatest number of Venezuelan refugees and migrants. Despite cultural similarities between the two nations, discrimination, xenophobia, and social exclusion towards Venezuelan newcomers has risen. Through discourse analysis from a Foucauldian perspective of Colombian news media, this thesis sets out to identify and examine the factors behind the increasingly intense opposition to Venezuelan integration in the host country of Colombia, and the role news media plays in this phenomenon. This thesis argues that migrant integration is difficult to achieve in Colombia due to antagonistic social imaginaries that portray the Venezuelan migrant as a criminal force, an unmanageable burden, and an undesirable community. Private news media perpetuates this narrative at a national level, yet this reality is lessened in the border city of Cúcuta where frequent interaction with Venezuelan citizens existed much before the Venezuelan migration crisis and fostered heightened cultural similarities.

Key words: integration, migrants, cultural similarities, social imaginaries, Venezuelan migration crisis, xenophobia, media.

Acknowledgements

This thesis would not have been possible without the contribution of several key individuals.

I would like to express my deepest appreciation to Dr. Judith Teichman for her incredible support and guidance throughout this two-year thesis process. Thank you for allowing me to learn from you, for bringing clarity to my ideas, and for challenging me through your attentive feedback.

To Dr. Ryan Isakson, thank you for your incredibly encouraging supervision. Thank you for making this writing process an enjoyable experience and I will forever carry with me everything you have taught me.

Thank you to World Vision Canada and World Vision Colombia for encouraging me in such a warm and educational context. Thank you for supporting this research project.

Thank you to my incredible IDS friends and colleagues. You are all very impressive individuals who I am glad to have had the chance to learn and grow with. A special thank you to Rayna Sutherland for every kind word and for pushing me along the way. To Juan Diego Patiño, thank you for your unconditional support and for uplifting me to do my best.

Lastly, thank you to my mother, Alba Marina Sanchez, for inspiring me every day through your love and support. You made this all possible.

Table of Contents Acknowledgements ...... ii List of Figures & Tables ...... iii List of Acronyms ...... iv 1. Introduction ...... 1 2. Research Context ...... 3 2.1. Overview of Chapter ...... 3 2.2. Colombia, Venezuela, and Migration ...... 3 2.3. Ideological Conflict Between Colombia and Venezuela ...... 11 2.4. Chapter Conclusion ...... 15 3. Literature Review ...... 16 3.1. Overview of Chapter ...... 16 3.2. Migration Literature ...... 16 3.3. Relevant Terminology ...... 20 3.4. Chapter Conclusion ...... 24 4. Methodology ...... 25 4.1. Overview of Chapter ...... 25 4.2. Research Design ...... 25 4.3. Data Analysis ...... 28 4.4. Research Limitations ...... 30 4.5. Chapter Conclusion ...... 31 5. Understanding Migrant Integration Through News Articles ...... 32 5.1. Overview of Chapter ...... 32 5.2. Social Imaginaries on Venezuelan Migration...... 32 5.3. The Influential Role of the Colombian State ...... 41 5.4. The Social Imaginaries on Venezuelan Migration in Cúcuta: ...... 46 5.5. Chapter Conclusion ...... 52 6. Implications on Migrant Integration ...... 53 6.1. Overview of Chapter ...... 53 6.2. Challenges that May Arise from the Dominant Social Imaginaries ...... 53 6.3. Understanding Cultural Stress Theory ...... 55

6.4. Chapter Conclusion ...... 58 7. Conclusion ...... 59 7.1. Recommendations for Future Research ...... 60 References ...... 61 Appendix A ...... 68 Appendix B ...... 69 Appendix C ...... 78

List of Figures & Tables

Figure 2.A. Proximity of Cúcuta to Táchira ……………………………………………………9

Figure 2.B. Xenophobia Rate by Department …………………………………………………14

Figure 5.A. Geographic Xenophobia Rates & Migrant Distribution .……..…………………..52

Table 4.A. Stages of Data Collection …………………………………………………….…….27

Table 5.A. Article Themes ………………………………………………………………….….34

Table 5.B. National & Regional News Sentiment on Venezuelan Migration by Theme …..…..35

Table 5.C. National Mode Sentiment on Venezuelan Migration by News Source ……….…....42

Table 5.D. Distinct Depictions of the Role of the State ………………………….…………….43

Table 5.E. Cúcuta Mode Sentiment on Venezuelan Migration by Theme ……….……………47

iii

List of Acronyms

NGO - Non-Governmental Organization

FARC – Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia

ELN- Ejército de Liberación Nacional

EPL- Ejército Popular de Liberación

CIS - Comprehensive Immigration System

PEP - Permiso Especial de Permanencia

GIFMM - Interagency Group on Mixed Migration Flows

UNHCR – United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

TRO – Televisión Regional del Oriente Noticias

WFP - World Food Program

1. Introduction

From July 2019 to May 2020, I completed an internship in Bogotá, Colombia as a requirement for the International Development Studies Specialist Co-op Program at the University of Toronto Scarborough. During this time, I worked with a Non-Governmental Organization (NGO) implementing emergency relief initiatives directed towards the needs of Venezuelan migrants fleeing the humanitarian crisis in their country and settling throughout Colombia. The programs implemented with the migrant populations were guided by the priorities established by international donors. Increasingly, donors began to prioritize issues relating to xenophobic attitudes towards Venezuelan migrants. The hostility from Colombian locals presented important challenges for the social and economic integration of migrant populations and the implementation of the NGO’s programing (GIFMM, 2020; Semana, 2019; Daly et al., 2020). Not to mention the increased psychological stress and physical danger exacerbated by the rise of xenophobia. As this phenomenon progressed, international donors with whom I engaged with for programming in the departments of Cundinamarca and Norte de Santander reached a consensus around the gravity of the rising social tensions and the need to address them through humanitarian programming. While programs were created to mitigate and lessen the effects of xenophobia, very little time and resources were directed towards understanding the root cause of the rising social tensions and xenophobic behaviors. It was this reality that sparked my interest in researching the complex relationship between Colombia and Venezuela and its social impacts for the 1,717,352 Venezuelan migrants currently searching for a higher quality of life within the Colombian territory (Migración Colombia, 2020). Upon further observation, the discrimination towards Venezuelan migrants became even more intriguing given the cultural similarities I was evidencing among individuals of both nationalities. Such similarities were particularly evident in the Colombian city of Cúcuta, located on the border with Venezuela. From these observations stemmed the present research study.

In general terms, the main objective of this research study is to explain the factors behind the increasingly intense opposition to Venezuelan migrants despite the cultural similarities between

1 the sending and host country. More specifically, the research questions herein addressed are: what factors inhibit the integration of Venezuelan migrants settling in Colombia and the city of Cúcuta? What role does the Colombian media play when shaping local perception of Venezuelan migrants? By discussing factors of integration, my research hopes to gain a deeper understanding of some causes of the social difficulties that currently confront Venezuelan migrants in Colombia. This research argues that despite cultural similarities, migrant integration is difficult to achieve in Colombia because of antagonistic social imaginaries that depict the Venezuelan migrant as a criminal force, an unmanageable burden, and an undesirable community. This reality is lessened in the city of Cúcuta due to the city’s heightened historic affinity with Venezuelans. Lastly, private sources of national media, with affiliations to the political right, are the outlets most likely to amplify and reproduce the unfavorable social imaginaries on Venezuelans which consequently foster exclusion and inhibits social integration.

To develop the thesis argument of this study, the text is divided into seven distinct chapters. Chapter 2 presents the context of the migration phenomena taking place between Colombia and Venezuela while justifying the relevance of the city of Cúcuta. Chapter 3 provides a synthesis of relevant literature and places this study in relation to what is known about migrant integration within culturally similar contexts. Chapter 4 introduces the research methodology implemented for gathering and analyzing data. In Chapter 5 the findings of this research are displayed. Chapter 6 discusses the implications of the findings. Lastly, Chapter 7 concludes with the main implications of the research and recommendations for future studies.

2. Research Context

2.1. Overview of Chapter

The current chapter provides the reader with an overview of the contexts in Colombia and Venezuela, where cross national movements of people are taking place. It does so by first presenting a concise historical overview of the two nations in question and their relationship with migration. Secondly, it highlights the political ideological conflicts between Colombia and Venezuela. Finally, it presents the nature of some of the most influential media outlets in the nation and how some as, RCN Noticias and Caracol Noticias, have aided conservative parties in fulfilling their political agenda.

2.2. Colombia, Venezuela, and Migration

2.2.1. History of Venezuela and Colombia:

Venezuela is a Latin American nation filled with rich history and drastic political shifts. After its 1958 coupe d’etat that overthrew the Marcos Pérez Jiménez dictatorship, Venezuela became known for its extraordinary political stability (Neuhouser, 1992). This changed in 1998 when then President Hugo Chávez was elected to break away from the nation’s political order that was based on the Punto Fijo Pact, an agreement between the nation’s political parties to preserve its elitist democratic system and keep much needed reform off the political agenda (Schifrin, 2018; Neuhouser, 1992). His opposition to the Punto Fijo Pact was demonstrated in his leadership in the Revolutionary Bolivarian Movement which attempted to carry out a coup d’etat in 1992 against then President Carlos Perez (Langue, 2009). Once in power, Chávez established a Constitutional Assembly through popular referendum to bring about a new constitution in 1999, which still stands today (Schifrin, 2018). Based on the new constitution, the Bolivarian Revolution, and international isolationism, Chávez led Venezuela into a period of substantial economic and social success by enacting social reforms, nationalizing the oil industry, and heavily investing in new social programs under the Bolivarian mission (Fassin, 2005). These policies led Venezuela to be known

3 in the early-2000’s for its high quality of life, high literacy rates, income equality, and decreasing poverty levels (Gedan, 2017). Social programs and wealth distribution to Venezuela’s poor was made possible by increased oil revenues, particularly during periods of high global petroleum prices, as this industry accounted for 95% of the country’s total income (John, 2018; Schifrin 2018).

By 2010 the reality in the nation was much different, so much so that Chávez declared an ‘Economic War’ as resource shortages started to deteriorate the Bolivarian nation. Such shift was primarily caused by a sharp decline in oil prices which deeply affected the nation due to the government’s failure to diversify the economy and cut back on social spending (Schifrin, 2018; John, 2018). Thus, Venezuela entered an economic freefall which worsened in 2014 when oil prices completely plunged causing hyperinflation to reach 1000% by 2018 (Faiola, 2018). It was during this time that current president Nicolás Maduro came to power and continued the policies and ideologies of the Chávez administration (John, 2018). The civil unrest that was caused by this harsh economic reality is what we know of today as the Venezuelan humanitarian crisis. Medicine shortages, food insecurity, increasing child mortality, electricity rationing, acute malnutrition, high murder rates, political instability, increased crime, wide political repression, a rise in human trafficking and sex tourism, heavy national debt, and exacerbated levels of poverty are characteristic of the current crisis in Venezuela (John, 2018; Hanson, 2019). The political, economic, and social ramifications of the crisis in Venezuela have caused its population to migrate to neighbouring countries in search of economic opportunities and quality of life. “A country that was once on the receiving end of immigrants due to its riches and significant oil reserves is now losing its population to neighbouring countries as its citizens struggle to survive”, with Colombia being the principal destination for Venezuelan migrants with 1,717,352 registered Venezuelan migrants as of October 2020 (Migración Colombia 2020; John, 2018). The responsibility to manage the effects of Venezuela’s economic and political crisis has disproportionately fallen on neighbouring developing nations as Colombia because the Global North has proven itself less willing to receive this migrant diaspora (Gedan, 2017).

Colombia has followed the opposite trajectory. From 1960 to 2016 Colombia experienced an internal armed conflict between the state, paramilitaries, and illicit guerilla groups (Galindo, 2016). This internal civil conflict is the oldest of the Western hemisphere and has caused one of the

4 highest homicide rates in Latin America “due to the impact of illicit drug trafficking, criminal organizations and as a consequence of the history of violence” (Bello, 2008). The origins of Colombia’s internal conflict can be traced back to the mid 1960s when the lack of employment opportunities, inequality, elite wealth concentration, social injustice, and corruption left behind by a period of great violence, was systematically ignored and repressed by a bipartisan political order (Cosoy, 2016). A repressive and harsh political order thus emerged. This reality was exacerbated with the state’s abandonment of most of the nation’s peripheral territories, thus leaving space for the first generation of peasant led guerilla movements to emerge, including the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC), Ejército de Liberación Nacional (ELN), and Ejército Popular de Liberación (EPL) (Cosoy, 2016). The objective of these groups was to establish peasant-led governments and provide for their regions, as the national government was not doing so. To carry out their revolutionary goals, the illicit groups received monetary and logistical support from the Soviet Bloc due to their Marxist-Leninist ideals of seizing political control (AESCO, 2015). When the Soviet financial support ended abruptly, illicit groups turned to drug cartels for revenue, giving them great influence in the nation (AESCO, 2015; Cosoy, 2016).

From 2002 to 2010, violence and insecurity exponentially rose as the Álvaro Uribe presidencies enacted a harsh military initiative known as ‘Plan Colombia’ (Lissardy, 2019). Plan Colombia was made possible through military aid from the United States as part of their International War on Drugs. What followed were violent confrontations between state forces, paramilitaries, and the FARC guerillas causing over 260,000 deaths (of which 81% were non- partisan civilians), 7,7 million internally displaced people, disappeared soldiers and civilians, extensive human right violations, 10,189 victims of antipersonnel mines, 27,023 victims of kidnappings, 1,754 victims of sexual violence, and 1,982 massacres throughout the nation (Matanock & Garcia, 2017; Rolon, 2018; Centro Nacional de Memoria Historica, 2012). It was during this period that Colombia became an immigrant sending nation, with 7,861 citizens seeking refuge in Venezuela (Acosta, 2018). This is to say, similarly to how Colombia is the principal destination for Venezuelan migrants fleeing the suboptimal living conditions in their nation today, the roles were once reversed with Venezuela being the main destination for Colombians fleeing the harsh reality of their country in the early 2000s. This shift occurred as Colombia began peace dialogues with guerilla leaders in 2012 under the Juan Manuel Santos administration and ended

5 with a Peace Accord being signed in 2016 which officially concluded over fifty years of the Internal Armed Conflict (Hidson, 2010; Matanock & Garcia 2017). Despite the success of this Peace Accord being highly contested today, Colombia achieved social, economic, and political stability following the 2016 Peace Accord (ASECO, 2015).

2.2.2. Colombia’s Comprehensive Immigration System:

In 2016, when the Venezuelan Humanitarian Crisis began, there were 53,747 immigrants of Venezuelan nationality in Colombia, by 2018 this number had risen more than twenty-fold to 1,174,743 (Migración Colombia, 2020). Today, Venezuelan migrants make up 92% of the nation’s total immigrant population (Migración Colombia, 2020). This exponential growth was unprecedented for Colombia and quickly turned the country from an emigrant sending nation to a country of reception or transit (Palacios, 2012; Hernández, 2018). Given this shift, it is important to understand how prepared laws, legislations, and institutions in Colombia were to manage and assist the growing immigrant populations. Presently, Colombia has the Sistema Integral Migratorio or Comprehensive Immigration System as the administrative entity responsible for all matters regarding migration. To understand its inadequacy in dealing with the growing migrant influx, it is relevant to understand how it came to be.

Colombia’s first effort to create an immigration scheme was during the 1920s when the nation’s first diplomats, otherwise known as the ‘Franklins of Colombia’, led efforts of “making Colombia attractive to European and North American settlers whose industry and work ethic would, they hoped, turn it into a civilized and modern Euro-Atlantic nation” (Bassi, 2017). In other words, the primary focus of this period was to attract ‘white’ immigrants to the new nation and that way gain recognition and status. The ‘Franklins of Colombia’ strongly believed that the only way to make the new country a civilized and enlightened republic was through efforts of ‘de- Indigenizing’ and ‘whitening’, for which immigration was the perfect tool (Bassi, 2017). Such racialized beliefs, rooted in the nation’s colonial history, laid the legal foundation for Colombia’s first ever immigration scheme (Bassi, 2017; Palacios 2011).

As the Colombian nation-state grew, functionally differentiated bureaucratic institutions developed and began to manage migration on a regional level, causing the control of migrant populations to be decentralized, minimal, and distinct all over the nation (Palacios, 2011). This

6 was made possible since there was no legislation or laws on international migration at the time. Instead, there were mere regulating norms implemented by state entities (Palacios, 2011). One of the few criteria that was consistent throughout the country was spearheaded by the Advisory of Labour Migration and stated that there were desirable and non-desirable migrant populations (Palacios, 2011). The desirable immigrants originated from developed nations and the non- desirables from developing nations because they were believed to be a burden on the national economy, thus showing a clear ethnic bias as the ‘Franklins of Colombia’ had once hoped (Bassi, 2017; Palacios 2011). The striking similarity this ethnic bias has with the social imaginary of Venezuelan migrants being an unmanageable burden for Colombia today is evident in the chapters to come. By 2005, 8 of every 10 international immigrants to enter Colombia originated from developed nations (Palacios, 2011). Such migration scheme was reproduced until the 2006-2010 National Development Plan recognized the outdated migration scheme of the nation and uncoordinated laws around the subject and thus prioritized its revision (Palacios, 2011). As a result, Law 1465 was created in 2011 which constituted the Comprehensive Immigration System as the entity responsible for centralizing the moral and legal obligations of the state toward migrant communities (Palacios, 2011; John 2018).

The Comprehensive Immigration System (CIS), while being a step in the right direction towards providing the country with a centralized administrative order on issues surrounding migration, was quite narrow in scope. CIS’s constituting documents, Law 1465 and CONPES 3603, emphasised the protection of Colombian citizens abroad, while almost entirely disregarding services for foreigners within the Colombian territory (Palacios, 2011). Since Law 1465 was created during Colombia’s period as a migrant sending nation, the entirety of CIS’s legal functions centered around protecting Colombian citizens abroad. Immigrants within Colombia are mentioned only under one Article of Law 1465 and did not recognize immigrants as pro omine or right holders under Colombian law (Palacios, 2011). Therefore, a substantial legal gap persisted. In 2014, the Integral Migration Policy, Article 4.12, gave local and regional entities the authority to adopt the mandates of Law 1465 and CIS as best fit in their contexts, in an effort to fill the legal gaps. This move was presented as a temporary measure which was not immediately revised as the state prioritized efforts surrounding the nation’s peace negotiations and Peace Accord (Pinto et al., 2019; Garcia & Pineda, 2019).

It was not until 2016, when Colombia’s migrant influx began to increase, that the severity of Colombia’s non-existent legal base for immigrants within their territory became of national concern (Pinto et al., 2019; Gedan, 2017). As the Venezuelan Humanitarian Crisis developed, an increasing number of Venezuelan migrants began to cross the border into Colombia with intentions of settling permanently and thus required access to essential services as health and education (Pinto et al., 2019). At the time, CIS did not recognize foreign populations as ‘right holders’ in Colombia. Local entities compensated for this reality by enacting Article 100 of the Political Constitution of Colombia which extends civil rights to registered foreigners (Pinto et al., 2019). By doing so, Colombia began its long trajectory towards extending civil rights to its first ever substantial immigrant population. This is evidenced in regional schoolboards extending public school services to registered Venezuelan children and allowing the registered migrant populations to access emergency health care services free of cost (Pinto et al, 2019).

As the crisis developed, the number of ‘registered’ Venezuelan migrants decreased as more were forced to enter the nation through illegitimate channels and CIS entities began falling short when attempting to register and account for the growing number of immigrants (Hernández, 2018; John, 2018). In response, Colombia implemented the Permiso Especial de Permanencia (PEP) in 2017, which allowed Venezuelan migrants to freely register online with the Colombian Government and by doing so they received an ID card which granted them the right to access the nation’s services as education and health care (Hernández, 2018). As of October 2020, an estimated 947,106 unregistered Venezuelan migrants reside in Colombia alongside 770,246 registered PEP bearers (Migración Colombia, 2020). The unregistered 947,106, which accounts for 55% of the total Venezuelan migrants in the country, cannot access Colombian public services and are eligible for immediate deportation, thus proving the limited success of PEP (Hernández, 2018). There were other efforts made by the Colombian state to manage the growing number of unregistered Venezuelan migrants. For example, in 2019 the Colombian Institute of Family Welfare began efforts of registering and granting nationality to 24,000 children born in Colombia of Venezuelan parents as these children lacked any form of citizenship and were falling into statelessness (Gobierno Nacional, 2019). Likewise, in February 2021 Colombia announced a ten- year temporary protection status for Venezuelan migrants as a more long-term solution (UNHCR, 2021).

While the aforementioned efforts demonstrate that the Colombian state is somewhat willing to respond to the needs and vulnerabilities of the new immigrant population within their territory, Colombia’s inexperience and decentralization implementing a public policy related to migrant management continues to burden the nation today (Palacios, 2012; Pinto et al., 2019; Gedan, 2017). The efficiency and accessibility of public services for migrant populations varies depending on the region; a substantial portion of the population cannot access any services at all as they lack a PEP (Hernández, 2018). It is important to keep these drawbacks in mind because when state entities assume responsibilities of social control and migrant support, the migrant community is no longer seen as an uncontrolled ‘threat’ to local populations (Barra & Contucci, 2010). Thus, proper state involvement in migration matters eases anxiety that may arise in its citizenry because of new populations. On the contrary, when the citizens of host countries perceive the arrival of migrant populations to be outside of their states’ control, migrant populations become feared and ‘othered’ socially (Pinto et al., 2019; Barra & Contucci, 2010). This is to say, the Colombian government’s ability, or lack-there-of, to properly manage the Venezuelan migrant population plays an important role in determining how local communities view them.

2.2.3. Cúcuta, Norte de Santander:

While the present research study concerns itself with Venezuelan migrants within the Colombian territory in general, it highlights the case of migrant integration in the city of Cúcuta. San José de Cúcuta is located on the northeast end of Colombia, on the border with Venezuela, and is the capital city of the Department of Norte de Santander. Cúcuta has a reputation of being a center of contraband activity, illegal settlements, and for housing a wide range of illicit guerilla groups (Garcia, 2011). It is the sixth largest and the seventh most commercially relevant city in Colombia (Garcia, 2011). Cúcuta is home to the Figure 2.A Proximity of Cúcuta to Táchira | Source: The Economist, 2015 Simone Bolívar Bridge, the most dynamic border crossing in South America, which connects the city with the Venezuelan city of San Antonio of

Táchira (Morgan, 2015). Eighty percent of Colombia’s bilateral trade and commercial exchange passes through the Simone Bolívar Bridge, which has resulted in people of both nationalities interacting daily and thus fostered a sense of collective identity in Cúcuta (Morgan, 2015). Additionally, Cúcuta is known as a ‘hot frontier’ because it lies between two states with very different political systems and world views that clash at times (Morgan, 2015). As of October 2020, Cúcuta is home to 11,15% of the total Venezuelan population in Colombia, second only to Bogotá D.C. (Migración Colombia, 2020).

Colombia’s highly centralized and elitist political order created uneven regional development throughout the nation. Consequently, Norte de Santander became one of the peripheral regions where there has been little state presence (Castillo, 2019). Cúcuta has historically been marginalized in relation to economic investments, infrastructural growth, state development, and access to social services (Garcia, 2011). In 2018, Cúcuta reported an unemployment rate of 16,3%, significantly higher than the national average of 9,7%, whilst reporting the highest rate of informal employment (DNP, 2019). Additionally, Cúcuta and its Catatumbo area were the most affected by the Internal Armed Conflict and continued to be a hub for illicit armed groups even after the nation signed its Peace Accord (Castillo, 2019). Between 1999 and 2006, Cúcuta registered the highest rates of homicides, displacements, massacres, and affiliations to guerilla warfare groups (Castillo, 2019). Today, a total of 13 illegal armed groups operate in Cúcuta, alongside five criminal organizations (Paz y Reconciliación, 2020). This is to say, the context to which Venezuelan newcomers to Cúcuta are settling into has been riddled with unmet needs for quite some time. Consequently, the city did not have the necessary infrastructural capacity set in place to respond adequately and in a timely manner to the needs of the vulnerable migrant populations entering from Venezuela (Hernández, 2018; Gedan, 2017; Morgan, 2015). For this reason, international aid aimed at responding to the Venezuelan humanitarian crisis, has focused its work in Cúcuta and Norte de Santander (GIFMM, 2020).

Belonging to a nation-state necessarily implies the recognition of a shared community. Nevertheless, different habits, customs, and cultures may develop on a regional rather than national level (Morgan, 2015). This is the case of Cúcuta and its border culture. A ‘border culture’ signifies that through prolonged interaction of border populations a unique hybrid-culture is created which involves elements of all societies that partake in its fabrication (i.e., Cúcuta and San Antonio).

What results from a border culture is a sense of detachment from the rest of the country as people in the ‘interior’ are believed to think differently (Morgan, 2015). For this reason, Cucuteños claim to have more in common with people on the other side of the border than with people from the interior like Bogotanos (Morgan, 2015). Such similarities are evidenced in small cultural practices like Cúcuta celebrating Venezuelan national holidays and making their own versions of traditional Venezuelan dishes as the arepa rellena. Despite locals in Cúcuta holding a strong sense of national pride, “in cultural terms local people undoubtedly do recognise continuity rather than difference across the border, the everyday experience of Cucuteños remind them that culturally speaking there is little of substance to separate them from the Tachirenses on the other side.” (Morgan, 2015). Hence, there is no other city in Colombia more alike to the Venezuelan newcomers than Cúcuta. Both nationalities have been in constant interaction for many years before the recent migrant influx began and thus the integration of such migrants should be facilitated, yet this is not the case. In conclusion, the reason for putting Cúcuta at the forefront of a study on migrant integration within culturally similar contexts are two-fold; Cúcuta has been the city most drastically affected by the migrant influx from Venezuela and Cucuteños are the most culturally similar to their Venezuelan neighbors.

2.3. Ideological Conflict Between Colombia and Venezuela

Despite geographic and cultural similarities, particularly in the border region, there are clear distinctions between the Colombian and Venezuelan nation-states. One of the most pressing differences is evidenced in the political sphere, as Colombia’s governance revolves around a presidential democratic republic whilst Venezuela is a federal presidential republic and socialist state (Garcia, 2011). The ideological differences between the two nations were deepened when the conservative government of Álvaro Uribe Vélez frequently conflicted with ex President Hugo Rafael Chávez. A sense of political animosity was created and continues today in the current conflict between the Duque-Maduro administrations (Morgan, 2015; Schwartz et al., 2018).

The ideological conflict between the two governments can be traced back to the very beginning of the Uribe administration. The Uribe presidency based its campaign and administrative policies on attacking Chávez’s populist concept of democratic representation and gave rise to an

11 increasingly antagonistic rhetoric towards Venezuela (Morgan, 2015). Additionally, Uribe’s arrival to power gave rise to government statements that blamed “the country’s social, political, and economic problems on the guerrillas”, thus resulting in the militarization and para- militarization of large areas of the country, including Norte de Santander (Morgan, 2015; Hernández, 2018). In addition, Uribe accused Chávez of sponsoring and funding guerillas in Colombia, thus allowing him to portray Chávez, and more specifically his populist ideology, as the culprits of all evil within Colombian territory (Morgan, 2015). Uribe successfully equated populism with guerilla warfare, thus creating a sense of fear of all things Chávez, populist, or Castro-Chavista (Morgan, 2015). This was fueled by a long list of problematic encounters between the two governments which are summarized in Appendix A. Nonetheless, in today’s migration crisis, Venezuelan immigrants are in no way coined as sympathisers to the regime they leave behind in Venezuela, yet the Colombian Government continues to foster exclusionary imaginaries towards them. This paradoxical position is identified and broken down in the chapters to come.

2.3.1. The Media and the Ideological Conflict:

Uribe was able to influence his constituents and reproduce his anti-populism and anti- Chávez narrative better than any other politician before him because of his strategic utilization of national media (Morgan, 2015). Uribe’s use of private news sources as a political tool is known as the ‘Uribista Project’. This was when Colombian media presented only the state sanctioned versions of all events with Venezuela. The purpose of this was to solidify Uribe’s power in the minds of Colombians during a time when the country was facing a great deal of violence, sponsored in part by his strong militarization and para-militarization. While media outlets reproduced Uribe’s patriotic rhetoric at the expense of Venezuela, little attention was given to the forced displacements and massacres that were resulting from the militarization of the country or the corruption of Uribe’s administration (Morgan, 2015; Marroquin et al., 2020). Research has found that the two main private news sources that aided the political agenda of the Uribista Project were Caracol Noticias and RCN Noticias (Marroquin, 2020).

Caracol Noticias and RCN Noticias, the two most widely viewed private news outlets in the nation, privileged Uribe’s version of the ideological conflict with Venezuela because the business elites who owned them all had close personal and economic relations with Álvaro Uribe Vélez and

12 his conservative party Centro Democrático (Morgan, 2015; Marroquin et al., 2020). Both news sources have been reported to give more coverage to politicians and candidates whose political ideologies align with the ideologies of their owners. The owner of RCN Noticias is the Ardila Lülle Organization which consists of the 80 most profitable and powerful private businesses operating in Colombia. They have been subjected to multiple scandals for their supposed interference in political elections and the referendum on the Colombian Peace Agreement. In both cases they were accused of interfering and influencing in favour of the Centro Democrático, who’s political leader today is still ex-president Álvaro Uribe (Marroquin et al., 2020; Las2Orillas, 2016). Similarly, Caracol Noticias is owned by the Velorem Financial Group which is also made up by influential businesses in the same sectors and with similar interests as those of the Ardila Lülle Organization. Its founder was Julio Mario Santo Domingo, who was a diplomat to Colombia (Marroquin et al., 2020). In a study carried out during the 2018 presidential elections, both RCN and Caracol Noticias were found to cover and favour the campaign of the candidate endorsed by Álvaro Uribe the most. Such candidate was now President Iván Duque and the news sources were found to actively legitimate his political speeches because the political ideology of the Centro Democrático is identified as the most beneficial for liberal market growth (Marroquin et al., 2020). Caracol Noticias and RCN Noticias are included in the scope of this study not only because of their recorded bias news coverage in favour of the Colombian Government, but because they reflect the business community and the political right. This is to say, there is a history of political actors utilizing and influencing the narrative and imaginaries portrayed in national news outlets to fulfill political agendas.

It is relevant to mention that while the Uribista Project was able to foster fear of populism in Colombia by antagonizing the Chávez administration, it is believed to have been less successful in Cúcuta. In 2009, there were mobilizations and marches throughout the nation aimed at protesting Chávez in light of the growing political tensions of the time (Kajsiu, 2018; Morgan, 2015). Despite the strong anti-chavista bias in local private media that encouraged participation, one of the few cities where the mobilization had minimal turnout was Cúcuta. A Colombian individual interviewed at the time stated that Cúcuta had “been forgotten by the Colombian Government, Cucuteños get more benefits and more money from the Venezuelan Government than from Colombia itself” (Morgan, 2015). This demonstrated not only the strong affinity and familiarity people in Cúcuta held with the other side of the border but that they are also less

13 interested in adhering to the narratives perpetuated by the Colombian Government because Cucuteños feel abandoned by it. This reality is important to keep in mind when analyzing the less detrimental social imaginaries around Venezuelan migration evidenced in the news articles specific to the city of Cúcuta. It justifies why Cucuteños are more likely to blame the institutional shortcomings of their territory on the Colombian Government than the migrant population. Today, Cucuteños continue to be less interested in the ideological conflict between the two countries and have been found to sympathise with Venezuelans because they believe this population has been “forgotten by the centralized government” as well (Morgan, 2015; Daly et al., 2020). This reality is evidenced in Figure 2.B which shows Norte de Santander’s low xenophobia rate1.

Figure 2.B Xenophobia Rate by Department | Source: Daly et al, 2020

1 The departmental xenophobia rates were established by Daly et al through coding 6 million public and georeferenced Twitter comments on Venezuelan migration. The rate of xenophobia was contingent on the number of publications that expresses discriminatory sentiments using key words: they take from us, they rob us, they saturate us, plague, lazy, they are a problem, they destroy the country, ignorant, dirty, among others.

2.4. Chapter Conclusion

In this research’s effort of identifying factors that may be inhibiting the social integration of Venezuelan migrants through Colombian media, it is relevant to contextualize the area of study, its ability to manage migration, and the role media outlets have historically played. In this chapter it was established that Colombia and Venezuela have historically been intertwined through cross national movements of people. The city of Cúcuta was presented as the most culturally similar to Venezuela whilst being a city where there is limited state presence. Lastly, the political ideological conflict between the two nations was presented to shine light on how the Colombian Government has used private media to shape public opinion in relation to Venezuela and fulfill their political agenda. With these foundational concepts in mind, the following Literature Review Chapter will explore the existing academic work and knowledge around migrant integration.

3. Literature Review

3.1. Overview of Chapter

This chapter provides a synopsis of the literature relevant to this research project. It establishes that individual self-interests, migratory networks, and push-pull factors have driven Venezuelan migration to Colombia. It highlights the role of the state as influential when shaping how migrant communities are understood in host countries. Additionally, it introduces the Schwartz et al. 2018 study and Nick Morgan 2015 study, as the two most influential literatures guiding this research on the inhibited integration of Venezuelans in Colombia. Lastly, this chapter introduces the most relevant migratory terminology. All of this has been included in order to place the present study in conversation with what is already known relating to migrant integration.

3.2. Migration Literature

Human mobility is a practice that precedes colonization, the global terms of trade, the nation-state, and militarized borders (Harzig & Hoerder, 2009). In consequence, the study of human mobility is broad and wide ranging. The scope of this study concerns itself primarily with the social integration of migrants in host countries and so the following section highlights only the most relevant theories of international migration that relate to migrant integration.

3.2.1. International Migration:

To study international migration is to study human movement from the nineteenth century onward, after the establishment of global migration systems and the state itself (Harzig & Hoerder, 2009). Within this context, migration is commonly studied through an economic lens, yet the study of international migration is also relevant to the disciplines of sociology, anthropology, history, and political science (Harzig & Hoerder, 2009). When addressing citizenship, the lack-there-of, belonging and embeddedness, inclusion and exclusion, or entry laws and migration policy, political science provides an advantageous theoretical approach to international migration. Admittedly, it is here where the current research project centers its theoretical lens. Specifically,

16 it sets out to grasp integration into migrant receiving states, as it is an issue that directly affects the well-being of mobile populations. To study integration is to examine “the issues that matter most in the lives of mobile people”, thus connecting scholarly work with the real-world needs of the populations examined (Harzig & Hoerder, 2009).

The first formal scientific study on international migration took place in the 1880s, yet it was only in the 1930s that international migration became of mainstream academic interest (Greenwood & Hunt, 2003). Due to the complex nature of migration, there is no one theory able to conceptualize the phenomena entirely. Nonetheless, there is scholarly consensus around macro, meso, and micro theories being the three main categories of migratory explanation (Boswell, 2002; Jhon, 2018; Faist, 2000; Goss & Lindquist, 1995; Massey et al, 1993). Primarily, micro theories, also known as neo-classical theories or a functionalist approach, draws on rational choice theory to focus on an individual’s decision to migrate through a cost-benefit analysis as the driving cause of migration (Jhon, 2018; Boswell, 2002). On the other hand, meso theories, such as the dual market theory, emphasize the relevance of networks since migration is assumed to take place within a social system and can generate ‘chain migration’ which accounts for large-scale migration patterns (Jhon, 2018; Boswell, 2002). Lastly, macro theories, or a structural approach, highlight constraining socio-spatial inequities, also known as push-pull factors, as the driving cause of international migration (Jhon, 2018; Boswell, 2002). Nonetheless, such three schools of thought are not mutually exclusive and indeed complement one another as evidenced in the case of the Venezuelan migration crisis (Boswell, 2002). The economic, social and political inequalities in Venezuela enact as push factors whilst the relative stability in post-Armed Conflict Colombia pulls Venezuelans to this territory (Boswell, 2002; Jhon, 2018; Schwartza et al, 2018). Likewise, the historic connectivity of the two nations led to many Venezuelans holding personal connections in Colombia and these social networks facilitated cross national mobility (Morgan, 2015). Some Venezuelans were even able to make a cost-benefit decision to emigrate to Colombia which in many cases was guided by Colombia’s lower cost of living and access to healthcare (Morgan, 2015; Schwartza et al, 2018). Hence, research has shown that individual self-interest, migratory networks, and push-pull factors have all played a role in accounting for Venezuelan migration to Colombia.

Furthermore, when outlining existing literature on international migration, it is fundamental to mention the findings of the Committee on South-North Migration, whose ideas have widely influenced migration theory (Massey, 2015). The Committee brought together experts in the field to review empirical literature on international migration by applying it to real-world settings (Massey, 2015). Years after the publication of this innovative study, one of the Committee’s main contributors, Douglas Massey, found that the study had overlooked the essential role of the state. The state as the “organ responsible for the formation and implementation of immigration policy” and the creator of the ‘migrant’ as a legal category, was identified as playing a central role in shaping how newcomers were received in host countries (Massey, 2015). Massey argued that state actors as politicians, pundits, and bureaucrats hold the power to shape both legislator and public opinion around migration as best suits their political agenda (2015). Likewise, the role of the state was also highlighted because without the protection it can provide, both migrants and citizens of receiving nations are likely to suffer further trauma (Goldin et al, 2011). The present research builds from Douglas Massey’s conceptualization by highlighting the influential role the Colombian state plays when shaping publicly shared social understandings on Venezuelan migration, which consequently guides migrant integration.

Lastly, migration scholarship found that large waves of immigrants were usually not received well in destination societies. In most cases, mass immigration to new countries resulted in the migrant feeling unwelcome or discriminated against, which is referred to as a ‘negative context of reception’ (Cano et al, 2015; Schwartz et al, 2014; Schwartz et al, 2018). The presence of a negative context of reception in host countries is usually attributed to perceived ideological and physical differences between migrant groups and local society. Such differences refer to language, religion, ethnicity, overarching national narratives, or prior experiences with large-scale immigration (Goldin et al, 2011; Schwartz et al, 2018; Cano et al, 2015). Sociological and anthropological literature frequently employed the idea of negative context of reception to describe the unfavorable experiences reported by migrant populations as a result of transnational movement (Schwartz et al, 2014).

3.2.2. South-South International Migration:

The study of international migration, particularly in the 20th century, centered its lens of study on developed nations as they absorbed a growing number of immigrants from developing nations of the Global South (Massey et al, 2001; Massey, 2015; Smith et al, 2018; Scholten, 2013; Alba & Foner 2015; Wessendorf & Phillimore 2018). Consequently, migration theories that developed during this period cannot always fully account for international migration that consist of developing nations receiving immigrants from other developing nations (Hernández 2018; Jhon, 2018, Hernández 2018; Gedan, 2017; Pinto et al, 2019). Otherwise known as South-South migration, this type of international movement has risen in prominence in the 21st century and presents distinct characteristics that may variate from those assumed by the dominant South-North migration theories (Jhon, 2018; Boswell, 2002). The influx of Venezuelan migrants to Colombia herein studied is one of such cases.

Theories specific to South-South migration have developed and set out to account for the distinct realities present in these types of migration. Such is precisely the case of Cultural Stress Theory. Cultural Stress Theory holds that immigrant groups in receiving contexts that are culturally similar to them present low discrimination and low levels of unfavorable reception, thus directly contrasting the ideas held by ‘negative context of reception’ (Schwartz et al, 2018). Given the limited differences evidenced in countries engaging in South-South migration, Cultural Stress Theory suggests that mass migration into a culturally similar context is perceived as less threatening for the non-immigrant members of society (Schwartz et al, 2014; Schwartz et al, 2018; Cano et al, 2015). In short, Cultural Stress Theory was designed to describe the ‘positive contexts of reception’ reported by migrants in host countries similar to their own. The historic, geographic, and cultural similarities between Colombia and Venezuela established in the Context Chapter suggest that Venezuelan migrants to Colombia should be well received and integrate with ease. Nonetheless, when studying the context of reception of Venezuelan migrants in Colombia, a Schwartz et al. study found the opposite (2018). Through surveying a sample population of Venezuelan migrants settling in Bogotá, the study found a ‘negative context of reception’ as migrants reported high levels of anxiety and depression as a result of experiencing discrimination and xenophobia (Schwartz et al, 2018). The study reported Venezuelan migrants experiencing street harassment through hackling and racist attitudes in public spaces which led to them to feel

19 excluded and consequently inhibited their integration into Colombian society (Schwartz et al, 2018). The study concluded that there must be other factors, apart from cultural similarities, causing the negative context of reception identified in Colombia. This research study builds off the Schwartz et al. conclusion to both identify and examine what factors may be inhibiting the integration of Venezuelans into their culturally similar neighboring Colombian nation.

Lastly, South-South migration is a relatively new phenomena and represents an area of migration studies that requires further academic attention (Schwartz et al, 2018; Morgan 2015; Pinto et al, 2019; Garcia & Restrepo, 2019). Since the beginning of the Venezuelan migration crisis in 2016, there have been very few systematic studies focusing on this migrant diaspora and even fewer looking into the integration Venezuelan immigrants experience abroad (Garcia & Restrepo, 2019; Schwartz et al, 2018). Likewise, the last published study to address Venezuelan migrants in the increasingly relevant City of Cúcuta was conducted and published by Nick Morgan in 2015, before the migration boom that resulted from the Venezuelan migration crisis took place. The study reported that despite the heightened cultural similarities in Cúcuta, Venezuelans were frequently discriminated against through ethnic stereotypes of them only being concerned with partying and being lazy people (Morgan, 2015). Morgan identified the pressing importance of examining migrant integration in Cúcuta on top of highlighting the lack of academic attention specific to this unique border location, all of which is to be undertaken through the present research study. In sum, the intention of this research is to engage with Cultural Stress Theory and the findings of both the Schwartz et al. and Nick Morgan studies to identify what factors are contributing to the negative context of reception Venezuelan migrants in Colombia and Cúcuta experience.

3.3. Relevant Terminology

When studying the contexts of reception to which migrant populations settle into, it is pertinent to adhere to a singular interpretation of key concepts. The following section defines the most relevant terminology utilized by this research when examining what factors lie behind the social opposition to Venezuelan migrants in the Colombian context.

3.3.1. Migrant:

It is relevant to note that this research concerns itself with migrants more broadly and not merely refugees. A migrant is an individual “who crosses an international border to find work or better living conditions”, whilst a refugee is a legal category assigned to a person unable to return to their country of nationality because of a “well-founded fear of persecution” under the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (Hernández, 2018). In Colombia, only around 770,246 of the total 1,717,352 Venezuelans in its territory are legally classified as refugees, while the remaining are coined as irregular migrants (Migración Colombia, 2020). Given the micro, meso, and macro factors that together drive Venezuelan migration to Colombia, it is essential to look beyond the legal category of the ‘refugee’, since many Venezuelans migrated for reasons distinct from ‘fear of persecution’. Instead, by studying integration of Venezuelan migrants, this research can also account for the 947,106 non-refugee Venezuelan migrants that live in Colombia today (Migración Colombia, 2020).

3.3.2. Integration:

There are two distinct types of migrant integration. One of the most frequently studied forms of integration is ‘institutional integration’ which refers to the extension of services as health care, education, and legal aid to nonnationals (Wessendorf & Phillimore, 2018; Smith et al, 2018). This integration occurs when nation-states recognize the migrant as a ‘right bearing’ group and thus allow them to access the social services available to citizens (Wessendorf & Phillimore 2018). The second form of integration is that of ‘social integration’. Social integration is a mode of cultural incorporation contingent on factors such as language, civil participation, religious practices, and historic likeness (Goldin et al, 2011; Harzig & Hoerder, 2009). Social integration is not measured through institutional quotas but through prevailing social beliefs and practices (Harzig & Hoerder, 2009; Schwartz et al, 2018). The main concern of this study is to gain insight into what factors may be contributing to the lack of social integration Venezuelan migrants are experiencing in Colombia generally and Cúcuta specifically. Migrant integration is a complex process that relies on the enactment of social understandings that are external to the migrant.

In the context of this research study, integration signifies the socialization of migrants into a new culture where they can maintain some aspects of their own culture while modifying others to

21 create a hybrid of both new and past societies, a process coined acculturation (Harzig & Hoerder, 2009; Smith et al, 2018). Successful migrant social integration involves acculturation, but for it to occur, local citizens must view the migrant population as equals (Harzig & Hoerder, 2009; Smith et al, 2018). It has been theorized, similarly to Cultural Stress Theory, that when citizens interact positively with migrants over long periods of time, their view on that migrant diaspora will be positive and thus will allow for future migrants to integrate into that host community with ease (Barra & Contucci, 2010). The previously mentioned Morgan 2015 study found this not to be the case in Cúcuta, were Colombians and Venezuelans have frequently interacted and yet continue to be discriminated against. A similar conclusion was reached by the 2018 Schwartz et al. study which found that Venezuelan migrants were unable to integrate in Bogotá despite their cultural similarities (i.e., language, religion, national history, etc.) and history of interacting with Colombians.

3.3.3. Discrimination:

Discrimination refers to the hostility and social exclusion experienced by migrants because of their position as outsiders to the ‘homogeneous’ receiving culture (Harzig & Hoerder, 2009; Goldin et al, 2011). Similarly, xenophobia is an attitude of discrimination or intolerance toward migrants, which in extreme cases can lead to violence or direct attacks (Goldin et al, 2011; Statham, 2019). The identification of xenophobic attitudes within state institutions and officials is particularly important as such attitudes can cause state-sponsored discrimination towards migrants leading to short-sighted migratory policy, limited economic opportunities for nonnationals, and limited social engagement (Goldin et al, 2011). The news articles herein analyzed suggest the existence of state-sponsored discrimination in Colombia as evidenced in Mayor Claudia López’s use of Venezuelan migrants as a scapegoat to the insecurity and lack of employment in Bogotá (Castillo, 2018). Additionally, for social integration to occur, migrant communities must not experience high rates of discriminatory encounter with citizens of their host community (Harzig & Hoerder, 2009; Schwartz et al, 2018). Thus, the root causes of discriminatory attitudes and negative stereotypes of the Venezuelan population, are likely to be influential factors behind their inhibited integration.

3.3.4. Social Imaginaries:

Social imaginaries are shared mental constructions of meaning, a type of a prior folkloric knowledge among populations (Habermas, 2008; Aliaga et al 2018). They emerge through social deliberation in the public sphere, they integrate into an individual’s consciousness and values, and are reproduced through language (Archibald et al, 2020; Habermas, 2008). Social imaginaries are ways in which individuals imagine, understand, and view the social experiences around them (Archibald et al, 2020). A clear example of a social imaginary is the idea of nationalism. Nationalism is a shared vision of a community within a defined space that develops over time and is responsible for distinguishing who/what is and is not nationalistic (Aliaga et al 2018). Within the scope of this study, social imaginaries are shared understandings held by Colombians on Venezuelan migrants. It will be proven throughout this research that three main social imaginaries on Venezuelan migrants emerge in Colombian news articles (i.e., Venezuelans being a criminal force, an unmanageable burden, and an undesirable community) and consequently these social imaginaries inhibit the social integration of this diaspora into the Colombian context.

In the case of social imaginaries relating to migrant communities, research has found that the state plays an influential role in shaping these socially shared understandings (Pinto 2019; Gedar 2017; John 2018). If a national state shows its citizens that it is unable to manage or account for new migrant populations, anxiety and fear among locals rises. This anxiety is reproduced through the social imaginaries of local populations (Pinto 2019; Gedar 2017; John 2018). Many Global South states are unable to manage migrant communities due to their limited reach or lack of resources and it manifests via lack of a comprehensive and centralized infrastructure on migration, insufficient services for immigrant populations, or low migrant registration capacities (Palacios, 2012). Consequently, once locals become fearful of migrants because of limited state control, a sense of ‘negative obligation’ towards the new migrant communities develops under which discrimination and exclusion can be normalized (Gedan 2017; John 2018). This is of relevance keeping in mind the shortcoming of Colombia’s Comprehensive Migration System established in the previous Context Chapter. However, by managing migrant populations effectively through institutional integration, economic opportunities, eliminating state-sponsored discrimination, promoting long-term migrant policy through media, etc., states can reduce the fear of newcomers in its population and consequently foster social imaginaries that are conducive to

23 social integration (Goldin et al, 2011; Pinto 2019; Gedar 2017; John 2018). In conclusion, the state can either facilitate or inhibit migrant integration within their citizenry.

3.4. Chapter Conclusion

This chapter first presented the prevailing theoretical drivers of migration (i.e., micro, meso, and macro) and applied them to the case of Venezuelans migrating to Colombia. It presented the gaps in the literature identified by the Schwartz et al. 2018 study and Nick Morgan 2015 study and explained how this research builds from them to make sense of the inhibited migrant integration they identified in Colombia and Cúcuta. This chapter also outlined relevant terminology as migrant, integration, discrimination, and social imaginary to place this research in conversation with what is known. Lastly, it highlighted the important role of the state in relation to fostering social imaginaries based on their ability to manage migrant communities. In the next chapter, the methodology employed to identify factors that may be inhibiting the social integration of migrants and the role the media plays in this are detailed.

4. Methodology

4.1. Overview of Chapter

This chapter presents Foucauldian discourse analysis as the main methodology employed to address the research objective of identifying and examining factors that inhibit the social integration of Venezuelan migrants in Colombia and the city of Cúcuta. This chapter reveals the data collection process, the rationale behind employing discourse analysis from a Foucauldian perspective, and the potential limitations of this research methodology. This to prove that the discourses, narratives, and imaginaries identified in the 71 news articles included in this study, both reflect and shape the way in which locals view Venezuelan migrants. This consequently has implications for the integration of migrants in Colombian society.

4.2. Research Design

This research addresses the obstacles to integration faced by Venezuelan immigrants in the general Colombian territory. Given the city of Cúcuta’s cultural likeness to Venezuela and large migrant population, this research also explores the challenges to integration specific to this city. To do so, this study applies discourse analysis from a Foucauldian perspective to Colombian news articles covering the topic of Venezuelan migration. Thus, news articles are this investigation’s main resource source because they provide insight into the national media’s view of Venezuelan migrants. Since the new sources included in the scope of this research are of wide national consumption, the views of Venezuelan migrants identified in the news articles are both reflective and reflexive of Colombians socially shared understanding of Venezuelan migration. This is to say, the present is a documentary research that applies discourse analysis from a Foucauldian perspective to news articles in order to gain insight into the socially shared understandings that may be inhibiting the integration of Venezuelan migrants in Colombia and Cúcuta.

The research examines the treatment of the Venezuelan migrant issue in print media. Print media is both a reflection of existing attitudes and an important actor in the shaping of public attitudes. It is possible to speculate that print media impacts public attitudes given the high

25 circulation and mainstreaming of the news articles included in this study. All news articles analysed were extracted from the online databases of four distinctive print media sources. Three out of the four news sources included are associated with television networks and radio stations of mass consumption, that directly pick up print media news stories. The final print media news source is the most widely read newspaper in Colombia (El Tiempo, 2000). Therefore, the print media news articles included in the scope of this research have high readership and/or are likely to reach the general Colombian population either through national news channels (RCN Noticias, Caracol Noticias, TRO Noticias) or radio stations (W Radio, Blu Radio, Caracol Radio).

4.2.1. Methods of Information Gathering:

A total of 71 news articles were analysed, from four distinct Colombian news sources. The four news sources included in this study are: RCN Noticias, Caracol Noticias, El Tiempo, and Televisión Regional del Oriente Noticias (TRO). RCN and Caracol Noticias were included because they are private news networks with an established relationship with the conservative Centro Democrático party and, to a lesser extent, the conservative Partido Social de la Unión Nacional (Morgan, 2015; Marroquin et al., 2020). Since the Centro Democrático is the political party of now President Iván Duque, its articles shadow the Colombian Government’s view of Venezuelan migration. Additionally, El Tiempo was chosen as a relevant news source within the context of the research because it is the most widely read independent newspaper (both digitally and in-print) in Colombia (read by 38% of Colombians and 71% of public news channels pick up its stories) (Arevalo, 2018; El Tiempo, 2000). The newspaper’s owner, Luis Carlos Sarmiento Angulo, bought out all minority shareholders with connections to political parties to maintain the bipartisan nature of El Tiempo (Media Owner Monitor Colombia, 2020). Lastly, TRO Noticias was included due to it being the only high-volume public news network of Norte de Santander (Garcia-Angel, 2012). TRO Noticias provides local reportage specific to Cúcuta, thus contributing insight into Cucuteños’ views on Venezuelan migration. By including these four distinctive news sources, the research diversifies the narratives and discourses studied. This is particularly important keeping in mind Colombia’s history of national media manipulation (Massey, 2015).

The four news sources contained in this study have well developed online databases which facilitated article retrieval and revision. Through each news source’s search engine, filters were

26 applied to obtain news articles related to Venezuelan migration in Colombia. The most viewed news articles from each source were chosen and consequently coded. The selected news articles complied with the established criteria for this research, which include: the articles main topic was migration of Venezuelan origin, the article was written during the Venezuelan Humanitarian Crisis (2016-2021), the news articles were written by Colombian nationals, the articles were written for/by one of the four news sources identified as relevant to this study, and the articles were among the most viewed publications of each news source.

Key words such as ‘migrantes venezolanos’, ‘inmigrantes’, ‘atención a migrantes’, and ‘frontera con Venezuela’ were inputted into the online search engines of each news source. The filtering key words were intentionally broad in nature in order to obtain results on a wide range of topics (i.e., sports, health, politics, economics, etc.), whilst making sure the articles were written in relation to Venezuelan migration. This resulted in 31 news articles from RCN Noticias and Caracol Noticias, 27 articles from TRO Noticias, and 33 from El Tiempo, for a total of 91 articles. Subsequently, the 91 news articles were manually reviewed to verify their concurrence with the research’s criteria. This second filtration stage led to the elimination of 20 news articles because they were not written by Colombian journalists or only mentioned Venezuelan migration in passing. The two-stage data collection process is summarized in Table 4.A. The links and citations of all the news articles included in the scope of this study are found in Appendix B.

Table 4.A. Stages of Data Collection

News Source Stage One Stage Two RCN/Caracol 31 23 TRO 27 25 El Tiempo 33 23 Total: 91 71 Table by author

News articles were utilized by this research to understand migrant integration because they provide substantial insight into preexisting local mentalities that can either facilitate or inhibit the arrival of newcomers. News media has been identified to be an adequate indicator of what is publicly of concern whilst also “reflecting whether migrant integration is perceived as a problem at all” (Scholten, 2013, McGregor 2019). Additionally, the use of news articles to identify social behavior and public sentiment is a common practice in qualitative social research related to

27 migration (Morgan, 2015; Scholten, 2013). In fact, news articles may provide information on current events whilst persuading readers to adopt a particular position in relation to the event covered (Photinos, 2020). Hence, news articles can both represent and shape real world events as migration, making these documents an important resource when studying migrant integration.

4.2.2. Methods of Data Coding:

Following data collection, the selected 71 news articles were reviewed once more to undergo an initial manual coding stage. Here the articles were colour coded to identify recurring themes and seven overarching themes were established. Afterwards, the news articles were inputted into the qualitative data analysis computer software NVivo 12. The data/news articles were grouped into the seven different themes, known as parent nodes within the software. NVivo was used to create sub-nodes using the software function of automatically analyzing the emotional tone of the uploaded data (it coded sentiments ranging from positive to negative) and identified the most frequent vocabulary used to express sentiments related to Venezuelan migrants. Nevertheless, the aggregate data reported by the system was subject to error which led to a final manual revision of the articles to make sure no relevant data was omitted and the coding was consistent. Lastly, NVivo facilitated the identification and differentiation of news articles specific to the city of Cúcuta and its surrounding metropolitan area, creating a separate node under which data specific to Cúcuta was stored. Here it is relevant to highlight that all data coded, both manually and through NVivo, was not translated into English but kept in its original Spanish format in an attempt to maintain the validity and reliability of the sources (Denscombe, 2017). Hence, the 71 news articles included in this documentary research were thoroughly coded in hopes of understanding the social world, ideologies, and context to which Venezuelan migrants in Colombia were subjected to (Denscombe, 2017).

4.3. Data Analysis

The analysis of the news articles included in the scope of this research was guided by Foucauldian discourse analysis. This methodology highlighted the importance of language and was useful when interpreting the ways in which news articles were written, whilst allowing for the

28 speculation of their consequences on social life. Therefore, discourse analysis from a Foucauldian perspective was employed due to its salience in understanding language and grasping socially shared understandings through text.

4.3.1. Discourse Analysis from a Foucauldian Perspective:

Foucauldian discourse analysis is a methodology that can be broken down into its two main components. Its discourse analysis component is a macro-level lens of language evaluation that provides insight into the ways in which social phenomena are framed (Ussher, & Perez, 2014; Van Dijk, 1999). Discourse analysis allows this research to understand how Venezuelan migrants are framed within the broader Colombian context through the language and narratives used to describe them. Thus, this study utilizes the discourse evidenced in news articles related to Venezuelan migration to shine light on how migrants are socially understood by local journalists and the Colombian Government, in representation of the wider Colombian society. Its second component, that of its Foucauldian perspective, stems from Michel Foucault’s notion of discourse being a “production of knowledge through language” (Hall, 1992; Bernal Crespo et al., 2016). Foucault maintained that through discourse, humans can give the world meaning, discourse constructs the world itself, and most importantly, discourse defines human behavior (Hall, 1992; Potter & Richardson, 1996; Ussher, & Perz, 2014). Thus, by establishing how Venezuelan migration is framed in Colombia, it can use this discursive understanding to speculate its consequences on the social integration of migrants. This is possible because it prescribes to the idea that language shapes reality itself instead of merely fulfilling a descriptive function (Ussher & Perz, 2014). By applying discourse analysis from a Foucauldian perspective to news articles, this research can identify local dominant social understandings on migration, determine obstacles for integration present in the dominant social understandings, and speculate their social effects (Ussher, & Perz, 2014; Potter & Richardson, 1996).

4.4. Research Limitations

The main limitation of this study lies in its reliance on discourse. By analyzing the discourse of news articles this research can identify how migrants are being thought of, but it cannot speak to the impact of it. Prescribing to Foucault’s understanding that discourse influences human behavior, this research can make an educated guess on how the identified framing of Venezuelan migration may impact their integration, yet on its own it cannot assert its effects in society. Moreover, this research intends to further the discussion around migration integration among culturally similar context. Nevertheless, this research study does not intend to and cannot make generalizable claims around South-South migrant integration as it concerns itself with discourse specific to Venezuelan migrants in Colombia from 2016-2021. Discourse analysis from a Foucauldian perspective holds that the meaning of discourse is historically conditioned and thus is vulnerable to change (Ussher, & Perz, 2014; Bernal Crespo et al, 2016). This is to say, the social understandings around Venezuelan migration can change through time and be distinctive outside of the Colombian context (Ussher, & Perz, 2014). Additionally, the news articles included in this study are in no way a completely representative sample because a non-random sampling strategy was employed to obtain an exploratory sample (Denscombe, 2017). Lastly, whilst the study of migration is an interdisciplinary field, the scope of this research highlights the role and influence of the State on migrant integration. This is not to say that it is the only or most influential structure to determine the social integration of migrants, but it is a particularly salient factor in the Colombia-Venezuela case (Massey, 2015; Morgan, 2015).

4.4.1. Positionality:

Discourse analysis involves a careful process of deconstructive data reading. This implies that the researcher’s interpretation of data is unavoidable. While I did my best to keep my personal bias in check, it is important to recognize the influence and role of the researcher within discourse analysis. For this reason, it is worthwhile to identify some factors of my positionality to ensure an honest, ethical, and reflexive analysis process (Scheyvens & Mclennan, 2014). I acknowledge that my interest in social justice and my own experience as a migrant to Canada may cause me to be overly sympathetic when analyzing issues around xenophobia and unmet migrant needs. Other aspects of my personal identity are also of relevance as my age, class, and relationship to the topic

30 of study (Scheyvens & Mclennan, 2014; Denscombe, 2014). I experience high privileges as a young, white-passing, middle class researcher who studies in a North American university. Nonetheless, as a Colombian citizen that comes from a family made up of both Colombian and Venezuelan citizens in Cúcuta, I am not a complete outsider to the topic in question. Thus, my insider–outsider perspective may significantly shape how I interpret the data collected because my lived experience may cause me to have preconceived notions of Venezuelans being a positive force in Colombia. Hence, my positionality will unavoidably guide and limit my research process, yet through personal reflection and recognition I hope to minimize any detrimental influence this may have in the present research study.

4.5. Chapter Conclusion

This chapter has described in detail the data collection and coding process of the 71 news articles included in the scope of this study. Additionally, Foucauldian discourse analysis was presented as the methodology employed to analyze the data collected because it allows for the identification of socially shared understandings on Venezuelan migrants. Such socially shared understandings shine light on what factors are behind the opposition to Venezuelan migrants evidenced in Colombia. In the following chapter I will present the concrete findings that resulted of the implementation of the aforementioned research design.

5. Understanding Migrant Integration Through News Articles

5.1 . Overview of Chapter

In this chapter, the main findings that resulted from the Foucauldian discourse analysis of 71 news articles on Venezuelan immigration to Colombia included in this documentary research are presented. The findings of this chapter cover the most viewed news articles on Venezuelan migration from January 2016 (when the Venezuelan Humanitarian Crisis caused an increase in immigration to Colombia) to February 2021 (when this research study was written). The findings are covered in three main sections and a chapter conclusion. Section (5.2) ‘Social Imaginaries on Venezuelan Migration’ establishes the dominant social understandings around migration in Colombia to be that of the migrants being a criminal force, an unmanageable burden, and an undesirable community. Section (5.3) ‘The Media and Social Imaginaries’ identifies the way in which news media amplifies and reproduces the social imaginaries distinctively, with politically affiliated news sources being the outlets most likely to depict migrants negatively. Lastly, Section (5.4) ‘Cultural Similarities and Cúcuta’ uses news articles specific to the city of Cúcuta to establish that the negative social imaginaries around Venezuelan migrants are less prominent because of the heightened cultural similarities and affinity of this border city with Venezuelans.

5.2. Social Imaginaries on Venezuelan Migration

As previously mentioned, 71 news articles from four distinct Colombian news sources were included in this study. This research utilized the narrative presented in these news articles to determine what the dominant understanding or social imaginary around Venezuelan migration in Colombia was from January 2016 to February 2021. In doing so, seven major themes related to Venezuelan migration were identified to be the most mentioned and reproduced among the articles analysed. Additionally, all seven themes were not covered equally. Opinion pieces and articles on policy changes were the most frequently covered themes with 21% and 19% coverage respectively. Table 5.A. presents how many news articles were found to address each theme and their coverage

32 percentage. Additionally, a brief explanation of what each theme entails in relation to Venezuelan migration is as follows:

(1) Culture: News articles on Venezuelan cuisine, Venezuelan musicians and performances, aid concerts, and religious likeness. Some articles in this theme were coined as positive in the sense that they expressed admiration towards Venezuelan cultural exports to Colombia. Others were coined negative because they described the Venezuelan culture as being lazy or folclórico.

(2) Opinion: Includes the most read opinion pieces written on Venezuelans entering Colombia. The negative articles in this theme expressed the unwillingness of Colombians to coexist with Venezuelans. The positive articles expressed the need to willingly receive and accommodate Venezuelan migrants, as Venezuelans once did the same with Colombians that settled in their territory because of the Internal Armed Conflict.

(3) Political Relations: Includes news entries that, when addressing the topic of Venezuelan migration, focus upon the political relationships between the Colombian presidency and the Venezuelan presidency. The positive articles showed sympathy with the migrants fleeing from the ‘terrifying’ castro-chavista regime while the negative articles showed the migrants as an unnecessary burden for Colombian politics.

(4) Local Political Positions: This theme incorporates articles covering local level politicians speaking about Venezuelan migration. The positive articles address steps taken by local politicians to alleviate the needs of the migrants entering their respective cities. The negative articles depict the migrant population as a dangerous and criminal community that are making the cities worse off.

(5) Institutional Responses: This theme involves articles on how specific institutions are responding to the migrant influx. The articles that cover this theme in a positive light demonstrate the willingness of institutions in assisting and including migrants as beneficiaries. The negative articles in this theme find migrants to be oversaturating already limited local institutions and thus they must leave or not be entitled to their use.

(6) Crime Related: Articles reporting on violent or criminal encounters involving Venezuelan migrants in Colombian territory are incorporated into this theme. The positive articles in this theme

33 present the involvement of migrants as a mere fact of the incidents. The negative articles present the ethnicity/race of the offender as the main blaming factor of the incidents covered.

(7) Policy Changes: This final theme includes news articles on new policy measures implemented by the Colombian government in response to the immigration influx. Positive articles cover measures that hope to manage the migrant population with long-term policies and are received well by locals. The negative articles include local disagreement with policies aimed at supporting migrants. The most frequent sentiment in these negative articles is the idea that the Colombian Government should be implementing measures to ease the many unmet needs of nationals rather than those of migrants.

Table 5.A. Article Themes

Themes # of Articles Proportionality Culture 10 14% Opinion 15 21% Political Relations 8 11% Local Political Positions 7 10% Institutional Responses 8 11% Crime Related 10 14% Policy Changes 13 19% Total: 71 100% Table by author

Additionally, given the wide range of themes identified in the news articles on Venezuelan migration and the distinctive narratives employed by each, this research categorized the articles by assigning them a ‘position’ on a spectrum of positive to negative (as indicated in the description of each theme). To assign such position, the use of language, narrative voice, wording, content, and imagery were taken into account in accordance with the guidelines of discourse analysis from a Foucauldian perspective. After compiling the 71 news articles and their assigned positions, the mode position of each theme was summarized by news source in Table 5.B. The position of positive was generally assigned to articles that expressed sympathy with the Venezuelan migrant and/or presented local willingness to accommodate for their presence and necessities. Conversely, the position of negative was assigned to articles that included sentiments of fear, xenophobia, or discrimination directed towards Venezuelan migrants, along with expressing local unwillingness to incorporate migrants socially or institutionally. As the table below indicates, RCN/Caracol

Noticias had opinion pieces and articles on political relations that were all negative, TRO Noticias’s articles on culture and political relations were all positive as were RCN/Caracol Noticias’s and El Tiempo’s published pieces on local political positions. Articles in all four new sources dealing with Venezuelans and crime were negative. Lastly, the position of mixed was assigned to themes that presented and equal number of positive and negative articles. The sentiments of each news article and consequently each theme provides insight on how the different news sources were perceiving the presence of Venezuelans. Hence, the position of each theme (positive, mixed, or negative) has implications for the shaping of national sentiment relating to migrants on that specific theme/topic. This is of relevance given that positive sentiments of sympathy and willingness to embrace new populations are conducive to social integration based on equality. On the other hand, sentiments of discrimination on the basis of non-citizen status inhibit social integration in host countries.

Table 5.B. National and Regional News Source Sentiment on Venezuelan Migration by Theme

Theme RCN / Caracol EL Tiempo TRO Culture Mixed Mixed Positive Opinion Negative Mixed Mixed Political Relations Negative - Positive Local Political Positive Positive Positive Positions Institutional Mixed Negative Mixed Responses Crime Related Negative Negative Negative Policy Changes Positive Mixed Mixed Table by author

Across the 71 news articles and seven themes, there were three main sentiments to stand out due to their frequency and recurrence: Venezuelan migrants being a criminal force, Venezuelan migrants being an unmanageable social burden, and Venezuelan migrants being an undesirable community. These three were established to be the most dominant social imaginaries around Venezuelan migration evidenced in the news articles herein analysed. The following sections discuss these findings in more detail. Where the author of individual articles was given, citations by author were provided; otherwise the newspaper is noted. Please see Appendix B where the authors and articles are listed of all 71 articles.

5.2.1. Venezuelan migrants as a criminal force:

It is evidenced in Table 5.B that the only theme to report a negative position across all news sources was that of Crime Related articles. All narrative positions employed by articles related to this topic were consistently negative in the sense that the large majority explicitly blamed crime related issues on Venezuelan migrants. The following translated quotes exemplify the negative discourse evidenced in relation to Venezuelan migrants and crime as this community is blamed for the rising insecurity in Colombia:

Extract 1- “We have a huge amount of insecurity. Every day there are crimes, every day there are robberies and theft. There are many Venezuelans that came here, to our country, to do bad things and there is no one to control them.” (Cano, 2019).

Extract 1 is from an article on the rising crime rate occurring in Colombia in 2019. The quotation is said by a citizen of Bogotá who is expressing his frustration about not being able to walk down the street without fearing theft. He brings up Venezuelan migrants unprompted and blames this group for the insecurity of his city.

Extract 2- “The Police detected several parties, one of them with 65 people of Venezuelan origin who make more than 1,700,000 Venezuelans who are in the national territory look bad. We remind Venezuelans that they must follow the rules of our country or they will be subject to immediate deportation.” (Caracol Noticias, 2021).

Extract 2 is a quotation of what was said by an Immigration Officer being asked about clandestine parties that the police interrupted during the national COVID-19 lockdown. Its noteworthy that while only one party reported to have Venezuelan attendees, the officer reminds only Venezuelans to follow lockdown orders and threatens their non-compliance with deportation. No comment was made regarding the Colombian citizens attending the illicit gatherings, thus reinforcing the stereotype of Venezuelans being the ones likely to break the law.

Nonetheless, while the sentiment of Venezuelan migrants being a criminal force in Colombia dominated in the news articles, it was not the only position evidenced. There were other news sources that reported Venezuelan migrants as being victims of insecurity and crime in Colombia. These articles were positioned as positive under the crime related theme because their reporting on criminality included the Venezuelan migrant not as the culprit of criminality but as a

36 victim. The following translated quote from an article in El Tiempo exemplifies the positive articles within the crime related theme:

Extract 3- “The insecurity […] has significantly affected the migrants walking from the border to the interior of the country. On October 16th, two men of Venezuelan nationality filed a missing person report for the disappearance of two Venezuelan teenagers, age 15 and 16, abducted by a passing truck. (Rodríguez, 2020)

Extract 3 is from a report on the rising insecurity in the northeast region of Colombia. Unlike most articles, the insecurity is not blamed on Venezuelan migrants. On the contrary they are portrayed as being in a vulnerable position that puts them in increased risk of becoming victims to crimes or being recruited by illicit criminal groups.

While the social imaginary of Venezuelan migrants being a criminal force in Colombia was not the only sentiment evidenced in the news articles analyzed, it was indeed the most prevalent. In most cases, the migrant community was utilized as a scapegoat explanation when topics of crime and insecurity were being addressed in the news articles. The overwhelming negative depiction of Venezuelan migrants in criminal terms demonstrates an unfavorable social imaginary that equates Venezuelan migrants to criminality. This social imaginary can lead to locals being fearful of newcomers whilst normalizing discriminatory stereotypes. This is to say, the social imaginary of Venezuelan migrants being a criminal force in Colombia inhibits their social integration and fosters apprehension from locals.

5.2.2. Venezuelan migrants as an unmanageable burden:

The second most frequent depiction of Venezuelan immigrants was that of this community being a burdensome and unmanageable presence in Colombia. This narrative was most prevalent among news articles in the theme categories of Institutional Responses, Local Political Positions, and Policy Changes. These attitudes emerged in the three national new sources (RCN, Caracol, and El Tiempo), less so in the news source specific to the region of Norte de Santander (TRO Noticias). The imaginary of migrants being burdensome makes reference to Venezuelans being depicted as generating unnecessary difficulties for local institutions, political orders, or populations. Likewise, the imaginary of migrants being unmanageable stems from the reoccurring discourse of Venezuelans being outside of the states control. The following translated quotes from

37 a news article from El Tiempo and RCN Noticias and demonstrate this imaginary of Venezuelans being burdensome and unmanageable in Colombian territory:

Extract 4 – “The food banks are not enough now. If the migrants start using them too there won’t be enough food for us because there are more of them than us. Its their own fault for causing disturbances when they were claiming their aid.” (Castillo, 2018 (A)).

Extract 4 is a quotation from an article covering the closure of a WFP food assistance program for migrants because of public disturbances that resulted from overcrowding. The quotation is said by a Colombian citizen who is concerned that the immigrants will start using the food banks that were exclusive to low-income Colombians. By stating that the food banks do not have enough food for Colombians and much less Venezuelans she is exemplifying a sentiment many locals share with her: the Colombian Government cannot provide for its own citizens, how are they to provide for the migrants as well?

Extract 5 is from an article reporting on the achievements that resulted from dialogues between Colombian, Spanish, Argentinian, and Bolivian state leaders in La Paz, Bolivia. In the following quotation, Colombian President Duque announces that Spain will provide monetary contributions to the country for addressing the migration crisis. President Duque states that the contribution will be directed towards expanding the institutional capacities of the health and education sectors as they are increasingly limited because of the migrants and the pandemic. In this extract, Colombia’s top politician recognizes the national state’s limited capacity in addressing the needs of migrant populations but they also seem to suggest that the migrant community is to blame for stretching state capacities when if fact limited state capacity predated the migration crisis.

Extract 5 – “President Iván Duque assured that King Felipe VI announced a significant contribution of resources for the care of migrants in border areas, which will materialize in the coming days. […] this contribution is of great help given that national institutions are overwhelmed and limited because of the pandemic and the large number of Venezuelan migrants who require their services. (RCN Noticias, 2020).

In conclusion, the articles analysed demonstrate a social imaginary of migrants being burdensome for Colombia because local institutions were ill prepared for their arrival. Likewise, this research identified a social imaginary of the migrants being unmanageable because state institutions are unable to manage this sudden influx of populations. There are not enough resources to address migrant populations which causes their needs to be ignored or mismanaged by

38 authorities. This social imaginary is particularly concerning in relation to social integration because, as previously mentioned, if local populations perceive improper state management of migrant populations, they become fearful of migrants and ‘other’ them through discriminatory social practices. Once imaginaries perpetuate a fear of migrant populations, social integration is difficult to achieve.

5.2.3. Venezuelan migrants as an undesirable community:

The third and final social imaginary identified in the news articles analyzed was that of Venezuelan migrants being an undesirable community for Colombia. Such narrative was most prominent among news articles in the theme categories of Political Relations and Opinion Pieces and was dominant in the newspapers of the political right (RCN/Caracol Noticias) as shown in Table 5B where articles in these theme categories were negative This refers to a social understanding held by locals regarding Venezuelans not being an ideal or beneficial population for their country. The news articles demonstrate the Venezuelans are stereotyped as lazy and exploitative. This stereotype leads locals to believe that Venezuelans entering Colombia will not work and expect things to be handed to them. The following translated quotes best exemplify the social imaginary of Venezuelans being an undesirable community for Colombia:

Extract 6- “Nothing the government promises is free, it costs us all […] If Venezuelan migrants want to be vaccinated in our territory, they should finance it themselves. The Colombian State is not a socialist republic and therefore has no reason to give free vaccines to foreigners.” (Manjarrez, 2021).

Extract 6 is an opinion article from RCN Noticias on the declarations made by President Iván Duque stating that Venezuelan migrants would not be eligible to receive the COVID-19 vaccine in Colombia. The author claims to address this topic pragmatically by stating that they should be vaccinated but it should not be free for them. The article includes the stereotype of Venezuelans expecting things to be given to them for free because their home country is a socialist republic. It is assumed that migrants were expecting to receive the vaccine at no cost and that the Colombian Government must not allow this when they eventually see themselves obligated to vaccinate migrants. As the following quotation indicates, this negative notion of Venezuelans is explicitly linked to Venezuela’s socialism.

Extract 7- “Venezuelan socialism not only broke Venezuela economically but also became a serious problem for all the countries of the continent. Colombia is not socialist and […] Venezuelan migrants don’t seem to know this. We don’t line up to get our rice, we work hard to buy it. (El Tiempo, 2019).

Extract 7 is an article that included several online comments that shared opinions on Venezuelan migration using #VenezuelaEffect (#EfectoVenezula). This comment includes the social imaginary of the Venezuelan migrant being lazy. It states that Venezuelans are not used to working hard like Colombians are and once again mentions socialism as the culprit of this behavior.

This is to say, the social imaginary of Venezuelan migrants not being willing to work hard and expecting things to be given to them regardless, was frequently evidenced in the news articles analyzed. This stereotype is not new to the Venezuelan migration crisis but stems from past political narratives. As established in the Context Chapter of this research, political conflicts between Colombia and Venezuela have revolved around the distinctive political ideologies of the two nations (i.e., Colombia’s democratic republic vs Venezuela’s socialist state). This ideological conflict, which was fueled by local politicians, fostered a narrative in Colombia under which all things socialist were coined as harmful. One of the harmful aspects was that of socialism creating lazy citizens who expect the state to provide for them (Morgan, 2015; Hernández, 2018). In the aforementioned examples we can evidence how this stereotype continues to be included in news articles and is applied to the migrant population. Now that Venezuelans are immigrating to Colombia more than ever before, this stereotype has risen in relevance and has led to the social imaginary of Venezuelans being an undesirable community for the country because they come from a socialist state. Additionally, this imaginary of undesirability can also be linked back to the ethnic bias perpetuated by the ‘Franklins of Colombia’ when they laid the foundation for a migration scheme that excluded black and mestizo migrants as the Venezuelans. The Venezuelan population contains a very substantial portion of mixed blood people.

5.3. The Influential Role of the Colombian State

Having established the dominant social imaginary around Venezuelan migration (i.e., Venezuelan migrants being a criminal force, an unmanageable burden, and an undesirable community), it is relevant to dive into the distinctive news sources that are reproducing it. This research incorporated a wide range of distinctive news outlets in hopes of depicting the most representative picture of Colombian social imaginaries as possible. Of the four news sources included, two are private news channels with online news databases (RCN Noticias and Caracol Noticias), one is the most widely read independent news paper in Colombia (El Tiempo), and the last is a regional public television network with an online news database (TRO Noticias). While all four news sources prescribe to and reproduce the social imaginaries established in the previous section, they do so differently. The nature of the news sources influences and determines the way in which Venezuelan migrants and their corresponding social imaginaries are portrayed. News sources with strong political affiliations with conservative parties, as RCN Noticias and Caracol Noticias, were more likely to depict the Venezuelan migrant negatively by employing the aforementioned social imaginaries. The findings in this section will concern themselves only with RCN Noticias, Caracol Noticias, and El Tiempo as TRO Noticias will be addressed in the following section specific to social imaginaries in the city of Cúcuta.

5.3.1. RCN Noticias/Caracol Noticias vs. El Tiempo:

It was discussed in the Context Chapter of this research that RCN Noticias and Caracol Noticias have connections with Colombia’s dominant conservative political party Centro Democrático, which is currently in power through the Iván Duque presidency (Morgan, 2015; Marroquin et al., 2020). Both the news networks reflect the business community and the political right because their owners, the Ardila Lülle Organization and Velorem Financial Group respectively, consist of some of the most influential businesspeople in Colombia who have vested interests with the conservative party (Marroquin et al., 2020). Given the similarity of RCN Noticias and Caracol Noticias, they have been grouped together for comparative purposes. On the other hand, El Tiempo is the most read national newspaper in Colombia and its owner, Luis Carlos Sarmiento Angulo, bought out all minority shareholders with political affiliations in hopes of preserving its independent nature (Media Owner Monitor Colombia, 2020, Arevalo, 2018; El

Tiempo, 2000). El Tiempo is known to be in vocal opposition to the bias news coverage provided by RCN Noticias and Caracol Noticias while providing a platform on which both right-wing and left-wing perspectives are voiced (El Tiempo, 2000).

Given the distinctive nature of the news sources included in this research, it is pertinent to interpret the narratives and the social imaginaries they perpetuate in light of their context. Table 5.C. shows the mode sentiment on Venezuelan migration identified in each news source. El Tiempo’s mode sentiment was determined as mixed given that 12 articles depicted Venezuelan migrants negatively by employing one of the three identified social imaginaries, and the remaining 10 articles presented the topic in a more sympathetic manner without employing any of the three social imaginaries. Given El Tiempo’s opposition to bias news coverage, it is a matter of course that there be an equitable distribution of both negative and positive depictions of Venezuelan migration in the exploratory sample of articles analysed. Conversely, RCN Noticias and Caracol Noticias had 20 out of their total 24 articles depicting Venezuelan migrants negatively by employing one of the three identified social imaginaries, thus establishing their mode sentiment as negative. Given their bias news coverage in favor of the political right currently in power, it is fair to assume that the negative sentiment evidenced in the sampled articles is the same position held by the Duque presidency regarding Venezuelan migrants.

Table 5.C. National Mode Sentiment on Venezuelan Migration by News Source

News Source Mode Sentiment Number of Articles RCN / Caracol Negative 20/24 El Tiempo Mixed 22/22 Table by author

To best exemplify the distinctive narratives employed when covering the topic of Venezuelan migration, Table 5.E places article quotations on similar topics from the sources side by side. While El Tiempo presented Venezuelans as a community that could be managed through proper state intervention, RCN Noticias and Caracol Noticias presented them as burdensome for local institutions and omitted the role of the state in the matter. Discourse analysis from a Foucauldian perspective holds that the ideas left out of narratives provide significant insight into what powers are benefiting from the imaginaries being reproduced (Potter & Richardson, 1996). Hence, the Colombian state is identified here as the benefactor of the narratives presented by RCN Noticias and Caracol Noticias because they do not hold the state accountable for managing

Venezuelan migration, but instead places blame on the migrant community. In this way, the state is not pressured to intervene or direct resources towards the impact of Venezuelan migration in Colombia.

Table 5.D. Distinct Depictions of the Role of the State

El Tiempo RCN/Caracol Noticias Discrepancy

“Health care for the irregular “Nonemergency and Both articles are explaining the migrant populations is emergency health provision effects migrants have on the provided exclusively for for irregular migrants is already financially limited emergencies, generating costing the Colombian national health system. The first high costs for the health health system a fortune. quote implies that through state system […]. It is essential to People outside the social led reform both migrants and change this practice through security system […], are institutions would be better off. regularization for the well- generating high costs and The second quotation only being of migrants and the stressing the infrastructural presents the migrants as a burden sustainability of the capacity of local health to the health system and omits the Colombian health system.” providers.” (RCN, 2021). idea that by regularizing migrants (Mercado, 2021). the health system could reduce the cost of patient treatment. “After a day of enrollment “While locals worry over Both articles reported on the for Venezuelan children […] rising registrations of enrolment of Venezuelan quotas were filled. A total of Venezuelan children, children in Colombia. The first 345 parents were left without fraudulent practices plague shows the lack of support from a spot for their children. The the registration process […]. the state in meeting the Secretary of Education asks Migration Colombia alerts educational needs of migrants. In for support from the the community about the second, the registration of National Government given unscrupulous Venezuelans migrants is deemed unsuccessful that the UNHCR’s who take advantage of the because Venezuelans were temporary classrooms are situation. They remind the scamming other ill-informed not enough.” (Velásquez, community that no payment Venezuelans. Once again 2018) should be made for RCN/Caracol omits the registering children and responsibility of the state in young people with managing the needs of migrants Venezuelan nationality in and depicts immigrants as schools.” (RCN, 2018) criminals.

Table by author

In short, the private news sources with political influence (RCN Noticas and Caracol Noticias) were more likely to employ the social imaginaries of Venezuelan migrants being a criminal force, an unmanageable burden, and an undesirable community, than the independent news source (El Tiempo). Thus, the contextual nature of the news sources determined the way in

43 which the Venezuelan migrant was depicted. From this reality it was determined that right-wing political parties were utilizing the private news networks under their control to perpetuate a harmful social imaginary of Venezuelan migrants and rid themselves of responsibility in the matter, which consequently limits the likelihood of proper social integration. This because private news sources are depicting migrants to be outside of the states control which causes locals to fear and reject the Venezuelan migrants (Barra & Contucci, 2010).

5.3.2. The Paradoxical Position of the Colombian Government on Migration:

The negative mode sentiment identified in RCN Noticias and Caracol Noticias’ articles, because of their frequent use of the unfavorable social imaginaries on Venezuelan migration, is representative of the paradoxical position the Colombian Government has employed thus far in relation to the Venezuelan migration crisis. As established in the Context Chapter, Colombia and Venezuela have a long history of conflicting political relations that stems from their distinctive political ideologies. This has caused the Colombian Government to be in strong opposition to the socialist state in Venezuela and has even called the Nicolás Maduro presidency a dictatorship with whom it will not engage with diplomatically (Gaviria-Liévano, 2018). Such reality should result in the Government of Colombia being sympathetic towards migrants escaping the regime it has coined as a ‘harmful dictatorship’. Nonetheless, this research found that the Colombian Government uses the news networks under their influence to rid itself of the responsibility of properly managing the Venezuelan migrants. Thus, while the state is in vocal opposition to Venezuela’s political regime and recognizes that migrants are escaping a ‘dangerous’ country, they are reluctant to aid them once they enter Colombia and refuse to foster an environment within which their integration is possible. This paradox between what the Colombian Government is preaching about Venezuela and what the Colombian Government is doing with Venezuelan migrants, leads to inconsistent policies and measures when addressing the Venezuelan migration crisis. The paradoxical position of the Colombian Government is best exemplified in the following article extract:

Extract 8 - “Undocumented migrants have gone in a few weeks from being excluded from immunization against the coronavirus - announced by Duque himself at Christmas - to being entitled to a 10-year regularized stay. The shift is extreme, and the President’s announcement is, a shock to the entire nation.” (Mendoza, 2021)

Extract 8 is from an article covering the announcement that Venezuelan migrants can soon attain a ten-year temporary protection status in Colombia. It has been praised as an act of humanitarian compassion. It is a progressive policy which will benefit 1.7 million Venezuelan migrants and reflects the inconsistent position the Colombian Government has taken in relation to the Venezuelan migration crisis. Two months after demonstrating reluctance to include migrants in the national immunization program, the regularization policy implies sympathy and willingness to manage the Venezuelan population.

The antagonistic political relations between the two countries have been fuelled through presidential conflicts. Ex presidents Álvaro Uribe and Hugo Chávez exacerbated the political quarrel through a long history of personal attacks which continues today with the Iván Duque and Nicolás Maduro presidencies. The Uribista Project, covered in the Context Chapter of this research, portrayed the Chávez administration as a contributing factor to the armed conflict developing in Colombia in the early 2000’s (Morgan, 2015; Hernández, 2018). This led to a socially constructed fear of all things Castro-Chavista, socialist, and populist in Colombia, especially among adherents to the conservative Centro Democrático (Morgan, 2015). Such reality was evidenced in the articles analysed through buzzwords as narcodictadura, populismo, and chavismo, which were always employed negatively to criticize Venezuelan politics. Appendix C summarizes the most recurring buzzwords connected to the political relations between Colombia and Venezuela to demonstrate the fear of populism and socialism present in the news articles analysed. In consequence, many of the articles analysed in this study (particularly those from RCN/Caracol Noticias) included harsh language when describing the Venezuela Government as evidenced in the following extract:

Extract 9 - “The difficult situation that Venezuelans are going through due to their inept, corrupt, and openly anti-democratic government is known not only in Latin America, but throughout the world.”. (Alvarez Correa, 2017).

Extract 9 appears to express sympathy with the difficult position Venezuelans are in because of their “inept, corrupt, and openly anti-democratic government”, but continues to discriminate against them by stating that the migrants are unable to be part of the Colombian workforce because of their lazy nature which ‘results’ of Venezuela’s socialist customs (Alvarez Correa, 2017). Similar to the contradicting position of the Colombian Government, this extract demonstrates the

45 recognition of the migrants needing sympathy because they are leaving a ‘bad government’ yet there is an unwillingness to act accordingly.

This is to say, both the Government of Colombia and Colombian citizens view the Venezuelan Government negatively, yet the articles herein analyzed demonstrate hostility and reluctance towards embracing the migrants fleeing such reality. Hence, the Colombian Government’s use of private news networks to reproduce negative social imaginaries and their paradoxical position, are both factors that are currently inhibiting the social integration of Venezuelans by fostering discrimination and allowing for inconsistent state management on the issue. These findings align with Douglas Massey’s notion of the state being one of the most influential features of international migration and integration (2015).

5.4. The Social Imaginaries on Venezuelan Migration in Cúcuta:

Through a Foucauldian discourse analysis of news articles, this research established the dominant social imaginary of Venezuelan migrants consisting of them being a criminal force, an unmanageable burden, and an undesirable community in Colombia. Additionally, private news sources were found to be more likely to utilize such negative imaginaries because of governmental influences. Both findings are factors that inhibit the social integration of Venezuelan migrants in Colombian society because they foster and demonstrate fear and hostility towards newcomers. It is important to highlight that the RCN/Caracol Noticias and El Tiempo news articles analyzed thus far have covered the topic of Venezuelan migration at the national level. This final section explores weather the social imaginaries identified at the national level are also present in TRO Noticias’ 25 articles covering Venezuelan migration in the border city of Cúcuta. This distinction is of importance keeping in mind the heightened cultural similarities of Cucuteños with Venezolanos. As a result, this research found that news articles specific to the city of Cúcuta did employ sentiments of exclusion, xenophobia, and fear of Venezuelan migrants as the articles covering Venezuelan migration at the national level, but it did so to a lesser extent. Cúcuta articles did not employ the social imaginary of Venezuelans being an undesirable community but did utilize the imaginaries of Venezuelans being a criminal force and unmanageable burden.

The 25 TRO Noticas articles were classified under the 7 theme categories established earlier by this research and were assigned a narrative position (positive, mixed, or neutral) using the same criteria as that applied to the national news articles. Table 5.E. summarizes the mode position of the Cúcuta articles by theme and includes the reasoning behind the position assigned.

Table 5.E. Cúcuta Mode Sentiment on Venezuelan Migration by Theme

Theme Position Reason Culture Positive Admiration toward Venezuelan musicians and solidarity on religious grounds. There was a sense of appreciation towards Venezuelan culture in these articles. Opinion Mixed Some articles expressed sympathy because of the vulnerable position of mobile Venezuelans while others showed concern of migrants being a growing burden for the city. Political Relations Positive Unlike at the national level, the political conflicts between the two countries were hardly mentioned and when they were, the Venezuelan government was not opposed as harshly. Local Political Positive Most politicians speak to the necessity of addressing Positions Venezuelan migration but highlight there not being enough resources in the city to do so. Yet, there is a willingness to address the needs of the migrants in the city. Sympathy towards fleeing Venezuelans was strong within articles in this theme. Institutional Mixed Some expressed willingness for institutions to include Responses migrant needs. Others merely stated that local institutions were unable to keep up with the needs of the burdensome migrants. Crime Related Negative Articles on armed confrontations, petty crime, and general insecurity commonly blamed the Venezuelan migrants. Policy Change Mixed Articles on new policies aimed at addressing migrants were largely criticized for being implemented late or not doing enough. There was still a strong sentiment of relief that something was being by the state to control the migrant influx. Table by author

5.4.1. Venezuelan migrants as a criminal force in Cúcuta:

As was the case in the news articles that covered the topic of Venezuelan migration at the national level, the Cúcuta articles demonstrated a negative discourse in articles within the Crime Related theme. The articles under this theme blamed crime related issues on Venezuelans living in the city of Cúcuta. From petty theft occurring on the streets of Cúcuta to the rise in organized

47 criminal and guerilla activity, Venezuelan migrants were frequently accused of contributing to criminality in Cúcuta. This research found particularly harsh language in news articles on crime related issues through words as: ‘problematic’, ‘invasive’, ‘unpleasant’, and ‘puppets of guerilla groups’ when describing the migrant population. The following translated quote exemplifies the negative social imaginary of Venezuelan migrants being a criminal force in Cúcuta:

Extract 10 - “Its basically impossible to control all the trochas, there are around 400 illegal passages under and around the bridge between Venezuela and Cúcuta. What is asked is for increased state presence, specially now that more of these migrants are choosing to come through the trochas.” (Colmenares, 2019.)

Extract 10 is from an article reporting on the rising insecurity occurring around the Simón Bolívar bridge that connects Cúcuta with the Venezuelan state of Táchira. The author classifies all Venezuelans entering Colombia through these illegal passages as criminals because if they had “nothing to hide” they would enter Colombia through legal passages (Colmenares, 2019). This imaginary of migrants entering through trochas being criminals was common. Yet, it omits the fact that migrants require documentation to cross the Simón Bolívar bridge and due to the multiple closures of notary and consular services as a result of the crisis and limited diplomatic relations, accessing a passport or other forms of ID has become quite complex in Venezuela (GIFMM, 2020).

Articles that portrayed migrants as a criminal force are detrimental for integration as locals view the migrant community as a threat to their wellbeing, leading to sentiments of exclusion and xenophobia (Morgan, 2015). Unique to the Cúcuta articles was the notion of Venezuelan migrants causing the rise of guerrilla activity in the region. Norte de Santander has 13 armed groups operating in the region today and they are targeting and recruiting young Venezuelans at a concerning rate (Migración Colombia, 2020). As a region greatly affected by the Internal Armed Conflict, this is likely to contribute to Cucuteños fearfulness of Venezuelan migrants and is best evidenced in the following article extract:

Extract 11 – “Regional authorities warn of an increase in the recruitment of Venezuelan migrants by armed groups, the most common of which are the ELN and EPL. It is estimated that more than 15,000 Venezuelans have been involved in extortion, smuggling, contract killings and human trafficking. The announcement comes weeks after security analysts announced a 30% increase in homicides registered in Cúcuta compared to the same month in 2019”. (Duran, 2020).

5.4.2. Venezuelan migrants as an unmanageable burden in Cúcuta:

While the most prevalent social imaginary identified at the national level was that of Venezuelan migrants being a criminal force, in the articles specific to Cúcuta, the imaginary of migrants being an unmanageable burden for the city was the most common. Articles within the theme categories of Opinion, Local Political Positions, Institutional Responses, and Policy Change (16 out of the total 25 articles) all mentioned that immigrants were generating unnecessary difficulties for locals and their institutions. Most importantly, the articles stressed the imaginary of the migrant population being outside of the states control by constantly asking the National Government for help in order to keep up with the needs of both the national and nonnational population. The following extracts demonstrate Cúcuta’s inability to manage migrants:

Extract 12 - “The Civil Registry Office of Cúcuta did not have and does not have the structure for this avalanche of Venezuelans that are arriving to Norte de Santander. With the personnel and technological infrastructure, we do not have the capacity to provide them with service. We ask for direct support from the notaries at the national level because we cannot handle the Venezuelan population at the Registrar's Office.” (Alirio, 2019).

Extract 12 is a quote said by the director of the Registrar Office in Cúcuta. He stressed the need to attain outside support because immigrants trying to register their children and obtaining a PEP saturated their system. He highlights that the system was already struggling to keep up with the needs of local Cucuteños before the migrant influx limited them even more.

Extract 13 - “Dissatisfaction among Cucuteños rises because the Venezuelan migrant is occupying public spaces without any control. They are accusing the police and mayorship of lack of authority on the issue. If the situation with public spaces in the center of the city was worrisome before, now it is complete chaos.” (Colmenares, 2019).

Extract 13 is from an article reporting on the inconformity expressed by local Cucuteños because Venezuelans were setting up camps in public parks and streets. The Venezuelan camps were described to be next to the camps that housed the city’s homeless people. Thus, Venezuelan migrants were described as a burden that was merely exacerbating the public space issue the city was already struggling with.

Extract 14 - “There is only one shelter for the massive influx of Venezuelan migrants and now we are also receiving the displaced Yukpa people. This is a call to the Red Cross,

Ombudsman, and Procurator’s office to stop sending us everything they cannot handle and, better yet, help us obtain more shelters so the migrants don’t sleep in the streets of Cúcuta.” (Duran, 2020.)

Extract 14 is a quote said by the Mayor of Cúcuta where he expressed frustration because nearby townships were sending internally displaced indigenous communities to the city’s shelter that was intended to keep Venezuelans off the streets of Cúcuta. This quote demonstrates that the region of Norte de Santander struggles to manage and meet the needs of many local communities alongside those of the migrant population. Nonetheless, its important to note that the Mayor, while recognizing that Venezuelans were a burden for the local shelter, expressed willingness towards solving this issue for both their wellbeing and the city’s.

In short, the social imaginary of Venezuelan migrants being an unmanageable burden for the city of Cúcuta was common in the news articles analysed. The Cúcuta articles did demonstrate that migrants were seen as burdensome, but it also frequently accused state authorities and institutions of not doing enough for both migrants and locals alike. The articles only partially blame migrants for infrastructural limitations and unmet local needs because Cúcuta’s history of poverty and state abandonment meant such limitations preceded the arrival of the migrant community (Castillo, 2019). This is an interesting finding as in most settings lack of state control would be conducive to heightened migrant discrimination, yet do to Cúcuta’s longstanding conflicting relationship with the centralized government, Cucuteños were more likely to blame the state than their Venezuelan neighbours for the shortcomings experienced in the city. Additionally, the Cúcuta articles demonstrated greater willingness to implement measures that would address the needs of migrants because it was believed that such efforts would alleviate the needs in locals as well. Hence, while the negative social imaginary of the unmanageable Venezuelan migrant was present in the news articles specific to the city of Cúcuta, the articles also demonstrated less hostility towards migrants because unmet needs and institutional limitations were not entirely blamed on the Venezuelan presence since they existed in the city before their arrival.

5.4.3. The social imaginaries left out in Cúcuta:

The third social imaginary of Venezuelan migrants being an undesirable community was not evidenced in the 25 news articles specific to the city of Cúcuta. Additionally, only 7 out of the 25 articles depicted the Venezuelan Government negatively and/or addressed the political conflicts

50 between Colombia and Venezuela. Conversely, both imaginaries were evidenced in the articles covering Venezuelan migration at the national level. This discrepancy demonstrates that people in Cúcuta were less concerned with national level political conflicts and the ethnic makeup of the migrant community. Additionally, Cúcuta has been reported to have a much friendlier relationship with Venezuela and its political order because of the city experiencing economic growth during the early 2000s when Venezuela’s oil revenue created wealth and equality of conditions in its territory (Morgan, 2015; Gedan, 2017). During the early 2000s citizens of Cúcuta would cross the border to obtain health care, medicines, and basic food items as they were much cheaper and more accessible than in Colombia. During this time, the two cultures interacted frequently and to this day, there are many families made up of citizens from both Colombian and Venezuelan citizens because of this interaction (GIFFM, 2020). Thus, Cúcuta’s history of economic and cultural interaction has led to locals not being concerned with criticizing their neighbouring nation on the grounds of politics or ethnicity.

Given the historical affinity Cucuteños have with Venezolanos, their constant interaction, and unwillingness to prescribe to the social imaginary of Venezuelan migrants being an undesirable community, this research concludes that the news articles specific to the city of Cúcuta demonstrate a context of reception in which migrant integration is more likely to occur. This is to say, Cúcuta does evidence negative sentiments of exclusion, xenophobia, and fear of Venezuelan migrants but to a lesser extent than other parts of the country. The hostile narratives used to discriminate against Venezuelan immigrants in the national level news articles on Venezuelan migration were subservient in the Cúcuta news articles. Similar findings were made in a study carried out in September 2020 that aimed at identifying xenophobic sentiments on Twitter. The study found Cúcuta to be the third least xenophobic city in Colombia with the majority of negative comments towards Venezuelan migrants emerging around crime and insecurity related events (Daly et al., 2020). The study also credits Cúcuta’s limited xenophobia to the frequent interaction between Colombians and Venezuelans in this city. Graph 5.F. extracted from such Barómetro de Xenofobia study, illustrates that despite the large number of migrants in Norte de Santander the rate of xenophobic comments was quite low, thus confirming that Cúcuta is indeed more accepting of Venezuelans than the rest of Colombia.

Figure 5.A. Geographic Xenophobia Rates & Migrant Distribution

5.5. Chapter Conclusion This chapter has synthesized the three main findings that resulted of the Foucauldian discourse analysis of 71 news articles reporting on Venezuelan migration in Colombia. First, it was found that immigrants being depicted as a criminal force, an unmanageable burden, and an undesirable community, were the three dominant social imaginaries within the discourse studied. These three unfavorable socially shared understandings reflect and shape thinking about Venezuelan migrants and consequently may inhibit social integration since they foster fear and distrust of Venezuelan migrants. Secondly, it was found that the contextual nature of news sources determined their likelihood to reproduce the three negative social imaginaries of Venezuelan migrants. Private news sources with affiliations to the Colombian Government’s conservative party were more likely to reproduce the three negative social imaginaries. From this it was concluded that both private news sources and, most importantly, the Colombian State act as inhibiting factors for the social integration of immigrants. Lastly, it was established that news articles specific to Cúcuta were less likely to reproduce the hostile social imaginaries around Venezuelan migrants because of their historical affinity with Venezuelans and prior limitations. Thus, integration is more likely to occur in Cúcuta than in other regions of Colombia because the context of reception in the city is less hostile towards Venezuelan immigrants. The chapter to follow will build on such findings to discuss the broader implications of the perpetuation of the negative social imaginary of Venezuelan migrants herein identified.

6. Implications on Migrant Integration

6.1. Overview of Chapter

In this section, the two main implications of the aforementioned findings are discussed. The first implication presented relates to the potential mental health, physical health, employment, and service provision challenges that may arise for Venezuelan migrants as a result of the negative social imaginaries identified in the media of migrants being a criminal force, an unmanageable burden, and an undesirable community. The second implication pertains this study’s ability to further the academic conversation on Cultural Stress Theory by establishing its relevance at a regional rather than a national level. Additionally, this chapter highlights contextual factors as the Colombian Government’s inability to handle the migrant influx and colonialist ethnic biases as influential factors that inhibit the social integration of Venezuelans, while outweighing cultural similarities.

6.2. Challenges that May Arise from the Dominant Social Imaginaries

Through a Foucauldian discourse analysis, in the previous chapter it was established that the Colombian media is presenting a social imaginary of Venezuelan immigrants being a criminal force, an unmanageable burden, and an undesirable community. Studies on the effects of discriminatory attitudes towards Latin American migrants have found that when socially shared constructions of meaning depict a migrant community in a deprecating way, challenges around mental and physical health arise (Schwartza et al., 2018; Wessendorf & Phillimore, 2018). Having established the presence of a negative social imaginary around Venezuelan migrants in Colombia, it is likely that they may experience high rates of psychological distress along with symptoms of anxiety and depression (Schwartza et al., 2018). Discriminatory depictions of migrants, as the ones herein identified, have also been linked to negative coping mechanisms within migrant communities as child abuse, domestic abuse, and illicit employment, among others (GIFMM, 2020). Likewise, long-term consequences of discrimination may include posttraumatic stress disorder, social isolation, living segregation, and hopelessness (Ayon, 2015). Such are all potential

53 effects that may result from the unfavourable depictions of migrants identified in the 71 news articles analysed. In terms of physical health, in 2019 alone, 1,884 cases of violent xenophobic encounters between Colombian citizens and Venezuelan immigrants were reported (Migración Colombia, 2020). Criminal groups as Águilas Negras and Bloque Central have issued public threats calling for the social cleansing of Venezuelan migrants and Colombian citizens who aid them in the cities of Bucaramanga and Cúcuta (NTN24, 2019). Such are examples of the extreme consequences that may arise from xenophobic narratives. Thus, the reproduction of detrimental social understandings of Venezuelan migrants have the potential to cause significant challenges for this community both mentally and physically. The findings of this research highlight the need to address the negative context of reception in Colombia for the mental and physical wellbeing of migrants in its territory.

The consequences that arise from social imaginaries that foster discrimination and xenophobia are not limited to the physical and mental health of migrant populations. They have also been linked to institutional and workplace discrimination. Venezuelan migrants have reported being denied job interviews, sustainable employment opportunities, and living wages because of their accent or veneco last name (Cabrera et al., 2021; Semana, 2019). Consequently, the denial of economic opportunities may force migrants into clandestine work or criminal activity for survival, as evidenced in the high guerilla recruitment of Venezuelans reported in Cúcuta (Migración Colombia, 2020). Here it is important to highlight that 96% of crime in Colombia is committed by citizens while only 4% by migrants (Cabrera et al., 2021; Sulbaran, 2020). Despite this reality, the news articles included in this study make an effort to clearly state the foreign nationality of individuals who engage in criminal activity, and blame the Venezuelan migrants for the rise in Colombian crime and violence. Thus, while the social imaginary of the Venezuelan migrant being a criminal force in Colombia is statistically unfounded, the national media has played a significant role in normalizing a prejudice and fear of the Venezuelan migrant on the grounds of criminality. This social understanding puts the migrant in harm’s way because they are more likely to be targeted by law enforcement and become victims of police brutality, alongside being shunned by Colombian society more broadly (Cabrera et al, 2021). Similarly, discrimination has also been linked to barriers in accessing social services. The Colombian Institute of Family Wellbeing and the National Ombudsman Office reported that despite Venezuelans having the legal right to healthcare and education in Colombia, they face significant barriers in accessing such services due

54 to the unwillingness of civil servants to assist them (Pinto et al., 2019). Discriminatory practices in public institutions cause migrants to make less money leading to children of immigrants likely being raised in poverty “which is linked to poor development, health, and educational outcomes” (Ayon, 2015). Hence, it is probable that the detrimental social imaginaries established in this study may feed into both institutional and workplace limitations for migrants.

In short, it is speculated that Venezuelan migrants settling in Colombia are likely to face significant challenges in relation to mental health, physical health, employment access, and social service provision. These four challenges are in no way mutually exclusive. Workplace and institutional discrimination can feed into mental and physical health and vice versa. These are potential consequences of the detrimental social imaginary perpetuated in news media that depicts Venezuelan migrants as a criminal force, an unmanageable burden, and an undesirable community in Colombia. Such speculation can be made given the evidence that links discriminatory discourses with high rates of mental health, physical health, employment access, and social service provision adversities. Additionally, this study concludes that while social programing aimed at debunking stereotypes and fostering local solidarity with migrant communities can help alleviate the presence of negative social imaginaries, it can only aid integration to a certain extent (Szaflarski & Bauldry, 2019; UNHCR, 2020). Social integration will continue to be inhibited until contextual limitations as the states inability to manage the migration crisis and underlying ethnic biases are addressed at both national and regional levels in Colombia.

6.3. Understanding Cultural Stress Theory

The consequences that arise from discriminatory social imaginaries can be easily overlooked given the assumptions held by Cultural Stress Theory which, as previously mentioned, find that integration should be achieved with ease among countries with cultural likeness and historic connections, like Colombia and Venezuela (Schwartz et al, 2018). The findings of this research raise questions around the assumptions held by Cultural Stress Theory, as there seem to be other more influential factors in the Colombia-Venezuela case influencing migrant integration. It was established in the Context Chapter of this thesis that there is indeed a cultural and historic linkage between Colombia and Venezuela. Additionally, the city of Cúcuta was distinguished as the

55 existence of a ‘border culture’ makes Cucuteños even more connected with and similar to Venezuelans than in any other region in Colombia (Morgan, 2015). The findings of this thesis are consistent with such reality given that news articles in Cúcuta evidence less sentiments of exclusion, xenophobia, and discrimination than news articles on the national level. While this distinction can be accredited to the unique social, economic, and cultural interconnectedness of citizens of Cúcuta with Venezuelans, as predicted by Cultural Stress Theory, the social imaginary of the migrant being a criminal force and unmanageable burden was still evidenced in the news articles specific to the city. Thus, despite cultural similarities in Colombia and even greater likeness among Colombians and Venezuelans in Cúcuta, a discriminatory narrative was still evidenced in relation to Venezuelan migrants. As a result, it was concluded that in the case of Venezuelans in Colombia, cultural similarity and its ability to improve migrant integration was of greatest relevance on a regional rather than national level. Additionally, this study concludes that while cultural likeness may ease integration to some degree, other factors as ethnic biases and lack of state control trump culture’s ability to offset discrimination.

While the news articles included in this research evidenced discriminatory social imaginaries, it would be incorrect to state that cultural similarities are insignificant. The fact the discriminatory sentiments and narratives were indeed less prevalent in local news articles specific to the city of Cúcuta than in national news articles suggests that cultural likeness, as predicted by Cultural Stress Theory, is a variable that fosters integration. Such variance can be accredited to Colombia’s cultural diversity. Heritage in Latin America generally consists of Indigenous, European, Asian, and African cultural traditions (Marquez & Roadfield, 2006). This diverse background leads to distinctive cultural practices throughout the continent and even within national borders. For instance, regional cultural traditions in Colombia vary greatly with unique customs, accents, social patterns, and cultural adaptations causing three distinctive cultural groups: “those in the interior, the countryside, and the coastal region” (Marquez & Roadfield, 2006). This diversity within Colombia causes some regions as Cúcuta (countryside) to have more in common with Venezuelans than people from other regions as Bogotá (interior). Cúcuta’s unique border culture, alongside its history of limited state presence, has led to a sense of detachment from the rest of the country (Morgan, 2015). As ‘frontier people’ family loyalties, friendships, and even local rivalries lie with people on the other side of the border much more than with people from the interior (Marquez & Roadfield, 2006; Morgan, 2015). For this reason, Cúcuta’s articles showed more sympathetic

56 discourses when addressing the migration crisis. Additionally, a Cucuteño put it best when stating that “Cúcuta is a long way from the capital, politics is their problem not ours”, thus accounting for the omission of the political ideological conflict between the two countries in their news articles (Morgan, 2015). These sociocultural variations imply that cultural similarity will aid integration in some regions while in others this factor may not be as relevant. Hence, the findings of this study highlight the limitations of applying Cultural Stress Theory to ‘national cultures’ as there can be great diversity within them. For this reason, Cultural Stress Theory is likely to be more relevant on smaller, more localized scales, as evidenced in the case of Cúcuta.

While heightened cultural likeness caused articles from Cúcuta to be more sympathetic towards Venezuelan migrants, the discriminatory social imaginary of the migrants being a criminal force and an unmanageable burden were still identified, thus implying that other factors must be at play. The frequently referenced 2018 Schwartz et al. study, among others, have reached similar conclusions, stating that in the case of Venezuelan migrants in Colombia there might be other influential factors. The findings of this study continue this academic conversation by identifying the state’s inability to manage the migrant influx and the colonial history of Colombia’s migration system, as two influential factors that impede the smooth integration predicted by Cultural Stress Theory. From oversaturated public institutions to lack of police surveillance, the recurring sentiment in news articles was that the Colombian Government was not doing enough to control the increasing number of newcomers. This is problematic as it was established early on that when citizens of host countries perceive the arrival of migrants as being outside of the state’s control, they become a source of fear and anxiety for locals which may lead to discriminatory behavior (Pinto et al., 2019; Barra & Contucci, 2010). On the other hand, the social imaginary around Venezuelan migrants being an undesirable group bares great resemblance with the ‘de-Indianizing’ and ‘whitening’ origins of Colombia’s migration system presented in the Context Chapter. The Founding Fathers of Colombia prescribed white Europeans as the ideal immigrant because they would civilize the newly formed nation-state, while indigenous or mestizo immigrants were coined ‘non-desirables’ (Bassi, 2017). While this ethnic bias is no longer explicit in Colombia’s Integral Migration System, until the Venezuelan migration crisis most immigrants in Colombia were still from white developed nations (Palacios, 2011). Given this context, it is not surprising to have identified the Venezuelan migrant being portrayed as an unwanted ‘social burden’ in Colombian news articles. Such findings confirm that the ethnic biases rooted in Colombia’s colonial history

57 persist in the negative social imaginaries around Venezuelan immigrants given their predominant mestizo makeup.

In short, integration of migrants on a social level is dependent on context specific factors and variables that cannot always be conveyed in one overarching migration theory as Cultural Stress Theory. Cultural Stress Theory may not be entirely applicable to Global South countries that lack sufficient resources to provide the management, support and interventions necessary to ensure that local populations do not fear newcomers and do not subscribe to discriminatory social imaginaries. In the case of Venezuelan migrants in Colombian territory, the discriminatory social imaginaries identified in national media point to two influential factors that carry more weight that cultural similarities. The state’s inability to manage the migrant population and preexisting ethnic biases are the two factors that outshine cultural similarities between the two nations in question and thus inhibit integration. Nonetheless, it was found that cultural similarities facilitate integration at a local level as evidenced in the city of Cúcuta. This reality alludes to the fact that cultural similarity, and consequently Cultural Stress Theory, is most applicable and of greatest relevance at a localized regional level because of variances in cultures within the nation-state.

6.4. Chapter Conclusion

The current chapter has discussed the broader implications for Venezuelan migrants and academia that resulted from the findings of this research. First it established that the unfavorable social imaginaries identified have the potential to cause mental health, physical health, institutional, and workplace challenges for Venezuelan migrants in Colombia. Secondly, it identified cultural similarity as a variable that aids social integration mostly at the local level as evidenced in the less detrimental social imaginaries evidenced in news articles specific to Cúcuta. Lastly, the chapter highlighted the states limited capacity and preexisting ethnic biases as context specific contributing factors that inhibit the social integration and increased opposition of Venezuelan migrants in Colombia regardless of cultural similarities.

7. Conclusion

Discourse analysis from a Foucauldian perspective was employed on 71 news articles from four Colombian news media sources to identify and examine the factors behind the increasingly intense opposition to Venezuelan migrants. Through it, this thesis found that despite cultural similarities, migrant integration is difficult to achieve in Colombia due to antagonistic social imaginaries that portray the Venezuelan migrant as a criminal force, an unmanageable burden, and an undesirable community. These imaginaries were less prominent in the city of Cúcuta due to its heightened cultural likeness with Venezuelans. Colombian private media sources with affiliations with the national conservative governments were the sources most likely to reproduce the three identified unfavorable social imaginaries on Venezuelan migrants.

This is to say, this research identified the social imaginaries of Venezuelan migrants being a criminal force, an unmanageable burden, and an undesirable community as three factors inhibiting the social integration of Venezuelan migrants in Colombia. These socially shared understandings stem from a variety of contextual influences as preexisting state limitations and ethnic biases rooted in colonialism. Additionally, Colombian national media was established to both reflect and shape local perspectives on Venezuelan migrants unfavorably with RCN Noticias and Caracol Noticias being the sources to reproduce negative sentiments the most given their political affiliations. This reality is representative of the paradoxical position the Colombian Government has taken with Venezuelan migrants as they use the sources under their control to foster discrimination. Nonetheless, regional news outlets as TRO Noticias were the least likely to reproduce the negative social imaginaries and sentiments around Venezuelan migrants. Such reality sheds light on Cultural Stress Theory’s relevance at a regional rather than local level.

It is the hope that the findings of the present research complement the academic discussions around migrant integration within culturally similar contexts and, most importantly, provide some insight on factors that could be addressed to improve the experience of Venezuelan migrants settling in Colombia and Cúcuta. It is relevant to highlight that it was found that lack of state control was indeed influential for the inhibited integration of migrants. Literature holds that by improving state management on migration issues, social anxiety relating to migrants will drop, and integration will increase (Pinto 2019). Nonetheless, Global South countries as Colombia face

59 significant obstacles in this process due to their political instability, corruption, lack of resources and limited state reach. Thus, the negative social imaginaries on Venezuelan migration are unlikely to change substantially or allow integration unless the deep-rooted limitations of the Colombian state are addressed. Lastly, the findings of this research prove that migrant integration is not always facilitated within culturally similar context. Social integration is dependent on context specific factors as a governments ability to manage migrant populations, historic affinity, and colonial influences, along with regional cultural practices, and thus cannot be understood as a one-size-fits all phenomena.

7.1. Recommendations for Future Research

This research study analyzed potential influences on migrant integration between Colombia and Venezuela by using secondary sources as online news articles. Nevertheless, it would be beneficial for future research to dive into this query through a more locally grounded approach by employing interviews with Colombian citizens and Cucuteños in particular. This would prove if the social imaginaries herein established are of relevance and if speculated consequences of the discriminatory social imaginaries identified are indeed occurring for Venezuelans in Colombia. Additionally, at the time of writing this research study, the government of Colombia announced its historic 10-year program to regularize and eventually naturalize Venezuelan migrants in their territory. The consequences of this announcement are yet to be seen and could affect the social imaginaries around Venezuelan migration. Finally, South-South migration, as the one herein studied, will continue to grow not only in South America but globally, and it is an area of migration literature that requires deeper consideration. The case of Colombia and Cúcuta is only one example of South-South migration that requires further exploration.

References

AESCO. (2015). “Colombia, El País Suramericano Con Más Emigrantes.” RSS, TeleSUR, www.telesurtv.net/news/Colombia-el-pais-suramericano-con-mas-emigrantes-20150223- 0029.html.

Aliaga, F., Baracaldo, V., Pinto, L., & Gissi, N. (2018). Imaginaries of Exclusion and Threat Around the Venezuelan Immigrant in Colombia. Temas Y Debates, 36(Julio-diciembre), 61-83. doi:1853-984X

Appadurai, A. (1998). Dead Certainty: Ethnic Violence in the Era of Globalization. Development and Change, 29(4), 905-925. doi:10.1111/1467-7660.00103

Archibald, J. L., Anderson, C. B., Dicenta, M., Roulier, C., Slutz, K., & Nielsen, E. A. (2020). The relevance of social imaginaries to understand and manage biological invasions in southern Patagonia. Biological Invasions, 22(11), 3307-3323. doi:10.1007/s10530-020- 02325-2

Arevalo, F. (2018, January 11). Top 5 de los medios digitales más Visitados E influeyentes en Colombia en EL 2017. Retrieved from https://www.las2orillas.co/top-5-de-los-medios- digitales-mas-visitados-e-influeyentes-en-colombia-en-el-2017/

Avila Hernández, M.F. (2018). Challenges of Migration in Context of Cosmopolitan Citizenship. Journal of Mediterranean Knowledge-JMK, 3(2), 107- 121. DOI: 10.26409/2018JMK3.2.01

Ayon, C. (2015). Economic, Social, and Health Effects of Dissemination on Latino Immigrant Families. Migration Policy Institute, 1-26. doi:https://www.migrationpolicy.org/sites/default/files/publications/FCD-Ayon.pdf

Bakewell, O. (2010). Some Reflections on Structure and Agency in Migration Theory. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 36(10), 1689-1708. doi:10.1080/1369183x.2010.489382

Barra, A., & Contucci, P. (2010). Toward a quantitative approach to migrants integration. EPL (Europhysics Letters), 89(6), 68001. doi:10.1209/0295-5075/89/68001

Bello, M. (2008). La violencia en Colombia: Análisis histórico del homicidio en la segunda mitad del Siglo XX. Estudios Estadisticos, 50(1), 73-84.

Bernal Crespo, J. S., Orozco Arcieri, C. A., & Molinares Hassan, V. (2016). Foucault and Homosexuality: From Power Relation to Practice of Freedom. Revista De Derecho Uninorte, (46), 111-130. doi:10.14482/dere.46.8813

Buitrago, A. (2011). Análisis mediático del conflicto de Hugo Chávez y Álvaro Uribe. Pontificia Universidad Javeriana, 1-82. doi:https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/71417935.pdf

Cano, M. Á, Schwartz, S. J., Castillo, L. G., Romero, A. J., Huang, S., Lorenzo-Blanco, E. I., . . . Szapocznik, J. (2015). Depressive symptoms and externalizing behaviors among Hispanic immigrant adolescents: Examining longitudinal effects of cultural stress. Journal of Adolescence, 42, 31-39. doi:10.1016/j.adolescence.2015.03.017

Castrillón, G. (2019). La verdad del conflicto armado que aún está pendiente en Norte de Santander. Retrieved from https://www.elespectador.com/colombia2020/justicia/verdad/la- verdad-del-conflicto-armado-que-aun-esta-pendiente-en-norte-de-santander-articulo- 876137/

Centro Nacional de Memoria Historica. (2012). Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica. Retrieved from https://www.centrodememoriahistorica.gov.co/micrositios/informeGeneral/estadisticas.htm l

Cosoy, N. (2016) “¿Por Qué Empezó y Qué Pasó En La Guerra De Más De 50 Años Que Desangró a Colombia?” BBC News Mundo, BBC, www.bbc.com/mundo/noticias-america-latina- 37181413.

Daly, J., Mujica, T., Daly, A., & Cabrera, I. (2020, September). Barómetro de Xeniohobia. Retrieved from https://issuu.com/elderechoanoobedecer/docs/informe_20de_20septiembre- _20bdx_20_2__20_1_

Denscombe, M. (2017). The good research guide: For small-scale social research projects. London: Open University Press.

Didier, F. and Vasquez, P. (2005). “Humanitarian Exception as the Rule: The Political Theology of the 1999 Tragedia in Venezuela.” American Ethnologist, vol. 32, no. 3, pp. 389–405., doi:10.1525/ae.2005.32.3.389.

DNP. (2019). MERCADO LABORAL URBANO – RESULTADOS 2018: CÚCUTA. Retrieved from https://colaboracion.dnp.gov.co/CDT/Estudios%20Econmicos/7%20Informe%20Cucuta% 202018.pdf

Duran, A. (2020, December 14). Cúcuta Aumentó en mas del 30% los Homicidios durante el 2020. Retrieved from https://noticias.canaltro.com/cucuta-aumento-en-mas-del-30-los- homicidios-durante-el-2020/

Faiola, Anthony. (2018). “Venezuela's Inflation Rate May Hit 1,000,000 Percent.” The Seattle Times, www.seattletimes.com/nation-world/world/venezuelas-inflation-rate-may-hit- 1000000-percent/.

Faist, Thomas (2000), The Volume and Dynamics of International Migration and Transnational Social Spaces (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press).

Galindo, Y. (2016) "Resumen De Un Evento Trascendental En La Historia De Colombia." https://doi.org/10.25100/nc.v0i19.663.

García Ángel, A. P. (2012). Televisión en colombia: Surgimiento de los canales regionales. Luciérnaga-Comunicación, 4(7), 23-35. doi:10.33571/revistaluciernaga.v4n7a3

García Arias, M. F. y Restrepo Pineda J. E. (2019). Aproximación al proceso migratorio venezolano en el siglo XXI. Hallazgos, 16(32), 63-82. DOI: https://doi. org/10.15332/2422409X.5000

García Fernández, J. (2011). Desarrollo de la ciudad de San José de Cúcuta, en el marco de la integración binacional Colombo-Venezolana. Retrieved from https://core.ac.uk/reader/11055156

Gedan, B. N. (2017). Venezuelan Migration: Is the Western Hemisphere Prepared for a Refugee Crisis? SAIS Review of International Affairs,37(2), 57-64. doi:10.1353/sais.2017.0027

GIFMM. (2020). Venezuelan Refugee and Migrants. Retrieved from file:///C:/Users/sofia/Documents/IDSD01/GIFFM.pdf

Gobierno Nacional. (2019). Estado colombiano concede la nacionalidad a niños nacidos en Colombia, hijos de migrantes venezolanos, para proteger sus derechos. Retrieved from https://id.presidencia.gov.co/Paginas/prensa/2019/190805-Estado-colombiano- nacionalidad-ninos-nacidos-Colombia-hijos-migrantes-venezolanos-proteger-sus- derechos.aspx#:~:text=En%20las%20Regiones- ,Estado%20colombiano%20concede%20la%20nacionalidad%20a%20ni%C3%B1os%20n acidos%20en%20Colombia,venezolanos%2C%20para%20proteger%20sus%20derechos&t ext=Actualmente%2C%20Venezuela%20no%20tiene%20consulados,nacionales%20nacid os%20en%20nuestro%20pa%C3%ADs

Goldin, I., Cameron, G., & Balarajan, M. (2011). Exceptional People: How Migrants Shaped Our World and Will Define Our Future. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press.

Gorvett, Z. (2020, May 12). How the news changes the way we think and behave. Retrieved from https://www.bbc.com/future/article/20200512-how-the-news-changes-the-way-we- think-and-behave

Goss, J., & Lindquist, B. (1995). Conceptualizing International Labor Migration: A Structuration Perspective. International Migration Review, 29(2), 317-351. doi:10.1177/019791839502900201

Greenwood, M., & Hunt, G. (2003). The Early History of Migration Research. INTERNATIONAL REGIONAL SCIENCE REVIEW, 26, 3-37. doi:10.1177/0160017602238983

Hall, S. (1992). The West and the Rest in Hall, S., & Gieben, B. (Eds.). Formations of modernity (p. 1275). Cambridge: Polity Press.

Hanson, R. (2019). “Venezuela's Worsening Migrant Crisis.” The Conversation, Department of Sociology and Criminology & Law, theconversation.com/4-charts-show-venezuelas- worsening-migrant-crisis-102464.

Harzig, C., Hoerder, D., & Gabaccia, D. R. (2014). What is migration history? Cambridge, UK: Polity.

Hudson, R. A. (2010). Colombia: A country study. Washington, D.C.: Federal Research Division, Library of Congress.

John, M. (2018). Venezuelan economic crisis: Crossing Latin American and Caribbean borders. Migration and Development, 8(3), 437-447. doi:10.1080/21632324.2018.1502003

Kajsiu, B. (2019). The Colombian Right: The political ideology and mobilization of Uribismo. Canadian Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies, 44(2), 204-224. doi:https://doi.org/10.1080/08263663.2019.1581495

Langue, F. (2009). “La Independencia De Venezuela, Una Historia Mitificada y Un Paradigma Heroico.” Anuario De Estudios Americanos, vol. 66, no. 2, pp. 245–276., doi: 0210-5810.

Leydesdorff, L. (2010). The communication of meaning and the structuration of expectations: Giddens’ “structuration theory” and Luhmann’s “self-organization.” Journal of the American Society for Information Science and Technology, 61(10), 2138–2150. https://doi.org/10.1002/asi.21381

Lissardy, G. (2019) “La Pregunta Sobre Venezuela Que Divide Al Consejo De Seguridad De La ONU: ¿Quién Amenaza La Estabilidad Regional? - BBC News Mundo.” BBC News, www.bbc.com/mundo/noticias-america-latina-47383679.

Mander, B. (2013). “Venezuelan devaluation sparks panic.” Financial Times. CIA World Factbook, Retrieved February 11, 2013.

Marquez, S., & Roadfield, D. (2006). Countries and their Cultures. Retrieved from https://www.everyculture.com/Bo-Co/Colombia.html

Massey, D. S. (2015). A Missing Element in Migration Theories. Migration Letters, 12(3), 279- 299. doi:10.33182/ml.v12i3.280

Massey, D. S., Arango, J., Hugo, G., Kouaouci, A., Pellegrino, A., & Taylor, J. E. (1993). Theories of international migration: A review and appraisal. In Population and development review (pp. 431–466).

Matanock, A., & Garcia-Sanchez, M. (2017). The Colombian Paradox: Peace Processes, Elite Divisions & Popular Plebiscites. Journal of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences,146(4), 152-166. https://doi- org.myaccess.library.utoronto.ca/10.1162/DAED_a_00466.

McGregor, S. (2019). Social media as public opinion: How journalists use social media to represent public opinion. SAGE Journals, 20(8), 1070-1086. doi:10.1177/1464884919845458

Media Owner Monitor Colombia. (2020). Luis Carlos Sarmiento Angulo. Retrieved from https://colombia.mom-rsf.org/en/owners/individual-owners/detail/owner/owner/show/luis- carlos-sarmiento-angulo/

Morgan, N. (2015). De Bucaramanga pa'arriba: Chávez on the Borders of Colombian Nationalism. Journal of Iberian and Latin American Research, 21(1), 126-141. doi:10.1080/13260219.2014.939129

Neuhouser, K. (1992). Democratic Stability in Venezuela: Elite Consensus or Class Compromise? American Sociological Review, 57(1), 117-135. doi:10.2307/2096148

NTN24. (2019, August 01). Aparecen en colombia panfletos QUE AMENAZAN con UNA "limpieza social" Contra venezolanos [Video file]. Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Qr0MyG6cioc&ab_channel=NTN24

Ortiz, M. (2018). Miles de colombianos huyeron a Venezuela por el conflicto armado. Retrieved from https://www.eltiempo.com/justicia/investigacion/colombianos-tambien-migraron-a- venezuela-por-el-conflicto-armado-280748

Palacios, M. T. (2012). The Colombian Migration System in the Light of Human Rights International Law: Law 1465, 2011 and its Prior Norms. Opinión Jurídica, 11(21), 83-102. doi:ISSN 1692-2530

Parker, I. (2014). Discourse dynamics: Critical analysis for social and individual psychology. In Discourse dynamics: Critical analysis for social and individual psychology (pp. 3-22). Routledge.

Paz y Reconciliación. (2020). Así operan los grupos ilegales en el Catatumbo. Retrieved from https://www.elespectador.com/noticias/nacional/asi-operan-los-grupos-ilegales-en-el- catatumbo-articulo-903966/

Photinos, C. (2020, December 14). News or opinion? Retrieved from https://writingcommons.org/article/news-or-opinion/

Pinto, L. A., Amaya, P. B., & Sáez, F. A. (2019). The integration of venezuelans in Colombia in the fields of health and education. Espacio Abierto, 28(Enero-Marzo), 200-223. doi:ISSN 1692-2530

Potter, J., & Richardson, J. (1996). Discourse Analysis and Constructionist Approaches: Theoretical Background. In Handbook of qualitative research methods for psychology and the social sciences. Leicester: BPS Books.

Ravenstein, E.G. (1885). The laws of migration. Journal of the Royal Statistical Society 48: 167- 235.

Rayner, T. (2015, September 04). Meaning is use: Wittgenstein on the limits of language. Retrieved February, from https://philosophyforchange.wordpress.com/2014/03/11/meaning-is-use-wittgenstein-on- the-limits-of-language/

Redaccion El Tiempo. (2000, June 05). EL tiempo, EL PERIÓDICO MÁS LEÍDO. Retrieved from https://www.eltiempo.com/archivo/documento/MAM- 1303939#:~:text=EL%20TIEMPO%20es%20el%20peri%C3%B3dico,Medios%20(ACIM) %20durante%201999.&text=05%20de%20junio%202000%20%2C%2012%3A00%20a.% 20m.

Rolón, M. (2018). Hay más víctimas de desplazamiento forzado en Colombia que número de habitantes en Costa Rica. Retrieved from https://www.acnur.org/noticias/noticia/2018/12/5c243ef94/hay-mas-victimas-de- desplazamiento-forzado-en-colombia-que-numero-de- habitantes.html#:~:text=BOGOT%C3%81%2C%20Colombia%20%2D%20Entre%20ener o%20y,como%20consecuencia%20del%20conflicto%20armado.

Scheyvens, R., & Mclennan, S. (2014). Development Field Work: A Practical Guide. SAGE Publications. doi:https://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781473921801.n1

Schifrin, N. (2018). Why Venezuela's neighbors are facing a huge refugee emergency. Retrieved from http://www.pbs.org/newshour/show/why-venezuelas-neighbors-are-facing-a-huge- refugee-emergency

Schwartz, S. J., Salas-Wright, C. P., Pérez-Gómez, A., Mejía-Trujillo, J., Brown, E. C., Montero- Zamora, P., . . . Dickson-Gomez, J. (2018). Cultural stress and psychological symptoms in

recent Venezuelan immigrants to the United States and Colombia. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 67, 25-34. doi:10.1016/j.ijintrel.2018.09.001

Schwartz, S. J., Unger, J. B., Lorenzo-Blanco, E. I., Des Rosiers, S. E., Villamar, J. A., Soto, D. W., Pattarroyo, M., Baezconde-Garbanati, L., & Szapocznik, J. (2014). Perceived context of reception among recent Hispanic immigrants: Conceptualization, instrument development, and preliminary validation. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 20(1), 1–15. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0033391

Semana. (2019, February). Encuesta Invamer. Retrieved from https://www.scribd.com/document/399703754/Encuesta-Invamer-febrero-de- 2019#from_embed

Smith, R., Spaaij, R., & Mcdonald, B. (2018). Migrant Integration and Cultural Capital in the Context of Sport and Physical Activity: A Systematic Review. Journal of International Migration and Integration, 20(3), 851-868. doi:10.1007/s12134-018-0634-5 Statham, P. (2016). Introducing “Strangers”: Towards a transatlantic comparative research agenda on migrant “integration”? Ethnic and Racial Studies, 39(13), 2318-2324. doi:10.1080/01419870.2016.1203445

The Economist. (2015, September 10). Seeking scapegoats. Retrieved from https://www.economist.com/the-americas/2015/09/10/seeking-scapegoats

UNHCR. (2020, August 16). SOMOS PANAS COLOMBIA. Retrieved from https://somospanascolombia.com/quienes-somos/sombre-somos-panas-colombia/

UNHCR. (2020, February 8). UNHCR and IOM welcome Colombia’s decision to regularize Venezuelan refugees and migrants. Retrieved from https://www.unhcr.org/news/press/2021/2/60214cf74/unhcr-iom-welcome-colombias- decision-regularize-venezuelan-refugees-migrants.html

Ussher, J., & Perz, J. (2014). Discourse analysis. Qualitative Research in Clinical and Health Psychology, 13, 218-237. doi:10.1007/978-1-137-29105-9_13

Van Dijk, T. (1999). El análisis crítico del discurso. Anthropos, 186, 23-36. doi:https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/athenead/v1n1.22

Wessendorf, S., & Phillimore, J. (2018). New Migrants’ Social Integration, Embedding and Emplacement in Superdiverse Contexts. Sociology, 53(1), 123-138. doi:10.1177/0038038518771843

Whittington, R. (2015). Gidden's structuration theory and Strategy as Practice. In Strategy as Practice (pp. 91-106). New York: Cambridge University Press.

Appendices

Appendix A List of problematic encounters between the Álvaro Uribe and the Hugo Chávez administrations

-In 2004, the Uribe government reported the capture of FARC leader Rodrigo Granada in Cúcuta. Upon Venezuelan investigation, they found that Granada was captured in Caracas by Colombian troops, thus implying a violation of Venezuelan sovereignty. To this day it is unknown where the capture was made because the two countries were unwilling to carry out a joint investigation. This ultimately led to both nations closing their respective consulates and embassies (Buitrago, 2011; Morgan 2015). - In 2007, Uribe personally asked Chávez for his collaboration in reaching a humanitarian agreement with FARC leaders for the liberation of 45 abducted citizens. Two months after Chávez had agreed to partake, Uribe himself called off the negotiation because the FARC had not provided proof that the abducted individuals were still alive. Chávez’s strongly opposed this decision and accused Uribe of lying and not protecting his citizens (Buitrago, 2011). - In 2008, Colombia carried out Operación Fénix which led to the death of FARC leader Raul Reyes by bombarding the Colombia-Ecuador border. It was speculated that the FARC member died in Ecuadorian territory, but this was denied by the Uribe administration. Chávez responded by heavily militarizing the Venezuela-Colombia border because he believed Colombia would conduct a similar operation there. Such was interpreted by Uribe as a direct threat to national security (Buitrago, 2011). - In 2009, Uribe began negotiations with the United States of America for the establishment of three military bases within Colombian territory. Chávez, an avid opponent of all things related to the USA and the Washington Consensus, responded strongly to this by stating that Colombia would become a threat to Venezuela and thus all relations with the country would be reconsidered. This culminated in strong trade sanctions by the Chávez administration, of which Cúcuta was the most affected (Buitrago, 2011; Morgan 2015). - In 2010, Uribe called an emergency meeting with the Organization of American States, where his government reported 87 FARC and ELN camps operating from Venezuela and requested the creation of an international commission for the verification of this information. The claims were backed by satellite pictures and videos of the camps, thus implying a violation of Venezuelan sovereignty. This resulted in no cooperation from Venezuela on the matter (Buitrago, 2011).

Appendix B News articles included in this study

Numbe Theme News Reference r Source 1 Culture TRO Pinto, A. (2020, September 29). El venezolano que Noticias trabaja por un cambio social en La frontera. Retrieved from https://noticias.canaltro.com/jesus- gomez-el-venezolano-que-trabaja-por-un-cambio- social-en-la-frontera/ 2 Culture TRO TRO. (2019, June 08). En villa del rosario se realizará un Noticias concierto de profondos para ayudar a migrantes venezolanos. Retrieved from https://noticias.canaltro.com/en-villa-del-rosario-se- realizara-un-concierto-de-profondos-para-ayudar-a- migrantes-venezolanos/ 3 Culture El Posada Carbó, E. (2018, April 27). Venezuela Y Tiempo Colombia. Retrieved from https://proy.eltiempo.com/opinion/columnistas/edua rdo-posada-carbo/venezuela-y-colombia-historia- 210274 4 Culture El Ortiz, M. (2020, November 19). 'Cuando éramos felices Tiempo pero no lo sabiamos'. Retrieved from https://www.eltiempo.com/lecturas- dominicales/cuando-eramos-felices-pero-no-lo- sabiamos-el-nuevo-libro-de-la-escritora-melba- escobar-547728 5 Culture El Cortés, N. (2019, February 22). Momentos memorables Tiempo del Venezuela Aid Live. Retrieved from https://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/venezuela/palabr as-contra-maduro-durante-el-venezuela-aid-live- 330226 6 Culture El Martínez, L. (2021, February 12). La comida Venezolana Tiempo sabe cada vez más sabroso. Retrieved from https://www.eltiempo.com/cultura/gastronomia/la- comida-venezolana-sabe-cada-vez-mas-sabroso- 566375 7 Culture RCN RCN Noticias. (2021, February 14). El papa agradeció a Noticias Colombia por estatuto para regularizar a migrantes venezolanos. Retrieved from https://www.noticiasrcn.com/internacional/el-papa- agradecio-a-colombia-por-estatuto-para-migrantes- venezolanos-375685 8 Culture El Fernandez, M. (2021, February 14). Músicos venezolanos Tiempo ven una Gran Oportunidad Al Regular su situación en Colombia. Retrieved from

https://noticias.caracoltv.com/entretenimiento/carac ol-arte/musicos-venezolanos-ven-una-gran- oportunidad-al-regular-su-situacion-en-colombia 9 Culture Caracol Noticias Caracol. (2019, February 23). Multitudinario y Noticias Emotivo, Así fue el concierto Venezuela Aid Live. Retrieved from https://noticias.caracoltv.com/colombia/multitudina rio-y-emotivo-asi-fue-el-concierto-venezuela-aid- live 10 Culture Caracol Maldonado, L. (2019, October 12). Cúcuta, antes y Noticias después de la Migración de venezolanos. Retrieved from https://noticias.caracoltv.com/politica/cucuta- antes-y-despues-de-la-migracion-de-venezolanos 11 Opinion TRO Alba, M. (2020, May 08). Migrantes, Un Problema Para Noticias Colombianos Que Residen en La frontera. Retrieved from https://noticias.canaltro.com/migrantes-un- problema-para-colombianos-que-residen-en-la- frontera/ 12 Opinion TRO Fuerman, P. (2019, October 29). Preocupación por Noticias aumento de migrantes venezolanos para el 2020. Retrieved from https://noticias.canaltro.com/preocupacion-por- aumento-de-migrantes-venezolanos-para-el-2020/ 13 Opinion TRO Colmenares, G. (2019, September 03). Migrantes Noticias venezolanos siguen invadiendo el espacio público en cúcuta. Retrieved from https://noticias.canaltro.com/migrantes- venezolanos-siguen-invadiendo-el-espacio-publico- en-cucuta/ 14 Opinion TRO Morales, F. (2020, August 21). Mujeres y niños, los más Noticias afectados por el represamiento de migrantes. Retrieved from https://noticias.canaltro.com/mujeres-y-ninos-los- mas-afectados-por-el-represamiento-de-migrantes/ 15 Opinion TRO Morales, C. (2020, October 28). Docentes cucuteñas Noticias ponentes sobre migrantes y retornados. Retrieved from https://noticias.canaltro.com/docentes- cucutenas-ponentes-sobre-migrantes-y-retornados/ 16 Opinion TRO Colmenares, G. (2018, October 27). Cúcuta preocupada Noticias ante aumento de migrantes venezolanos. Retrieved from https://noticias.canaltro.com/cucuta- preocupada-ante-aumento-de-migrantes- venezolanos/ 17 Opinion TRO Mendoza, P. (2020, January 16). No olvidemos a Noticias Venezuela. Retrieved from

https://proy.eltiempo.com/opinion/columnistas/plini o-apuleyo-mendoza/no-olvidemos-a-venezuela- columna-de-plinio-apuleyo-mendoza-452620 18 Opinion El Rodríguez, H. (2019, March 15). Venezuela: Horror Y Tiempo dolor. Retrieved from https://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/venezuela/colum na-de-luis-almagro-sobre-venezuela-338232 19 Opinion El El Tiempo. (2019, February 09). ¿Qué opina sobre los Tiempo venezolanos? Retrieved from https://www.eltiempo.com/foro-w/tema-del-dia-w- radio-que-opina-del-estatuto-para-regularizar-a- migrantes-venezolanos-565652 20 Opinion El Mendoza, P. (2019, April 25). Pobre Venezuela. Tiempo Retrieved from https://www.eltiempo.com/opinion/columnistas/plin io-apuleyo-mendoza/pobre-venezuela-columna-de- plinio-apuleyo-mendoza-353732 21 Opinion El Alvarez Correa, C. (2017, July 23). Venezuela. Retrieved Tiempo from https://proy.eltiempo.com/opinion/columnistas/cecil ia-alvarez-correa/venezuela-columna-de-cecilia- alvarez-111926 22 Opinion El Mendoza, S. (2021, February 10). La Valentía de Iván Tiempo Duque. Retrieved from https://www.eltiempo.com/politica/gobierno/la- valentia-de-ivan-duque-dice-el-pais-de-espana- sobre-regularizacion-de-venezolanos-566181 23 Opinion RCN Manjarres, C. (2021, February 10). ¿Debemos Vacunar Noticias inmigrantes? Retrieved from https://www.noticiasrcn.com/opinion/debemos- vacunar-inmigrantes-por-carlos-manjarres-375471 24 Opinion El El Tiempo. (2018, May 20). Migrantes, la ola Tiempo incontenible. Retrieved from https://www.eltiempo.com/opinion/editorial/migran tes-la-ola-incontenible-que-es-el-principal-desafio- del-siglo-xxi-219750 25 Opinion El Rojas, J. (2018, October 06). Los Migrantes que Tiempo conmovieron el continente. Retrieved from https://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/venezuela/los- migrantes-venezolanos-que-conmovieron-el- continente-278078 26 Political TRO TRO. (2018, April 03). Inició el registro administrativo Relations Noticias de migrantes venezolanos. Retrieved from https://noticias.canaltro.com/inicio-el-registro- administrativo-de-migrantes-venezolanos/

27 Political TRO Duran, A. (2020). Las trochas ilegales. Retrieved from Relations Noticias https://noticias.canaltro.com/norte-de-santander- principal-receptor-de-migrantes- venezolanos/autoridades-piden-a-migrantes-no- pasar-por-las-trochas-ilegales/ 28 Political RCN RCN Noticias. (2019, November 06). Uribe Invitó a Relations Noticias losColombianos a apoyar lasmarchas de La Oposición en Venezuela. Retrieved from https://www.noticiasrcn.com/nacional- politica/uribe-invito-los-colombianos-apoyar-lasmarchas-oposicion-venezuela 29 Political RCN RCN Noticias. (2020, March 14). Presidente Duque Relations Noticias anuncia cierre de pasos fronterizos con Venezuela. Retrieved from https://www.noticiasrcn.com/politica/presidente- duque-anuncia-cierre-de-pasos-fronterizos-con- venezuela-353999 30 Political RCN Gonzalo, L. (2020, September 29). Maduro dice estar Relations Noticias dispuesto a restablecer relaciones consulares con Colombia. Retrieved from https://www.noticiasrcn.com/politica/maduro-dice- estar-dispuesto-restablecer-relaciones-consulares- con-colombia-352086 31 Political RCN RCN Noticias. (2019, November 07). Duque sobre Relations Noticias Venezuela ante el Grupo Lima. Retrieved from https://www.noticiasrcn.com/nacional-politica/el- verdadero-dilema-continuacion-tirania-o-el-triunfo- contundente-democracia-duque 32 Political RCN Lozano, J. (2019, November 07). "Duque busca tapar su Relations Noticias baja popularidad con Venezuela": Gobierno de Maduro. Retrieved from https://www.noticiasrcn.com/nacional- politica/duque-busca-tapar-su-baja-popularidad- venezuela-gobierno-maduro 33 Political El Liévano, E. (2017, August 25). A Colombia le sobran Relations Tiempo razones para romper relaciones diplomáticas con Venezuela. Retrieved from https://www.eltiempo.com/opinion/columnistas/enri que-gaviria-lievano/intervencion-humanitaria-en- venezuela-123312 34 Local Caracol Cano, J. (2019, October 12). ¿Qué proponen candidatos Political Noticias para hacerle frente A Migración de Venezolanos a Position Cúcuta? Retrieved from https://noticias.caracoltv.com/politica/que- proponen-candidatos-para-hacerle-frente-a- migracion-de-venezolanos-a-cucuta

35 Local RCN RCN Noticia. (2019, November 06). Partidos políticos Political Noticias reaccionaron frente a la posición del Gobierno en Position situación de Venezuela. Retrieved from https://www.noticiasrcn.com/nacional- politica/partidos-politicos-reaccionaron-frente- posicion-del-gobierno-situacion-venezuela 36 Local El Gómez, S. (2018, February 18). ¡Venezuela nos grita! Political Tiempo Retrieved from Position https://www.eltiempo.com/opinion/columnistas/son ia-gomez-gomez/venezuela-nos-grita-sonia-gomez- gomez-184124 37 Local TRO Castillo, S. (2018). Alcaldía de Cúcuta está sin recursos Political Noticias para la atención de migrantes venezolanos. Position Retrieved from https://noticias.canaltro.com/alcaldia-de-cucuta- esta-sin-recursos-para-la-atencion-de-migrantes- venezolanos/ 38 Local TRO Garzon, R. (2018). Esperan políticas para atención a Political Noticias migrantes en Cúcuta. Retrieved from Position https://noticias.canaltro.com/esperan-politicas-para- atencion-a-migrantes-en-cucuta/ 39 Local TRO TRO. (2020, November 30). Gremios rechazan medida Political Noticias que extiende cierre de fronteras con Venezuela. Position Retrieved from https://noticias.canaltro.com/gremios-rechazan- medida-que-extiende-cierre-de-fronteras-con- venezuela/ 40 Local El Goyeneche, A. N. (2021, February 08). Colombia abraza Political Tiempo a los sufridos hermanos venezolanos. Retrieved Position from https://www.eltiempo.com/politica/gobierno/el- gesto-historico-de-duque-en-respuesta-a-la- groseria-de-nicolas-maduro-565558 41 Institution TRO Leon, S. (2021, February 05). Nuevo centro de atención al Noticias sanitario para migrantes en Pamplona. Retrieved Reponses from https://noticias.canaltro.com/nuevo-centro-de- atencion-sanitario-para-migrantes-en-pamplona/ 42 Institution TRO Bedoya, J. A. (2020, April 04). Ministerio de Salud traza al Noticias hoja de ruta para atender migrantes. Retrieved from Reponses https://noticias.canaltro.com/ministerio-de-salud- traza-hoja-de-ruta-para-atender-migrantes/ 43 Institution TRO Alirio, R. (2019, March 12). Colapso en registraduría por al Noticias ATENCIÓN a migrantes venezolanos. Retrieved Reponses from https://noticias.canaltro.com/colapso-en- registraduria-por-atencion-a-migrantes- venezolanos/

44 Institution El Castillo, G. A. (2018, May 08). ONU Suspendió la al Tiempo asistencia alimentaria para migrantes en Cúcuta. Reponses Retrieved from https://www.eltiempo.com/colombia/otras- ciudades/aplazan-la-asistencia-alimentaria-para- migrantes-en-frontera-con-venezuela-214886 (A) 45 Institution El Mercado, L. (2021, February 09). 'Narcodictadura' de al Tiempo Maduro ha desencadenado crisis en Venezuela: Reponses Duque. Retrieved from https://www.eltiempo.com/politica/gobierno/narcod ictadura-de-maduro-ha-desencadenado-crisis-en- venezuela-duque-565776 46 Institution El Velasquez, C. E. (2018, December 07). Migrantes al Tiempo venezolanos se quedan sin cupos escolares en la Reponses frontera. Retrieved from https://www.eltiempo.com/colombia/otras- ciudades/migrantes-venezolanos-sin-cupo-en-zona- de-frontera-302690 47 Institution RCN RCN Noticias. (2021, February 13). Advierten de estafa a al Noticias venezolanos para incluirlos en estatuto migratorio. Reponses Retrieved from https://www.noticiasrcn.com/nacional/denuncian- estafas-a-venezolanos-en-colombia-para- regularizacion-375664 48 Institution Caracol Caracol Noticias. (2021, February 09). La al Noticias “narcodictadura” de Maduro ha desencadenado la Reponses crisis humanitaria en Venezuela, afirma Duque. Retrieved from https://noticias.caracoltv.com/politica/la- narcodictadura-de-maduro-ha-desencadenado-la- crisis-humanitaria-en-venezuela-afirma-duque 49 Crime Caracol Cano, J. (2019, October 12). "Me siento asustada cada Related Noticias vez que voy por la calle": Cucuteños están preocupados con la inseguridad. Retrieved from https://noticias.caracoltv.com/politica/me-siento- asustada-cada-vez-que-voy-por-la-calle-cucutenos- estan-preocupados-con-la-inseguridad 50 Crime Caracol Cano, J. (2018). Gente sigue transitando por trochas pese Related Noticias a leve apertura del puente Simón Bolívar. Retrieved from https://noticias.caracoltv.com/colombia/video- gente-sigue-transitando-por-trochas-pese-a-leve- apertura-del-puente-simon-bolivar 51 Crime Caracol Gutierrez, A. M. (2019, June 07). Otra vez llovieron balas Related Noticias en la frontera con Venezuela por culpa de las bandas criminales. Retrieved from https://noticias.caracoltv.com/colombia/otra-vez-

llovieron-balas-en-la-frontera-con-venezuela-por- culpa-de-las-bandas-criminales 52 Crime Caracol Noticias Caracol. (2021, February 12). Tensión en Cúcuta Related Noticias por violento enfrentamiento entre la Policía y vendedores informales. Retrieved from https://noticias.caracoltv.com/colombia/tension-en- cucuta-por-violento-enfrentamiento-entre-la- policia-y-vendedores-informales 53 Crime RCN RCN Noticias. (2021, January 19). Migración responde Related Noticias ante falta de sanciones a venezolanos hallados en fiesta clandestina. Retrieved from https://www.noticiasrcn.com/bogota/migracion- responde-ante-falta-de-sanciones-venezolanos- hallados-en-fiesta-clandestina-368629 54 Crime El Castillo, G. A. (2018, August 14). Alerta por tráfico ilegal Related Tiempo de migrantes en zona De frontera. Retrieved from https://www.eltiempo.com/colombia/otras- ciudades/alerta-por-trafico-ilegal-de-migrantes-en- zona-de-frontera-255648 (B) 55 Crime El Rodriguez, M. (2020, October 22). Menores venezolanas Related Tiempo pidieron aventón a camión y luego desaparecieron. Retrieved from https://www.eltiempo.com/colombia/santander/dos- menores-venezolanas-habrian-sido-raptados-en-via- de-santander-544725 56 Crime TRO Duran, R. (2020). Migrantes venezolanos, ¿La nueva Related Noticias sangre terrorista en Colombia? Retrieved from https://noticias.canaltro.com/migrantes- venezolanos-la-nueva-sangre-terrorista-en- colombia/ 57 Crime TRO Rolando, R. (2019, February 19). Cuatro inmigrantes Related Noticias venezolanos capturados por hurto. Retrieved from https://noticias.canaltro.com/cuatro-inmigrantes- venezolanos-capturados-por-hurto/ 58 Crime TRO Duran, A. (2020, December 14). Cúcuta aumentó en más Related Noticias del 30% los homicidios durante el 2020. Retrieved from https://noticias.canaltro.com/cucuta-aumento- en-mas-del-30-los-homicidios-durante-el-2020/ 59 Policy TRO Bedoya, J. A. (2020, June 17). Sin consentimiento previo, Change Noticias los migrantes no podrán ingresar al Área Metropolitana de Cúcuta. Retrieved from https://noticias.canaltro.com/sin-consentimiento-previo- los-migrantes-no-podran-ingresar-al-area-metropolitana- de-cucuta/ 60 Policy TRO Gómez, F. (2021, February). Presidente Duque anuncia Change Noticias estatuto de protección para inmigrantes

venezolanos. Retrieved from https://noticias.canaltro.com/presidente-duque- anuncia-estatuto-de-proteccion-para-inmigrantes- venezolanos/ 61 Policy TRO Parada, N. (2020, November 16). Frontera abierta para Change Noticias estudiantes que vienen a presentar Pruebas Saber. Retrieved from https://noticias.canaltro.com/frontera-abierta-para- estudiantes-que-vienen-a-presentar-pruebas-saber/ 62 Policy El El Tiempo. (2018, August 23). Venezuela y sus Change Tiempo migrantes. Retrieved from https://www.eltiempo.com/opinion/editorial/venezu ela-y-sus-migrantes-259062 63 Policy El Mercado, L. (2021, February 09). Abecé: ¿Migrantes Change Tiempo venezolanos podrán votar en 2022? Retrieved from https://www.eltiempo.com/politica/gobierno/migran tes-venezolanos-en-colombia-venezolanos-podran- votar-en-2022-565668 64 Policy El Admin, U. (2021, February 14). Migración venezolana: Change Tiempo ¿es el estatuto una oportunidad de desarrollo? Retrieved from https://www.eltiempo.com/economia/sectores/venta jas-del-estatuto-temporal-para-regular-la- migracion-venezolana-566746 65 Policy El El Tiempo. (2019, March 05). Los migrantes irregulares. Change Tiempo Retrieved from https://www.eltiempo.com/opinion/editorial/los- migrantes-irregulares-editorial-334058 66 Policy El López, J. D. (2017, July 29). Cancillería anuncia medidas Change Tiempo para atención de migrantes en frontera. Retrieved from https://www.eltiempo.com/colombia/otras- ciudades/medidas-para-atender-a-venezolanos-en- cucuta-114564 67 Policy RCN RCN Noticias. (2019, October). Proponen quitar la patria Change Noticias potestad a padres que utilicen a sus hijos para mendicidad. Retrieved April, from https://www.noticiasrcn.com/politica/proponen- quitar-la-patria-potestad-padres-que-utilicen-sus- hijos-para-mendicidad-345172 68 Policy RCN RCN Noticias. (2020, November 08). Presidente Duque Change Noticias confirma recursos de España para atención de migrantes. Retrieved from https://www.noticiasrcn.com/politica/presidente- duque-esta-en-bolivia-para-posesion-presidencial- de-luis-arce-365344

69 Policy RCN Velasquez, L. (2021, February 11). Los derechos y Change Noticias deberes que tendrán los venezolanos en Colombia con la regularización. Retrieved from https://www.noticiasrcn.com/nacional/venezolanos- en-colombia-derechos-que-tendran-con-la- regularizacion-375423 70 Policy RCN RCN Noticias. (2020, April 01). Colombia aplaude Change Noticias propuesta de Estados Unidos frente a crisis venezolana. Retrieved from https://www.noticiasrcn.com/politica/colombia- aplaude-propuesta-de-estados-unidos-frente-crisis- venezolana-354807 71 Policy RCN Gomez, V. (2019, October 29). A conciliación ley que Change Noticias nacionaliza a hijos de padres venezolanos nacidos en Colombia. Retrieved from https://www.noticiasrcn.com/politica/conciliacion- ley-que-nacionaliza-hijos-de-padres-venezolanos- nacidos-en-colombia-345978

Appendix C Buzzwords on Political Relations

Most Frequent Social Meaning Buzzwords Populism Uribe established that by strengthening democracy and moving away from populist policies the Internal Armed Conflict would improve. Now, populism in Colombia is connected to violence, guerilla warfare, and displacement. It is feared by Colombians because it is under populism that the violence experienced in the nation was possible (according to the Uribista Project). Populism is used in the articles when addressing guerilla groups on both sides of the border and when criticizing both Maduro and Chávez. Chavismo It is the dominant left-wing political ideology in Venezuela, associated with Hugo Chávez (involves socialism, populism, and Bolivarianism). For Colombian government thinking (as reflected in the two newspapers tied to the main parties), it is what caused Venezuela to go from being the richest nation in Latin America to economic freefall. In the articles, Chavismo is used to describe the political mismanagement in Venezuela and Maduros inability to sympathise with the ‘poorest Venezuelans’ like Chávez once could. Uribismo It is the dominant right-wing political ideology in Colombia, associated with Álvaro Uribe, and the conservative Centro Democrático. In Colombia it is remembered as the doctrine that regained control from guerillas during the Armed Conflict. In the articles it used to reference supporters of the Duque presidency and in direct opposition to Chavismo’s wrongdoing to elevate it ideologically. Castrochavismo It is a combination of the leftist ideologies of Chavismo and Castrismo. In Colombia it has become the ‘boogeyman’ because of political parties using it to identify political enemies (Orjuela, 2018). It was popularized by Álvaro Uribe, but presidents Juan Manuel Santos and Ivan Duque have used it to gain popular support. Castrochavismo internationalizes the Chavista ideology and thus has been used to say that this ideology could take over Colombia and cause it to follow the same populist downward trajectory as Venezuela. In the articles, it was mostly used to support Duque’s position and handling of immigrants against Maduro. Narcodictadura It refers to political institutions that are influenced by the power and money of drug trafficking. In Colombia, it was popularized by President Ivan Duque to justify his uncooperativeness with Maduro and of him being the leader of a ‘terrorist narcodictadura’. In the articles it is used as a way to show sympathy with Venezuelan migrants as they are ‘victims of Maduros ‘narcodictadura’ and so disserve help from the Colombian state.

Table by author, data source: Morgan, N. (2015). De Bucaramanga pa'arriba: Chávez on the Borders of Colombian Nationalism. Journal of Iberian and Latin American Research, 21(1), 126-141. doi:10.1080/13260219.2014.939129