One Goal, Two Struggles
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The Roots of Environmental Crime in the Colombian Amazon
THE ROOTS OF ENVIRONMENTAL CRIME IN THE COLOMBIAN AMAZON IGARAPÉ INSTITUTE a think and do tank “Mapping environmental crime in the Amazon Basin”: Introduction to the series The “Mapping environmental crime in the markets, and the organizational characteristics Amazon Basin” case study series seeks to of crime groups and their collusion with understand the contemporary dynamics of government bodies. It also highlights the environmental crime in the Amazon Basin record of past and current measures to disrupt and generate policy recommendations for and dismantle criminal networks that have key-stakeholders involved in combating diversified into environmental crime across the environmental crime at the regional and Amazon Basin. domestic levels. The four studies further expose how licit and The Amazon Basin sprawls across eight illicit actors interact and fuel environmental countries (Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, crime and degradation in a time of climate Guyana, Peru, Suriname, and Venezuela) emergency as well as of accelerated socio- and one territory (French Guiana). While political change across the region. They show the research and policy communities a mix of increased governmental attention have progressively developed a sounding and action to combat environmental crime in understanding of deforestation and recent years, mainly to reduce deforestation degradation dynamics in the region and the and illegal mining, as well as the weakening of ways in which economic actors exploit forest environmental protections and land regulations, resources under different state authorisation in which political and economic elites are either regimes, this series sheds light on a less complicit in or oblivious to the destruction of explored dimension of the phenomenon: the the Amazon forest. -
The Law of Justice and Peace and the Disappeared: a Critical Evaluation of Forensic Intervention As a Tool of Transitional Justice in Colombia
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 12-2018 The Law of Justice and Peace and the Disappeared: a Critical Evaluation of Forensic Intervention as a Tool of Transitional Justice in Colombia María Alexandra López Cerquera University of Tennessee Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss Recommended Citation López Cerquera, María Alexandra, "The Law of Justice and Peace and the Disappeared: a Critical Evaluation of Forensic Intervention as a Tool of Transitional Justice in Colombia. " PhD diss., University of Tennessee, 2018. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss/5322 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a dissertation written by María Alexandra López Cerquera entitled "The Law of Justice and Peace and the Disappeared: a Critical Evaluation of Forensic Intervention as a Tool of Transitional Justice in Colombia." I have examined the final electronic copy of this dissertation for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, with a major in Anthropology. Dawnie W. Steadman, Major Professor We have -
Drug War Deadlock
Hoover Press : Huggins/Deadlock hhugdw ch1 Mp_1 rev1 page 1 PART ONE Background Prohibition will work great injury to the cause of temperance. It is a species of intemperance within itself, for it goes beyond the bounds of reason in that it attempts to control a man’s appetite by legislation, and makes a crime out of things that are not crimes. A prohibition law strikes a blow at the very principles upon which our government was founded. Abraham Lincoln Speech in the Illinois House of Representatives, December 18, 1840 Prohibition may be a disputed theory, but none can complain that it doesn’t hold water. Thomas L. Masson Little Masterpieces of American Wit and Humor 1922 Hoover Press : Huggins/Deadlock hhugdw ch1 Mp_2 rev1 page 2 Hoover Press : Huggins/Deadlock hhugdw ch1 Mp_3 rev1 page 3 American Drug Policy: The Continuing Debate James A. Inciardi James A. Inciardi is director of the Center for Drug and Alcohol Studies at the University of Delaware, a professor in the Department of Sociology and Criminal Justice at Delaware, and an adjunct professor at the University of Miami School of Medicine. This selection was excerpted from “American Drug Policy: The Continuing Debate” in The Drug Legalization Debate (Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage Publications, Inc. 1999). Concern over the use and abuse of illegal drugs remained critical throughout the 1990s. In fact, regardless of political affiliation and ideology, socioeconomic status and ethnicity, or geographical location and occupational status, most Americans continued to rank “drugs” among the major problems facing the nation for three reasons. The first was crack-cocaine and its relation to crime. -
Informe 2013 Bacrim
Las BACRIM despue s de 2013: ¿prono stico reservado? BERNARDO PÉREZ SALAZAR CARLOS MONTOYA CELY A mediados de 2012, el ministro de defensa, Juan Carlos Pinzón, dio un parte de tranquilidad frente a las bandas criminales –bacrim–, señalando que en 934 municipios del país “no hay presencia de bandas criminales”.1 No aclaró el alcance de la expresión “no hay presencia” ni la definición de “banda criminal”. Tampoco refirió cómo llegó a la mentada cifra de municipios. En todo caso la declaración contrastó visiblemente con el parte que a principios del 2011 habían entregado las autoridades de la Policía Nacional, con el general Oscar Naranjo a la cabeza, al indicar que las vendettas y los ajustes de cuentas entre narcos representarían el 47% de los 15.400 homicidios registrados en 2010. Dadas las violentas disputas territoriales que se registraban en aquel entonces por el control del “microtráfico” en sectores urbanos de Medellín entre alias “Sebastián” y “Valenciano”, así como por rutas de narcotráfico en Córdoba entre “Paisas” (aliados a los Rastrojos) y “Aguilas Negras“ (aliados de los Urabeños), no es de extrañar que una nota informativa cubriendo la noticia se hubiese titulado: “Las bacrim cometen la mitad de los asesinatos en Colombia”.2 Declaraciones sobre el tema del entonces ministro del Interior, Germán Vargas Lleras, entregadas también en enero de 2011, no fueron menos inquietantes, y se resumieron en el titular “Las bacrim ya actúan en 24 departamentos colombianos”, lo que propició que algunos analistas refirieran la presencia de -
Aasen -- Constructing Narcoterrorism As Danger.Pdf
WestminsterResearch http://www.westminster.ac.uk/westminsterresearch Constructing Narcoterrorism as Danger: Afghanistan and the Politics of Security and Representation Aasen, D. This is an electronic version of a PhD thesis awarded by the University of Westminster. © Mr Donald Aasen, 2019. The WestminsterResearch online digital archive at the University of Westminster aims to make the research output of the University available to a wider audience. Copyright and Moral Rights remain with the authors and/or copyright owners. Whilst further distribution of specific materials from within this archive is forbidden, you may freely distribute the URL of WestminsterResearch: ((http://westminsterresearch.wmin.ac.uk/). In case of abuse or copyright appearing without permission e-mail [email protected] Constructing Narcoterrorism as Danger: Afghanistan and the Politics of Security and Representation Greg Aasen A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the University of Westminster for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy January 2019 1 Abstract Afghanistan has become a country synonymous with danger. Discourses of narcotics, terrorism, and narcoterrorism have come to define the country and the current conflict. However, despite the prevalence of these dangers globally, they are seldom treated as political representations. This project theorizes danger as a political representation by deconstructing and problematizing contemporary discourses of (narco)terrorism in Afghanistan. Despite the globalisation of these two discourses of danger, (narco)terrorism remains largely under-theorised, with the focus placed on how to overcome this problem rather than critically analysing it as a representation. The argument being made here is that (narco)terrorism is not some ‘new’ existential danger, but rather reflects the hegemonic and counterhegemonic use of danger to establish authority over the collective identity. -
The Changing Face of Colombian Organized Crime
PERSPECTIVAS 9/2014 The Changing Face of Colombian Organized Crime Jeremy McDermott ■ Colombian organized crime, that once ran, unchallenged, the world’s co- caine trade, today appears to be little more than a supplier to the Mexican cartels. Yet in the last ten years Colombian organized crime has undergone a profound metamorphosis. There are profound differences between the Medellin and Cali cartels and today’s BACRIM. ■ The diminishing returns in moving cocaine to the US and the Mexican domi- nation of this market have led to a rapid adaptation by Colombian groups that have diversified their criminal portfolios to make up the shortfall in cocaine earnings, and are exploiting new markets and diversifying routes to non-US destinations. The development of domestic consumption of co- caine and its derivatives in some Latin American countries has prompted Colombian organized crime to establish permanent presence and structures abroad. ■ This changes in the dynamics of organized crime in Colombia also changed the structure of the groups involved in it. Today the fundamental unit of the criminal networks that form the BACRIM is the “oficina de cobro”, usually a financially self-sufficient node, part of a network that functions like a franchise. In this new scenario, cooperation and negotiation are preferred to violence, which is bad for business. ■ Colombian organized crime has proven itself not only resilient but extremely quick to adapt to changing conditions. The likelihood is that Colombian organized crime will continue the diversification -
The Drug Trade in Colombia: a Threat Assessment
DEA Resources, For Law Enforcement Officers, Intelligence Reports, The Drug Trade in Colombia | HOME | PRIVACY POLICY | CONTACT US | SITE DIRECTORY | [print friendly page] The Drug Trade in Colombia: A Threat Assessment DEA Intelligence Division This report was prepared by the South America/Caribbean Strategic Intelligence Unit (NIBC) of the Office of International Intelligence. This report reflects information through December 2001. Comments and requests for copies are welcome and may be directed to the Intelligence Production Unit, Intelligence Division, DEA Headquarters, at (202) 307-8726. March 2002 DEA-02006 CONTENTS MESSAGE BY THE ASSISTANT THE HEROIN TRADE IN DRUG PRICES AND DRUG THE COLOMBIAN COLOMBIA’S ADMINISTRATOR FOR COLOMBIA ABUSE IN COLOMBIA GOVERNMENT COUNTERDRUG INTELLIGENCE STRATEGY IN A LEGAL ● Introduction: The ● Drug Prices ● The Formation of the CONTEXT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Development of ● Drug Abuse Modern State of the Heroin Trade Colombia ● Counterdrug ● Cocaine in Colombia DRUG RELATED MONEY ● Colombian Impact of ● Colombia’s 1991 ● Heroin Opium-Poppy LAUNDERING AND Government Institutions Involved in Constitution ● Marijuana Cultivation CHEMICAL DIVERSION ● Opium-Poppy the Counterdrug ● Extradition ● Synthetic Drugs Eradication Arena ● Sentencing Codes ● Money Laundering ● Drug-Related Money ● Opiate Production ● The Office of the ● Money Laundering ● Chemical Diversion Laundering ● Opiate Laboratory President Laws ● Insurgents and Illegal “Self- ● Chemical Diversion Operations in ● The Ministry of ● Asset Seizure -
Narco-Terrorism: Could the Legislative and Prosecutorial Responses Threaten Our Civil Liberties?
Narco-Terrorism: Could the Legislative and Prosecutorial Responses Threaten Our Civil Liberties? John E. Thomas, Jr.* Table of Contents I. Introduction ................................................................................ 1882 II. Narco-Terrorism ......................................................................... 1885 A. History: The Buildup to Current Legislation ...................... 1885 B. Four Cases Demonstrate the Status Quo .............................. 1888 1. United States v. Corredor-Ibague ................................. 1889 2. United States v. Jiménez-Naranjo ................................. 1890 3. United States v. Mohammed.......................................... 1891 4. United States v. Khan .................................................... 1892 III. Drug-Terror Nexus: Necessary? ................................................ 1893 A. The Case History Supports the Nexus ................................. 1894 B. The Textual History Complicates the Issue ......................... 1895 C. The Statutory History Exposes Congressional Error ............ 1898 IV. Conspiracy: Legitimate? ............................................................ 1904 A. RICO Provides an Analogy ................................................. 1906 B. Public Policy Determines the Proper Result ........................ 1909 V. Hypothetical Situations with a Less Forgiving Prosecutor ......... 1911 A. Terrorist Selling Drugs to Support Terror ............................ 1911 B. Drug Dealer Using Terror to Support Drug -
Violence Against Women in Colombia
Organisation Mondiale Contre la Torture Case postale 21- 8, rue du Vieux Billard CH 1211 Genève 8, Suisse Tél. : 0041 22 809 49 39 – Fax : 0041 22 809 49 29 – E-mail : [email protected] Violence against Women in Colombia Report prepared by the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) for the 31st Session of Committee against Torture OMCT expresses its sincere gratitude to information and assistance provided by Patricia Guerrero, Comite ejecutivo internacional de la WILPF, Liga de Mujeres Desplazadas; Patricia Ramirez Parra, Ruta Pacifica de las Mujeres--Regional Santander; and Luisa Cabal, Center for Reproductive Rights. Researched and written by Boris Wijkström and Lucinda O’Hanlon. Supervised and edited by Carin Benninger-Budel. For more information, please contact OMCT's Women's Desk at the following email address: [email protected] Geneva, October 2003 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Preliminary Observations 3 1.1 Colombia’s International and Domestic Obligations 3 1.2 General Observations on the Human Rights Situation in Colombia 5 2. General Status of Women in Colombia 10 3. Violence against Women Perpetrated by the State and Armed Groups 12 3.1 Violence against Women Human Rights Defenders 13 3.2 Child Soldiers 14 4. Internally Displaced Women 15 5. Violence Against Women in the Family 16 5.1 Domestic Violence 16 5.2 Marital Rape 20 6. Violence Against Women in the Community 20 6.1 Rape and Sexual Violence 20 6.2 Trafficking 22 7. Reproductive Rights 24 8. Conclusions and Recommendations 24 2 1. Preliminary Observations The submission of information specifically relating to violence against women to the United Nations Committee against Torture forms part of OMCT’s Violence against Women programme which focuses on integrating a gender perspective into the work of the five “mainstream” United Nations human rights treaty monitoring bodies. -
Representación De La Violencia En La Novela Del Narcotráfico Y El Cine Colombiano Contemporáneo
University of Kentucky UKnowledge University of Kentucky Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 2010 REPRESENTACIÓN DE LA VIOLENCIA EN LA NOVELA DEL NARCOTRÁFICO Y EL CINE COLOMBIANO CONTEMPORÁNEO Claudia Ospina University of Kentucky, [email protected] Right click to open a feedback form in a new tab to let us know how this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Ospina, Claudia, "REPRESENTACIÓN DE LA VIOLENCIA EN LA NOVELA DEL NARCOTRÁFICO Y EL CINE COLOMBIANO CONTEMPORÁNEO" (2010). University of Kentucky Doctoral Dissertations. 45. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/gradschool_diss/45 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at UKnowledge. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Kentucky Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized administrator of UKnowledge. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ABSTRACT OF DISSERTATION Claudia Ospina The Graduate School University of Kentucky 2010 REPRESENTACIÓN DE LA VIOLENCIA EN LA NOVELA DEL NARCOTRÁFICO Y EL CINE COLOMBIANO CONTEMPORÁNEO ABSTRACT OF DISSERTATION A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the College of Arts and Sciences at the University of Kentucky By Claudia Ospina Lexington, Kentucky Director: Dr. Susan Carvalho, Associate Provost for International Programs Lexington, Kentucky 2010 Copyright © Claudia Ospina 2010 ABSTRACT OF DISSERTATION REPRESENTACIÓN DE LA VIOLENCIA EN LA NOVELA DEL NARCOTRÁFICO Y EL CINE COLOMBIANO CONTEMPORÁNEO This dissertation analyzes the representation of violence in Colombian novels and films from the last two decades of the XX century. Aided by current theories of violence and representation on the one hand, and an interdisciplinary methodology that analyses the phenomenon of the violence of drug trafficking from different perspectives on the other, my analysis examines the challenges and limits of literary and cinematic representation as it grapples with the extreme realities of life in Colombia’s major cities. -
Sebastian Marroquin - Sins of My Father
Pablo Escobar - Sebastian Marroquin - Sins of My Father WARNING - THE BEGINNING OF THIS CLIP, FROM A DOCUMENTARY ABOUT PABLO ESCOBAR AND HIS FAMILY, CONTAINS LANGUAGE NOT SUITABLE FOR CHILDREN. Juan Pablo Escobar, the son of Pablo Escobar, has changed his name. Known today as Sebastian Marroquin, he and his family live in Argentina, not their homeland of Colombia. An architect, Marroquin has apologized to people whose family members were murdered on the orders of Pablo Escobar. He has also participated in "Sins of My Father," a documentary about his own father, the former drug lord. In an interview with the Buenos Aires Herald, Pablo's son explains why he agreed to make "Pecados de Mi Padre" (as the film is called in Spanish): I’ve rejected lots of money-making projects because they glorified the gangster style and image of my father. I never agreed with that idea because it seemed the opposite message to the lifestyle that I’ve chosen to lead. So I’ve always said ‘no’ to those kinds of proposals. But Nicolas [the director of the film is Nicolas Entel] suggested telling the story from the children’s point of view, not just mine, so as to integrate everybody else’s point of view. And that’s when I thought this story could have an interesting turn. "The children" are Rodrigo Lara Restrepo and three Galan brothers (Juan Manuel, Carlos and Claudio), all sons of Colombian politicians - Rodrigo Lara Bonilla (1946 - 1984) and Luis Carlos Galan (1943 - 1989) - whose fathers were murdered on Pablo Escobar's orders. -
Ending Colombia's FARC Conflict: Dealing the Right Card
ENDING COLOMBIA’S FARC CONFLICT: DEALING THE RIGHT CARD Latin America Report N°30 – 26 March 2009 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY............................................................................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. FARC STRENGTHS AND WEAKNESSES................................................................... 2 A. ADAPTIVE CAPACITY ...................................................................................................................4 B. AN ORGANISATION UNDER STRESS ..............................................................................................5 1. Strategy and tactics ......................................................................................................................5 2. Combatant strength and firepower...............................................................................................7 3. Politics, recruitment, indoctrination.............................................................................................8 4. Withdrawal and survival ..............................................................................................................9 5. Urban warfare ............................................................................................................................11 6. War economy .............................................................................................................................12