Antoine Perret, Phd1 Presentation for the Panel on Private Military And
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The Roots of Environmental Crime in the Colombian Amazon
THE ROOTS OF ENVIRONMENTAL CRIME IN THE COLOMBIAN AMAZON IGARAPÉ INSTITUTE a think and do tank “Mapping environmental crime in the Amazon Basin”: Introduction to the series The “Mapping environmental crime in the markets, and the organizational characteristics Amazon Basin” case study series seeks to of crime groups and their collusion with understand the contemporary dynamics of government bodies. It also highlights the environmental crime in the Amazon Basin record of past and current measures to disrupt and generate policy recommendations for and dismantle criminal networks that have key-stakeholders involved in combating diversified into environmental crime across the environmental crime at the regional and Amazon Basin. domestic levels. The four studies further expose how licit and The Amazon Basin sprawls across eight illicit actors interact and fuel environmental countries (Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, crime and degradation in a time of climate Guyana, Peru, Suriname, and Venezuela) emergency as well as of accelerated socio- and one territory (French Guiana). While political change across the region. They show the research and policy communities a mix of increased governmental attention have progressively developed a sounding and action to combat environmental crime in understanding of deforestation and recent years, mainly to reduce deforestation degradation dynamics in the region and the and illegal mining, as well as the weakening of ways in which economic actors exploit forest environmental protections and land regulations, resources under different state authorisation in which political and economic elites are either regimes, this series sheds light on a less complicit in or oblivious to the destruction of explored dimension of the phenomenon: the the Amazon forest. -
The Changing Face of Colombian Organized Crime
PERSPECTIVAS 9/2014 The Changing Face of Colombian Organized Crime Jeremy McDermott ■ Colombian organized crime, that once ran, unchallenged, the world’s co- caine trade, today appears to be little more than a supplier to the Mexican cartels. Yet in the last ten years Colombian organized crime has undergone a profound metamorphosis. There are profound differences between the Medellin and Cali cartels and today’s BACRIM. ■ The diminishing returns in moving cocaine to the US and the Mexican domi- nation of this market have led to a rapid adaptation by Colombian groups that have diversified their criminal portfolios to make up the shortfall in cocaine earnings, and are exploiting new markets and diversifying routes to non-US destinations. The development of domestic consumption of co- caine and its derivatives in some Latin American countries has prompted Colombian organized crime to establish permanent presence and structures abroad. ■ This changes in the dynamics of organized crime in Colombia also changed the structure of the groups involved in it. Today the fundamental unit of the criminal networks that form the BACRIM is the “oficina de cobro”, usually a financially self-sufficient node, part of a network that functions like a franchise. In this new scenario, cooperation and negotiation are preferred to violence, which is bad for business. ■ Colombian organized crime has proven itself not only resilient but extremely quick to adapt to changing conditions. The likelihood is that Colombian organized crime will continue the diversification -
Violence Against Women in Colombia
Organisation Mondiale Contre la Torture Case postale 21- 8, rue du Vieux Billard CH 1211 Genève 8, Suisse Tél. : 0041 22 809 49 39 – Fax : 0041 22 809 49 29 – E-mail : [email protected] Violence against Women in Colombia Report prepared by the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) for the 31st Session of Committee against Torture OMCT expresses its sincere gratitude to information and assistance provided by Patricia Guerrero, Comite ejecutivo internacional de la WILPF, Liga de Mujeres Desplazadas; Patricia Ramirez Parra, Ruta Pacifica de las Mujeres--Regional Santander; and Luisa Cabal, Center for Reproductive Rights. Researched and written by Boris Wijkström and Lucinda O’Hanlon. Supervised and edited by Carin Benninger-Budel. For more information, please contact OMCT's Women's Desk at the following email address: [email protected] Geneva, October 2003 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Preliminary Observations 3 1.1 Colombia’s International and Domestic Obligations 3 1.2 General Observations on the Human Rights Situation in Colombia 5 2. General Status of Women in Colombia 10 3. Violence against Women Perpetrated by the State and Armed Groups 12 3.1 Violence against Women Human Rights Defenders 13 3.2 Child Soldiers 14 4. Internally Displaced Women 15 5. Violence Against Women in the Family 16 5.1 Domestic Violence 16 5.2 Marital Rape 20 6. Violence Against Women in the Community 20 6.1 Rape and Sexual Violence 20 6.2 Trafficking 22 7. Reproductive Rights 24 8. Conclusions and Recommendations 24 2 1. Preliminary Observations The submission of information specifically relating to violence against women to the United Nations Committee against Torture forms part of OMCT’s Violence against Women programme which focuses on integrating a gender perspective into the work of the five “mainstream” United Nations human rights treaty monitoring bodies. -
NARCOTRAFFIC AS CONNECTED POLITICAL CRIME in COLOMBIA: the FARC CASE Andrea Mateus-Rugeles* Paula C
University of Miami Inter-American Law Review Volume 51 Number 2 Spring 2020 Article 3 5-8-2020 Narcotraffic as Connectedolitical P Crime in Colombia: the FARC Case Andrea Mateus-Rugeles Universidad del Rosario School of Law Paula C. Arias University of Miami School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.miami.edu/umialr Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Law and Society Commons, and the Military, War, and Peace Commons Recommended Citation Andrea Mateus-Rugeles and Paula C. Arias, Narcotraffic as Connectedolitical P Crime in Colombia: the FARC Case, 51 U. Miami Inter-Am. L. Rev. 1 (2020) Available at: https://repository.law.miami.edu/umialr/vol51/iss2/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by University of Miami School of Law Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Miami Inter-American Law Review by an authorized editor of University of Miami School of Law Institutional Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NARCOTRAFFIC AS CONNECTED POLITICAL CRIME IN COLOMBIA: THE FARC CASE Andrea Mateus-Rugeles* Paula C. Arias** I. INTRODUCTION .................................................................... 4 II. THE FARC—THE OLDEST GUERRILLA GROUP IN THE AMERICAS, AND ITS INVOLVEMENT WITH THE MOST PROFITABLE ILLEGAL BUSINESS ON THE CONTINENT. .................................................................. 6 A. History of the FARC ............................................................ 6 1. Phase One: Germination and Consolidation (1962- 1973) ............................................................................... 8 2. Phase Two: Crisis and Division (1973-1980) ................ 9 3. Phase Three: Rebound and Boom (1980-1989) ........... 10 4. Phase Four: Deterioration and Delegitimisation * Associate professor of International Law, Universidad del Rosario, School of Law (Bogotá, Colombia). -
Education for Reconciliation in the Local Context – Three Case Studies from Colombia International Dialogues on Education, 2018, Volume 5, Number 1, Pp
Meier & Páez: Education for Reconciliation in the Local Context – Three Case Studies from Colombia International Dialogues on Education, 2018, Volume 5, Number 1, pp. 87-110 ISSN 2198-5944 Markus D. Meier & Manuel Páez (Colombia) Education for Reconciliation in the Local Context – Three Case Studies from Colombia Abstract: The Colombian Peace process has come to a formal end with the signing of the Treaty of Havanna in 2016. The article gives a short introduction of the developments since then, focusing on the plebiscite before reporting the results of our visits to three different municipalities, where we talked with victims and victimizers, carried out various pedagogical exercises and received a feed-back concerning measures implemented to compensate victims and reintegrate former victimizers. Keywords: Colombia, peace education, field work, reintegration, compensation, Interlacing 概要 (Markus D. Meier & Manuel Páez: 在当地语境下的和解教育 – 哥伦比亚的三个案例研究): 随着 2016年哈瓦那条约的签署,哥伦比亚和平进程正式结束。文章简要介绍了自那时起的一些发展状况, 着眼于在汇报我们对三个不同直辖市的访问结果之前的全民公决,在那里我们与受害者和危害人进行 了交谈,开展了各种教学活动,并收到了为补偿受害者以及曾经的危害人重新融入社会而采取措施的 一些反馈。 关键词: 哥伦比亚,和平教育,实地工作,重新融入,赔偿,联系 Abstract (Markus D. Meier & Manuel Páez: Bildung zur Versöhnung im lokalen Kontext - drei Fallstudien aus Kolumbien): Der kolumbianische Friedensprozess ist mit der Unterzeichnung des Vertrags von Havanna im Jahr 2016 zu einem formalen Ende gekommen. Die Autoren geben eine kurze Einführung in die seitdem geschehenen Entwicklungen, wobei sie den Schwerpunkt auf die Volksabstimmung legen. Danach berichten sie über die Ergebnisse ihrer Besuche in drei verschiedenen Gemeinden, in welchen sie 87 mit Opfern und Tätern gesprochen, verschiedene pädagogische Übungen durchgeführt haben und ein Feedback zu Maßnahmen zur Entschädigung von Opfern und zur Wiedereingliederung von Tätern erhalten haben. Schlüsselwörter: Kolumbien, Friedenserziehung, Feldforschung, Re-Integration, Entschädigung, Vernetzung Pезюме (Маркус Д. -
Inter-American Defense College
INTER-AMERICAN DEFENSE COLLEGE REPORT TO THE COMMITTEE ON HEMISPHERIC SECURITY SEMINAR ON SMALL ARMS TRAFFICKING FORT LESLEY J. McNAIR WASHINGTON, DC 20319-5066 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY This academic seminar was organized by the Inter-American Defense College (IADC), in coordination with the Committee of Hemispheric Security (CHS) and the Secretariat of Multidimensional Security of the Organization of American States (OAS). The event responded to Resolution AG/RES 2627 (XLI-O/11) of the General Assembly, which seeks to promote an agenda for reducing illicit small arms trafficking in the Americas. Accordingly, the General Assembly resolved to invite the IADC to organize a “Seminar on Small Arms Trafficking” for its students, the CHS, and other associated OAS offices. The seminar’s events and outcomes complemented and contributed to the OAS-based annual meeting of the Inter-American Convention Against Illicit Manufacturing of and Trafficking in Firearms (CIFTA), which shared invited participants, experts, and ideas. SEMINAR OVERVIEW The 3-day seminar was divided into two parts: 1) an official meeting of the CHS; and 2) structured panel and working group discussions hosted by the IADC that operated according to College standards of non-attribution. Expert panels were comprised of diverse institutional perspectives, and working groups critically examined the multifaceted priorities for addressing challenges of illicit arms trafficking. Themes analyzed, with embedded expert support, included: 1. Marking and Tracing of Firearms; 2. Stockpile Management and Destruction of Firearms and Munitions; 3. Strengthening Ballistic and Forensic Identification; 4. Coordinating Mechanisms for Regional and Sub-regional Enforcement; 5. Promoting Implementation of Firearms Agreement and Strengthening Legislation; 6. -
The Effects of Punishment of Crime in Colombia on Deterrence, Incapacitation, and Human Capital Formation
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Guarin, Arlen; Medina, Carlos; Tamayo, Jorge Andres Working Paper The Effects of Punishment of Crime in Colombia on Deterrence, Incapacitation, and Human Capital Formation IDB Working Paper Series, No. IDB-WP-420 Provided in Cooperation with: Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), Washington, DC Suggested Citation: Guarin, Arlen; Medina, Carlos; Tamayo, Jorge Andres (2013) : The Effects of Punishment of Crime in Colombia on Deterrence, Incapacitation, and Human Capital Formation, IDB Working Paper Series, No. IDB-WP-420, Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), Washington, DC This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/89133 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu IDB WORKING PAPER SERIES No. -
Migration and Violence: Lessons from Colombia for the Americas” a Workshop of the Transatlantic Forum on Migration and Integration (TFMI)
“Migration and Violence: Lessons from Colombia for the Americas” A workshop of the Transatlantic Forum on Migration and Integration (TFMI) Bogotá D.C – June 29, 2012 Participants • Clemencia Ramírez – IOM Bogotá • Fernando Protti Alvarado – UNHCR Costa Rica • Diana Trimiño – UNCHR • Marcel Arevalo – Coordinator, Poverty and Migration Studies; Academic Advisor, Latin American Faculty of Social Science; Member, FLACSO Guatemala • Miguel Vilches Hinojosa – Professor, Department of Legal Studies, Universidad Iberoamericano, León • Daniel Gonzalez – Program Director, AVINA • Patricia Weiss Fagen – Georgetown University • Fabio Lozano – Codhes • Alejandro Aponte – Expert, Criminal Law and Internal Displacement, Universidad Javeriana • Andrés Célis – UNHCR Colombia • Sandra Quintero Ovalle – Mexican Analyst • Manuel Tenorio – Mexican Lawyer • John Jairo Montoya – Director SJR Colombia • Luis Fernando Gómez – Coordinador, SJR LAC • Marco Velázquez – Professor, Universidad Javeriana • Sebastián Rodríguez Alarcón – Law, Universidad los Andes • Jorge Salcedo – PhD Student, Law, Universidad del Rosario Conference Organization Team • Roberto Vidal • Ian McGrath • Micah Bump • Merlys Mosquera • Luis Aparicio Sponsors • The German Marshall Fund of the Unites States (GMF) • Robert BoschStiftung (Germany) • Refugee Research Network (funded by Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council, Canada) Rapporteur of the Conference • Jorge Salcedo – Political Scientist, PhD Candidate, Law, Universidad del Rosario Migration and Violence: Lessons from Colombia for the Americas 29 June 2012 Introduction The conference, “Migration and Violence: Lessons from Colombia to the Americas” was held in Bogotá D.C., Colombia at the headquarters of Pontificia Universidad Javeriana on June 29, 2012. The main objective of the conference was to foster the development ofinter-disciplinary academic research in Central America and Mexico regarding the relationship between violence, particularly narco-violence, and migration. -
Immigration and Violent Crime: Evidence from The
Immigration and Violent Crime: Evidence from the Colombia-Venezuela Border∗ Bravo Working Paper # 2020-021 Brian Knight† Ana Tribin‡ Abstract: This paper investigates the link between violent crime and immigration using data from Colombian municipalities during the recent episode of immigration from Venezuela. The key finding is that, following the closing and then re-opening of the border in 2016, which precipitated a massive immigration wave, homicides in Colombia increased in areas close to the border with Venezuela. Using information on the nationality of the victim, we find that this increase was driven by homicides involving Venezuelan victims, with no evidence of a statistically significant increase in homicides in which Colombians were victimized. Thus, in contrast to xenophobic fears that migrants might victimize natives, it was migrants, rather than natives, who faced risks associated with immigration. Using arrests data, there is no corresponding increase in arrests for homicides in these areas. Taken together, these results suggest that the increase in homicides close to the border documented here are driven by crimes against migrants and have occurred without a corresponding increase in arrests, suggesting that some of these crimes have gone unsolved. Keywords: Crime, Migration, Venezuela JEL classification: J15, J18, K42 ____________________________________________ ∗Andrea Garcia and Diana Ricculi provided helpful research assistance. The opinions contained in this document are the sole responsibility of the author and do not commit Banco de la República or its Board of Directors. †Brown University. Email: [email protected] ‡DEPE-Banco de la Republica de Colombia. Email: [email protected]. Immigration and Violent Crime: Evidence from the Colombia-Venezuela Border∗ Brian Knighty Ana Tribinz Abstract This paper investigates the link between violent crime and immigration using data from Colom- bian municipalities during the recent episode of immigration from Venezuela. -
The Mexican Hydra: How Calderón’S Pursuit of Peace Led to the Bloodiest
Claremont Colleges Scholarship @ Claremont CMC Senior Theses CMC Student Scholarship 2011 The exM ican Hydra: How Calderón's Pursuit of Peace Led to the Bloodiest War in Mexican History? Will the Mexican People Inherit a Failed State in 2012? Marco A. Pinon-Farah Claremont McKenna College Recommended Citation Pinon-Farah, Marco A., "The exM ican Hydra: How Calderón's Pursuit of Peace Led to the Bloodiest War in Mexican History? Will the Mexican People Inherit a Failed State in 2012?" (2011). CMC Senior Theses. Paper 200. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/200 This Open Access Senior Thesis is brought to you by Scholarship@Claremont. It has been accepted for inclusion in this collection by an authorized administrator. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CLAREMONT McKENNA COLLEGE THE MEXICAN HYDRA: HOW CALDERÓN’S PURSUIT OF PEACE LED TO THE BLOODIEST WAR IN MEXICAN HISTORY. WILL THE MEXICAN PEOPLE INHERIT A FAILED STATE IN 2012? SUBMITTED TO PROFESSOR RODERIC AI CAMP AND DEAN GREGORY HESS BY MARCO ANTONIO PINON-FARAH FOR SENIOR THESIS FALL 2010-SPRING 2011 4.25.11 “And she will have a son, and you are to name him Jesus, for he will save his people from their sins.” – Matthew 1:21 (NIV). To all those whose voices are all too often drowned out and forgotten. May God Bless you and give you peace in the reality that one day we will all live united as human beings. A mi abuelo “Chuso” quien sigue vivo en mi mente y en mi corazon. Este triunfo es suyo abuelito. -
Erasing the Lines Trends in U.S
Erasing the Lines Trends in U.S. military programs with Latin America ast year, we published a report, “Blurring elected leaders who openly criticize U.S. policies, and the Lines,” which discussed the confusion of the growth of populist movements. Lmilitary and policing roles in Latin America amid weakening civilian oversight of U.S. military assistance programs. A year later, these trends are intensifying. 1. The Defense Department makes a play for The Defense Department continues to expand its control over foreign military training programs that greater control over foreign military programs were once the exclusive province of the Department A little-noticed but significant attempt to change U.S. of State, lessening congressional oversight and security policy occurred early in 2005 and resurfaced weakening the relation of military assistance to overall again at the end of the legislative session; though foreign policy goals. In Central America, the U.S. initially unsuccessful, it remains before Congress and government is encouraging military involvement in new warrants close monitoring. In March, the Pentagon internal missions—including policing functions—by requested broad new authority to train and equip accompanying a regional realignment of military roles in response to “emerging” threats. Training by Budget Source, 1999, 2001-2004 The year also saw human rights groups carrying out an intense effort to apply conditions in the law Defense budget programs Foreign aid and budget programs (sales excluded) governing military aid to Colombia, as well as a Bush Administration attempt to lift a fifteen-year- 25000 old ban on military aid to Guatemala. The most widespread challenge to the region’s military aid, however, came from conservative U.S. -
Colombia's “Territorial-Peace” Approach and the City
Geogr. Helv., 75, 285–306, 2020 https://doi.org/10.5194/gh-75-285-2020 © Author(s) 2020. This work is distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License. supported by (Re)claiming territory: Colombia’s “territorial-peace” approach and the city Angela Stienen Institute of Research and Development, University of Education, Bern, Switzerland Correspondence: Angela Stienen ([email protected]) Received: 17 July 2018 – Revised: 14 July 2020 – Accepted: 21 July 2020 – Published: 14 September 2020 Abstract. This article observes the Latin American debate on “territory” through the lens of the “territorial- peace” approach agreed in the peace accord between the Colombian government and the FARC guerrillas in 2016. It explores the different notions of territory entailed in this concept and shows that the territorial-peace approach builds on a political-programmatic understanding of territory due to its rural focus. An ethnographic analysis of the urban renewal programme PRIMED, implemented at the disputed urban periphery of Colombia’s second city, Medellín, in the 1990s, demonstrates how this programme anticipated the idea of territorial peace in a conflictive urban context. The ethnography reveals the ambiguities and inconsistencies of the production of urban territory, both as state space and as the space of subaltern social groups, through territorial peacebuilding. The discussion why PRIMED challenges the political-programmatic understanding of territory in the territorial- peace debate concludes with highlighting why it makes a difference approaching territorial peace as a “political project to be achieved” or as an unpredictable process of territorialisation and why this distinction matters if the territorial-peace approach is to be extended to urban contexts.