THE PATRIOT GAME Football’S Famous ‘Tartan Army’

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INTERNATIONAL REVIEW FOR THE SOCIOLOGY OF SPORT 37/2(2002) 177–197 177 © Copyright ISSA and SAGE Publications (London, Thousand Oaks, CA, New Delhi) [1012–6902 (200206) 37:2;177–197; 024657]

THE PATRIOT GAME Football’s Famous ‘Tartan Army’

Joseph M. Bradley University of Stirling, UK

Abstract Whose Scotland? Who is Scottish? What is Scottish? What does Scottish mean in the sporting context? This article seeks to demonstrate that these contemporary questions among others, relating to Scotland and Scottish identity, can be explored through the medium of the most popular sport in Scotland. Further, in an environment where everyone ‘volunteers’ their Scottishness, the perceived cause of the Scottish international team can be utilized to investigate some of the social, cultural and political complexities that lie underneath an image of oneness. This article concludes that, through the complexity of the Scottish national football side’s supporters, we find that popular notions of Scotland can often be incomplete and consideration requires to be given to ethnic, religious and geographical factors in any sociological thesis relating to contemporary Scottish identity.

Key words • culture • football • identity • nationalism • politics

This paper uses Scottish international football to partly explore expressions of Scottishness and to recognize what might be general, shared or typical amongst those supporters who regularly follow the Scottish international team. This ‘Tartan Army’ of Scottish supporters is commonly viewed as among the most vociferous, loyal, entertaining and best behaved of international football supporters. This work draws on statistical data to constitute an image of the particular typology of Scottishness that characterizes these supporters and looks at some of their perceptions in relation to other football fans in Scotland. As the country’s most significant and popular sport, a survey of the international football supporters partly acts as a gauge of who subscribes to current and dominant notions of Scottishness and what these notions mean in the context of this particular section of Scottish opinion. Such a dominant and popular sport also has the potential to inform us on related issues in the wider community. As well as assisting in an exploration of Scottish identity, this research provides comment on some of the social, religious, national and political nuances and ideas involved in Scottish football generally. This paper examines the Scottish international football team’s support using data collected during the series of international matches that constituted the 1996 European Football Championships. A simple questionnaire was applied at ran- dom to supporters over the course of this fieldwork. It was applied to supporters 

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at the home qualifying ties for the Championship as well as one away match in Greece and three games played in the finals of the tournament in Birmingham and London.

Previous Research and Sampling

Giulianotti (1994: 172) makes the point that, despite journalistic and academic comment (Moorhouse, 1987) on the Scotland football support, especially during the 1970s and 1980s, little else has been gleaned by way of substantive research. This exercise builds on the work of Moorhouse, extends the validity of Giulianotti’s work (1994, 1995), and adds to research on Scottish football supporters and Scottish identity, by considering other significant social and political detail. Over 400 supporters were subject to the questionnaire, the same as Giulianotti’s study of Scottish supporters in Sweden for the 1992 European Championships. Like the previous research, almost all fans approached to fill out the questionnaire did so. The refusal rate was extremely low, with the questionnaire being refused completion on approximately six occasions. The data were collected by two researchers choosing randomly from supporters in stadiums, on the outskirts of stadiums, licensed premises and, on one occasion, on a public service bus to Birmingham that consisted of several Scotland supporters travel- ling to a match at Villa Park in the city.

Findings

The survey of fans connected to the European Championships of 1996 found that 73 percent of respondents were in the age range 15 to 34. Using the Registrar General’s categories, Giulianotti found that approximately 74 percent of his respondents were in a similar category. Again, linking with the previous research, the 1996 survey found that the Scottish support was substantially male-dominated with only 5 percent female. The overwhelming culture among the Scottish international fanbase as with the support of football in Scotland generally, is mascu- line dominated in relation to attitudes, behaviour and discourses. The majority of those surveyed were male, reflecting the fact that football in Scotland, as in most other countries, is male dominated. The 1996 data (Figure 1) showed 33 percent in skilled, semi-skilled or unskilled manual work, 9 percent in clerical, non-manual and sales, about 12 percent students and 27 percent in higher-grade employment (excluding manage- ment and administrative workers). Giulianotti found that approximately 32 percent of the Scottish support was employed in the first category, 21 percent was in clerical, non-manual and sales work, about 7 percent students, with around 21 percent in higher grade employment: professionals, technicians, non-manual supervisors and managers etc. (Figure 2). Although differences are to be found, there are broad similarities between each of the survey’s employment composi- tions. As with Giulianotti’s work, this exercise also reflects the probable increase in the number of white-collar supporters following Scotland as opposed to those 

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Figure 1 Scottish International Football Supporters Occupational Groupings 1996 Other 19% Manual work 33%

Higher grade employment Clerical, non-manual 27% Students and sales 12% 9%

Figure 2 Scottish International Football Supporters Occupational Groupings 1992 Other 19% Manual work 32%

Higher grade employment 21% Clerical, non-manual and sales Students 21% 7%

in skilled manual work, though this may also ‘simply reflect its wider decline in the national labour force’ (Giulianotti, 1994: 180). The similarities in survey findings were shown by respondent’s place of residence. Strathclyde, taking in much of the populated west central area of the country, contributed approximately 38 percent to Giulianotti’s research (Figure 3). This is less than the former region’s contribution to the overall population, that is, around half of the country’s demographic make-up. This increases in the 1996 survey (Figure 4) to 44 percent. Aberdeen and Grampian were approximately the same in both exercises. This was also the case for the east of Scotland. Related to Giulianotti’s exercise, the 1996 work found that over 8 percent of the support was based in England while the 1992 research found over 6 percent was London situated. Anecdotal evidence indicates a paucity of support for Scotland’s international side originating from the Old Firm clubs of Glasgow Rangers and Celtic. A Daily Mail columnist in 1999 wrote that ‘the Tartan Army is now made up 

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Figure 3 Scottish International Football Supporters Area of Residence 1992 Highlands & Islands Other 6% 14% London Aberdeen & Grampian 6% 11% Borders 3%

Edinburgh, Lothian, Glasgow Area Fife, Tayside & Central 38% 22%

Figure 4 Scottish International Football Supporters Area of Residence 1996

Edinburgh, Lothian, Fife, Glasgow Area Tayside & Central 44% 29%

South & South West Scotland 7% England Aberdeen & Highlands & Islands 8% Grampian 6% 10%

mainly of those from the airts and pairts of Scotland’ (7 Oct. 1999). In terms of both clubs providing the vast majority of Scotland’s active league football support, possibly as much as 60 percent of the active fan base and many more of those who are infrequent or ‘armchair’ supporters originate with the Old Firm. Both clubs have approximately 50,000 season ticket subscribers, a figure greater than the combined attendance at all other club grounds in Scotland on a normal match-day. It also means that Rangers and Celtic are amongst the best supported club sides in world football. Giulianotti established that Old Firm fans made up 35 percent of Scotland supporters and the 1996 work corroborated this with a 38 percent finding. In 1992 the research found 10 percent supporting Hibernian and Hearts, both Edinburgh- based clubs. The 1996 exercise concurred. Four percent of fans in 1992 were Dundee United supporters and in 1996 the same calculation emerged. Aberdeen 

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Figure 5 Scottish International Football Supporters League Club Affiliation 1996 Rangers 21% Hibernian 4% Hearts 6% Dundee United 4% Others 35%

Celtic 17% Aberdeen 13%

provided 11 percent of the support in 1992 and 13 percent in 1996. As Figure 5 shows, outside of Rangers and Celtic, Aberdeen and Hearts (6 percent) are the next greatest. Both clubs are among the best supported in Scotland, though with a fan base that compares negatively with either Rangers or Celtic. It might be expected that, with Rangers and Celtic having roughly the same average attendances and season tickets, they would contribute equally to the Scotland support. However, their contribution is less than their normal football attendance and this correlates with anecdotal evidence. Only 38 percent of the international support consists of Rangers and Celtic fans. In the case of Rangers, this represents a change from the period until the 1980s when it was generally acknowledged that Rangers fans formed the traditional backbone of the Scotland support. Indeed, Scotland-supporting Glasgow Rangers fans of this period believe the international support was formerly made up of between 50 and 70 percent Rangers supporters (Esplin, 2000: 80–2). Traditionally, many Celtic fans have not been supporters of the Scotland team. Indeed, a survey published in 1995 showed 52 percent of Celtic fans as supporters of the Republic of Ireland (Bradley, 1995: 47–8). Both surveys found that, unlike fixtures in the Scottish leagues, it is fans from outside the Old Firm that provide the vast majority of active Scotland supporters. As with Giulianotti’s work, it is noticeable that Aberdeen supporters make up a disproportionate amount of Scotland fans in relation to other clubs. Hibernian, Partick Thistle and Dundee United fans each make up 4 percent. Together, the smaller clubs fans make up 35 percent of fans outside of Rangers, Celtic, Aberdeen, Hearts, Dundee United and Hibernian. Per head of support, the evidence suggests that the fans of smaller clubs in Scotland are far more likely to support the national side than those of the bigger clubs, with the exception of Aberdeen FC whose fans support Scotland in disproportionate numbers. The ‘majority of Scottish international fans . . . are clearly not supporters of Rangers or Celtic’ (Giulianotti, 1994: 183). Nonetheless, the 1996 survey demonstrates that, despite the post-1980s fall in Rangers supporters backing Scotland, the 

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Glasgow club still provides one in five of Scotland supporters and remains important to the Scottish international football fan base.

Cultural Identities

Jarvie and Reid argue that consideration of the relationship between sport, nationalism and culture in Scotland ‘must be sensitive to the geography of these communities and localities that have made their own specific contributions to the various images of nationhood in Scotland’ (1999: 99). As the most popular com- petitive and spectator sport in Scotland, football can be viewed as an indicator of the diversity of the country’s people, providing a field of enquiry into ideas and versions of Scotland as well as offering a view of what Scotland means in a specific cultural context. The 1996 survey asked respondents to denote their ethnic background. Four in five of those asked indicated that they viewed their background as Scottish, not surprisingly the most significant response. Almost 7 percent claimed an Irish background and just over 2 percent English. Less than 3 percent of those surveyed identified themselves as having a British background, which links with research using the 1997 Scottish Election that looks at some aspects of identity in Scotland (Brown et al., 1999: 61–3). As with the exercise drawn from the General Election of 1997, the football survey also reflected a small number of British identifiers, even in terms of ethnic background and identity. The figures indicating those with an English and Irish background are of interest. With approximately one in ten of the Scottish population born in England and around half a million of the Scottish population originating from Ireland as second-, third- and fourth-generation Irish, these figures reflect at least two considerations. The first is that many of those born in England are of Scottish-born parents and possibly see origins as more important than birthplace. Second, that those of Irish descent are grossly under-represented in terms of the Scottish international football team’s support and a number of them may also see their origins in a similar sense to English-born ‘Scots’. There may of course be other reasons and we will return to these later. In addition, there were no respondents from an Afro-Caribbean, Asian or Chinese background in the survey of the Scottish support, despite these making up around 2 percent of the general population. This links with other research indicating a gross under-representation of non-whites in Scottish football (Horne, 1995). Of those born in England (nearly 5 percent of the total), 60 percent still live there and the others reside in a variety of Scottish locations. Of the total, only 30 percent viewed their background as English and 5 percent as British. This is evidence that for some people being part of an imagined community is less determined by place of birth, even residence, and can be partly informed by ethnicity reflected through sporting symbolism. It is also evidence that being part of a common territory does not necessarily translate into a shared identity (McCrone, 1998: 22–43). 

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Figure 6 Scottish International Football Supporters Political Party Affiliation 1996

None Labour 14% 31% Other 4%

Conservatives 10% SNP 37% Liberal Democrat 4%

Politics and Culture

Football often functions as a site for social, cultural and political representation and it is likely that its sustenance as the world’s most popular sport evolves con- siderably from such manifestations. For example, Sugden and Tomlinson (1994), Armstrong and Giulianotti (1997) and Brown (1998) show how politics has resonance in the football environment, particularly in countries such as Norway, Italy, Argentina, Australia and Spain. The questionnaire attempted to qualify some of the politics of the Scottish international football environment by asking to which political party respondents felt closest (Figure 6). The 1996 survey found that support was greatest among Scotland supporters for the Scottish National Party, with almost two in five choosing it. Labour support was situated at 31 percent and the Conservatives at 10 percent. Those choosing no party or indicated another unnamed one amounted to 18 percent. At the General Election held a year later Labour achieved almost 46 percent of the vote, the SNP 22 percent and the Conservatives 17 percent. The high figures for the SNP within the Scotland support can be partly explained by age factors: 37 percent of those in the group aged 16 to 24 and 45 percent of those within the age range 25–34 being SNP supporters. Traditionally, the SNP and the cause of Scottish independence has retained a strong appeal among young voters (The Herald, 30 Dec. 1996). Nonetheless, one of the reasons for these figures almost certainly lies in the heightened degree of national identity and nationalist feelings found in the Scottish international football environment. Believing that these feelings and an apposite identity were reflected in adherence to the political nationalism of the Scottish National Party, one fan articulated the view that, ‘everyone in the support was SNP’. This came as a surprise to his group of fellow fans where, on closer inspection, support for the three main Scottish parties was found in equal numbers. However, another supporter’s view that ‘I use the Scottish team to project my nationalism, it goes hand in hand’ was the most explicit expression of the links between being a fan of Scotland and nationalist identity in particular and sport and nationalism generally. 

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Although one supporter relayed that ‘politics is nothing to do with following Scotland’, this attitude was almost certainly more to do with opposition towards a perceived political prominence attached to Old Firm supporters by many Scotland fans as well as other elements of Scottish football’s club support. During interviews with Scots fans, a significant degree of the comment recorded sought to marginalize the perceived para-political identities of supporters of some football clubs in Scotland by rendering Scottish identity as a ‘neutral’ attribute: one untainted by the negatives associated with Celtic and Glasgow Rangers in particular. Ironically, such commentary ignores the low-level (lacking formal political organization and expression) political and cultural discourse relating to aspects of Scottishness and things English, a prominent characteristic of Scots supporters. Such low-level politics has some resonance among many in the Scottish support. Those who show antipathy towards Rangers and Celtic often simply display another convention, one that attempts to disassociate itself from the traditions of Rangers and Celtic, which although inter-related are also distinct. For example, Rangers’ British identity and symbolism is frequently a focus of criticism with many Scotland supporters. With regard to the Irish identity of Celtic fans, several respondents criticized Celtic and its supporters for displaying the Irish national flag. One fan said, ‘It’s Scotland they live in. If they don’t like it, then get them to fuck’. A journalist noted comments of fans at Wembley for the England game of the 1996 Championships who had completed the questionnaire. ‘One of the questions asked fans to name two things they most disliked about Scottish football’. One fan stated, ‘sectarianism’ and ‘Fenian bastards’ (The Herald, 19 June 1996). On several occasions Catholic schools came in for criticism, thus showing that the Scotland support has the potential to become a conduit of broadly similar attitudes and perceptions, often relating to what is and what is not considered Scottish. The high levels of support for the SNP among Scotland fans can originate in a number of ways. In a sporting sense, one way this manifests itself is that those who already have strong nationalist feelings about Scotland can be attracted to the football scene, having an expectation that like-minded people are already in this environment and this is an arena where such sentiments can be freely expressed. Supporting Scotland seems natural and is an additional way to express demonstratively feelings of strong Scottish identity that can translate to the political nationalism of the SNP. The case of the fans of Aberdeen partly demonstrates this possibility. Brown et al. (1999: 68) suggest that support for the SNP is related to identity. This is to some extent expressed by Aberdeen supporters in their hostility and opposition towards the distinct Irishness of Celtic fans and the Britishness of Rangers fans. Aberdeen supporters frequently stress their opposition to and difference from Old Firm fans by singing the popular anthem, ‘Flower of Scotland’. This Scottishness of the Aberdeen supporters can be seen to translate to some degree into a strong level of support for the SNP, 45 percent adhering to the party, which is 16 percent of the overall Scotland SNP support. For many people, popular culture has become the most obvious, even an ideal way to demonstrate identity and football provides a public environment for such expres- 

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sion. Linking with Billig’s discussion of ‘banal nationalism’ we can recognize football as a popular reminder of, among other matters, national identity. The context of football provides ‘a flag being consciously waved with fervent passion’ rather than a ‘flag hanging unnoticed on the public building’ (1995: 8). It is this fervent passion and the interaction of the historical memory, national symbolism and human emotion, evoked in the context of competition with ‘the other’ (however temporary), that is likely to raise political or nationalist emotions with the possibility of translation into more substantial political expression, especially if the social trajectory and conditions are appropriate. Moorhouse has chronicled aspects of the Scottish fans subcultural antagonism towards English football. He considers the ‘symbols, slogans, heroes and myths which sustain an apolitical, inverted, but palpable sub-nationalism’ as combining a strong identity of being Scottish with a weak national project (1987: 199). Giulianotti found anti-Englishness to be a growing aspect of the Scots support (1995: 212). This has a resonance for the wider society. During both the 1996 and 2000 European Championships and the 1998 World Cup, the Scottish press was flagrantly hostile towards the English football team (for examples see Daily Mail, 30 June 1998, Scotland on Sunday, 23 June 1996, Herald, 20, 22 and 25 June 1996). During the 2000 European Championships, anti-English comment appeared on the part of a columnist/ comedian involved with The Daily Record. Talking of Scots, the columnist stated: ‘we’re only interested in watching England. Watching England getting gubbed’ (10 June 2000), ‘I don’t mind admitting that my anti-English feelings have reached boiling point’ (17 June 2000). At the stage of England’s first game defeat, another writer in the newspaper said, ‘Scotland should relish the next two games because believe me there is more misery to come’ (16 June 2000). When England won against Germany a Herald journalist wrote, ‘let’s be brutally honest: it wasn’t the result we were hoping for. What we really wanted was an embarrass- ing and ignominious defeat for our closest neighbours’ (21 June 2000). Scotland supporters show many similar traits. During the 1996 Champion- ships the following song was a favourite: ‘I’d love to go a wondering along the cliffs of Dover / And if I saw an Englishman I’d push the bastard over’. Amid the humour and the macho ‘unthinking’ culture involved in this discourse also lie varying elements of racism, enviousness and detestation towards things English, particularly in a football sense. It may also demonstrate what McCormick has called, ‘the blame England tendency’. As the dominant partner in the Union relationship, McCormick believes this equates with an inclination to blame England and ‘English rule’ for Scotland’s ills (Herald, 1 Feb. 1997). Linking with the wider Scottish society, the anti-Englishness that the SNP is sometimes accused of by a number of political parties (Henderson, 1999) and individuals (Forsyth, Daily Mail, 11 Oct. 1996) is an overwhelming characteristic of the Scotland support. Why this is so, its nature and how representative this attitude is of Scots is open to question and debate. However, what constitute the reasons for Scottish antagonisms toward England and the English are not the subject for this paper, though crucial to wider analysis. Nonetheless, it is accurate to state that these few small examples are only a minuscule selection of the whole. It is an argument here that much anti-Englishness collects and is expressed 

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in the Scottish international football fan experience. It is a part of Scottish fan subculture. Importantly, in effect, whether substantive or superficial, these identities and discourses are similar to other ‘positive’ and ‘negative’ expressions. These negative expressions include racist, sectarian, prejudiced and stereotypical attitudes and behaviours that are often seen to collect in football environments worldwide. Many, if not most football club followers have historically constructed ‘the other’ for social, geographical, religious, ethnic or national reasons. This provides football with a substantial reservoir of communal and correspond- ing emotional investment. It is rarely constructed in isolation from its wider contexts. It is also similar to the antagonism reserved for other traditions on the part of Glasgow Rangers and Celtic fans. Bond (2000: 15–35) convincingly argues that much research to date has been over-presumptive when considering links between national identity, support for the SNP and being an advocate of Scottish independence. However, it is also the case that the ‘alignment thesis’ has some value when the focus is Scottish football and, possibly, smaller population or community entities generally. Forsyth believes that ‘sport can claim not only to have been the most popular mani- festation of Scottishness within Scotland, but actually to have been its distinct assertion of nationality’. Drucker adds to this argument by stating that football is ‘really the arena in which Scotland and the Scots assert themselves and play a role in international affairs’ (quoted in Forsyth, 1992: 334–53). Thus, the sporting environment, particularly the football one, can contribute to a heightened awareness of being Scottish and offer substance to the idea of the imagined community. This links with Hobsbawm’s idea that: ‘the identity of a nation of millions, seems more real as a team of eleven named people’ (1990: 4). A simple heightened awareness of Scottishness can translate into political Scottishness that may or may not necessarily be connected with anti-Englishness. Further, as previously noted, any hostility towards things English also has to be assessed in its historical, cultural and political contexts. What is certain from the data is that Scottish identity is a frequent theme amongst the support and is reflected in a number of ways distinct from SNP support. The significance of Scottish identity for Scottish international football supporters is heightened on a regular basis. Almost all fans surveyed attended all international games involving Scotland. Further, almost 90 percent of those surveyed believed that the Scottish international side was important to their sense of national identity.

Religion

Socially, politically and in relation to life chances, religion has had a varying effect in Scottish society over the course of at least a century and a half. It has traditionally been one of the most significant factors in Scottish life, though the influence of formal and institutional religion has been falling since at least the early 1960s (Brown, 1997; Devine, 2000). The links between football and religion in Scotland have been well-established (Bradley, 1998; Finn, 1991). 

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Despite such links, contemporaneously it is clear that, with respect to church attendance and many of the dominant cultural features and mores of society, Scotland can be considered a secular country. It might also be argued that a dominant mode of thinking is apparent among significant sections of the population in Scotland that believes religion is a private affair and should be restricted to the home or church. Although the protestant identities of the supporters of Glasgow Rangers and other clubs can be perceived as being significant among Scotland fans until the 1970s, many contemporary journalists and Scotland supporters stress their dis- taste for ‘religion’ being a factor in Scottish football (Daily Record, 3 Nov. 2000, Scotland on Sunday, 19 Nov. 2000, Herald, 30 Jan. 1997). Indeed, religious con- notations can be a source of embarrassment that Scotland supporters desire to divest themselves of. This is exemplified by many in the Scotland support as they strive to distance themselves from association with matters perceived as being linked to Rangers, Celtic and religion generally. Nevertheless, although overt manifestations of religion and religious identity, and frequently Rangers and Celtic identities, are subsumed, rendered irrelevant and studiously avoided in much of contemporary Scotland fan culture, there are indications from within the Tartan Army, as in other parts of Scottish society, that religious identity has a significant residual attitudinal relevance. For example, unlike in England, the capacity of religious matters (often perceived as being aligned with sectarianism) to dominate periods of news remains a feature of Scottish society. The furore and subsequent debates over Glasgow Rangers Vice Chairman Donald Findlay singing sectarian songs in May 1999, composer James MacMillan’s accusations of Scottish anti-Catholic bigotry in August 1999 and the controversy over the proposed unveiling of a national monument in Lanarkshire to the victims of the great Irish Famine of the mid-19th century (the event was initially cancelled due to several MPs believing there was a sectarian threat to the occasion), all reflect the contentiousness of religiously related issues in Scottish society. The refusal of a small group of Scotland supporters to complete the referred-to questionnaire at a Scotland European qualifier match, ostensibly because of a question asking their religion, and their expression of the sentiment, ‘what has religion got to do with football?’, was betrayed several minutes later when they abused the Scotland player and Celtic captain on the basis of his Catholic faith. Although secular, Scotland retains a notable range of attitudes, identities and opinions that have religious perceptions, particularly Protestant and Catholic, at their root. The survey of Scots football fans found that almost half (48 percent) were Church of Scotland, 7 percent members of other Protestant denominations and 15 percent were Roman Catholic. Approximately one-quarter of respondents were identified as having no religion. These figures compare favourably with those of a previous survey focusing on the nine best supported clubs in Scottish football which found 49 percent Church of Scotland, 7 percent other Protestant and 14 percent having no religion (Bradley, 1995: 61). Religious denomination is a poor indicator of adherence or degree of faith. A better method is to use church attendance figures. Census statistics point to approximately 12 percent of Scotland’s population (600,000 people) attending 

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church on a weekly/regular basis (The Scotsman, 24 April 2000), a figure well in excess of those who participate in football and most other community-based activities. Although McCrone and Rosie (1998: 75) estimate Catholic weekly church attendance at 51 percent this is an inflated figure. Contemporary church data show a more accurate number of around a third (250,000), another third or so irregular, while the rest are unchurched, though some would be occasional attenders on particular days (Flourish, Feb. 2001). As far as the Scottish football support is concerned, they are an overwhelmingly secular grouping. Only 7 percent of fans go every week or every two weeks and 9 percent go monthly. Twenty percent go ‘sometimes’ and a significant 61 percent never attend. Clearly, for the Scottish international football supporter, religion is a label and identity rather than something motivated or inspired by institutional or spiritual dimensions and forms of religion. Nonetheless, the significance of religious identity seems an important factor when considering the social, cultural and political make-up of the Scotland support. Along with a number of other authors, Brown et al. make the point that ‘Catholics are less likely to be SNP voters’ (1999: 68). This is also true for Catholics in the Scotland support. Although Catholics in the Scotland cohort can be considered positive identifiers of the SNP in that 23 percent are SNP supporters, this is much smaller than for others within the collective. Brown et al. show that 13 percent of Catholics favour the SNP while Bradley’s work (1995) among Catholic Church attenders shows fewer Catholic adherents at 8 percent. Brand’s research during the 1970s (1978: see Bradley, 1995: 148) also showed Catholic support for the SNP as not rising above 8 percent and falling as low as 4 percent for the 1970 General Election. Nonetheless, despite the low levels of affinity with the SNP among Catholics, within the Scotland support adherence to the SNP is very much higher than among other Catholic groupings (e.g. Celtic supporters and church attenders). This strengthens the thesis that people who come to the Scottish international football setting do so with a strong sense of Scottishness. In addition, they experience an intensifying of Scottish identity in the environment occupied by other international football supporters who are already versed in living out their Scottishness through the symbolism that consti- tutes football. Further, bearing in mind the strong support for the national party within the Scotland fan base, it is possible that a heightened sense of Scottish identity translates into support for the SNP. Although Catholic support for the SNP rises dramatically in the context of Scottish international football, a lower rate of support for the nationalists and high support for Labour shows that, even in this arena, the direction of Catholic political adherence remains as with Catholics generally, towards Labour. This is not true for other sections of the Scotland support. Although Catholics make up almost 15 percent of the Scotland support, a figure commensurate with the national sum, and although most Catholics in Scotland live in Lanarkshire and the greater Glasgow area of the west, interest- ingly, Catholics who support the Scotland team are less likely to originate from these areas, which are areas of greater Catholic religious practice, cultural solid- ity and identity, including Irish identity. Forty-six percent come from the Glasgow area, 7 percent from Ayrshire and one in five from Edinburgh and the 

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Lothians, an area where no more than one in ten Catholics in Scotland live. The most striking statistic is found in Lanarkshire where, despite there being over 100,000 Catholics in the towns of Coatbridge, Airdrie, Hamilton, Motherwell, Bellshill and their surrounding towns and villages, only two Catholic fans from Lanarkshire were found in the entire survey. This links with other statistics for Lanarkshire, one of Scotland’s most densely populated regions, which indicate that 6 percent of the total support comes from there. Containing approximately 8 percent of the population, this is an under-representation from an area additionally recognized as a significant source of footballers and football fans in Scotland. Therefore, these statistics might be construed as a further under-representation in relation to likely numbers. Significantly, Lanarkshire is an area where, in popular discourse, Rangers and Celtic ‘towns, villages and areas’ (Bradley, 1995: 43) predominate, this linking with the fewer fans of these two clubs supporting Scotland than might be expected. Anecdotal evidence suggests that, per head of population, the bulk of Rangers and Celtic supports come from these areas. Further, it seems the case that, culturally, the Catholic penchant for football in the Lanarkshire vicinity in particular, and the Glasgow area generally, is not translated into support for the Scotland team. Celtic, the Republic of Ireland or ‘not’ supporting any international side, are the dominant manifestations of Catholic community sporting affiliation in these areas (Bradley, 1995: 40–68). The link between religion and other facets of life is highlighted with the statistics for the Church of Scotland. Again fewer Church of Scotland adherents (6 percent) originate from Lanarkshire than might be expected. Almost 15 percent of Conservative Party adherents originate with the Church of Scotland, thus tying with national averages for the Tory Party. Likewise, SNP support approxi- mates with the numbers for the overall Scotland support. However, at 24 percent, it is clear Labour adherence is generally down among Church of Scotland identifiers in the Scotland support. At 27 percent, most Church of Scotland identifiers are Glasgow Rangers supporters while 12 percent are fans of Aberdeen, 9 percent of Celtic and 7 percent of Hearts. As with other elements of the Scotland support, very few Church of Scotland identifiers are regular church attenders, only 2 percent weekly and 4 percent every two weeks. Ninety-one percent of Church of Scotland respondents either attend church once a year or never. The data that emerge for those who claim no religious identity is also inter- esting. Among them, Labour support is down to 27 percent, Conservatives down to 7 percent but the SNP is slightly up to 41 percent. Strikingly, although Celtic supporters have been found elsewhere to be 93 percent Catholic, with 3 percent having no religious identity (Bradley, 1995: 61), of the 65 Celtic fans surveyed in the Scotland study 17 percent are non-religious: almost six times as many as might be expected. Although this is lower than for other clubs, considering their comparatively strong Catholic identity, it is much higher than might be expected for Celtic fans that support Scotland. McCrone and Rosie (1998: 77) note that the north-east is the most secular area of Scotland. They state that here 32 percent claim no religious affiliation. In the football survey, almost 40 percent of Aberdeen supporters claim a non- religious identity. This links with McCrone and Rosie’s figures and is well above 

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the non-religious identifiers for the overall work. Therefore, the football exercise supports these authors’ contention and the disproportionate number of these supporters within the survey to some extent accounts for the high level of secular identity within the overall Scottish support. The survey shows that, rather than being a negligible factor in the social, cultural and political make-up of the Scottish international football support, and whether fans are religious or not, religious identities, affinities and loyalties are all significantly affected by the religious nuances of Scottish society.

Questions of Identity

Overall, some of the survey figures might be taken as a partial indication of the notion that Scottish identity can be constructed or perceived as one within which diverse identities in Scotland — Protestant Scots, British, and even Irish and Catholic — are viewed as less important or can be subsumed. Other identities too have become an ingredient in this equation. For several years it has been an objective of some in the SNP to reach out to non-Scots or non-traditional Scots in Scotland. Former SNP leader Alex Salmond has been a driving force behind this political strategy that attempts to construct an alternative national identity to those adhered to by immigrants and their offspring. In 1996 Salmond said that the creation of bodies or concepts such as ‘New Scots for Independence’ and ‘Asian Scots for Independence’ were important steps in the party’s attempt to build a ‘truly national party’ (Scotland on Sunday, 7 April 1996). One journalist even described nationalism in Scotland as ‘civic’ and ‘cuddly’ (Sunday Herald, Seven Days, 14 March 1999). Another stated that Scottish national identity ‘has taken on a markedly pluralist, non-ethnic and civic character’ (Scotland on Sunday, 8 June 1997). Whether they see such a proposition in a like sense or they are simply identifying the conditions for their argument, this point is more explicitly made by Ritchie and Dyer with regard to the Catholic community in Scotland whose background is overwhelmingly immigrant in nature, particularly Irish immigrant.

It would be even more helpful to the separatist cause if the Catholic community could also lose its religious and political faith, allowing a reinvented national community [and identity] to transcend historic divisions. (Herald, 25 Sept. 1991 and 26 Sept. 1991)

Ritchie and Dyer’s notion raises a number of questions. It brings to discussions of identity in Scotland questions of integration or assimilation as well as the degree of acceptability or plurality within particular versions of Scottishness. Lynch has written on the change of thinking and strategy on the part of elements of the SNP in its attempts to be viewed as inclusive, less exclusive and to attract ‘non-traditional Scots’. In a similar sense he also raises questions about, ‘what is a Scot?’ and ‘who are the Scots?’ With this in mind, Lynch also asks, ‘can Asian and English migrants be regarded as Scots? Are the descendants of Irish Catholics Scottish in the same way as longer-term residents . . .?’ (Herald, 9 Sept. 1995). Another issue might be, can these Asians, English and Irish remain Asian, 

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English and Irish and still be accepted in Scotland? In a similar sense, the nature of Scottishness, who is to be regarded as a Scot as well as strong opinions of those who do not share these identities, permeates the discourses of many of the supporters of the Scotland international team. One survey question asked supporters about issues or problems perceived within Scottish football generally and the Scotland international support in particular. Also, what did the supporters not like about Scottish football or the followers of the national team? Eighty percent of respondents stated that they perceived problems in relation to Rangers or Celtic or sectarianism within Scottish football: 68 percent noting the latter to be a significant problem. What is clear from the relevant comment of football fans is that perceptions of sectarianism is varied and its inter-relationship with other social and political features in Scotland similarly so. Amid the discourse of complaints about Rangers or Celtic, too much emphasis on the west-coast and England-phobic supporters are to be found questions relating to identity. In particular, Scottish identity, the acceptability of variations within Scottish identity, and those identities within Scotland not perceived as being overtly Scottish, sufficiently Scottish or even not Scottish at all, are all subject to hostility. In the 29 July 2001 edition of the national Sunday broadsheet, Scotland on Sunday, the newspaper noted that neither Rangers nor Celtic fans supplied ‘many foot-soldiers’ for the Tartan Army. It further reported that ‘Rangers fans, after all, are notorious for singing “Rule Britannia” while Celtic’s identity still contains a large Irish component’. Being ‘notorious’ for singing a song that captures important aspects of a formerly strong notion of the duality of Britishness and Scottishness and being critical of Celtic fans for ‘still’ retaining their traditional Irishness bear out some of the issues at the heart of modern Scottishness as well as ‘other’ identities in Scotland. With regard to the Protestant or British nature of Rangers, recent social transformations within such identities represent change in Scottish football as well as Scottish society generally. As the fans of the biggest club in Scotland traditionally formed the backbone of the Scotland support, the Unionist Protestant identity of the club and its followers tied with similar identities during a time when many Scots were as proud to be British as Scottish (MacDonald, 1998; Walker, 1990). The Scotland support was overwhelmingly Rangers minded and symbols like the Union Jack and Rangers-type songs and paraphernalia were not uncommon among elements of the Scotland support (Esplin, 2000: 80–3). The barracking and unacceptability of Celtic players within a Scotland context, playing with a culturally Catholic identified club with strong links to Ireland, and though going beyond Rangers, gave further evidence of the support which characterized an earlier version of the Tartan Army. A number of authors (Brown et al., 1999; Curtice and Seawright, 1995) have noted the lessening of Protestant Unionism in Scotland in recent decades as well as the decline in British identity in favour of a more significant Scottish one. This also links with Brown’s (1997: 158–207) assessment that, despite still strong religious identity, Scottish society has become increasingly secular in nature. Although evidence shows Rangers’ supporters as secular-minded (Bradley 1995: 61–2), there is no evidence to show that the Protestant or Unionist identities of 

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the club’s supporters has changed (Esplin, 2000). Indeed, it might be the case that they have strengthened in recent years as they have declined in other clubs and in other areas of Scottish life. This is partly demonstrated in the hostility that has grown in recent decades between Glasgow Rangers and the fans of some other clubs in Scotland. This hostility has a number of origins and causes. The antagonism towards Rangers and ‘some’ of the rationale behind it manifests itself in supporters of clubs like Dundee, St Mirren, Dundee United and Aberdeen singing ‘Flower of Scotland’, the unofficial anthem of Scottish sport, in response to Rangers supporters’ more Unionist-Protestant based songs. This also shows differences within Scottish identity. Manifestations of British identity, like the Union Jack, are viewed by most Scottish fans as largely incompatible with Scottish identity and supporting the national team. For many, the belief holds that Britishness acts as a dilution of Scottish identity. Nevertheless, this is not characteristic of all Scottish football. In spite of this, among sections of other club’s fans such as Falkirk and Airdrie, the Union Jack flag and similar songs remain popular and retain positive connota- tions. The complexities involved in identity formation, maintenance and demon- stration were also manifest during the 1992 European Football Championships held in Sweden. Despite hostility towards England and the contemporary decline in Britishness in Scotland, Scotland supporters chanted ‘One Bomber Harris, there’s only one Bomber Harris’ in the match versus Germany (Bairner, 1994). Clearly, despite evidence to the contrary, being British remains a factor of sorts for Scots supporters (at least in a recent historical sense) while the idea of situa- tional and contextual identity is evidenced in the singing of this song in specific circumstances. Hostility towards Celtic supporters’ continuing links with Ireland, the country where many of them as well as their club originate, has a long resonance within Scottish football (Bradley, 1996). Some supporters’ comments show that the Irishness of the Celtic support is not tolerable to many within the Scotland fan base. Celtic’s supporters have long been an object of a different but related antagonism and the sentiment of one Scotland supporter, in relation to the Irishness of many Celtic supporters, that ‘It’s Scotland they live in. If they don’t like it then get them to fuck’, was repeated on several occasions during research. This echoes the sentiments of ex-British Cabinet Minister, Norman Tebbit during the 1980s. Tebbit suggested a novel type of cricket test in which Asian immigrants’ integration could be tested by asking what cricket team they supported: England or Pakistan/India. He went on to suggest: ‘that those who continue to cheer for India and Pakistan, are wanting in Britishness . . . that the only satis- factory way to be an Asian in Britain was to cease being Asian’ (Sunday Observer, 16 Sept. 1990). In 1997, a Scottish Sunday broadsheet journalist inadvertently raised questions about the capacity of a national identity to be inclusive and a country to be as multicultural or plural as it may aspire to or imagine itself to be. The journalist stated that ‘there is a section of the Celtic support, in particular, who turn my stomach with their allegiance to the Republic of Ireland in preference to the nation of their birth’ (Scotland on Sunday, Sport, 9 Nov. 1997). Although Lynch (Herald, 9 Sept. 1995: p. 17) questions what and who constitute ‘the Scots’, the 

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enquiry whether it’s acceptable in Scotland to remain Asian, English or Irish, regardless of place of birth, is one that remains contentious.

Summary and Perspective

The survey results confirm anecdotal evidence that, contrary to what might be expected in purely numerical terms, Rangers and Celtic fans do not make up the bulk of the Scottish international football support in a similar way as they do Scottish football league attendances. This is even less the case for Celtic fans than those of Rangers. Smaller clubs are well represented among the support while Aberdeen fans are over-represented. The latter club’s supporters also reflect a heightened degree of Scottish political consciousness in their support for the SNP. This is despite what Phillipson (1969) once described as ‘noisy inaction’ in terms of the connections between sport and ‘real’ politics. English-born supporters also demonstrate their affinity for Scotland by their support for the team. This links with the idea of an imagined community, showing that family and community heritage and ethnicity can be more important than place of birth. It also raises questions about perceptions of other Scottish-born people who do not support Scotland. For many Scots fans it seems appropriate to support Scotland in these circumstances. However, for many of these Scottish fans as well as others within Scottish football, this is more problematic when the subject concerns second-, third- and fourth-generation Irish fans of Celtic who support Ireland or who do not support Scotland (Bradley, 1996: 40–68). Likewise, as British identity has diminished in Scotland, some of the evidence shows that the British identity of Rangers fans has become part of a dilemma that some other fans in Scottish football have with the Glasgow club. It seems certain that the Scotland international football environment both attracts people with strong Scottish identity and contributes to its invention. The Scottish international team is one of the most significant sources for the generation, expression and sustenance of Scottish identity. From the work of Giulianotti and the anecdotal evidence recorded, anti- Englishness is shown to be a critical characteristic of the Scotland support. Although as Moorhouse (1987) has demonstrated, beating the English at football has always been a strong feature for many fans of football in Scotland, the nature, depth and extent of this common cultural notion in Scotland raises a variety of questions, not least about how Scottish identity itself is imagined. In addition, the causes and rationale for such anti feelings, as well as how they are expressed and in what contexts, are areas outside the bounds of this paper but require further exploration. As with any section of society, differences are likely to be evident in terms of the larger body. The most obvious one here is the dominance of males in football support generally. Nonetheless, the survey results reflect that football fans not surprisingly share a great deal with the wider society. As Mitchell has argued elsewhere (1992), and the example of football demonstrates, the relationship between religion and society rather than church and society remains significant in Scotland. This is in addition to the ethnic and cultural contexts that exist in 

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Scottish society, which are rarely accounted for in popular discourses relating to football. A significant amount of references continually use the discourse of ‘we’, ‘our country’ and ‘all the nation’, in a way that ignores the variety of ‘Scotlands’ that exist. It further ignores the individuals and communities within Scottish society that have little affinity for things Scottish, especially national symbols and the Scottish international football side. These can include the many Irish, Asian and Italian ‘minded’ people in Scotland: people who frequently play a full and integrated role in social, political and economic pursuits, gaining a sense of ‘non-Scottish’ civic identity and loyalty in the process. However, another question is raised as to what is ‘appropriate’ terminology, especially when the vast bulk of the population might very well be of one national or ethnic identity? The evidence demonstrates that there is no single idea of what ‘Scottish’ is and how it should be reflected or demonstrated. Through football, the Scotland support has contributed to the construction of an image of being Scottish and how being a fan of the Scottish team is distinct from other identities that can be tainted by perceptions of sectarianism, allegiances and affinities with other cultures and even in terms of where in Scotland one might live. Although this might be typical of football culture, tied up with these are issues concerned with definitions of national and cultural identity in Scotland, what is civic identity and how plural, defensive or open a culture should be. These questions are not particularly Scottish ones and have a global significance. Nevertheless, viewed as a Scottish issue, there are few agreements within the academic community, the media or at a popular level on being Scottish, on the question of what is a Scot, about being sufficiently or satisfactorily Scottish or on how Scotland manages its ‘other’ identities. Taken literally, the comment reported on the part of Ritchie and Dyer offers little amplitude for a non-Scottish civic identity. This is in the context of a multicultural society which accepts the capacity of immigrants and their offspring to retain their national and cultural affinities (for as long as they choose) without perceiving a need to abandon them due to subliminal, obvious or hegemonic pressures. In the context of a hegemonic national sporting identity (e.g. Scottish and supporting the Scottish international football team), whether a suggested positive ‘assimilation’ is coveted or deliber- ately or fortuitously promoted, and whether it is of the ‘general and abstract’ or ‘specific and organic’ kind as discussed by Brubaker (2001), the expression of minority ethnic and national identity (e.g. Celtic and Irish) or the affirmation of a version of the once dominant and widely promoted identity that has receded in importance (e.g. Rangers and British) cannot simply be marginalized through simplistic discourses of sectarianism, atavism or of being part of a demonized other and of being outside ‘the norm’. As with numerous other identities, Scots identity is contested. That this process is continual is reflected through the changing composition of the Scottish support in recent decades as well as in the weakening of British identity in Scotland during the same period. The Scottish international football environment displays the reality of numerous identity narratives, despite the supporters’ and much of the media’s views of homogeneity in terms of the ‘idea’ of Scotland. The role of the media in the formation of national identity, particularly in the sporting 

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environment, is implicit in numerous aspects of this work (see also Blain and Boyle, 1994). There are significant questions to be asked about how identity can be measured but especially on its historical development and what it means in varying contexts. Football demonstrates that not everyone born in Scotland wants to be imagined as a Scot and, even if they do, the nature of this Scottishness can vary in relation to ethnicity, geography and religion among other influences. The idea of oneness and the acceptability of ethnic and national distinctiveness lie at the heart of debates about multi-ethnic and plural societies. As is shown within the Scotland fan base, there are perceived central strands to being Scottish, certainly in so far as Scottish is determined as an imagined cultural identity. This is a general assumption in most societies where social characteristics such as music, humour, fashion, political affiliations, historical perceptions and sport are all liable to be constructed for the purposes of defini- tion within the imagined community. However, less predictable or standard than in the past, as a consequence of rapid social and cultural transformations at both global and local levels, such characteristics are now more open to being part of what we consider plural, multi and segmented by way of identity. Recent years have witnessed the emergence of discourses on the concept of hybrid identities. Brah et al. (1999: 2) emphasize that the actuality of the categories frequently used in relation to identity are more ‘contradictory, fragmented, shifting and ambiva- lent than that suggested by the dominant public definitions’ often prevalent. The concept of hybridity allows us to look more accurately at those sections of society who are superficially ‘the same’. This is particularly true of white groups who are frequently brought together in a social analysis that ignores difference and distinctiveness within a broad category. The idea of hybridity allows analyti- cal movement from the limitations of national or geographical territory (and even accent), assists us look beyond merely what is visible and encourages explication using other means such as ethnic background or national and cultural allegiances. A study of the Scottish international football support shows that numerous ‘other’ identities in Scottish football and society are often excluded in a range of acceptable manifestations of Scottishness. The negative tainting or labelling of other identities explicitly shows that Scottish identity is continually being constructed from a contest as historical as it is contemporary. If this is as true for the country at large as it is in football, then Scotland (like other countries) may require to find a way to accept difference, even in terms of cultural and national allegiances, within a context of an expectation that residence brings with it civic responsibility and a desire to display affinity with human beings first and nations and cultures second. This may be one of the ways that nation states (particularly European ones as they increasingly face huge numbers of migrants arriving from Eastern Europe, Asia and Africa) as they currently exist decide in the future to manage problems of identity in newly emerging contexts. As Moorhouse notes: ‘Scottish football, at a number of levels, reveals how sport can represent and enliven all kinds of divisions pertinent in society’ (1984: 285–315). Also strengthened by these findings is Blain and Boyle’s idea that ‘the complex nature of collective identity formations associated with Scottish sport parallels the complexity of Scotland as a political [and cultural] entity’ (1994: 

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125–41). Jarvie and Reid (1999: 22) present an accurate summation of the findings of this research in stating that sport ‘should not be used as a fallacious guide to undifferentiated Scottishness but rather as a subtle reflection of social, cultural and political diversity’. Sport, particularly football, can be a means of helping us understand Scotland, especially in relation to its social, cultural and political diversity.

References

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Joseph M. Bradley is Lecturer in Sports Studies at the University of Stirling. He is author of Ethnic and Religious Identity in Modern Scotland: Culture, Politics and Football (Avebury 1995) and Sport, Culture, Politics and Scottish Society: Irish Immigrants and the Gaelic Athletic Association (John Donald, 1998). Address: University of Stirling, Stirling FK9 4LA, Scotland, UK. Email: [email protected]