I . ·

39· McWhorter, Inmate Society.

40 . Hamm et al.,"TheMyth of Humane Imprisonment," 175. 41. Ibid.

42 . Crouch and Marquart, An Appeal to Justice, 79-80. Regarding the "gender of vio­ Katrina's Unnatural Disaster: lence," see Pinar,The Gender ofRacial Politics and Violence in America, chaps.13- 15. 43· Dannes, "The Logic of Torture," 73. A Tragedy of Black Suffering 44- Cardozo-Freeman, The Joint. and White Denial Manning Marable 45· Danner, "The Logic of Torture," 71. AlsoseeWiegman, American Anatomies, 3. 46. Associated Press, "Officers Indicted in Torture Case," Star Phoenix, August 23, 1997, B16. Unquestionably, the September 2005 Hurricane Katrina was the largest natural 47· Bowker, Prison Victimization. Rodriguez (personal communication) recom­ disaster in U.S. history. Yet contrary to the assertions of President George W. mends the following website for additional information: www.splcenter.orgJintel/ Bush that no one could have "anticipated the breach of [New Orleans's] levees" hatewatch. 48. Ibid. and the massive flooding and destruction of one of America's historic cities in 49. Wicker, A Time to Die; Hoch, White Hero, Black Beast. the wake of a major hurricane, the catastrophe we have witnessed was widely 50. Deutsch et al.,"Twenty Years Later." predicted for decades.' A 2002 special report of the New Orleans Times­ 51. Ibid. Picayune, for example, warned, "Its only a matter of time before South Louisi­

52. SeePinar, The Gender ofRacial Politics and Violence in America, chaps.16-17. ana takes a direct hit from a major hurricane.... Levees, our best protection 53. Bowker. Prison Victimization. from flooding, may turn against us." The Times-Picayune predicted that such a 54. Ibid. disaster might "decimate the region" from flooding, and that in New Orleans, 55. Ibid.. 110. "100,000 will be left to face the fury,'" That same year, in a New York Times edi­ 56. Bartollas et al.,Juvenile Victimization. 57- Ibid., 214. torial opinion, Adam Cohen predicted coldly, "If the Big One hits, New Orleans

58. RichardStratton,"TheMakingof a Bonecrusher,' Esquire, September1999, 214. could disappear." A direct major hurricane strike, Cohen estimated, would cer­ 59. Ibid., 191. tainly force Lake Pontchartrain's waters "over levees and into the city.... There 60. Ibid., 208. could be 100,000 deaths." Thousands "could be stranded on roofs, surrounded 61. Blee, Women ofthe Klan. by a witches' brew of contaminated water.") 62. Jacobs, New Perspectiveson Prisons and Imprisonment, 17-18. A natural disaster for New Orleans was statistically inevitable. But what 63. Danner, "TheLogic of Torture," 71. made the New Orleans tragedy an "unnatural disaster" was the federal govern­ 64. Ibid. 65. Ibid. ment's gross incompetence and indifference in preparing the necessary mea­ 66. Ibid., 72. sures to preserve the lives and property of hundreds of thousands of its citizens. 67· Ibid., 74. The Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), established in 1979, has been plagued for years with financial mismanagement, administrative incom­ petence, and cronyism. The litany of FEMA'S bureaucratic blunders has been amply documented: its insistence that vital supplies of food, water, and medical aid were impossible to deliver to thousands of people stranded at New Orleans's downtown Morial Convention Center, though entertainers and reporters easily reached the site; its inability to rescue thousands ofresidents marooned on the roofs and in flooded houses for days; the failure to seek deployment of active-duty troops in large man pictured was characterized as having "loot[ed] a grocery store,"? A Lon­ numbers until three days after Hurricane Katrina struck the Gulf Coast region. don Financial Times reporter, on September 5, 2005, declared New Orleans had But the incompetence goes deeper than that. FEMA'S Director Michael Brown become "a city of rape" and "a war zone," with thousands subjected to "looting" actually instructed fire departments in Louisiana, Mississippi, and Alabama not and "arson?" Administrators in Homeland Security and FEMA justified their to send emergency vehicles or personnel into devastated areas unless local or lack of emergency aid by claiming that they had not anticipated that "people state officials communicated specific requests for them-at a time when most would loot gun stores ... and shoot at police, rescue officials and helicopters." towns and cities lacked working telephones, fax machines, and Internet access. The flood of racialized images of a terrorized, crime-engulfed city prompted Florida's proposal to send 500 airboats to assist rescue efforts was blocked by hundreds of white ambulance drivers and emergency personnel to refuse to FEMA. Thousands of urgently needed generators, communications equipment, enter the New Orleans disaster zone. Television reports locally and nationally and trailers and freight cars of food went undelivered for weeks. Meanwhile, quickly proliferated false exposes about "babies in the Convention Center who hundreds of dead bodies floated in New Orleans's streets and rotted in deso­ got their throats cut" and "armed hordes" hijacking ambulances and trucks. Ba­ lated houses. Millions of desperate Americans who attempted to phone F EMA'S ton Rouge's Mayor Kip Holden imposed a strict curfew on its facility that held toll-free telephone number for assistance heard recorded messages that all lines evacuees, warning of possible violence by "New Orleans thugs.'" That none of were busy or were disconnected," these sensationalized stories was true hardly mattered: As Matt Welch of the Even before Katrina struck, it was obvious that the overwhelming majority of online edition of Reason magazine noted, the "deadly bigotry" of the media New Orleans residents who would be trapped inside the city to face the deluge probably helped to "kill Katrina victims."l0 would be poor and working-class African Americans, who made up nearly 70 The terrible destruction of thousands of homes and businesses, and the re­ percent of the city's population. As the levees collapsed and the city's Ninth location of over 1 million New Orleans and Gulf area residents, was perceived Ward flooded, tens of thousands of evacuees were herded into the Superdome as a golden opportunity by corporate and conservative political elites who had and Convention Center, where they were forced to endure days without toilets long desired to "remake" the historic city. Even before the corpses of black vic­ and running water, food, electricity, and medical help. Hundreds of black evacu­ tims had been cleared from New Orleans's flooded streets, corporations closely ees seeking escape on a bridge across the Mississippi River were confronted and associated with George W Bush's administration secured noncompetitive, forcibly pushed back into the city. One paramedic who witnessed the incident multibillion-dollar reconstruction contracts. Brown and Root, a subsidiary stated: "I believe it was racism. It was callousness, it was cruelty.'" of Halliburton, for example, was awarded the contract to reconstruct Louisi­ As the media began to document this unprecedented tragedy, the vast ma­ ana and Mississippi naval bases. Bechtel was authorized to provide short-term jorityofNew Orleans's victims were "the faces at the bottom of America's well­ housing for several hundred thousand displaced evacuees. Shaw, the Louisiana the poor, black and disabled," as Monica Haynes and Erv Dyer, reporters for the engineering corporation, received lucrative contracts for rebuilding throughout Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, observed. "The indelible television images of mostly the area. Bush waived provisions ofthe Davis-Bacon Act, allowing corporations black people living in subhuman conditions for nearly a week have prompted to hire workers below the minimum wage. After Congress authorized over 100 some to ask whether race played a role in how quickly or how not-so-quickly billion dollars for the regions reconstruction, Halliburton's stock price surged federal and state agencies responded in [Katrina's] afterrnath.?" on Wall Street." Local corporate subcontractors and developers who directly However, much of the media coverage cruelly manipulated racist stereotypes profited from federal subsidies set into motion plans for what local African in its coverage. In one well-publicized example, the Associated Press released Americans feared could quickly become a gentrification removal of thousands two photographs of New Orleans residents wading through chest-deep water, of black households from devastated urban neighborhoods. carrying food obtained from a grocery store. The whites were described as Behind the plans to "rebuild" New Orleans may be racially inspired Objec­ carrying "bread and soda from a local grocery store" that they found; the black tives by Republicans to reduce the size of the city's all-black voting precincts. 306 MANNING MARABLE '//\,""""11.1"'(' I 11I.11I..IlTIlilll. r'\1f'Io.f'T,n .....r.. ,

About 60 percent of New Orleans's electorate is African American, which nor­ tims in New Orleans was because the victims were black." By contrast, only 12

mally turns out at 50 percent in local elections. All-white affluent neighbor­ percent of white Americans agreed," In response, the Bush administration un­ hoods have turnout rates exceeding 70 percent. In the 1994 mayoral race, only leashed its black apologists to deny any racial intent of its policies and actions. 6 percent of the city's white voters supported the successful black candidate Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice insisted, "Nobody, especially the President, Marc Morial." would have left people unattended.'?" The black conservative ideologue John The African American political analyst Earl Ofari Hutchinson speculated McWhorter, a senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute, ridiculed the accusa­ that "the loss of thousands of black votes" could easily "crack the thirty years of tions of racism as "nasty, circular, [and] unprovable.... It'snot a matter of some­ black, and Democratic dominance of City Hall in New Orleans." The seat of the body in Washington deciding we don't need to rush [to New Orleans] because black Democrat William Jefferson, who represents the city in Congress, could they're all poor jungle bunnies anyway'?" be in jeopardy. Even more seriously, Hutchinson observed, the massive African African Americans were stunned and perplexed by white America's general

American vote in New Orleans in 2000 and 2004 "enabled Democrats to bag apathy and denial about the racial implications of the Katrina catastrophe. On many top state and local offices, but just narrowly. A shift of a few thousand a nationally televised fundraiser for the hurricane's victims, the rap artist Kanye votes could tip those offices back to Republicans."13 West sparked controversy by denouncing "the way America is set up to help Nationally, most African American leaders, public officials, and intellectu­ the poor, the black people, the less well off as slow as possible.":" Blacks were als were overwhelmed and outraged by the flood of racist stereotypes in the especially infuriated with the descriptions of poor black evacuees as "refugees" media and their government's appalling inaction to rescue thousands of black by officials and the media. Black Congresswoman Diane Watson protested vig­ and poor people. They observed that the most devastated sections of the city orously, "'Refugee' calls up to mind people that come here from different lands were nearly all black and mostly poor. Local blacks had been largely ignored and have to be taken care of.... These are American citizens."22 But the racial in preparations for evacuating the city." Beverly Wright, the director of Xavier stigmatization of New Orleans's outcasts forced many African Americans to University's Deep South Center for Environmental Justice, expressed the gen­ ponder whether their government and white institutions had become incapable eral sentiment of most African Americans by declaring: "I am very angry, and of expressing true compassion for the suffering of their people. The prominent I really, really believe that [the crisis] is driven by race.... When you look at Princeton University professor Cornel West, at a Columbia University forum who is left behind, it is very disturbing to me."15 Wright's viewpoint was echoed sponsored by the Institute for Research in African-American Studies, pondered by many black intellectuals. For example, Harvard's Professor Lani Guinier ob­ whether "blacksuffering is required for the preservation of white America."23 served that, in American society, "poor black people are the throw-away people. West's provocative query ought to be explored seriously. The U.S. govern­ And we pathologize them in order to justify our disregard."16 Some reporters ment and America's entire political economy were constructed on a racial foun­ assigned to the Katrina crisis soon began to reflect these mounting criticisms. dation. Blacks were excluded by race from civic participation and voting for Desiree Cooper, a columnist for the DetroitFree Press, drew parallels between several hundred years; they were segregated into residential ghettoes, denied the economic devastation of New Orleans and Detroit, noting that "the poverty credit and capital by banks, and relegated to the worst jobs for generations. rate in both cities rivals that of Third World nations. So as I watched the hur­ Over time, popular cultural and social attitudes about black subordination and ricane coverage, with racism and poverty creating the perfect storm, I couldn't white superiority were aggressively reinforced by the weight of discriminatory help but think: If Detroit were underwater, no one would bother to rescue us law and public policy. Psychologically, is the specter of black suffering and death either.'>17 in some manner reaffirming the traditional racial hierarchy, the practices of

By mid-September, 2005, 60 percent of African Americans surveyed in a black exclusion and marginalization? national poll believed that "the federal government's delay in helping the vic­ Even before Katrina's racial debate had receded from the media, the ques­ tion of racial insensitivity was posed again by William Bennett, secretary of ment, a local white man in the crowd pushed forward and declared that young education under Ronald Reagan. In early October 2005, Bennett announced to Cameron was innocent. Years later, on June 13, 2005, speaking at a U.S. Senate his national radio audience: "I do know that it's true that if you wanted to re­ new conference, ninety-one-year-old James Cameron recalled: "They took the duce crime, you could-if that were your sole purpose-you could abort every rope off my neck, those hands that had been so rough and ready to kill or had black baby in this country, and your crime rate would go down." Perhaps cover­ already killed, they took the rope off my neck and they allowed me to start ing his racial gaffe,Bennett immediately added, "That would be an impossible, walking and stagger back to jail, which was just a half-block away."27 Cameron, ridiculous and morally reprehensible thing to do, but your crime rate would the only known survivor of an attempted lynching, had come to the Capitol go down."24 The New York Times columnist Bob Herbert interpreted Bennett's as part of an effort to obtain a formal apology from the Senate for its historic remarks as the central aspect of the Republican Party's "bigotry, racially divi­ refusal to pass federal legislation outlawing lynching. For decades, Southern sive tactics and outright anti-black policies. That someone who's been a stal­ senators had filibustered legislative attempts to ratify anti-lynching legisla­ wart of that outfit might muse publicly about the potential benefits of extermi­ tion, denouncing such bills as an unnecessary interference with states' rights. nating blacks is not surprising to me at all. ... Bill Bennett's twisted fantasies Prompted by the emotional testimony of Cameron and the family members are a malignant outgrowth of our polarized past."25 Bennett's repugnant state­ and descendants of lynching victims, the Senate finally issued an apology for ments, combined with most white Americans' blind refusal to recognize a racial lynching-the first time in U.S. history that Congress has acknowledged and tragedy in New Orleans, illustrate how deeply rooted racial injustice remains in expressed regret for historical crimes against African Americans-in a formal America. resolution. What was most significant, perhaps, was that only eighty-five of the Has the public spectacle of black suffering and anguish evolved into what one hundred U.S. senators had co-sponsored the resolution when it came up for might be defined as a "civicritual," reconfirming the racial hierarchy, with black­ a voice vote. The fifteen senators who did not initially co-sponsor the bill were ness permanently relegated to a subordinate status? In the summer of 5, the 200 Republicans. Belatedly,seven senators subsequently signed an oversize copy of u.s. Senate seemed to confirm Cornel West's hypothesis, as it was forced to the Senate's anti-lynching resolution, which was to be publicly displayed. The confront the civic ritual of lynching. Between 1882 and 1927, over 3,500 blacks eight senators who still refused to concede an apology are Lamar Alexander were lynched in the United States, about 95 percent in the South. An unknown (Republican of Tennessee), Thad Cochran (Republican of Mississippi), John number of additional African Americans were killed, especially in rural and Cornyn (Republican of Texas), Michael Enzi (Republican of Wyoming), Judd remote areas where we have few means to reconstruct these crimes. Gregg (Republican of New Hampshire), Trent Lott (Republican of Mississippi), In Marion, Indiana, on August 7, 1930, a massive white mob stormed the John Sununu (Republican of New Hampshire), and Craig Thomas (Republican jail in the local county courthouse, seizing two incarcerated African American of Wyoming)." teenagers, Thomas Shipp and Abram Smith, who had been accused of raping a Why the steadfast refusal to acknowledge the forensic evidence and the white woman. Within less than an hour, a festive gathering of several thousand obvious human pain and suffering inflicted on not only the victims of racist white women and men armed with baseball bats, crowbars, and guns beat and violence but on their descendants? Because in a racist society-by this I mean then lynched the two black boys. A photograph of the Marian lynching that a society deeply stratified, with "whiteness" defined at the top and "blackness" was reproduced in my book Freedom, co-written with Leith Mullings, depicts occupying the bottom rungs-the obliteration of the black past is absolutely smiling young adults, a pregnant woman, teenage girls, and a middle-aged man essential to the preservation of white hegemony, or domination. Since "race" pointing proudly to one of the dangling corpses." itself is a fraudulent concept, devoid of scientific reality, "racism" can only be A third young African American, a sixteen-year-old shoeshine boy named rationalized and justified through the suppression of black accounts or evidence James Cameron, was also seized and beaten by the mob that night. Several men that challenges society's understanding about itself and its own past. Racism is lifted Cameron up, and a noose was slipped around his neck. Just at that mo­ perpetuated and reinforced by the "historical logic of whiteness," which repeat-

310 MANNING MARABLE KATRINA'S UNNATURAL DISASTER 311 edly presents whites as the primary (and frequently sole) actors in the impor­ pointments, Loss of Focus,Crippled Disaster ReliefAgency," editorial, U.S.A. Today, tant decisions that have influenced the course of human events. This kind of September 8, 2005;Tina Susman, "FEMA: Effort Mired in Bureaucratic Hash," News­ day, September 11, 2005; Jonathan S. Landay, Alison Young, and Shannon McCaf­ history deliberately excludes blacks and other racialized groups from having frey,"Was FEMA'S Brown the Fall Guy?" Seattle Times, September 14,2005;Angie C. the capacity to become actors in shaping major social outcomes. Marek, Edward T. Pound, Danielle Knight, Julian E. Barnes, Judd Slivka,and Kevin In this process of falsification, two elements are crucial: the suppression of Whitelaw, "ACrisis Agency in Crisis," U.S. News and World Report, September 19, evidence of black resistance, and the obscuring of any records of white crimes 2005; and "FEMA: Just a Money Pit?" editorial, Hartford Courant, September 23, and exploitation committed against blacks as an oppressed group. In this man­ 2005. ner, white Americans can more easily absolve themselves of the historical re­ 5. Andrew Buncombe, "'Racist' Police Blocked Bridge and Forced Evacuees Back at sponsibility for the actions oftheir great-grandparents, grandparents, parents­ Gunpoint," Independent (London), September 11, 2005· and of themselves. Thus, the destructive consequences of modern structural 6. Monica Haynes and Erv Dyer,"BlackFacesAre Indelible Image of Katrina," Indepen­ dent (London), September 4, 2005· racism that can be easily measured by social scientists within contemporary 7. Aaron Kinney, "'Looting' or 'Finding'?" available online at http://www.salon.com/ U.S. society today, as well as the human suffering we have witnessed in New new/features/200s/09/01/photo_controversy/print.html (accessed December 13, Orleans, can be said to have absolutely nothing to do with "racism." Denial of 2005). responsibility for racism permits the racial chasm in America to grow wider 8. Guy Dinmore, "City of Rape, Rumour and Recrimination," Financial Times (Lon­ with each passing year. don), September 5, 2005· When the "unnatural disaster" of the New Orleans tragedy of race and class 9. David Caruso, "Disaster Official at New York Symposium: Planners Didn't Antici­ is examined in the context of American structural racism, the denial by many pate Gun Problem after Katrina," Newsday, September 12, 2005· 10. Matt Welch, "The Deadly Bigotry of Low Expectations? Did the Rumor Mill Help whites of the reality of black suffering becomes clear. It parallels the denial of Kill Katrina Victims?" availableonline at http://www.reason.comllinks/links09060S the Turkish government of the massive genocide of the Armenian population .shtml (accessed December 13,2005). committed by the Ottoman Empire in 1915-16. It mirrors the repulsive anti­ 11. Katherine Griffiths,"Firms Linked with Bush Get Katrina Clean-Up Work," Indepen­ Semitism of those who to this day deny the horrific reality of the Holocaust dent (London), September 17, 2005;Scott Van Voorhis, "Katrina Boon to Builders," during World War II. Until the denial of suffering ceases, there is no possibility Boston Herald, September 6, 2005· of constructing meaningful, corrective measures in addressing the racial chasm 12. Coleman Warner, "Primary Turnout Makes Black Vote Crucial in Runoff," Times- that continues to fracture the foundations of democratic life and a truly civil Picayune (New Orleans), February 7, 1994· society in America. 13. Earl Ofari Hutchinson, "Katrina WallopsBlackVoters," September 16,2005, available online at www.blackvoicenews.com/content/view/38603/I6/ (accessed February 15, Notes 2007). 14. Jonathan Curiel, "Disaster Aid Raises Race Issue: Critics SayPoor Blacks Not Con­ Originally published in Souls: A Critical Journal ofBlack Politics, Culture, and Society 8, sidered in Planning for Emergencies, Evacuations," San Francisco Chronicle, Septem­ no. 1(winter 2006): 1-8 ber 3, 2005· 1. Ted Steinberg, "ANatural Disaster, and a Human Tragedy," Chronicle ofHigher Edu­ 15. AlexTzon, "Katrina's Aftermath: Images of the Victims Spark a Racial Debate," Los cation, vol. 52,no. 5,September 23, 2005, 811-12. Angeles Times, September 3, 2005· 2. "Washing Away," Times-Picayune (New Orleans), June 23-27,2002. 16. Lynne Duke and TeresaWiltz, "ANation'sCastaways:Katrina BlewIn, and Tossed up 3. Adam Cohen, "If the BigOne Hits, New Orleans Could Disappear," New York Times, Reminders of a Tattered Racial Legacy," Washington Post, September 4, 2005· August 11, 2002. See also Jon Nordheimer, "Nothing's Easy for New Orleans Flood 17. Desiree Cooper, "Outrage, Carrying Mix in Katrina Response," Detroit Free Press, Control," New York Times, April 30, 2002. September 15, 2005. FEMA," Boston Herald, 4. "Truly Clueless at editorial, September 8, 2005;"Political Ap­ 18. CNN, U.S.A. Today, and Gallup poll, released September 13,2005, cited ibid. Other T

opinion polls confirmed that most black Americans believed that racism was behind the federal government's inaction to aid Katrina's victims. A Pew Institute poll, for example, indicated that 66 percent of blacks surveyed "felt the government would have reacted faster if the stranded victims had been mainly white than black." See Bibliography Alex Massie, "Racial Tensions Simmer as Blacks Bear Brunt of Slow Official Re­ sponse," available online at http://news.scotsman.com/opinion.cfm?id=1920892005 (accessed December 13, 2005). Abu-Jamal, Mumia. Live from Death Row. New York: Avon Books, 1996. 19. Elisabeth Bumiller, "GulfCoast Isn't the Only Thing Left in Tatters: Bush'sStatus with ___. We Want Freedom: A Life in the Black Panther Party. Cambridge, Mass.: South BlacksTakes a Hit," New York Times, September 12, 2005. End Press, 2004. 20. Duke and Wiltz, "ANation's Castaways." ACE Program of Bedford Hills Correctional Facility. Breaking the Walls of Silence: AIDS 21. Kanye West, quoted on The O'Reilly Factor, Fox News Network, September 8, 2005. and Women in a New York State Maximum Security Prison. Woodstock, N.Y.: Over­ 22. Robert E. Pierre and Paul Farhi, "'Refugee': A Word of Trouble," Washington Post, look Press, 1998. September 7, 2005· Addams, Jane, and Ida B.Wells. Lynching and Rape: An Exchange of Views, ed. Bettina 23. Cornel West, "When Affirmative Action WasWhite," remarks at symposium, Institute Aptheker. New York: American Institute for Marxist Studies, 1977­ for Research in African-American Studies, Columbia University, New York,October Allen [r., Ernest. "Minister Louis Farrakhan and the Continuing Evolution of the Nation 1,2005· of Islam," In The Farrakhan Factor, ed. Amy Alexander. New York:Grove Press, 1998. 24. Bob Herbert, "Impossible, Ridiculous, Repugnant," New York Times, October 6, Ames, Jessie Daniel. The Changing Character of Lynching, reprint ed. Atlanta: Commis­ 2005. sion on Interracial Cooperation, 1942; New York: AMS Press, 1972. 25. Ibid. Arnin, Samir. "Confronting the Empire." Monthly Review 55, no. 3 (July-August 2003). 26. See Marable and Mullings, Freedom, 132. ___. Empire of Chaos, trans. W. H. Locke Anderson. New York: Monthly Review 27. Sheryl Gay Stolberg, "Senate Issues Apology over Failure on Anti-Lynching Law," Press, 1992. New York Times, June 14, 2005. Amnesty International, London. United States ofAmerica: The Death Penalty and Juve­ 28. "Eight U.S. Senators Decline to Co-Sponsor Resolution Apologizing for Failure to nile Offenders, October 1991. Enact Anti- Lynching Legislation," Journal ofBlacks in Higher Education Weekly Bul­ Amnesty International U.S.A. Allegations of Mistreatment in Marion Prison, Illinois, letin, June 30, 2005; Avis Thomas-Lester, "Repairing Senate's Record on Lynching," U.S.A. Doc. no. AMR 51126/87, May 1987. Washington Post, June 11, 2005. Andrews, William L., and Henry Louis Gates Jr. Slave Narratives. New York: Library of America, 2000. Aptheker, Bettina. Morning Breaks: The Trial of Angela Davis, reprint ed. New York: International Publishers, 1975; Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1999· Arendt, Hannah. The Human Condition. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1959· Artieres, Philippe, Laurent Quero, and Michelle Zancarini-Fournel, eds. Le Groupe d'information sur les prisons: Archives d'une lutte, 1970-1972. Paris: Editions de l'Institut Mernoires de Iedition contemporaine, 2003· Awkward, Michael. Negotiating Difference: Race, Gender, and the Politics ofPositionality. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995· Ayers, Edward L. The Promise of the New South: Life after Reconstruction. New York: Oxford University Press, 1993. ___. Vengeance and Justice:Crime and Punishment in the Nineteenth Century Ameri­ can South. New York:Oxford University Press, 1984·