Interpreting Racial Politics
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Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 2013 Interpreting Racial Politics: Black and Mainstream Press Web Site Tea Party Coverage Benjamin Rex LaPoe II Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations Part of the Mass Communication Commons Recommended Citation LaPoe II, Benjamin Rex, "Interpreting Racial Politics: Black and Mainstream Press Web Site Tea Party Coverage" (2013). LSU Doctoral Dissertations. 45. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations/45 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized graduate school editor of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please [email protected]. INTERPRETING RACIAL POLITICS: BLACK AND MAINSTREAM PRESS WEB SITE TEA PARTY COVERAGE A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in The Manship School of Mass Communication by Benjamin Rex LaPoe II B.A. West Virginia University, 2003 M.S. West Virginia University, 2008 August 2013 Table of Contents Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iii Introduction ......................................................................................................................................1 Chapter One – Literature Review ..................................................................................................12 Chapter Two - Method ...................................................................................................................44 Chapter Three – Quantitative Findings ..........................................................................................52 Chapter Four – Qualitative Findings..............................................................................................64 Chapter Five – Discussion and Conclusion .................................................................................110 References ....................................................................................................................................125 Appendix ......................................................................................................................................159 The Vita .......................................................................................................................................153 ii Abstract This dissertation seeks to understand the cultural meanings of the black and mainstream press’ online interpretations of the tea party. Little research exists on the modern black press; what does exist shows that unless the story is about race, the black press mirrors the mainstream press. To my knowledge, no research exists comparing the two presses on a racial issue in an online environment. This dissertation will fill that hole. The tea party narrative was, and continues to be, an intricate story for journalists to tell. Resonant myth offers interpretative templates for journalists to use for crafting cultural meaning while mediating reality. Tracking coverage of the tea party from the group’s beginning in early February of 2009 until one week after the 2012 general presidential election in November, this dissertation will examine what myths emerge, what the emergence of those myths implies about how journalists interpreted the tea party and black political empowerment, and the degree of racial implicitness in the discourse. To my knowledge, no work has coupled resonant myth with racial implicit frames while analyzing online media discourse in the mainstream and the black press. While many mainstream journalists either fail to recognize, or ignore all together, the racial component that the tea party poses to black solidarity, my research shows that black reporters working for the black press absolutely recognize the racial component and provide more thorough discussions than their mainstream counterpart. Historically, the black press has existed to fill holes of misrepresentation in the mainstream press; to that end, this dissertation shows, during a time when some question whether the black press are still needed and whether our society is “post- racial,” this dissertation, by combining a quantitative analysis of implicit racial frames with a qualitative analysis of resonant myth, provides empirical evidence that, in terms of coverage, blacks still struggle to get their voice heard in the mainstream press. iii Introduction The artful recipe of storytelling is the defining element distinguishing modern journalism during an information age where anyone with a mobile phone can be a mass curator and builder of reality.1 This sometimes magical process of sculpting meaning from everyday events is a foundational pillar for mainstream media. How do journalists extract intriguing, informative, and accurate stories from complex occurrences in a coherent fashion? One essential storytelling ingredient, mixed with quality educational herbs, is resonant myth. Resonant myths, used as interpretive templates, endured countless changes in storytelling platforms, the most recent being the emergence of the internet. Therefore, as scholars struggle to accurately predict what media environment will emerge in the future as a result of new technologies and a changing field, it is intuitive to explore what resonant myths, one of the few narrative devices that isn’t fickle, are used by journalists on the internet as they attempt to maintain their profession and distinguish themselves from citizens who have access to the same technologies. Online content will be the focus of this dissertation because the internet is a major focus for newspapers looking to recapture their influence. Resonant myths culturally inform journalists, helping convert episodic events into truthful, thematic narratives. Journalists, as both societal members and shapers, use lasting explanatory models (myths) that resonate with them and their audiences in order to mediate reality. Resonant myths are not inaccurate descriptions or unfounded stereotypes; instead, myths are sacred stories, sustained by archetypical figures over geographic space, time, and societies, dating back at least to the days of Homer. Journalists apply resonant myths to help build meaning in an increasingly eclectic world.2 To better understand how journalists use resonant myths to tell stories and construct reality, this dissertation examines what resonant myths percolated in online 1 newspaper coverage of an extremely complex series of events – the emergence of the tea party during President Barack Obama’s first term – and what the resulting thematic narratives mean. Restless Natives February 7, 2007 marked the beginning of perhaps the most intricate modern narrative journalists have tried to construct. On that day, then Illinois Senator Barack Hussein Obama announced his intentions to run for President of the United States of America. Senator Obama emerged as a legitimate candidate, with a serious chance of becoming the first African-American president, when he won the Iowa caucus. Following that victory, race became the most salient issue in newspaper coverage of the democratic primaries.3 Obama edged out Senator Hillary Clinton and moved on to a general election against Senator John McCain. Race again emerged as a significant variable in journalists’ coverage of the election.4 During the general campaign, McCain, Alaska Governor Sarah Palin (McCain’s running mate), and other Republican surrogates, called Obama everything in their repertoire of negative adjectives, such as socialist, illegal immigrant, monkey, witch doctor, and terrorist. Cries of “kill him” could be heard at rallies. Even for politics, the negativity and hostility seemed excessive. When the electorate chose Obama president on November 4, 2008 six African Americans had been U.S. Senators in history. Blacks have seen a steady increase in proportional representation at local levels, but statewide and national positions are still far from being proportionate.5 Even though President Obama became the first African American to reside in the Oval Office, black communities are just beginning to have their voices and perspectives heard at higher levels in the federal government.6 No one doubts the significance of President Obama’s election. It is highly probable, though, that many mainstream journalists struggled to interpret his election, his historic and 2 symbolic meaning, his policies and how they connected to the black community (if at all), and his immediate opposition. The modern tea party formed five weeks after President Obama’s inauguration. Comprised mostly of whites, the tea party, with intense hostility, opposed virtually all policies the infant administration proposed. To complicate President Obama’s first term narrative even further, the internet emerged as a new way of life that journalists could no longer ignore or resist. Few, if any, doubt that the internet plays an important role in the intersections of race, politics, media storytelling, and the processes of governing.7 The construction of the tea party narrative, then, was especially crucial to a democracy