THE CURIOUS QUESTION of the PYD‒PKK Relationship
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Offensive Against the Syrian City of Manbij May Be the Beginning of a Campaign to Liberate the Area Near the Syrian-Turkish Border from ISIS
June 23, 2016 Offensive against the Syrian City of Manbij May Be the Beginning of a Campaign to Liberate the Area near the Syrian-Turkish Border from ISIS Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) fighters at the western entrance to the city of Manbij (Fars, June 18, 2016). Overview 1. On May 31, 2016, the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), a Kurdish-dominated military alliance supported by the United States, initiated a campaign to liberate the northern Syrian city of Manbij from ISIS. Manbij lies west of the Euphrates, about 35 kilometers (about 22 miles) south of the Syrian-Turkish border. In the three weeks since the offensive began, the SDF forces, which number several thousand, captured the rural regions around Manbij, encircled the city and invaded it. According to reports, on June 19, 2016, an SDF force entered Manbij and occupied one of the key squares at the western entrance to the city. 2. The declared objective of the ground offensive is to occupy Manbij. However, the objective of the entire campaign may be to liberate the cities of Manbij, Jarabulus, Al-Bab and Al-Rai, which lie to the west of the Euphrates and are ISIS strongholds near the Turkish border. For ISIS, the loss of the area is liable to be a severe blow to its logistic links between the outside world and the centers of its control in eastern Syria (Al-Raqqah), Iraq (Mosul). Moreover, the loss of the region will further 112-16 112-16 2 2 weaken ISIS's standing in northern Syria and strengthen the military-political position and image of the Kurdish forces leading the anti-ISIS ground offensive. -
Key Actors and Abbreviations
Key actors and abbreviations The Assad regime and its allies ‘The regime’ Bashar al-Assad, Syrian President 2000– Hafez al-Assad, Syrian President 1971–2000 Asma al-Assad (née Akhras), Syria’s First Lady 2000– Maher al-Assad, brother of Bashar al-Assad, Commander of Republican Guard and 4th Armoured Division Anisa Makhlouf, mother of Bashar al-Assad Assif Shawkat, brother-in-law of Bashar al-Assad, head of military intelligence 2005–9, deputy minister of defence 2011–12 Rami Makhlouf, cousin of Bashar al-Assad, wealthy businessman Manaf Tlass, Republican Guard General, defected 2012 Farouk al-Sharaa, First Vice President of Syria 2006– Walid al-Muallem, Foreign Minister 2006– Bouthaina Shabaan, political and media adviser to the Syrian President 2008– Ba’ath – Arab Socialist Ba’ath Party, the ruling party of Syria since 1963 Mukhabarat – Set of notorious regime intelligence agencies Shabiha – Gangs of irregular pro-regime thugs NDF – National Defence Force, formed 2013 Russia Vladimir Putin, Russian President 2000–8, 2012–, Russian Prime Minister 2008–12 Dmitri Medvedev, Russian President 2008–12, Russian Prime Minister 2012–20 Sergei Lavrov, Foreign Minister 2004– Mikhail Bogdanov, Deputy Foreign Minister 2011– Iran Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Supreme Leader of Iran 1989– xii 5146.indd xii 19/06/20 5:00 PM KEY ACTORS AND ABBREVIATIONS xiii Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Iranian President 2005–13 Hassan Rouhani, Iranian President 2013– Ali Akbar Salehi, Foreign Minister 2010–13 Mohammad Javad Zarif, Foreign Minister 2013– Qassem Suleimani, Commander -
45 the RESURRECTION of SYRIAN KURDISH POLITICS by Ro
THE RESURRECTION OF SYRIAN KURDISH POLITICS By Rodi Hevian* This article examines the current political landscape of the Kurdish region in Syria, the role the Kurds have played in the ongoing Syrian civil war, and intra-Kurdish relations. For many years, the Kurds in Syria were Iraqi Kurdistan to Afrin in the northwest on subjected to discrimination at the hands of the the Turkish border. This article examines the Ba’th regime and were stripped of their basic current political landscape of the Kurdish rights.1 During the 1960s and 1970s, some region in Syria, the role the Kurds have played Syrian Kurds were deprived of citizenship, in the ongoing conflict, and intra-Kurdish leaving them with no legal status in the relations. country.2 Although Syria was a key player in the modern Kurdish struggle against Turkey and Iraq, its policies toward the Kurds there THE KURDS IN SYRIA were in many cases worse than those in the neighboring countries. On the one hand, the It is estimated that there are some 3 million Asad regime provided safe haven for the Kurds in Syria, constituting 13 percent of Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) and the Syria’s 23 million inhabitants. They mostly Kurdish movements in Iraq fighting Saddam’s occupy the northern part of the country, a regime. On the other hand, it cracked down on region that borders with Iraqi Kurdistan to the its own Kurds in the northern part of the east and Turkey to the north and west. There country. Kurdish parties, Kurdish language, are also some major districts in Aleppo and Kurdish culture and Kurdish names were Damascus that are populated by the Kurds. -
Kurdish Political and Civil Movements in Syria and the Question of Representation Dr Mohamad Hasan December 2020
Kurdish Political and Civil Movements in Syria and the Question of Representation Dr Mohamad Hasan December 2020 KurdishLegitimacy Political and and Citizenship Civil Movements in inthe Syria Arab World This publication is also available in Arabic under the title: ُ ف الحركات السياسية والمدنية الكردية ي� سوريا وإشكالية التمثيل This publication was made possible by a grant from Carnegie Corporation of New York. The statements made and views expressed are solely the responsibility of the author. For questions and communication please email: [email protected] Cover photo: A group of Syrian Kurds celebrate Newroz 2007 in Afrin, source: www.tirejafrin.com The views and opinions expressed in this publication are those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). This document is issued on the understanding that if any extract is used, the author and the LSE Conflict Research Programme should be credited, with the name and date of the publication. All rights reserved © LSE 2020. About Legitimacy and Citizenship in the Arab World Legitimacy and Citizenship in the Arab World is a project within the Civil Society and Conflict Research Unit at the London School of Economics. The project looks into the gap in understanding legitimacy between external policy-makers, who are more likely to hold a procedural notion of legitimacy, and local citizens who have a more substantive conception, based on their lived experiences. Moreover, external policymakers often assume that conflicts in the Arab world are caused by deep- seated divisions usually expressed in terms of exclusive identities. -
Of Iraq's Kirkuk
INSTITUT KURDDE PARIS E Information and liaison bulletin N° 392 NOVEMBER 2017 The publication of this Bulletin enjoys a subsidy from the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs & Ministry of Culture This bulletin is issued in French and English Price per issue : France: 6 € — Abroad : 7,5 € Annual subscribtion (12 issues) France : 60 € — Elsewhere : 75 € Monthly review Directeur de la publication : Mohamad HASSAN Misen en page et maquette : Ṣerefettin ISBN 0761 1285 INSTITUT KURDE, 106, rue La Fayette - 75010 PARIS Tel. : 01-48 24 64 64 - Fax : 01-48 24 64 66 www.fikp.org E-mail: bulletin@fikp.org Information and liaison bulletin Kurdish Institute of Paris Bulletin N° 392 November 2017 • ROJAVA: PREPARING MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF AN UNCERTAIN FUTURE • TURKEY: THE REPRESSION EXPANDS TO LIBER- AL CIRCLES; THE VIOLENCE IS INCREASING • IRAQI KURDISTAN: UNCONSTITUTIONAL DEMANDS FROM BAGHDAD, ARABISATION OF KIRKUK RESTARTED ROJAVA: PREPARING MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF AN UNCERTAIN FUTURE. broad the “World Day for beginning to return to Raqqa, liber- the 17th with a suicide attack on a Kobani” was celebrated ated on 17th October. Regarding checkpoint that caused at least 35 on 1st November largely Deir Ezzor, the SDF fighters from victims in the Northeast of Deir as a symbol of this Syrian the “Jezirah Storm” operation, Ezzor Province, between the hydro- A Kurdish town’s unremit- launched on 9th September, liberated carbon fields of Conoco and Jafra. It ting resistance to the attack 7 villages near the town and about was, nevertheless, not able to pre- launched by ISIS in 2014 with fifteen km from the Iraqi borders, vent the SDF from reaching the Iraqi Turkish connivance. -
ICT Jihadi Monitoring Group
ICT Jihadi Monitoring Group PERIODIC REVIEW Bimonthly Report Summary of Information on Jihadist Websites The Second Half of December 2014 International Institute for Counter Terrorism (ICT) Additional resources are available on the ICT Website: www.ict.org.i l Highlights This report summarizes notable events discussed on jihadist Web forums during the second half of December 2014. Following are the main points covered in the report: Omar Mansoor, a senior member of the Talban in Pakistan, justifies attacks on relatives, including children, of Pakistani soldiers in revenge for killing members of the organization. His position on the matter is published following the massacre that members of the organization carried out in a school in Peshawar. Members of the Islamic State publish photos of a Jordanian pilot who they captured after they managed to shoot down his plane, according to their claim. The magazine, Dabiq, which is produced by the Islamic State, publishes an interview with the Jordanian pilot regarding the types of planes being used by coalition forces in their battle against members of the Islamic State, American assistance received by the Arab countries fighting this battle, and the circumstances surrounding the pilot’s capture. Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula publishes a new edition of the magazine, Inspire, calling on Muslims, especially in the United States, to carry out individual, “lone wolf” attacks in their native lands, mainly against American, British and French economic targets and aircraft. In addition, the magazine provides an explanation on how to build a “hidden bomb” and how to overcome security checks in airports. -
Russia's Military Intervention in Syria. Its Operation Plan, Objectives, And
Introduction Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Comments Russia’s Military Intervention in Syria WP Its Operation Plan, Objectives, and Consequences for the West’s Policies Markus Kaim and Oliver Tamminga S The deployment and use of Russian air forces in Syria could be a turning-point for Presi- dent Bashar al-Assad’s regime. Since the start of the Russian air strikes on 30 September 2015, discussion has been rife in the media and in political circles as to what intentions Russia might be pursuing with its intervention in Syria. However, if one takes into ac- count the force package deployed to Syria, the manner in which the Russian air forces have proceeded, and the Kremlin’s official statements after the Assad visit to Moscow, the main features of an operation plan quickly emerge. It has repercussions far beyond Syria. On 30 September 2015, the Russian mili- Lebanese Hezbollah, even though these tary embarked on a series of operations actors are pursuing different interests. in Syria that had been prepared from the beginning of September onwards with the establishment of a base south of Latakia Russia’s military capacity in Syria and the deployment of the relevant forces. In the past few weeks, Russia has been However, the military and political aims increasing its deployment of military forces of the Russian government, as well as the to the air base near Latakia, in the north- motives behind the military intervention, west of Syria. are still unclear. The marines, T-90 tanks, combat vehicles The Russian government has never and artillery deployed there mainly serve hidden its willingness to act against all to protect the air base from attacks by IS forces fighting the Damascus regime. -
From Cold War to Civil War: 75 Years of Russian-Syrian Relations — Aron Lund
7/2019 From Cold War to Civil War: 75 Years of Russian-Syrian Relations — Aron Lund PUBLISHED BY THE SWEDISH INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS | UI.SE Abstract The Russian-Syrian relationship turns 75 in 2019. The Soviet Union had already emerged as Syria’s main military backer in the 1950s, well before the Baath Party coup of 1963, and it maintained a close if sometimes tense partnership with President Hafez al-Assad (1970–2000). However, ties loosened fast once the Cold War ended. It was only when both Moscow and Damascus separately began to drift back into conflict with the United States in the mid-00s that the relationship was revived. Since the start of the Syrian civil war in 2011, Russia has stood by Bashar al-Assad’s embattled regime against a host of foreign and domestic enemies, most notably through its aerial intervention of 2015. Buoyed by Russian and Iranian support, the Syrian president and his supporters now control most of the population and all the major cities, although the government struggles to keep afloat economically. About one-third of the country remains under the control of Turkish-backed Sunni factions or US-backed Kurds, but deals imposed by external actors, chief among them Russia, prevent either side from moving against the other. Unless or until the foreign actors pull out, Syria is likely to remain as a half-active, half-frozen conflict, with Russia operating as the chief arbiter of its internal tensions – or trying to. This report is a companion piece to UI Paper 2/2019, Russia in the Middle East, which looks at Russia’s involvement with the Middle East more generally and discusses the regional impact of the Syria intervention.1 The present paper seeks to focus on the Russian-Syrian relationship itself through a largely chronological description of its evolution up to the present day, with additional thematically organised material on Russia’s current role in Syria. -
A Kurdish-Speaking Community of Change: How Social and Political Organising Takes Shape in the PYD-Controlled Areas in Syria
A Kurdish-Speaking Community of Change: How Social and Political Organising takes Shape in the PYD-controlled Areas in Syria Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts In Middle Eastern Studies Author: Harriet Ida Rump Advisor: Lory Janelle Dance Examiner: Vittorio Felci Date: 11.12.14 Acknowledgements I devote my deepest gratitude to the brave and engaged participants of this research, without their reflections, insights, and generous will to share ideas, this thesis would never have been realised. In the same breath I sincerely thank Lina Myritz for taking the travel with me to Syria, and for inspiring me continuously. I strongly thank my supervisor Lory Dance, she is an inspirational role model with her critical thoughts and writings, which open up for new methods of research. I am particularly appreciative of all the inputs and perspectives from Farhiya Khalid, Mia Sung Kjaergaard, Søren Rafn, Frederik Johannisson, and Mette Lundsfryd, who all have encouraged me with significant comments. A special thank goes to Lasse Sander for carefully proofreading the thesis in high speed. Finally, for the love and support of all my wonderful friends and family, I am truly thankful. 2 Abstract This thesis explores current trends in social and political organising in Northern Syria, an area controlled by the PYD.1 The research is built on discussions between eight participants from the Syrian Kurdish-speaking community living in the areas. While most discourses on Syria and the Kurdish-speaking community have a macro-political focus and produce racialising descriptions of “Kurdishness” in Syria, less attention is granted to bottom-up organising and the plurality of Kurdishness. -
Misuse of Interpol's Red Notices and Impact on Human Rights
STUDY Requested by the DROI committee Misuse of Interpol’s Red Notices and impact on human rights – recent developments Policy Department for External Relations Directorate General for External Policies of the Union PE 603.472 - January 2019 EN DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR EXTERNAL POLICIES POLICY DEPARTMENT STUDY Misuse of Interpol’s Red Notices and impact on human rights – recent developments ABSTRACT International organisations continue to report the abuse by some states of Interpol’s Notice System to persecute national human rights defenders, civil society activists and critical journalists in violation of international standards of human rights. Available case studies, written reports and interviews with organisations working in the field confirm the reported abuses. Recent Interpol reforms have made significant impact on safeguarding individuals both substantially and procedurally. Nevertheless, and especially considering the significant increase in the number of Notices and Diffusions in the Interpol system, reforms remain to be fully implemented and transparency and enforcement mechanisms continue to leave room for improvement. Taking as a point of departure the responses from the EU institutions and bodies, and EU Member States, the study recommends taking further steps for Interpol to ensure full implementation of recent reforms, a fully transparent system and consistent legal and procedural safeguards for individuals in the Interpol Notice System. EP/EXPO/B/COMMITTEE/FWC/2013-08/Lot8/22 EN January2019 - PE 603.472 © European Union, 2019 Policy Department, Directorate-General for External Policies This paper was requested by the European Parliament's Subcommittee on Human Rights (DROI) English-language manuscript was completed on 17 January 2019. Printed in Belgium. -
Kurds in Iraq and Syria: U.S
Kurds in Iraq and Syria: U.S. Partners Against the Islamic State ,name redacted,, Coordinator Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs ,name redacted, Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs ,name redacted, Analyst in Middle Eastern and African Affairs ,name redacted, Specialist in International Humanitarian Policy December 28, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R44513 Kurds in Iraq and Syria: U.S. Partners Against the Islamic State Summary Since 2014, the United States and members of a coalition it leads have partnered with a politically diverse set of Kurdish groups to combat the Islamic State organization (IS, also known as ISIS/ISIL or by the Arabic acronym Da’esh). For background information on these groups and their relationships in the region, see CRS In Focus IF10350, The Kurds in Iraq, Turkey, Syria, and Iran, by (name redacted) and (name redacted). The capabilities of various Kurdish ground forces have advanced some U.S. objectives in connection with ongoing anti-IS operations. At the same time, as these operations increasingly focus on predominantly Sunni Arab areas such as Mosul, Iraq, and Raqqah, Syria, U.S. officials are encouraging Kurdish forces to support and empower the combat and post-conflict administration profile of non-Kurdish forces that may have greater ethnic and political legitimacy with local populations. U.S. officials also seek to avoid having U.S. cooperation with Kurds significantly disrupt U.S. relations with other partners, including the Iraqi central government and NATO ally Turkey in light of those partners’ respective concerns and operations on the ground in Iraq and northern Syria. -
Identification of the Non-Professional Territorial Armed Formations on the MENA Region
Securitologia No 1/2016 Maciej Paszyn National Defence University, Warsaw, Poland Identification of the non-professional territorial armed formations on the MENA Region Abstract Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region is characterized by a high incidence of local intrastate or international armed conflicts. In the vast majority of cases, in these operations are involved the non-professional territorial armed forces. These are military organizations composed of volunteers living various local communities. This article shows the role and significance of these formations on the example of the civil war in Syria. Keywords: armed conflict, MENA region, territorial defence, Syrian Civil War, Free Syrian Army, Peoples Protection Units DOI: 10.5604/01.3001.0009.3835 ISSN: 1898-4509 ISSN: 2449-7436 online pdf E-mail contact to the Author: [email protected] 121 Maciej Paszyn Introduction Starting from the beginning of the mass anti-government protests called “The Arab Spring”1, 17 December 2010, in the Middle East and North Africa hereinafter referred to as the MENA, observed a significant number of armed conflicts. General character- istics of the listed conflicts defines them in the vast majority, as Non-international, anti- government military operations characterized in certain cases, as the substrate religious and activities of the international organization of Sunni-called “Islamic state” (IS)2. Described conflicts have been observed in areas such countries as Iraq, Yemen, Leb- anon, Libya and Syria. It should be noted that these are unfinished conflicts with highly dynamic events, which making it difficult to conduct research and will outdated infor- mation in certain cases.