Copyright by Kara Lenore Williams 2006

The Dissertation Committee for Kara Lenore Williams Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation:

The Impact of Popular Culture Fandom on Perceptions of Japanese Language and Culture Learning: The Case of Student Anime Fans

Committee:

Zena Moore, Supervisor

Yukie Aida

Thomas J. Garza

Elaine Horwitz

Susan J. Napier

The Impact of Popular Culture Fandom on Perceptions of Japanese Language and Culture Learning: The Case of Student Anime Fans

by

Kara Lenore Williams, B.A.; M.A.

Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

The University of Texas at Austin May 2006

Dedication

For my family and friends, particularly my fiancé, Michael Stockinger, whose patience, love and support have made this degree possible.

For my mentor, Dr. Zena Moore, who generously gave of her wisdom and time to help guide this research. For group of ten special women and men who gave their time, thoughts and ideas to participate in this study.

Acknowledgements

I am deeply grateful to my supervisor, Dr. Zena Moore, and to Dr. Yukie Aida, Dr. Thomas Garza, Dr. Elaine Horwitz, and Dr. Susan Napier, the members of my committee, for the guidance and inspiration they have provided me in writing my dissertation.

v The Impact of Popular Culture Fandom on Perceptions of Japanese Language and Culture Learning: The Case of Student Anime Fans

Publication No.______

Kara Lenore Williams, Ph.D. The University of Texas at Austin, 2006

Supervisor: Zena Moore

This research examines the impact of popular culture fandom on perceptions of foreign language and culture learning within a Japanese studies context, using the example of student ‘anime’ (Japanese animation) fans. Anime, described by Tominaga

(2002) as “presently one of the most popular expressions of Japanese culture in

America,” was chosen for its apparent popularity among students of Japanese. This dissertation presents the results of a study that qualitatively describes the phenomenon of anime fandom as it relates to a sample of ten Japanese language students’ perceptions of the Japanese language and culture and of language learning. The results of the study have implications for the language classroom in terms of how instructors might use popular culture to encourage motivation and self-directed learning, and in terms of teaching culture and using authentic video materials in the classroom. This phenomenon also suggests the possibility that generating or capitalizing on interest in the popular culture of the target language group may be a useful tool in the recruitment of

vi and retention of language students, given the challenges many language programs face in attracting and retaining students.

vii Table of Contents

Chapter 1 Rationale...... 1 Background of Study ...... 1 Need for Study ...... 3 Purpose of Study ...... 9 Significance of Study ...... 9

Chapter 2 Review of the Literature...... 12 Popular Culture ...... 12 Why Study Popular Culture? ...... 19 Authentic Video in the Classroom...... 27 Teaching Culture...... 32 Motivation...... 42 Anime...... 53 Conclusion ...... 69

Chapter 3 Methods...... 70 Rationale/Approach ...... 70 Basic Study Design...... 71 Analysis...... 74 Validity and Reliability...... 76 Participants...... 80 Ethical Concerns ...... 82 Limitations ...... 83 Disclosure of Biases and Connection to Topic of Research...... 84

Chapter 4 Results ...... 88 Participant Profiles...... 89 Anime Fandom and Culture...... 93 Perceptions of the Connection between Anime & Japanese Culture .93 Perceptions of Culture Learning ...... 125

viii Culture Learning and Issues of Gender ...... 136 Anime Fandom and Language Learning...... 155 Language Learning as a Positive Experience ...... 155 Anime as Motivation to Study Japanese...... 159 Participants as Successful Language Learners ...... 163 Anime as a Language Learning Aid ...... 165

Chapter 5 Conclusions ...... 171 The Experience of Language Learning...... 171 Learning as a Positive Experience ...... 172 Participants as Successful ...... 174 The Experience of Learning Japanese Linked to Anime Fandom.....181 Perceptions of Fandom's Impact on Language Learning...... 182 Anime as Motivation to Study Japanese ...... 182 Anime as a Language Learning Aid ...... 186 Perceptions of Issues Related to Japanese Language and Culture...... 190 The Language and Culture Connection ...... 190 Embracing Linguistic and Cultural Differences ...... 192 Critical Thinking about Culture and Media Texts ...... 201 Anime Viewing as Culture Learning ...... 209 Issues of Gender and Culture...... 212 Discussion...... 240 Implications for Teaching Language and Culture ...... 240 Limitations and Suggestions for Further Research...... 246

ix Appendix A Anime Images ...... 249

Appendix B Focus Group Interview Guide ...... 253

Appendix C Individual Interview Guide...... 255

Appendix D Recruitment Questionnaire...... 257

Appendix E Recruitment Letter...... 258

Glossary ...... 260

Bibliography ...... 261

Vita…...... 275

x Chapter 1: Rationale

BACKGROUND OF STUDY In 1990, a study conducted on affective variables and the Less Commonly Taught

Languages (LCTL) by Samimy and Tabuse found that the majority of Japanese-as-a-

Second Language (JSL) student participants in the study were business majors and were motivated to study Japanese because it might be helpful in their future careers. These findings are consistent with my own personal experience as a JSL student in the early

1990’s, where the majority of my classmates were business majors. At that time, the

Japanese business model was being hailed as superior by many economists, and there was a great deal of trade friction between the United States and Japan. This generated an enormous amount of interest in the press, and many business students felt that Japanese was the language to study. However, since that time, Japan has been in a recession that has lasted over a decade. While Japan is still prominent in the world economy and fluency in the Japanese language continues to be an asset in the business world, the media frenzy over the “Japanese economic miracle” has certainly died. One might assume that interest in studying Japanese would also have waned, yet enrollment in Japanese programs continues to be strong. This begs the question of what now draws JSL students to study the language.

In my personal experience as a teaching assistant in the Japanese department at the University of Texas at Austin from 2000-2001, I found that many Japanese language students were majoring in technical fields, such as engineering or computer science, and were apparently motivated to study Japanese out of an interest in Japanese popular

1 culture, Japanese animation (or ‘anime’) in particular. This impression was

corroborated by the anecdotal accounts of students, other teaching assistants, and

instructors in the department. I became curious as to whether or not this was simply a

false impression that we had formed based on a few conspicuous students or whether this

was an actual trend among JSL students. With an anime club of about 300 on campus

and a nearby shop catering specifically to anime fans, there is some evidence that

suggests there may be significant interest in the subject among students in general, at

least at this university. The apparent connection between interest in anime and Japanese

language learning led me to wonder about the phenomenon, not just in terms of what

draws students to study the language, but also in terms of the potential impact on learning

Japanese in general.

However, in a search of the literature, I found very little on a connection between

anime fandom and language learning, although there are an increasing number of

scholarly works that touch on the subject of anime fans in the United States. In her

book Anime: From Akira to Princess Mononoke: Experiencing Contemporary Japanese

Animation (2001) Susan Napier states that the majority of anime fans are students. And, in a survey of student anime fans conducted in California, New York City, and Austin,

Texas, she found that 43% of anime fans had taken a Japanese language course. This figure does not give me an idea of (conversely) what percentage of Japanese language

students are anime fans, but it does support the idea that exposure to anime can lead to

interest in Japanese language study (or vice versa). In a preliminary survey study

conducted at this university, I found that approximately 75% of participants claimed that

they had become interested in studying Japanese because of interest in popular culture. 2 Of that group 75 % specifically expressed an interest in anime. However, the

population surveyed was relatively small (43 students), and it is difficult to make broad

generalizations based on these results, but. Yet, it again suggests a possible connection between anime fandom and Japanese language study. It seems that the popularity of anime could potentially present teachers of Japanese with both opportunities (in terms of

recruiting, providing authentic materials, and encouraging motivation and more self-

directed learning), and possibly problems (if students considered anime as reflecting

Japanese culture in general, for example). Therefore, I believe the question of what

happens when anime fans encounter Japanese language class is worth exploring.

NEED FOR STUDY In a country such as the United States, where there is typically not a great deal of

mainstream interest in foreign cultural products (such as foreign films), it is relevant that

this particular foreign cultural product has gained some mainstream acceptance (Reed

Business Information reported that the current U.S. market for anime is 4.2 billion

dollars). Fans have easy access to anime, with videos available through major retailers

like Barnes and Noble, Amazon.com, and Blockbuster Video; through cable networks

such as The Cartoon Network, MTV and The Anime Network; and through Internet sites

where videos can be downloaded. There are a number of anime genres that find an

audience in the United States, including romantic comedy, horror, science fiction,

fantasy, and pornography. Scholars writing about anime seem to agree that anime

fandom in the West is predominantly male. The sense of uniqueness of the object of

fandom appears to be one of the major draws to anime fans in the United States. Fans

3 also cite the darker, more complex story lines of many anime as attractive. Critics of

anime who discuss the appeal it has for its primarily male audience find that fans “often

find a ‘fantasy escape and source of identification’ within anime’s graphic violence,

voluptuous female characters, and politically incorrect male-female relationships” (2001,

Napier, p.241). This is not to say that all anime popular in the United States can be

characterized as such, but this type of text is undoubtedly prevalent here. This fact certainly raises concerns about how fans perceive Japanese culture (particularly in terms

of stereotypes about women) and, in a language learning context, may interfere with the

ability to achieve the cultural understanding necessary to develop communicative

competence in Japanese.

I am not suggesting here that all consumers of anime consciously identify

themselves as fans. There are degrees of fandom in terms of both intensity and identity.

Webster’s dictionary defines a fan as an “enthusiastic devotee, follower, or admirer of a

sport, pastime, celebrity, etc.” While fandom does not necessarily carry a negative

connotation, fans are often characterized in terms of fanaticism, obsession, and excess.

“And yet we are all fans of something; we respect admire, desire; we distinguish and

form commitments” (Lewis, 1992, p.1). Fandom from this perspective is a part of

everyone’s daily lives. For purposes of this study, fandom will be defined flexibly, to

include both those whose identity is strongly informed by their fandom and those who

express enthusiastic interest in anime, but do not define themselves in terms of that

interest. The rationale for this definition is my assumption that both degrees of

“fandom” have the potential to impact language learning.

4 In addition to concerns over the cultural content of anime, there are many other

potential implications for the classroom. It seems clear that interest in anime is a

motivating factor for some Japanese language students, at least in the sense of generating

interest in studying the language. According to Biggs (1995, p. 83), students are “only motivated to learn things that are important and meaningful to them.” By virtue of their fandom, fans are likely find anime “important and meaningful.” The language of the

anime texts they view may be a significant part of the way in which they experience those

texts, so it seems likely that their fandom may motivate them to learn Japanese in a

broader sense, as well. For some time, researchers have found that motivation plays a

key role in learning a second language. There is a particular emphasis on the

importance of “integrated” motivation and its positive correlation with achievement.1

As defined by Gardner and Masgoret, integrativeness refers both to genuine interest in the topic of learning (or intrinsic motivation) and also to “an openness to identify, at least in part, with another language community…that would facilitate motivation to learn”

(2003 p. 172). Students primarily motivated to study Japanese through anime (from here forward I will call them “student anime-fans”) are clearly more integratively motivated than instrumentally motivated (or extrinsically motivated), in terms of genuine interest in the topic of study. It seems likely that they would also be open to identifying with the language community. If anime fans are more integratively motivated, they

1 Gardner and Lambert’s Socio-educational model of motivation divides the construct into two main types: integrative and instrumental. ‘Integrative’ motivation is generally taken to be motivation out of ‘genuine’ interest (i.e. intrinsic motivation), while ‘instrumental’ motivation is motivation based on more practical concerns (i.e. extrinsic motivation).

5 should be more likely to achieve in Japanese class (although aptitude also may affect

achievement).

Motivation has also been tied to such critical issues as attrition. While

enrollment in beginning Japanese classes in the United States has been swelling over the

past decade or so, the attrition rate of these students is very high, as high as 80%

(Samimy and Saito-Abbott, 1997). In a study conducted in 1990, Samimy and Tabuse

found that affective variables such as motivation and attitudinal factors are critical in predicting students’ success [and persistence] in Japanese” (p.377-378). Other researchers in Japanese and other LCTL, such as Kondo (1999) and Wen (1997), have had similar results and have also found that motivation plays an important role in persistence in language programs. It would be interesting to see if anime not only inspires interest in studying Japanese, but also helps to sustain that interest. If so, that would highlight the importance of teachers understanding the interests and motivations of their students. Knowledge of such interests might help educators to further motivate students, by enabling them to create teaching materials and methods that learners will find more engaging.

Researchers in Foreign Language Education have found that exposure to authentic materials is important in second language acquisition (Omaggio-Hadley, 2001, p. 140).

Authentic materials (in other words materials developed, not for the language classroom, but for the target language group) are fully contextualized and tend to be more interesting than language-learning materials. Many proponents of teaching culture in the foreign

language classroom also emphasize the use of authentic materials (p. 359). Given the

relative popularity of Japanese animation, it is one possible source of authentic video that 6 is readily available and potentially appealing to many students. One important benefit

of using video is that language and cultural material are more readily contextualized and,

thus, more accessible to the learner (Garza, 1996, p.4). However, instructors would have to choose the material carefully, both in terms of cultural and linguistic content, so

that students get both culturally appropriate and linguistically accessible input.

Another potential benefit is that exposure to anime might generate interest in

other aspects of Japanese culture. For example, many of the Internet anime sites have

links to Japanese pop music or live-action movie and “home drama” (evening soap opera)

sites. It is also common for anime fans to read Japanese comic books (or ‘manga’).

Given the difficulty of the Japanese orthography, the contextualization provided by the

pictures in ‘manga’, as well as the phonetic readings often accompanying Chinese

characters (‘furigana’) can make the written language more accessible. So, clearly

interest in anime may have some positive implications.

However, there may be drawbacks as well. What if a student is exposed

primarily to this form of authentic text? The availability of anime in this country is,

after all, greater than any other authentic Japanese cultural product.2 Just as with

Hollywood films, the medium has its own conventions, symbols, and modes of

expression that do not necessarily reflect the broader culture from which it comes, or

which may not be valid outside of the context of the medium itself. Anime texts often

deal with escapist topics such as fantasy or science fiction, and, like many American

cartoons, use a great deal of exaggeration. Also, what are the implications if students

2 Video games might be considered the exception. However, these are primarily translated into English, and the cultural content may be more limited than that of anime. 7 view these texts dubbed in English, with some elements of the story or characters altered

for the American audience? The authenticity of the text would become questionable,

and students may erroneously believe Japanese culture to be more similar to American

culture than it is. There are potentially linguistic issues, as well. For example,

characters in anime often speak in sociolinguistic registers that are not be appropriate in

‘real-life’ contexts (e.g. speaking with an inappropriate level of politeness, female characters speaking in male-gendered speech styles or vice versa, etc.). While students may be well aware of the concerns I expressed above, there may still be a danger that they will unconsciously form false impressions of Japanese society. Napier (2000) found that, of the students she surveyed, 86.7 % believed that they had learned about

Japanese culture from watching anime. If Japanese instructors become aware that their students are likely forming impressions of Japanese culture and society based on these texts, they should make efforts to expose students to other forms of authentic materials as well. Without exposure to various texts and without opportunities for significant interactions with Japanese people, it is conceivable that fans may idealize, exoticize, or in some other way hold unrealistic impressions of Japanese culture that could negatively impact their learning.

This brings me to one final concern. While animation is more prevalent and

mainstream in Japanese society than in the United States, there are still stigmas attached to anime fandom. Media fans (both here and in Japan) are often stereotyped by critics

as antisocial loners and passive slaves to consumerism, “emblematic of the most

obsessive and slavish forms of cultural consumption, consumption which has been

understood primarily in terms of metaphors of addiction, religious zealotry, social 8 aberration or psychological imbalance” (Jenkins, 1992, p. 208). This kind of stigma

could possibly affect students’ relationships with Japanese instructors or other Japanese

they encounter, if they are open about their fandom. This could be particularly harmful

if the student does not realize that such a stigma exists in Japan (a common

misconception among fans here is that anime fandom is completely accepted in Japan).

PURPOSE OF STUDY Given all the possible implications mentioned above, I believe that this phenomenon is worthy of closer examination. This study aims both to qualitatively describe the phenomenon of anime fandom as it relates to language learning and to explore what possible implications there may be for the language classroom. In particular, the study examined the phenomenon as it relates to students’ perceptions of the Japanese language and culture and of language learning. The results of the study have implications for the classroom in terms of how instructors might use popular culture to encourage motivation and self-directed learning in students, and in terms of teaching culture and using authentic video materials in the classroom.

SIGNIFICANCE OF STUDY While anime has been steadily gaining popularity in the United States for several decades, there is nothing to say that it is not a fad that will disappear in a few years.

Popular culture studies are always situated as “existing in particular places at particular

times, for particular audiences” (Jenkins et al, 2002, p. 18). What then might be learned

from this phenomenon that could be of use, even when the fad dies, and what might be

applied to other languages of study? Common sense suggests that Japanese is not the

9 only language to attract students based on interest in a popular culture phenomenon.

Examples of potentially similar phenomenon (foreign imports with a significant following in the United States) include Hong Kong martial arts films and ‘Bollywood’ films from India. It seems likely that these products also draw students to language programs. For example, Haham (2002) provides an account of how she became interested in learning Hindi from watching Hindi cinema and engaged in (initially entirely self-directed and then more formal) study of the language. Thus, I believe that an understanding of how anime fandom affects Japanese language learning may have applications for other, similar, phenomena in other foreign language learning contexts.

With many language programs now struggling to attract and retain students, I believe that it is important to study this sort of phenomenon. Generating or capitalizing on interest in popular culture may be an important potential tool in the recruitment and retention of language students. Scholars such as Domoney and Harris (1993) and

Cheung (2001) argue that using authentic popular culture materials in the EFL classroom enhances motivation, because they are inherently more interesting and meaningful to students. However, I was unable to find any studies that examine popular culture and motivation in the foreign language classroom outside of an EFL context. Given the widespread popularity and availability of English language popular culture products around the world, it may be that the EFL situation differs significantly from that of other foreign languages. Therefore, I believe that it is important to study the affects of popular culture on motivation in other foreign language contexts. In addition, most of the articles that I have encountered both on popular culture and language learning, and on popular culture and learning in general, focus on primary or secondary students. It 10 seems important, then, to explore this issue in terms of adult learners, as well, since it is

clear that adults are also stimulated and influenced by popular culture.

Few studies have examined the specific motivations of foreign language students

in the LCTL, with the exception of studies on heritage students. I believe this is an

important area of study, as motivations for these students may differ from those of students in the Commonly-Taught-Languages. Research into the motivations of

Japanese students may be a necessary step for improving teaching techniques for the

Japanese language, which, as Ueno (2005) notes, “may require different teaching

methods from those used to teach cognate languages such as Spanish and French” (p. 1).

There are also few qualitative studies on motivation in foreign- or second-language

learners, and even fewer on learners at the college level. A number of scholars (Larsen-

Freeman, 2001; Parry, 1993; Ushioda 2001) now emphasize the importance of widening

the paradigmatic approaches to studying second language learners, in order to further our

understanding of the process of language learning. Therefore, I believe that a

phenomenological study on the thoughts, feelings, and motivations of Japanese language

students may contribute to an understanding of the phenomenon of language-learning,

both among students of Japanese and other LCTL, and in general.

All of the reasons stated above convinced me that a study exploring the

phenomenon of student anime fans might yield valuable information for foreign language

educators. In the following chapter, I will further expand on the issues discussed here

and more thoroughly review the relevant literature.

11 Chapter Two: Review of the Literature

POPULAR CULTURE In approaching a study on popular culture phenomenon, one must first define and describe ways of viewing popular culture. Popular culture, in its most basic meaning, is simply culture that is liked or preferred by many people. It is also frequently defined in opposition to “high” culture, as a “low,” inferior kind of culture (e.g. Shakespeare and opera versus romance novels and pop music). Having numerous meanings and connotations, however, the concept of “popular culture” is inherently difficult to define.

As cultural theorist Raymond Williams (1983, p. 87) so famously said: “culture is one of the two or three most complicated words in the English language.” And as a form of culture with numerous connotations and interpretations, popular culture seems equally

complex. In fact “popular culture is in effect an empty conceptual category, one which

can be filled in a wide variety of often conflicting ways, depending on the context of use”

(Storey, 2001, p. 1). The popular, linked to the commercial world, is “marked by

hierarchies of artistic value” (Miller & McHoul, p.3). Storey claims that there is an

“implied otherness” always present in the term popular culture. In other words, it is

seen in opposition to other categories of culture: ‘high’ culture, mass culture, working

class culture, etc. Very often, popular culture is seen as “the debilitating other” of

culture, leading people to be dupes to the manipulations of capitalist culture industries (p.

171). This is one dominant perspective within cultural studies, but there are numerous

variations and alternative readings of the concept.

12 There seems to be three major perspectives within cultural studies and related fields in evaluating popular culture: popular culture as manipulative “mass” culture, popular culture as resistance to dominant ideologies, and popular culture within a postmodern perspective. In the mass culture perspective, popular culture is produced by manipulative industries and passively and indiscriminately consumed by the masses.

This perspective is strongly influenced by Marxism and sees popular culture as a tool for maintaining social authority. It is marked by conformity and “‘the deceived masses’ are caught in a ‘circle of manipulation and retroactive need in which the unity of the

[capitalist] system grows ever stronger’” (Arnold and Leavis, as quoted in Storey, 2001, p.85). The opposing view is that popular culture comes from “the people” and is a form of symbolic protest in contemporary capitalist societies. From this perspective, scholars, such as de Certeau, believe that consumers are “guerrillas making tactical strikes on the occupying army of consumer capitalism through their choices, schemes and recreations” (Jenkins et al, 2002, p. 39). In the postmodern perspective, the distinction between high and low culture is no longer made. “No longer is popular culture simply a reflection of the world around it; rather, it serves as an active, if not the primary, shaper of reality” (p. 39). Like the concept of popular culture, postmodernism has various definitions that reflect different ideologies. In terms of the popular culture debate postmodernism is seen by some as a triumph over elitism, while for others it is the lamentable victory of capitalistic commerce over ‘authentic’ culture. However, this is breaking down the debate simplistically; certainly not all scholars see this concept in such clear-cut terms. The intention here is to present a basic overview of the major definitions and theoretical perspectives of popular culture. However, for the purposes 13 of defining the view taken in this research and illustrating the complexity of the debate, it is important to discuss in more detail a few of the major theorists and perspectives central to debates on popular culture.

Neo-Gramscianism: Stuart Hall One way of defining popular culture is through a Neo-Gramscian viewpoint.

The Neo-Gramscian theorists take Gramsci’s concept of ‘hegemony’ and apply it to contemporary popular culture. Influenced by Marxism, Gramsci used the concept of

‘hegemony’ to explain the lack of revolution in capitalist societies: “a dominant class (in alliance with other classes or class fractions) does not merely rule a society but leads it through the exercise of moral and intellectual leadership” (Storey, 2001, p. 103).

Hegemony is maintained through continual ‘negotiation’ between the dominant and subordinate groups. A Neo-Gramscian analysis, “tries to specify the concrete forces of hegemony and counter hegemony in a specific socio-historic conjecture” (Best &

Kellner, 1991, p. 294). In this perspective, popular culture is “what men and women make from their active consumption of the texts and practices of the culture industries”

(Storey, 2001, p. 105). Neo-Gramscian thought seems to reside somewhere on a continuum between the “mass culture” and “popular culture as empowering” perspectives.

One important scholar within this tradition is Stuart Hall, who is “arguably the most influential figure in contemporary cultural studies” (During, 1993, p. 97). Hall developed the concept of ‘articulation’ to explain how ideological struggles in societies function. Cultural texts and practices do not have inherent meanings. Rather meanings are an act of ‘articulation,’ or the meaning ascribed by different groups within society.

14 One example of this is rap music in the United States, which might at once be considered

an act of protest by a marginalized minority group and a vehicle for the music industry to generate enormous profits that fuel hegemonic power. Because different meanings can be applied to different practices or texts, meaning is always a contested site of struggle.

People, in this view, are not just malleable, passive victims of the culture industry, but

have some agency in constructing their own meanings for cultural products and practices.

While popular culture industries do strive to manipulate, popular culture can also be empowering. Hall’s focus on representation in the media is another important contribution to cultural studies. For Hall, the media both reflects and helps to generate

the ideologies of society:

The media play a part in the formation, in the constitution, of the things that they reflect. It is not that there is a world outside, “out there,” which exists free of the discourses of representation. What is “out there” is, in part, constituted by how it is represented (1996, p. 340).

In terms of this research, the concept of ‘articulation’ will be applied to the way in which

fan cultures at once stimulate resistance to popular media ideology and consumption of popular media products. Representations in anime (of race and gender in particular) will be considered for their potential to reflect the values of Japanese society, to influence the ideologies of that society, and, further, to influence the participants’ perceptions of

Japanese society.

Cultural Populism: John Fiske Cultural Populism is similar to the Neo-Gramscian perspective (and is, in fact, not

always distinguished from it in the literature). This perspective draws on the work of

15 Bourdieu and de Certeau. Bourdieu distinguishes between two “aesthetic modes”: the

“popular aesthetic” and the “bourgeois aesthetic.” “The popular aesthetic makes no

clear distinction between art and everyday experience” and it “celebrates the intensification of emotion and the collapse of the individual into the collective

experience” (Jenkins, et al, 2002, p. 39). The “bourgeois aesthetic” is the “high art”

experience which is characterized by emotional restraint. The divisions between these

two aesthetic modes show how aesthetic taste is a matter of class. De Certeau explores

how consumers “poach” the dominant culture, “no longer the mindless pawns of capitalism that the Frankfurt School [Marxist, ‘mass culture’ perspective] envisioned.”

Rather, they are “active” consumers “struggl[ing] to find their meanings in a popular culture that does not measure up to their needs or social experiences” (p. 39). While recognizing the manipulative forces of mass culture, Cultural Populism emphasizes the ability of the people to resist those forces and is in line with the “popular culture as resistance perspective.”

One notable scholar in this school of thought is John Fiske. Fiske believes that

“there can be no popular dominant culture, for popular culture is formed always in

reaction to, and never as part of, the forces of domination” (1989, p. 43). “Popular culture is always a culture of conflict, it always involves the struggle to make social meanings that are in the interests of the subordinate and that are not those preferred by

the dominant ideology” but “victories are fleeting or limited, in this struggle to produce

popular pleasure, for popular pleasure is always social and political” (1989, p. 2). What

is important for this research is Fiske’s concept that “popular culture is always a process;

its meanings can never be identified in a text, for texts are activated or made meaningful 16 only in social relations and in inter-textual relations” (p.3). The “social relationships of

texts occur at their moment of reading as they are inserted into the everyday lives of the

readers.” (p. 3). This is similar to Hall’s idea of ‘articulation,’ but Fiske’s specific

emphasis on temporal and social context of reading meaning in popular culture texts and

his emphasis on inter-textual relations in meaning-making is an important distinction. In

keeping with this emphasis, this research aims to situate anime fandom within temporal,

social, and intertextual contexts. In other words, the anime texts will not be analyzed as having innate, independent meanings, but will be analyzed primarily in terms of the meanings as constructed by the participants and influenced by the social context.

Postmodernism: Jean Baudrillard “Postmodern” is perhaps one of the most over-used and least clearly defined

terms in academia. “There is little general consensus concerning the meaning of either

‘postmodernity’ or ‘postmodernism,’ and their use and history are chequered” (Wolfreys,

2004, p. 190). For the purposes of this project, “postmodern” will be loosely defined as

referring to the “collapsing distinctions between high and low [culture]” (p. 190). One

of the most well known contemporary postmodern theorists is Jean Baudrillard. He has

“developed the most striking and extreme theory of postmodernity yet produced and has

been highly influential in cultural theory and discussion of contemporary media, art, and society” (Best and Kellner, 1991, p. 111). According to Baudrillard, “it is no longer possible to separate the economic or productive realm from the realms of ideology or culture, since culture artifacts, images, representations, even feelings and psychic structures have become part of the world of the economic” (quoted in Connor, 1989, p.

17 51). Postmodern culture is a ‘simulacrum’ in which the distinction between the original

and the copy has been lost, and the distinction between the reality and fiction is blurred

and less significant. One of Baudrillard’s more famous examples is Disneyland:

“Disneyland is presented as imaginary in order to make us believe that the rest is real,

when in fact all of Los Angeles and the America surrounding it are no longer real, but of the order of the hyperreal and simulation” (1983, p. 25). Hyperreality leads to blurred distinctions between reality and non-unreality: “in the postmodern world the boundary between image or simulation and reality implodes, and with it the very experience and ground of ‘the real’ disappears” (Best and Kellner, 1991, p. 119).

While Baudrillard’s theory might be considered somewhat extreme, his concept of the blurred lines between the real and the fantasy or fictional is important. For anime fans, the fictional nature of anime texts may be unimportant; anime may be “hyperreal” and blur distinctions between real Japanese society and the society as represented in anime, or perhaps even blur distinctions between real and unreal more generally in their own daily lives. A less strong version of this concept might be found in Margaret

Morse’s Virtualities: Television, Media Art and Cyberculture.

Freeways, malls, and television are the locus of virtualization or an attenuated fiction effect, that is, a partial loss of touch with the here-and-now, dubbed here as distraction. The semifiction effect is akin to but not identical with split-belief— knowing a representation is not real, but nevertheless momentarily closing off the here-and-now and sinking into another world (1998, p. 99).

What is appealing about Morse’s concept of “distraction” is that it acknowledges agency in the way in which people experience it. It seems highly probable that anime fans are perfectly aware that representations in anime are not real, but they may momentarily 18 experience them as real. However, even this “semifiction effect” likely has the power to

shape impressions of Japanese society and to shape fan identities.

WHY STUDY POPULAR CULTURE? The study of popular culture remains an emergent tradition in academia, and

research in that tradition often receives a somewhat lukewarm reception by the academy.

The preceding section illustrates that when theorists do engage with the subject of

popular culture, the result is a kind of “‘moral dualism’ within the academy in which

singular definitions are constructed not only as objects of study, but also as ‘good’ and

‘bad’ instances of popular culture” (Hills, 2002). In other words, popular culture is seen

as either liberating or manipulative. Whether one accepts this “moral dualism” or

searches for a less binary perspective, popular culture undeniably wields enormous

influence in peoples’ lives. To ignore it would be to cut off scholarship from a

significant part of how people experience the world. According to Stuart Hall, culture is

“central to understanding struggles over meaning, identity, and power” (Giroux, 2000, p.

158). Hall feels that understanding and critically analyzing popular culture should be a central concern of education:

The intellectual turn to popular culture is about more than providing a connection between theory and the popular. On the contrary, the intellectual engagement with the popular ‘is not an indulgence and an affirmation; it’s a political, intellectual, pedagogical commitment. Everybody now inhabits the popular, whether they like it or not, so that does create a set of common languages. To ignore the pedagogical possibilities of common language is extremely political’ (p. 163).

Educators might work to “expand the possibilities for democratic struggles and transformation” (p. 159). Put simplistically, analyzing popular culture has the potential

19 to generate understanding of society and its power structures and to transform that society

along more truly democratic lines.

Popular Culture and Literacy Within the field of education, there are an increasing number of studies on

popular culture and literacy in the first language (L1). “In recent years, the place of

popular culture within the school curriculum has become an increasingly controversial

political issue” over debates about its cultural value (Buckingham and Sefton-Green,

1994, p. 1). While many educators are concerned about negative influences from popular culture texts, others advocate adding such texts to the curriculum. “If there is a single, most important reason why teachers do not include popular culture texts in their

classrooms, it is most certainly because many feel uncomfortable with the ideologies

which underpin many of these texts” (Marsh & Millard, 2000, p. 23). Teachers are

concerned about the manipulative element in popular culture texts, particularly in texts produced for children. This is undoubtedly a valid concern. For example, Giroux

(1998) claims that, beneath Disney’s wholesome family entertainment image, it is “a powerful cultural force and corporate monolith that commodifies culture, sanitizes historical memory, and constructs children’s identities exclusively within the ideology of consumerism.” Other concerns are about the level of violence prevalent in many of these texts and the negative or stereotypical depictions of race and gender.

20 Respecting the Authentic Experiences of Students However, advocates of adopting popular culture texts see it “as an authentic part

of students’ experience, and hence as something teachers should seek to validate, even to

celebrate” (Buckingham, 1998, p. 8). Ignoring such experiences can have negative

effects. For example, in the preface of his 1994 book Disturbing Pleasures, Henry

Giroux describes the disconnect he felt between popular culture and schooling as a youth growing up in a working-class neighborhood. Popular culture was “where the action was;” it was what he and his friends “felt rather than knew was really useful knowledge”

(p. ix). In contrast, “teaching was centered exclusively on obscure books and the culture of print” (p. ix). This kind of disconnect threatens the educational potential of students, because formal schooling may lack personal relevance for them.

[School] was like being sent to a strange planet. Desire was mainly a male prerogative reserved for sports during recess time. The language we learned and had to speak was different, strange, and unusually verbose. Bodily anti- intellectual memories disappeared for working-class kids in this school. We were on a different train, one oriented toward a cheap imitation of the knowledge of high culture…what we learned had little to do with where we came from, who we were, or where we thought, at least, we were going. Many of my friends dropped out early (p. ix-x).

“Allowing students to explore topics of personal relevance…is one way of stimulating motivation,” (Nussbaum, 2002, p. 489), and it seems it might also encourage a sense of belonging in students who might otherwise feel disenfranchised by the disconnect between their experiences at home and those at school. This may be particularly important with students from a lower socioeconomic status, because of the kind of language and culture gap that Giroux describes above.

21 Teaching Critical Thinking Even some scholars who are less enthusiastic about the content of popular culture

texts, find it must be addressed in the classroom. For example, Alvermann et al state

that “prohibit[ing] references to popular culture in the classroom can serve to increase its subcultural value among students” and “educators and researchers must become critical consumers and teachers of the media” (1999, p. vii). It is also necessary for understanding students: there is “an urgent need for educators to engage constructively with media, popular and youth culture to better understand how these discourses structure childhood, adolescence, and students’ knowledge” (Luke, 1997, p. 45).

This is not to say that advocates of introducing popular culture into the curriculum support an indiscriminant use of such texts. Rather, while they support using it to capitalize on the heightened interest and motivation generated by using texts that have meaning and appeal to students, they also emphasize the importance of teaching students to analyze these texts critically:

-there is a need to engage children in productive and critical analyses of these texts, while not dismissing the intense pleasure they receive from them. This is a difficult balancing act that can only be achieved through a teaching approach which begins with a familiarity with, and a respect for, children’s experiences (Marsh & Millard, 2000, p. 43).

In line with the ideas of Hall, “proponents of critical literacy contend that one important goal of literacy instruction should be to apply critical thinking to achieve deeper understanding of existing social conditions and power relations (Nussbaum, 2002, p.

488). Alverman et al specifically expand this to include non-print texts, defining

‘critical media literacy’ as “providing individuals access to understanding how the print

22 and non-print texts that are part of everyday life help to construct their knowledge of the

world and the various social, economic, and political positions they occupy within it”

(Alverman et al, 1999, p. 2).

Encouraging Traditional Literacy Within the literature on popular culture and literacy, there are two branches of

argument for including popular culture in the classroom. The first is that printed texts

should reflect the interests of the learner to aid learning in obtaining literacy in the traditional sense. Allowing young readers to pick texts that have an intrinsic appeal to

them at least encourages reading. Since “it is not always the greatest works that

exercise the most powerful pull on the imagination of young readers,” children may be

“disadvantaged” if the curriculum is limited to “great works” or approved children’s

literature (Marsh & Millard, 2000, p. 83). For example, Marsh (1999) found that

“incorporating popular culture texts into the curriculum provided motivation and

excitement for many children” some of whom were not typically enthusiastic readers.

Dyson (1998) found that such texts both motivate children in writing tasks, and also

enable them to explore issues of identity. Popular culture engages students by

“allow[ing] the personal to sneak into the predictability of the school routine, through the

symbols created by the child’s inner world” (Marsh & Millard, 2000, p. 91). Also,

allowing students to pick texts in which they have some personal authority encourages

confidence and increases participation. These scholars are not suggesting removing

canonical works from the curriculum; rather, they advocate adding popular culture texts.

It may be easier for students to build literacy and critical analysis skills using popular

23 culture texts, but as they gain in ability and confidence those skills may be applied more

smoothly to canonical texts. Teachers might also use a mixture of the two, in order to

draw connections between contemporary and classical texts and to keep the curriculum dynamic and interesting to students.

Toward a New Definition of Literacy The second strand of critical thought suggests that, given the increasing importance of electronically mediated culture, current definitions of literacy are too narrow, and “…the book is no longer the single privileged means of representation that it may have been in earlier times” (Buckingham & Sefton-Green, 1994, p. 5).

“Consuming popular media is seen to require no intellectual or cultural competencies, and thus to develop none” (p. 2), and yet “the competencies and understandings that children are developing in their encounters with media texts, largely outside school, are both valid and important in themselves, and also form part of a continuum that includes, and may be transferred across to, their encounters with books and with print” (p. 5).

By ignoring new forms of literacy, education becomes increasingly remote from the everyday lives of learners.

There are also direct opportunities for encouraging traditional literacy through media texts, which may be especially important given the competition for children’s attention that video games and television represent. Teachers might capitalize on students’ interest in popular media to develop interest in reading by using books in the classroom that have inter-textual tie-ins (like video games or movies). For example, interest in the Harry Potter movies might be used to encourage students to read the

24 novels. In Japanese studies, interest in anime, for example, might be used to encourage

students to read the ‘manga’ (comic books) from which they were created. While the

literacy literature focuses primarily on children from primary to secondary school, I

believe that there is no reason why adult literacy in second or foreign languages might

not operate in similar ways. Adults, too, are influenced by popular culture, and texts

that are intrinsically interesting to students are also likely to engage them more in the

learning process.3

Popular Culture and Second/Foreign Language Teaching Within the field of Second Language Acquisition (SLA), some research on popular culture and language learning is emerging. As discussed in the previous chapter, Cheung (2001) and Domoney and Harris (1993) found that using authentic popular culture materials in the EFL classroom enhances motivation, because the students find them more meaningful and interesting. Zoreda (1993, 2002) has explored using popular culture in Mexican EFL classrooms to “enrich transcultural encounters,” “offer critical analyses of Anglophone cultures,” and “promote the improvement and diversification of English knowledge and competence.” Within this literature, as within the L1 literacy literature, the emphasis is on the potential for popular culture texts to enhance motivation and provide opportunities for critical analysis. Another benefit mentioned in these studies, directly or indirectly, is the contextualization of language and culture. As authentic texts are created for native speaker audiences, they provide a wealth of cultural information, which is situated in a “natural” context. Thus far, the research

3 It is also the case that many adult learners of foreign languages on the college level are just out of high school and not so different in age and development from secondary school learners. 25 seems to be limited to an EFL context, but it seems likely that popular culture texts

function similarly in other language contexts as well.

One concern in generalizing the EFL findings to other language learning contexts

is that the Anglophone texts may be more a part of students’ lives than texts from other

foreign languages. “Power in modern societies is based less on force than on culture;

the idea that power itself resides in culture defines hegemony” (Grossgerg et al, 1998).

The hegemonic power of the United States and other English-speaking powers has led to

accusations of cultural imperialism. “For some cultural critics working within the mass

culture paradigm, mass culture is not just an imposed and impoverished culture, it is in a

clear identifiable sense an imported American culture” (Storey, 2001, p. 9). This is

known as “Americanization.” A less negative way of viewing this cultural power lies in the term “soft power.” Coined by political scientist Joseph Nye, “soft power” refers to

“the ability to get what you want by attracting and persuading others to adopt your goals”

(2003). In contrast to the “hard power” of military or economic force, soft power is the use of ideological or cultural influence to meet national interests abroad.4 Whether one

agrees or disagrees with these characterizations of American cultural power, it is clear

that English-language (often American) texts of all forms (movies, books, music, etc.) are

widely available in many countries around the world. Therefore, EFL students are

likely to be more exposed to such texts than their counterparts in many other foreign

language learning situations. That is why anime in the United States (which might be

viewed as an example of Japan’s soft power) offers an interesting comparison. Through

4 Not making this kind of power synonymous with Americanization allows for the notion that other nations exert similar power. 26 their fandom, student anime fans are exposed to authentic Japanese popular culture texts

in a similar way that many EFL students are exposed to English texts, although the sense

of “uniqueness of the object of fandom” (Napier, 2001) may put a slightly different spin

on the phenomenon.

It still remains likely that student anime fans will also experience enhanced

motivation in language learning and may benefit from critical analyses of anime texts.

Although this study will not be examining the use of anime in the classroom, the

perceptions the participants have of Japanese language learning should either support or

weaken the idea that interest in anime enhances and/or helps sustain motivation and

should suggest what need there might be for teaching students to critically view anime

texts. It will also be informative to see how popular culture interests outside of the

classroom may impact learning. For example, some evidence indicates that, initially,

students whose native language is English may find learning “truly foreign” (non-

cognate) languages to be anxiety-provoking (Jorden and Walton, as cited in Saito and

Samimy, 1996). Therefore, it is conceivable that the exposure to Japanese outside of the

classroom that anime fans experience helps to reduce the “foreignness” of the language

and thereby may help reduce anxiety. At the very least, viewing non-dubbed anime

videos may help students to get an ‘ear’ for the language.

AUTHENTIC VIDEO IN THE CLASSROOM In a sense, second language acquisition (SLA) researchers have already been engaged in the popular culture debate for some time, through the literature on using authentic texts in the classroom (“authentic” meaning created by and produced for native

27 speakers of the language). Omaggio (1986) claims that “students are more motivated

when language-learning materials seem relevant to their communicative needs and

interests and resemble authentic language use” (p. 313, as cited in Lee, 1994, p. 3).

Although not couched in terms of a discussion of popular culture, a number of studies

exist on the use of authentic video in the classroom, and in many cases the videos chosen

may be considered examples of popular culture. For example, Kishimoto (1992) found

that using a popular Japanese television drama in the Japanese language classroom was

both motivating and valuable for teaching Japanese business culture. Lee (1994) found

that using authentic Chinese television commercials in the classroom helped to

contextualize the language for students and to aid in comprehension (in comparison to

audio-only materials). Weyers (1999) looked at how exposure to Spanish-language

soap operas increased students’ communicative competence.

The benefits often mentioned of using video in the classroom in general are the

medium’s “ability to motivate learner achievement” (Oxford, Park-Oh, Ito & Sumrall,

1993); to aid in understanding of paralinguistic aspects of communication (Lonergan,

1983; Stempleski & Tomalin, 1990); to provide a rich context for authentic discourse

(Altman, 1989; Geddes & White, 1978; Tomalin, 1987); and “to help solve problems in

cross-cultural awareness and sensitivity” (Progosh, 1996, p. 34). Video “presents the

complete communicative situation” (Lonergan, 1984), which is rich in sociolinguistic and

cultural content. It is ideal for teaching culture, in that the target language group is depicted as “living vibrant people who use the target language for daily communication”

(Shrum & Glisan, as cited in Herron, Cole, Corrie & Dubeil, 1999). By presenting

28 material in context, video makes language and culture more accessible to the learner

(Garza, 1996).

However, there are a few problems with the way video tends to be used in the

classroom. One of the pioneers of using video in the foreign language classroom,

Lonergan (1984), cautioned that “teachers need to change the essentially passive viewing

habits of students to create a climate conductive to learning” (Stempleski, 1992, p. 7).

Yet, video is often used “for the exposition of cognitive learning to passive learners”

(Visscher, 1990, p. 5). Visscher finds that the visual component of video is also often

under-utilized and under-emphasized in the literature, with “primary emphasis usually

placed on the verbal componenet of video…” (p. 5). For example, video might be used

to teach cultural and paralinguistic aspects of language. It seems that teachers would

benefit from training on how to capitalize on video’s full potential.

There is also a debate in literature over whether or not authentic video or pre-

produced video designed for the language classroom more effectively facilitates learning.

The advantage of using pre-produced video is that the instructor has more control over

the linguistic, sociolinguistic, paralinguistic, and cultural content, and it can be used in conjunction with accompanying text and other materials. In addition, pre-produced videos are less work for teachers, who “can, in a relatively short time, preview video sequences, select viewing activities, and adapt the language activities to fit their students’

needs and different classroom situations” (Stempleski, 1992, p. 8). However, with pre-

produced video, the authenticity of the language, characters, and situation are all threatened (Garza, 1996). In addition, such videos may not be updated regularly and the cultural, even the linguistic content, could be out-dated. 29 Many of the benefits and disadvantages of authentic video are just the opposite.

According to Stempleski, authentic video: 1) presents real language; 2) provides an

authentic look at culture; 3) gives students practice in dealing with the medium; and 4) it

motivates student (1992, pp. 9-10). Elaborating on the third benefit, she makes an

argument similar to that of many popular culture and literacy scholars: “In the video age it makes sense to incorporate video-based media into teaching so that students can become more effective and critical viewer; teachers can help make students’ everyday viewing a learning experience” (p. 9).

The drawback is that teachers must spend considerably more time reviewing, selecting, and preparing suitable authentic video for their classes. There may be copyright issues as well. However, there are strategies for making such issues manageable. For example, Garza (1996) suggests “altering the task not the text” in order to overcome the issue of time-constraints. He recommends finding a couple of good examples and then tailoring classroom activities around those clips. To make authentic video more manageable for learners, teachers might also use captioned texts, which Garza (1991) found increases comprehension. While the authentic content may be challenging to students, they will need to get used to decoding authentic speech in real life situations. And researchers have found that instructors often underestimate the ability of students to understand authentic materials (Allen, Bernhardt, Berry, & Demel,

1988; Lee 1987, as cited in Saito 1994). “Researchers constantly remind us that L2 students are able to handle authentic texts as long as the selection of materials reflects the cognitive and content background of adult learners” (Saito, 1994). This is one reason

30 that choosing types of texts that students have some familiarity with, or that are generally

more accessible, will aid in their ability to comprehend.

Another strength of using popular culture video may be that, while popular

culture naturally varies across cultures, popular culture texts may be more similar than traditional texts across cultures. “There remain significant cultural differences across national borders. To a great extent, however, and particularly in the industrial countries, cultural differences between nations are declining rapidly, as commerce and communications increasingly internationalize” (Grossberg et al, 1988, p. 399). Some scholars, such as Stuart Hall, see globalization as transforming local cultures into cultural hybrids that have elements of many cultures. This hybridization is particularly relevant in terms of youth culture (Besley, 2002) (of which anime fandom in the United States is a part). Similarities in contemporary culture of the target language group may make authentic materials more accessible, enabling learners to draw on existing schema.5

It seems that the benefits of using authentic video outweigh the drawbacks.

Authenticity is particularly important in situations in which learners have limited or no access to the target language group. In such cases, the authentic video can act as a

“window” into the target culture and language. This is especially crucial, as students may not be exposed to authentic culture in their textbooks. In 2003, Matsumoto and

Okamoto published a study in which they reviewed five of the most commonly used

Japanese textbooks in the United States. They analyzed them in terms of cultural

5 I am not suggesting that teaching traditional culture is unimportant. But, in terms of teaching modern languages, capitalizing on the cognitive and emotional accessibility of popular culture may be a valuable tool in language teaching.

31 content, and found that many cultural references over-simplified cultural phenomena to a

degree that might negatively affect students’ ability to communicate in the language.

This highlights the importance of exposing students to authentic materials and more

situations in which they might see or hear native speakers interacting in the language.

While anime texts do not feature live actors, the voice-actors are native speakers, and the

texts are still imbued with authentic cultural and linguistic content, thus they might be

considered a potential source of authentic video for the classroom. This is not to

suggest that language teachers throw away the textbook and use only authentic materials

or that Japanese teachers use only anime for authentic materials, only that anime may be

one possible source of materials for augmenting the traditional curriculum.

TEACHING CULTURE Many of the justifications for using authentic video in the classroom relate to the transmission of authentic cultural content. The teaching of culture might be considered a separate curricular goal from language learning. However, as the literature for the past few decades has shown, culture and language learning are inherently interconnected and should be taught together. According to Omaggio-Hadley, “two widely-held beliefs among foreign language professionals [are]: 1) that language study is an essential component in the curriculum, in part because it can lead to greater cross-cultural understanding, and 2) that language and culture are inseparably intertwined” (2001, p.

345).

32 Teaching Culture for Cross-cultural Understanding The argument for the first belief is that people naturally view other cultures

through their own cultural lenses. These ethnocentric attitudes lead to

misunderstanding, aggression, and even war between peoples. Cultural sensitivity and

tolerance of difference must, therefore, be taught, and the foreign language classroom is

an important arena for this (Bennett, 1993; Brown et al, 1953; Kramsch, 1993; Lafayette

and Strasheim, 1981; Marchland, 1975; Moran, 2001; Moore, 2001; Seelye, 1991).

Moore (2001) and Moran (2001) also see the importance of teaching culture in terms of

multi-cultural understanding, which is critical given the increasingly pluralistic society in

the United States.

Culture and Language an Inseparable The second widely held belief among foreign language educators is that language

and culture are “inseparably intertwined” (Brooks, 1969; Bryam and Morgan, 1994;

Crawford-Lange and Lange, 1984; Kramsch, 1993; Moore, 1994; Nostrand, 1974;

Seelye, 1991). This is due, in part, to the influence of the field of cultural anthropology

through which language has been redefined as “a phenomenon ‘structured and motivated

by its culture’” (Hendon, 1980, p. 191). Kramsch (1998) describes three distinct aspects

of the connection between language and culture. The first is that language expresses

cultural reality: “the words people utter refer to common experience; they express facts, ideas or events that are communicable because they refer to a stock of knowledge about the world that other people share” (p. 3). The second is that language embodies cultural

reality: “members of a community or social group…create experience through language;

the way in which people use the spoken, written, or visual medium itself creates 33 meanings that are understandable to the group that they belong to…” (p. 3). And

finally, language symbolizes cultural reality: “language is a system of signs that is seen as having itself a cultural value” (p. 3). In other words, language both reflects cultural experiences and is the medium through which they are created and given value.

According to this view, the study of language without culture completely de- contextualizes it in a way that leaves it inauthentic and unnatural. As Berman puts it,

“the study of language without access to cultural material is empty and represents a technical dumbing down of the curriculum” (2002, p. 6). Students who learn a foreign language without the benefit of cultural context will inevitable encounter difficulties and frustrations as they encounter native speakers. As Kramsch describes it:

Culture in language learning is not an expendable fifth skill, tacked on, so to speak, to the teaching of speaking, listening, reading and writing. It is always in the background right from day one, ready to unsettle the good language learners when they expect it least, making evident the limitations of the hard-won communicative competence, challenging their ability to make sense of the world around them (1993, p. 1).

Given the limitations of having linguistic competence without cultural competence, it would seem that foreign language educators are obligated to teach culture. An added incentive is that learning about culture is motivating for students (Allen, 1985; Hendon,

1980). However, the journey from theory to practice has been a painfully slow, rather confused one.

Moving from Theory to Practice While there seems to be a consensus on the importance of teaching culture, there is no consensus on how to teach culture, and very few inroads have been made in

34 practice, in spite of the existence of decades worth theory to support it. It is not the

intention here to conduct an exhaustive review of the considerable body of literature on

methods of teaching culture. Instead, an overview will be given of some key

perspectives and challenges related to effectively integrating cultural instruction into the

foreign language classroom.

Moore et al (1998) describe a number of the problems language teachers cite with

integrating culture into the curriculum: 1) not enough room in the curriculum; 2) not

enough training about methods for teaching culture; 3) inadequate instructional materials;

and 4) culture learning is not assessed. To this, Galloway adds that teaching culture entails taking on students attitudes, which can be a difficult and uncertain prospect (as

cited in Omaggio-Hadley, 2001). Until fairly recently, one of the major stumbling

blocks to the introduction of culture into the foreign language classroom in the United

States had been the absence of any coherent standards for educators to follow. Official

guidelines for language teaching have existed since the 1986 publication of the American

Council on the Teaching of Foreign Languages (ACFL) guidelines. However, culture

was conspicuously absent from those guidelines. The justification given for the

omission was the lack of a common approach to teaching culture in the profession

(Moore, 2001). Guidelines for the teaching of culture were finally established with the

publication of the national Standard for Foreign Language Learning in 1997. The

federally-funded Standards are the work of four national language organizations (ACFL,

the American Association of Teachers of French, the American Association of the

Teachers of German, and the American Association of Teachers of Spanish and

Portuguese) and identify five major goals for language learning: Communication, 35 Cultures, Connections, Comparisons, and Communities (commonly known as the five

C’s). These standards are an important development for American foreign language

teaching and should be discussed in some detail.

The National Standards for Foreign Language Learning The rationale for the culture standard reads as follows: “through the study of other

languages, students gain a knowledge and understanding of the cultures that use that

language and, in fact, cannot truly master the language until they have also mastered the

cultural contexts in which the language occurs” (Executive Summary, p. 1). Culture is

defined as the products (both tangible and intangible), practices (“patterns of behavior accepted by a society”) and perspectives (“traditional ideas and attitudes”) of a society.

There are two parts to the standard on culture: 2.1) “Students demonstrate an understanding of the relationship between the practices and perspectives of the culture

studied; 2.2) “Students demonstrate an understanding of the relationship between the

products and perspectives of the culture studied.” However, several of the other

standards also relate to goals for culture learning. Standard 3.2, under “connections,”

states: “students acquire information and recognize the distinctive viewpoints that are only available through the foreign language and its cultures.” Comparison standard 4.2 states: “Students recognize that cultures use different patterns of interaction and can apply this knowledge to their own culture.” The integration of culture into guidelines for language education is surely a step in the right direction, yet the aforementioned obstacles that practitioners face still remain.

36 Methods of Teaching Culture

This is not to say that culture is not being taught at all. Galloway describes four main approaches currently used to teach culture in the language classroom (as cited in Omaggio-Hadley, 2001, p. 349): 1. The Frankenstein Approach: A taco from here, a flamenco dancer from there, a gaucho from here, a bullfight from there. 2. The 4-F Approach: Folk Dances, festivals, fairs and food. 3. The Tour Guide Approach: the identification of monuments, rivers, and cities.

4. The “By-the-Way” Approach: Sporadic lectures or bits of behavior selected indiscriminately to emphasize sharp differences.

This kind of “trivia game” does not truly integrate culture in language, and may only

serve to exoticize other cultures or emphasize difference. In recent years, textbooks and

curricular materials have begun to include more structured methods of teaching culture.

Some common techniques include culture capsules (a brief description, with photos or other illustrative material, of a target culture custom), culture clusters (several culture capsules on related topics with a 30-minute skit or situational role-play), and culture assimilators (a lesson describing a number of “critical incidents” in which some kind of

misunderstanding occurs between an American and a member of the target culture for

which students learn the cultural framework). These techniques are an improvement

over the four approaches described by Galloway. However, they too have limitations.

Both culture capsules and culture clusters focus on facts (particularly capsules which are

not very interactive), and none of the three techniques do much to integrate cultural

37 knowledge with language. Assimilators require more involvement, as learners are

expected to speculate on the causes of the misunderstandings. The techniques are

intended to accustom students to dealing constructively with cultural misunderstandings;

yet, by their nature, they focus on differences and conflicts, which are unlikely to foster

affinity in students for the C2. Another concern is that while “this [kind of] material

provides students with cultural content, the texts’ lack of cultural authenticity greatly

diminishes their value as objects of cultural inquiry, unless, of course, the purpose is to inquire about the culture of American textbook industry” (Maxim, 2000, p. 13).

Toward Raising the Bar on Culture-Teaching The literature is full of suggestions for improving the effectiveness of culture teaching in the language classroom. Scholars such as Crawford-Lange (1982), Bryam

(1991), and Peck (1992) emphasize the importance of teaching critical thinking about culture. The socialization process of native speakers cannot be duplicated in the classroom, so acculturation cannot be the goal. Instead, students should be taught to view a culture non-ethnocentrically, which entails critical thinking. Critical thinking requires more complex cognitive skills than memorizing facts, acting out scenarios, or choosing an answer from a multiple choice list. Moore (2001) and Moran (2001) suggest guiding learners though activities that require them to use all of the cognitive skills in Bloom’s Taxonomy (1956). The taxonomy is a list of six education objectives:

“knowledge (recall of information), application, analysis (breaking down information into parts), comprehension (interpretation of knowledge), synthesis (bringing parts of

knowledge into a whole), and evaluation (judgments based on a set of criteria)” (Moran,

38 2001, p. 42). Using the taxonomy calls for approaches that encourage autonomy by being more student-centered than teacher-centered.

Scholars are increasingly emphasizing the importance of using a student-centered approach in the classroom. In a student-centered approach, students accept more responsibility for their own learning, and teachers act more as facilitators. Students, thereby, become more autonomous learners. As defined by Wendon (1991), an autonomous learner is one who “has acquired the strategies and knowledge to take some

(if not all) responsibility for her language learning and is willing and self-confident enough to do so” (as cited in Tudor, 1996, p. 18). In a student-centered approach, instructors must be more aware of needs and motivations of their students, who are given input into curriculum decisions. Students benefit from a learner-centered approach in that it encourages the development of both critical thinking and motivation (Nunan,

1998). Students also benefit because “given the constraints that exist in most learning contexts, it is impossible to teach learners everything they need to know in class” (p. 3).

By giving students the proper tools, they can continue their learning outside of the classroom context. Jourdain states: “difficulties in broaching cultural material, including boredom on the part of the students and frustration on the part of the instructors, arise when we follow the classic teacher-centered instruction in our cultural presentations as opposed to the more engaging model of student-centered instruction”

(1998, p. 440). In this model “students collect, synthesize, and communicate relevant cultural data” and contemplate “the values reflected in the cultures of study, comparing those values to their own” (p. 440).

39 A number of scholars emphasize the necessity of encouraging learners to first

reflect on their own cultural views and values, since these things are often not recognized

as being culturally specific and may contribute to ethnocentric views of other cultures

(Brown et al, 1953; Galloway, 1985; Marchland, 1975; Seelye, 1991). For example,

Galloway believes that the instructor should first guide students to understand their own

cultural “frame of reference” and then guide them into an exploration of the target culture

through the use of authentic materials (as cited in Omaggio-Hadley, 2001).

This brings the discussion back to the authenticity debate. Like Galloway, many

other culture scholars recommend using authentic texts to teach culture (e.g. Brooks,

1969; Maxim, 2000; Moore, 2001). Looking at authentic texts in terms of popular

culture in general, Scollon states, “when used with care, the study of popular culture

products may shed useful analytic light on differences across cultures” (1999, p. 195).

However, similar to the disagreement among scholars over the benefits of authentic video versus video pre-produced for the classroom, there is some disagreement as to when and to what extent authentic texts should be introduced for culture teaching. One of the major concerns practitioners raise about using authentic materials is that they are too difficult for beginners (Maxim, 2000). For example, Bamford and Day find that a certain amount of language competence is a prerequisite for using authentic materials (as cited in Maxim, 2000, p. 13). However, as some scholars point out (Brooks, 1968;

Hendon, 1980; Maxim, 2000), enrollments for foreign language classes are the highest for first-year courses, so many students would be denied the benefits of culture learning.

In addition, Maxim finds that “true beginners who have no or negligible prior experience learning the language can be surprisingly open and willing to tackle challenging texts 40 since they have relatively low expectations about what they can comprehend” (2000, pp.

13-14). Also, as Moore (2001) states, “culture learning is a continuous process and ideally should begin as early as possible.” If authentic materials are as important in creating genuine cultural context as scholars claim, than using them to teach culture should also begin as early as possible, so students may effectively begin the process of culture learning.

All of these approaches and methods (student-centered, teaching for critical thinking, and using authentic texts) demand more from the teacher in terms of training, studying the individual needs of learners, and planning lessons. As Allen states in terms of teaching culture in general, “the difficulty lies not in principle or educational philosophy but rather in the application of the principle” (1985, p. 156). This is likely why there has not been a wide-scale adaptation of methods like these in classrooms.

Teachers would require more support in terms of the development of teaching materials, training opportunities, and acceptance from administrators.

Teaching Culture in a Japanese Studies Context In the specific context of Japanese studies, Kubota (2003) raises particular concerns about a tendency to essentialize and “otherize” Japanese culture. This is because of the predominance in Japanese programs of ‘Nihonjiron,’ the concept that sees the Japanese language and culture as unique, in Japanese programs. This concept is problematic in that “Japanese culture is made unique vis-à-vis the West,” and it

“presumes that existence of a homogenous American culture and language which is represented mainly by the white monolingual English-speaking population, ignoring the

41 multicultural multilingual reality of the United States” (p. 75). According to Kubota,

Japanese culture is often taught as binary oppositions: similar versus different and correct versus incorrect. Seeing Japanese culture in terms of difference increases the likelihood of otherizing it. Teaching culture as either correct or incorrect “is likely to lead to a prescriptive approach to teaching and learning about culture” (p. 71). To counter the tendency to essential Japanese culture and to facilitate comprehension of the “diverse, dynamic and fluid” nature of culture, Kubota also advocates encouraging students to think critically about culture, rather than taking a prescriptive, fact-based approach.

Kubota’s concerns again suggest the necessity of providing varied and authentic contexts for culture learning. It would seem that use of authentic video or other materials could be invaluable in presenting Japanese culture in its complexity and diversity. Anime fans, who are regularly exposed to authentic video, are very likely forming opinions of Japanese culture—opinions which may not be shaped by any sort of formal culture learning. If learning is occurring, it may well be totally self-directed. It is important, therefore, to examine fans’ perceptions of Japanese culture and culture learning through anime.

MOTIVATION The emphasis on motivation is one important commonality between the literature on L1 literacy and popular culture, L2 acquisition and popular culture, the L2 literature on authentic materials and authentic film, and the L2 literature on teaching culture. All four strains of research find that using popular culture or authentic texts increases student engagement in the lesson material and helps increase motivation. As mentioned in

42 Chapter 1, the importance of motivation in language learning is widely discussed in the

L2 literature. As one issue likely to emerge in this study is motivation, it is important to

discuss this literature in greater detail than presented in that chapter.

The Social-Education Model of Motivation Since Gardener and Lambert’s pioneering work gained prominence in the 1970s,6 motivation research in Second Language Acquisition has undoubtedly been dominated by their Social-Education model. Other scholars, notably Krashen and Schumann, give accounts of motivation in their theoretical models. Krashen, for example, states that motivation relates to achievement in that the presence of motivation encourages a low

“affective filer,”7 while Schumann explains it in terms of “social distance.”8 However,

Gardner and Lambert’s model is undoubtedly more comprehensive and far more pervasive in the literature. Since the early 1990s, however, researchers in the field have begun to call for the use of other approaches, many from the field of educational psychology.

There are a number of points upon which most scholars seem to agree. The majority seem to agree that socio-cultural and attitudinal factors are important motivational variables and seem to accept the Socio-Educational Model’s basic constructs: integrative and instrumental motivation/orientation (although definitions of

6 Their work began in the late 1950s, but, according to the lecture notes for Dr. Horwitz’s Second Language Acquisition course, it did not become prominent until the 1970s.

7 “Affect is an important part of the learning process and that one has a ‘raised’ or ‘lowered’ affective filter. The latter leads to better learning” (Gass & Selinker, p. 450). A raised affective filter prevents input from getting in whereas a lowered filter allows it in.

8 If a learner feels psychologically or socially distant from a target language community, their motivation to learn the target language is negatively affected. 43 these vary somewhat). Integrative motivation is a combination of integrativeness,

attitudes toward the learning situation, and motivation (goal-directed behavior). As

defined by Gardner and Masgoret, integrativeness refers to “an openness to identify, at

least in part, with another language community…that would facilitate motivation to

learn” (2003 p. 172). Orientations are “classes of reasons for studying a second language” and “do not necessarily reflect motivation” (p.175). An integrative

orientation would include reasons that focused on identification with the target language

community, whereas an instrumental orientation would focus on reasons that were more

practical.9

In the Socio-Educational model, motivation in general is defined as “the driving

force in any situation” (Gardner 2001), and there are two correlated variables that

influence motivation in second language learning: Integrativeness and Attitudes toward

the Learning Situation (which might include such things as attitudes toward the teacher,

the course, the materials, etc). Motivation and Language Aptitude influence achievement.

The model acknowledges that other factors (such as instrumental orientation, learning

strategies, and language anxiety) might also influence motivation and achievement. The

combination of instrumental factors and motivation is labeled Instrumental Motivation.

The figure below represents the Socio-Educational model of SLL motivation (Gardner,

2001):

9 The distinction between motivation and orientation is not as clear outside of the work of Gardner and associates. Many scholars seem to use the terms interchangeably.

44 Other support

Other factors

Integrativenes Motivation

Attitudes toward Language learning situation achievement

Language aptitude

Some researchers do disagree with some of the Socio-Educational model’s tenets.

One of the most frequently contested issues is the question of to what extent integrative

and instrumental motivations predict achievement (i.e. instrumental versus integrative

motivation). Gardner and Lambert’s original claim was that integrative motivation is

superior and is more positively correlated with achievement than instrumental

motivation. However, Gardner has modified that somewhat and acknowledged that

instrumental motivation might also positively influence learning (although once practical

incentives are removed, motivation diminishes). Perhaps a more fundamental

disagreement is over the assertion that integrative motivation causes achievement.

Crookes and Schmidt claim that “numerous researchers have proposed that achievement

45 might actually be the cause instead of the effect of attitude” (1991, p. 474).10 However, many researchers seem to accept that motivation positively influences achievement, and many specifically state that integrative motivation is a better indicator of success in language learning than instrumental (see, for example, Noel, et al). All at least acknowledge the value of motivation in the learning process, whatever its specific causal relationship with achievement. As mentioned in the previous chapter, student anime fans are likely to be more integratively motivated. If so, according to the Gardnerian model, they should be more likely to achieve in Japanese class. While it is not the goal of this research to measure achievement or correlate it with motivation, how student anime fans perceive their achievement and motivation will be examined.

Other Perspectives and Models While many scholars seem to agree with most of the basic tenets of Gardner’s model, a number of them now call for broadening the theoretical model. Crookes and

Schmidt (1991), Dornyei (1994), and Ushioda (2001), for example, stress how

“unbalanced” the view of motivation has become, due to an over-reliance on the

Gardnerian model. One manifestation of this is that The Attitude and Motivation Test

Battery (AMTB), designed by Gardner and his associates to statistically analyze relationships between motivational variables, is used as the basis of research in a significant portion of scholarship in the field (one result of which is that the field is dominated by quantitative studies). Researchers, such as Crookes, Schmidt and

10 Crookes and Schmidt also assert that empirical evidence on the Socio-Educational Model is controversial (something which Gardner denies and attempts to address with the Meta-Analysis included in the summaries section of this paper).

46 Dornyei, advocate expanding the theoretical basis of the model by including concepts

from educational psychology and by considering the practitioners’ perspective. Two

prominent examples of psychological theories of motivation that SLA scholars attempt to

incorporate into the model11 are Ryan and Deci’s Self-Determination Theory (notably

Dornyei, 1994 and Noels, 2001) and Lewin and Vroom’s Expectancy Theory (e.g.

Oxford & Shearin, 1994; Kondo,1999; and Wen, 1997).

Self Determination Theory Self Determination Theory (STD) divides motivation into two types, intrinsic and

extrinsic, and stresses the importance of promoting learners’ feelings of autonomy,

competence, and connectedness to others. SDT defines being motivated in general as

“being moved to do something” (Ryan and Deci, 2000, p. 54). They consider

motivation to vary based on level (how much motivation) and orientation (what type of

motivation). “Orientation of motivation concerns the underlying attitudes and goals that

give rise to action—that is, it concerns the why of actions” (p. 54). Ryan and Deci thus

acknowledge the distinction between motivation level and orientation, but they do not

draw the sharp line between orientation and motivation that Gardner and his colleagues

do and seem to use the terms interchangeably. Intrinsic (or self-determined) motivation

is doing something because it is “inherently interesting,” while extrinsic motivation is

doing something for practical or instrumental reasons. Extrinsic motivation is divided

into four types, running along a continuum of less to more internalized/self-determined:

external regulation (learner is “learning because of some contingency in the

11 These two are prominent in the literature, but there are a number of others, such as Weiner’s Attribution Theory, Boekaert’s model of motivation, and Kuhl’s Action Control Model, to name a few. 47 environment”), introjected regulation (learner has “adopted contingencies and now self-

imposes pressures or rewards”), identified regulation (learner “chooses to engage in an activity because its value is recognized to be important for some aspect of the self”), and integrated motivation (the learner has “fully assimilated identified regulations to the self…brought into congruence with [their] other values and needs”) (Noels, 2001, pp. 46-

48). Intrinsic motivation best facilitates learning, because positive feelings toward the learning activity/subject encourage persistence. Intrinsic motivation may be either facilitated or undermined depending on social or environmental factors. Feelings of competence and a sense of autonomy together are crucial for maintaining intrinsic motivation. They also encourage extrinsic motivation to become more internalized, which aids learning. One might expect student anime fans to have more internalized, intrinsic motivation to study Japanese. However, this cannot be assumed, and, again, students’ perceptions of their motivation should be addressed in the study before making any assertions.

Expectancy Theory “Expectancy Theory deals with the value (valence) learners place on goals and with expectancy,” or the “effort that will lead to successful performance” (Wen, 1997, p.

236). Valence is the “psychological value of a particular goal” (Lewin, 1951). How much value an action is considered to have and whether or not one expects that the action will lead to the desired result determines the amount of effort expended on the action.

Motivational, or goal, orientations (intrinsic or extrinsic) are included under “valence,” and expectancy components include control of learning beliefs (“how much the student

48 expects to be able to control the outcomes of the course”) and self-efficacy for learning and performance (“the expectancy for success and self-efficacy”) (MacIntyre et al, pp.

465-466). In Pintrich’s model, an affective component is included: test anxiety. The stronger the expectations for success, the stronger the valence, and the lower the test anxiety, the more motivated and successful a learner is likely to be. Because of their fandom, one might expect that student anime fans will place a higher valence on learning

Japanese. However, in the Expectancy Theory of motivation, this alone will not be enough to enable achievement, if they do not also possess a sense of self-efficacy. It may, therefore, be important to explore the students’ perceptions of their ability to succeed in Japanese.12

Comparison of the Models While it does seem that Gardner and Lambert’s Socio-educational model needs to be broadened in order to fully explain L2 learner motivation, it nevertheless seems the most complete of the models discussed here, at least in terms of covering all of the variables. Unlike the other models, the Gardnerian model covers, not only motivation and affective factors, but attitudes as well. Therefore, it seems more able to explain individual differences in achievement in second language learning. An examination of the figure on page two clearly shows that this model accounts for the effects of a number of attitudinal, motivational, and affective factors on language achievement. Also, the relationships between variables are stated clearly in the model, which helps explain the

12 There are a number of other interesting motivational concepts that now appear in the L2 motivation literature (e.g. Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs Theory, Murray and McClelland’s Need for Achievement/Fear of Failure Theory, and Locke’s Goal-Setting Theory), but an exhaustive discussion of all the models of motivation are beyond the scope of this study. 49 complexities of individual differences in learners. For example, a learner may begin

with integrative motivation, but that motivation might be negatively or positively affected

by attitudes toward the learning environment (toward classmates, the textbook, the

teacher, etc.). Neither of the other models really addresses these more external

influences. The Socio-educational model shows that achievement is influenced, not just

by motivation, but also by other factors, such as anxiety, learning strategies, self-

confidence, and aptitude. The other models do not discuss these issues as completely:

Expectancy/Value Theory, for example addresses anxiety and self-confidence in depth,

but does not explicitly discuss the other elements (at least not as it is discussed in the L2

literature).

Another advantage of the Gardnerian model stems from the fact that it was

designed specifically to address second-language learning motivation.13 This is apparent in the concept of ‘integrativeness.’ Although Self Determination Theory also covers the concept of more internalized motivation through its concept of intrinsic motivation, ‘integrativeness’ refers specifically to a L2 learning situation. It is not just genuine interest in the topic of learning, but also the desire “to come closer to the other language community” (Gardner, 2001, p.5). This perhaps provides the model with even more power to explain differences in learner achievement. For example, a learner with integrative motivation could possibly be more successful than one with intrinsic, though

13 This discussion focuses on the three models that I examined in detail earlier in the essay, but I should also at least briefly address the other SLA models touching on motivation. While Krashen’s Monitor model is also second-language learning specific, it is not a ‘motivation’ model, and ‘affective filter’ does not seem to encompass all of the complexities of the construct. And, although Schumann’s Social Distance Theory is also a SLA model and seems to address motivation more thoroughly, its focus is primarily on the socio- cultural aspects of motivation, and also seems less complete than Gardner and Lambert’s theory. 50 not integrated, motivation in that the desire to be closer to the target language community may cause him/her to seek more contact with that group.

However, Gardner’s model does neglect to address certain crucial issues, such as learner agency, self-efficacy, attribution of success/failure, etc., and it seems that the most ideal model for explaining why some learners are more successful than others would be an amalgamation of several of the models described here. Discussions of motivation in this study will be informed by such an amalgamation.

One thing that should be emphasized is that motivation is not static. This is, of course, implicit in the discussion above, but is crucial enough to warrant further emphasis. Language students may enter the classroom highly motivated, but disappointed expectations and other difficulties may weaken that motivation.

Motivation interacts with other factors, in a cycle that strongly impacts learning:

Researchers (Ellis, 1994; Gardner, 1985; McDonough, 1986; Skehan, 1989) tend to describe language learning as a cyclical process: strong motivation, positive attitudes, and effective learning effort may result in increased language attainment and the feeling of progress, which may in turn enhance motivation and facilitate further effort (Gan, Humphreys & Hamp-Lyons, 2004, p. 231).

Clearly, understanding the construct of motivation is not enough to affect change in learners. It is vital to merge theory and practice and encourage motivation in the classroom. There is a significant body of literature on practical classroom concerns and methods of stimulating motivation in learners. A few of these studies, within a Japanese language learning context will be briefly discussed below.

51 Motivation in a Japanese Studies Context Motivation has been tied to such critical issues as attrition. While enrollment in

beginning Japanese classes in the US has been swelling over the past decade or so, the

attrition rate of these students is very high, as high as 80% (Samimy and Saito-Abbott,

1997). In a study conducted in 1990, Samimy and Tabuse found that affective variables

such as motivation and attitudinal factors are critical in predicting students’ success [and

persistence] in Japanese” (377, 378). Other researchers in Japanese and other Less-

Commonly-Taught languages (LCTL), such as Kondo-Brown (2001) and Wen (1997), have had similar results, also finding that motivation plays an important role in persistence in language programs. The Foreign Service Institute of the Department of

State classifies Japanese as a category four language, one of the most difficult for native speakers of English to learn. The perceived difficulty of the language and the high attrition rate in Japanese programs underscores the need for educators to help stimulate and maintain motivation in students. Encouraging the use of learning strategies and creating an anxiety-free classroom environment may also increase motivation and help prevent attrition (Kato 2002). Some scholars have found that anxiety negatively influences the learning process more with the LCTLs, like Japanese (Aida, 1994; Horwitz et al, 1991; Samimy, 1994; Saito and Samimy, 1996), so alleviating anxiety may be particularly salient for motivation in Japanese language classrooms. It is also important for teachers to understand the personal interests and goals of their students, so that they can improve teaching materials and methods to help facilitate motivation. In keeping with the literature on literacy and popular culture, one way of improving materials may

52 be to choose authentic, popular culture texts that have relevance for students, which may

possibly include anime texts.

ANIME Anime is a part of visual culture, a construct that includes such diverse areas as film, advertising, architecture, painting, fashion, and automotive and interior design. In its “strong sense” visual culture “refers to the values and identities that are constructed in and communicated by visual culture [products and practices]” (Barnard, 2001, p.1).

From this perspective alone, anime is worth studying for its potential influence on society, and, as previously discussed, from the point of view of an educator, it is important to understand both how students’ identities and points of view, etc., might be influenced by such popular culture texts and to teach students how to analyze these texts critically. To understand, beyond the general arguments discussed above, why this might be necessary with anime in particular, a closer look at the phenomenon is warranted.

What is Anime? Anime (pronounced AH-nee-may), a Romanized and abbreviated Japanese word for ‘animation’, is a medium, not a genre of film. In a Japanese context, the word differs little from the way the meaning of the word “animation” as used here. A definition of animation found in Wells (1998) is that “the essence of animation is in the creation of movement on paper, the manipulation of clay, the adjustment of a model, etc., before the act of photographing the image, i.e. the activity that has taken place between what become the final frames of the film” (p. 10). Like American animated films,

53 Japanese “anime” films are imbued by the culture that creates them. Anime “shows influences from such Japanese traditional arts a Kabuki and the woodblock print but it also makes use of worldwide artistic traditions of twentieth century cinema and photography” (Napier, p.4, 2000). Although the content of anime varies, it is typically recognizable for its distinctive character designs—slender idealized bodies, simple faces dominated by preternaturally large eyes.

Image of characters from the popular series Neogenesis Evangelion

Therefore, while one definition of anime is simply any animated film that is made in

Japan (Poitras, 1999), it might also be considered a style of animation. In discussing how anime is defined in the literature, Lamarre states that “anime appears to be nothing more than another narrative genre with different types of characters; it is not clear whether anime has any specificity as a form, style, or medium (or combination of media) or any specificity in its social or historical construction” (2002, p. 187). However, the fact that anime is easily recognizable, seems to refute the idea that anime is not a “style.”

This is further evidenced by the fact that ‘anime’ (or anime influenced) films are now

54 being produced in other countries (for example, Nickelodeon’s Avatar: The Last

Airbender is not only influenced by anime, it is promoted as an “anime”).

Animation is significantly more popular in Japan than in the United States: nearly

50% of all films made in Japan are animated.

Unlike cartoons in the West, anime in Japan is truly a mainstream pop cultural phenomenon. While rabidly fanatical fans of anime are called by the pejorative term otaku and looked down upon by conservative Japanese society, anime is simply accepted by virtually all the younger generation of Japanese as a cultural staple (Napier, 2000, p. 7).

Napier explains the popularity of animation in Japan as influenced by the pictocentric

aesthetic traditions of the culture; by economic factors (animated film could be produced

relatively cheaply); by the influence of manga’s (comic’s) popularity; and “perhaps the most fundamental reason… [is] the flexibility, creativity, and freedom in the medium itself, a site of resistance to the conformity of Japanese society” (p. 26).

Genres within anime included everything from children’s stories to classics of

literature to cyberpunk to even pornography. In contrast to American animation,

Japanese animation is clearly not intended just for children; anime themes and subject

matter can be surprisingly complex (Barefoot Gen for example deals with the dropping of the atomic bomb on Hiroshima). The perceived quality of these films also varies widely, from the academy award-winning film Spirited Away to obvious promotions for toys like Pokemon. As a part of “low” culture, anime was previously ignored by

Japanese academia and government institutions, except as applied to such things as censorship issues and negative influence on children. However, “over the last decade, anime has been increasingly seen as an intellectually challenging art form, as the number 55 of scholarly writings on the subject attest” (Napier, 2000, p. 4). Now seeing the

potential “soft power” in popular culture, the Japanese government has begun actively

promoting the export of products such as anime.

Anime Fans in the West Although popular culture is constantly in flux, and therefore difficult to make

definite statements about, scholars writing about manga and anime seem to agree that

anime fandom in the West is predominantly male. This is not to suggest that there are

no female fans (the growing presence of girls, or ‘shojo,’ manga on the shelves of

mainstream bookstores intriguingly hints that perhaps the number of female fans is

increasing), but it seems that the majority of fans are still male. Anime is not an isolated

product, but like many popular culture products, is inter-textual. Many, if not most,

anime are based on popular comic books (manga) and sometimes video games, and video

games, in turn might be based on anime or manga. Many fans participate in

conventions, produce fan artwork, stories, and engage in online chatting. Because of

this, anime fandom often leads to interest in other, related texts. In this way, anime

fandom may potentially not only support the development of listening and cultural skills,

but also reading, and possibly even writing skills.

The story of the rise of anime fandom in the United States is largely the story of

the grassroots efforts of its fans. In the 1960s and 70s, there were a smattering of anime

shows broadcast on American television (e.g. Astro Boy, 1963; Eighth Man, 1965; Kimba

the White Lion, 1966; Speed Racer, 1967; Battle of the Planets, 1978; Starblazers, 1979).

However, these programs were dubbed in English and heavily edited for content. There

56 was little to alert the viewer that these were not American programs, and, indeed, most

people were completely unaware of their origin. According to Patten (1997), Battle of the Planets was the first anime to be recognized as Japanese in the United States.

Battle of the Planets (Japanese title Gachaman) team leader

Many of anime’s early fans’ interest was kindled by the discovered that some of the

beloved television shows from their childhood were actually from Japan (Levi, 1996).

The introduction of VCRs influenced fandom enormously, as anime off-air anime videos

began trickling into the country. The fan-base gradually expanded through the 1980s

and 90s. Fans promoted the object of their fandom by creating fanzines (fan

magazines), producing translations, forming clubs and holding conventions. Initially,

U.S. fans acquired anime by trading bootleg tapes with other fans, buying them from

comic book stores, or ordering them from mail-order catalogs. Small companies, like

Streamline Pictures (1988), US Renditions (1987) and Animeigo (1989), began springing

up in the late 1980s, and released subtitled or dubbed anime in response to the demand.

Many of these companies were formed by fans (Patten, 2004).

The enormous success of the television show Pokemon in the late 1990s seems to

have signaled a shift in anime consumption from a largely fan-driven phenomenon to an 57 increasing corporate-driven phenomenon. Pokemon was a huge ratings success for

Warner Brothers Network (Hatakeyama and Kubo, 2000). A film spin off in 1999

grossed $85,744,662 in North America (Tominaga, 2002).

Pokemon’s mascot, the cute but powerful “pocket monster” Pikachu

Seeing the potential, other networks such as the Cartoon Network and Nickelodeon have

increasingly begun to broadcast (English dubbed) anime. Now, local retailers such as

Blockbuster video store and Barnes and Noble book store carry large sections of anime

and manga, removing the necessity of mail-order and vastly increasing the availability of

anime. Given the recent sharp rise in both availability of anime and the dramatically

increased market for it (in 2002, the Library Journal reported that the market for anime in

the US was 500 million, that figure has now grown to 4.6 billion in 2004), it has

undoubtedly become more mainstream. There are also signs of American companies

appropriating anime. A recent coke commercial in the movie theater featured an

animated short film that was done in a distinctly anime-like style, and there have been

several music videos that are ether done in that style or feature actual clips from anime

films (Linkoln Park, for example). This gradual appropriation of anime by industry can

be seen as similar to the way that industry appropriates youth cultures.14 From a Neo-

14 Anime fandom might be considered a kind of youth culture, since the majority of fans tend to be college age, but that would seem to imply more of an overall lifestyle than anime fandom constitutes. It is likely safer to refer to anime fandom as a taste culture. 58 Gramscian analysis, “youth cultures always move away from originality and opposition

to commercial incorporation and ideological defusion as the culture industries eventually succeed in marketing subcultural resistance for general consumption” (Storey, 2001, p.

105).

Anime fans do still have a voice, however. The various retailers do not quite

meet the demand, and fan-generated subtitled videos (called “fan subs”) still flourish.

Perhaps as important in proliferating anime fandom in the West as the VCR, the Internet

has enabled fans also to have increasing access to the original material broadcast in

Japan, and illegal downloading of anime is common. There are thousands of websites,

chat rooms and list-serves devoted to anime, and fans have more access to other fans than

ever. This enables them to create what Hills (2001) calls a “community of

imagination” in which virtual fan communities “constitute an affective space” for

members (a space where fans, who care deeply about the object of fandom, can share

ideas and exchange information) (pp. 147-148).

Media fans are often stereotyped by critics as antisocial loners and passive

slaves to consumerism, “emblematic of the most obsessive and slavish forms of cultural

consumption, consumption which has been understood primarily in terms of metaphors of

addiction, religious zealotry, social aberration or psychological imbalance” (Jenkins,

1992, p. 208). However, what some media scholars are finding is that media fans in fact

“participate in communal activities—they are not “socially atomized or isolated

viewers/readers” (Hills, 2002, p. ix). This is certainly true in the case of anime fans who

attend conventions, join clubs for group viewing, create web sites for other fans, and

participate in Internet chat rooms. Thus anime fans may in fact be said to participate in 59 mass culture rather than just passively consume it. In his discussion of the way in which fans appropriate the object of their fandom to create fan songs (filking), Jenkins states that “media fans are consumers who also produce, readers who also write, spectators who also participate” (1992, p. 208). Anime fans also both consume—purchasing videos, manga, model kits, animation cells, magazines, etc.—and produce—writing fan fiction, drawing fan art, creating costumes (‘cospure’), reviewing anime for other fans, etc.

According to Jenkins, the productive side of fandom “may be a vehicle for extending or commenting upon pre-existing media texts” (p. 215).

Hills refers to this combination of consumption and participation as “performative consumption.” This concept incorporates not only the notion of fans as consumers and producers, but also the notion that fans enact “‘performances’ of fan identities” (2002, p.

160). The stereotype described above—that fans are addicted, obsessed, quasi-religious zealots—removes from them the possibility of agency in their own fandom. However, performative consumption “holds open the matter of agency; it does not dismiss fans as dupes whose belief in their own agency is mistaken” (p. 159). “When fans occupy a more comfortably iterable space of fan cultural identity, they seem able (and willing!) to claim fan agency and thus volitionally ‘perform’ and express their (now communal) fandom” (p. 160). What is appealing about Hills’ concept is that it is a more holistic and flexible way of describing media fandom that allows for individual variation (i.e. fans might have more or less agency) and which focuses on the issue of identity. The subject of agency/identity is particularly salient in terms of anime fans, since they are taking initiative to search for cultural products outside of their own culture. This was

60 perhaps more dramatic several years ago, when anime products were less available in the

United States.

American Fans and Representation in Anime As with other popular culture texts, a potential concern for educators would likely

be issues of representation. Anime potentially impacts both young children growing up

on shows broadcast on American television (like Pokemon or Digimon) and older children or young adults who comprise the majority of anime fans.

Gender Issues About the popularity of popular culture products such as manga, anime, and video

games, Kinsella writes: “At the end of the twentieth century, the Orient is once more the

focus of [Western] desire and fantasy” (2000, p.13). Put in historical context, this

‘fascination’ has a disturbing aspect. Historically, the West has had a fascination with the

Orient, which has tended to exoticize and “otherize” Japan and other Far and Middle

Eastern countries. The Orient has long embodied for the West the “deepest and most

recurring images of the Other” (Said, 1979, p. 1). In his discussion of the “Other” Hall

states:

Symbolic boundaries are central to all culture. Marking difference leads us, symbolically, to close ranks, shore up culture and to stigmatize and expel anything which is defined as impure, abnormal. However, paradoxically, is also makes ‘difference’ powerful, strangely attractive precisely because it is forbidden, taboo, threatening to cultural order (1997, p.297).

How much more ‘other’ might a people seem, if the only representations one is exposed

to are, in a literal sense, pure fantasy? In albeit a less sinister way than described by

Hall above, anime fans may be drawn to ‘difference.’ Fans often cite the difference 61 between American films and television programs as an important part of anime’s appeal.

And, while not exactly “forbidden” or “taboo” there is an element in anime fandom of

running counter to mainstream American culture. Media fandom is sometimes seen by

scholars as a form of resistance, or a “sense of contesting cultural norms” (Hills). This

may be much more the case for fans of anime for whom the “appeal is often seen in its

very rejection or resistance to American culture and production values” (Napier, 2001, p.

249). Of course, representations of the ‘other’ that Hall and Said discuss are mostly

creations of the West. In contrast, anime is an ‘indigenous’ product. However, the

question becomes whether or not fans have the tools to situate these products within the

broader context of Japanese society and interpret them without over-simplification or

misunderstanding.

In the case of anime, the representation of gender and gender roles may be of the greatest concern. Discourse about the Orient in the West, what Said calls “Orientalism,” sharply defines the Arab or Asian as an alternately attractive and repellant “Other” who to various degrees at various periods in history might be simultaneously vilified and desired as an exoticized object of fantasy. Women in particular have been the focus of this (male) desire. They “are usually creatures of the male power-fantasy” and “they express unlimited sensuality, they are more or less stupid, and above all they are willing”

(Said, 1979, p.207). The persistence of the image of the geisha in the West is one manifestation of this. Since the recent success of the novel Memoirs of a Geisha, there have been a rash of ‘geisha’ novels, specials on television, and a film version of Memoirs.

A recent television commercial for a Smirnoff alcoholic beverage zeros in on a large crowd of people to show the painted face of a geisha. This commercial calls to mind the 62 scene in the twenty-year-old science fiction classic Blade Runner: that of a large screen filled with a geisha’s face, coyly gazing out—still an icon of Japanese “otherness” and femininity even in this imagined future. Buruma (1995) calls the geisha an “emblem of

Japanese-ness” for Westerners, but what explains the persistence of this image? This is an eroticized image of Japanese womanhood, a fantasy of a beautiful, submissive woman who will obediently serve her man. The mask-like makeup that both conceals and beautifies makes her seem all the more “other.” The question for this research becomes whether or not a similar phenomenon occurs with representations of women in anime.

There are a number of manga and anime genres that find an audience in the

United States, including romantic comedy, horror, science fiction, fantasy, and even pornography. While texts within these different genres vary considerably in terms of presentation, content, and quality—from the serious and dramatic to the carnivalesque or the grotesque—one commonality is the prevalence of female characters. The glossy covers of manga and anime works popular in America are often graced with provocatively posed, idealized representations of the female form.

Cyberpunk anime classic Ghost in the Shell Image from Love Hina

63 The “cover girl” is not always the main protagonist of the work, but may be placed on the

cover to attract an audience through varying degrees of cuteness or sexiness. However,

there are a striking number of works which feature a girl or young woman as the central

character, perhaps most remarkably in the action-oriented genres, including traditional

action-adventure, science fiction and fantasy. Kinsella calls these female-centered action-

adventure anime and manga (somewhat problematically) “Lolicom” (short for Lolita

Complex, referring to the young, girlish yet sexualized heroines common in such

works).15 According to Kinsella, these so-called Lolicom texts have strongly influenced the kind of anime and manga popular in the West (2000, p. 126). A more neutral term

‘action heroine,’ which may include texts that contain more mature female characters and which does not carry Lolicom’s taboo connotations, may be more appropriate.16

Given the traditional focus on the female “Other,” it is perhaps not so surprising that so many of the Japanese cultural products now imported into the United States feature the female form. Yet, while the depictions of geisha described above are literally Western creations, anime and manga texts contain depictions of women that are

Japanese creations. Thus, it is not an issue of representation of the “Other,” but of direct consumption of an authentic cultural product, in a sense perhaps direct consumption of the Other. However, it is irresponsible to assume that anime fans are “otherizing” the

15 Kinsella uses ‘Lolicom’ to refer to more genres than just the action genre, but she refers primarily to that genre in her discussion of ‘Lolicom’ as it applies to texts popular in the West.

16 While I believe that Kinsella is correct in categorizing anime and manga featuring young, female protagonists as a kind of genre, the term ‘Lolicom’ is typically used by anime fans only to indicate pornographic text. Her generalizing the term to other more mainstream works is provocative and places important emphasis on the sexualization of the female characters, but it is perhaps too essentialist, and I believe it problematizes the genre more than the content of the majority of its texts warrants.

64 Japanese based on the objectification of the female form on so many anime video jackets.

As feminist scholar Angela McRobbie cautions “representations are interpretations” and do not directly reflect “objective reality” (as cited in Radway, 1991, p. 5). In addition, sexualized representations of women are hardly unique to anime. The objectification of women in American cinema has been a concern of feminists for decades. It may be that

Mulvey’s famous concept of the male gaze is simply equally applicable to anime.

Mulvey’s thesis states that visual pleasure in mainstream Hollywood derives from and reproduces a structure of male looking/female to-be-looked-at (whereby the spectator is invited to identify with the male gaze at an objectified female) which replicates the structure of unequal power relations between man and women (1987, p. 5).

While the tendency of Westerners to exoticize and otherize the Japanese (and Japanese women in particular) justifies a closer look at the how anime fans perceive representations of gender in anime, it is necessary to understand the thoughts and feelings of the fans themselves before making judgments. Returning to the ideas of Fiske, the text alone cannot tell the story: meanings occur “at their moment of reading, as they are inserted into the everyday lives” of the consumer (1989, p. 3).

Sex and Violence Another concern about anime commonly expressed in the media is the prevalence of sexual or violent content. Many of the concerns about sexual content in media relate to sexualized representations of women, as discussed above. Another concern is that erotic activity is frequently linked with violence. This is both the case with American media (Condry, 1989) and in anime (Napier, 2000; Pointon, 1997). As to violence, findings have been mixed on the extent to which viewers’ exposure to violence on 65 television and in film is harmful, and “TV’s precise effects on social behavior remain uncertain” (Kottak, 1990, p. 99). A study by the National Institute of Mental Health

(1982) found that exposure to media violence was linked to aggressive behavior in children, and the Center for Media and Public Affairs found that “inordinate violence does effect viewers” (p. 99). However, a study by Freedman (1984) on correlations between television violence and aggressiveness “failed to find any ‘convincing evidence’ that television violence causes people to be more aggressive in natural settings” (p. 100).

The possible negative effects from viewing sex and violence in anime is a viable concern, but it is beyond the scope of this study to debate the effects of sex and violence in the media. Nevertheless, as perceptions of anime fans toward this kind of content may color the nature of their fandom and may affect how they perceive Japan and the

Japanese, fan perceptions of sexual or violent content will be addressed.

It would be a gross simplification to say that all anime fans in the United States are drawn by the abundance of sexual and/or violent content. Certainly there is enough sex and violence in American film and television to satisfy such tastes. Studies in the

50s and 70s have shown that even American programming for children is characterized by significant levels of violence (Condry, 1989). In addition, Napier found that, while sex and violence do have a strong presence in many anime texts, “graphic sex and violence are not nearly as important factors [in motivation to watch] as certain others, the most important of these being differences between anime and American animation, live action films, and television series (p. 249). The existence of other motivating factors seems to be born out by the number of fan sites on the Internet that review anime and

(while admittedly giving the presence of attractive females an appreciative nod) seem to 66 base their reviews on more complex criteria, such as depth of plot, characterization,

quality of the animation, style, music, etc.

Race, Ethnicity and Culture One point that must be addressed is how Japanese anime seems to its fans. In discussing the appeal of anime, it is an important point that anime fans appear to focus on the medium’s difference from mainstream American media forms, yet, according to

Napier, “it is the Otherness of anime rather than its specific ‘Japanese-ness’ that is one of the fundamental appeals to the fan” (2000, p. 255). If it is not the “Japanese-ness” per se that appeals to anime fans, then what specifically draws them? Media fandom is sometimes seen by scholars as a form of resistance.17 This may be much more the case

for fans of anime for whom the “appeal is often seen in its very rejection or resistance to

American culture and production values” (p. 249). For example, fans cite the complexity of storylines (in contrast to American animation) and dark tone and content as some of the elements that attract them to anime (p. 9).

However, while anime is distinctly different from American cinema, it also shares many of its conventions, and the popularity of science fiction and fantasy, which tend to be less culturally specific than other genres, is telling. Anime may in fact be part of a wave of popular culture products that are “culturally hybrid” (Orbauch, 2003, p. 203).

The style of anime characters is also not racially specific. In fact the characteristic large, round eyes are often seen as representing Caucasian features. The body is also often idealized to suit a Western aesthetic (in the case of the female, a wasp-waisted

17 Particularly in terms of fan production, which is considered the appropriation of media texts.

67 figure with long limbs and large breasts), and therefore in a sense the Japanese characters are “Occidentalized.”18 Thus, many of the characters may not even look Japanese to

Western eyes, and, in fact, in many of the science fiction or fantasy series the characters

are not meant to be ethnically Japanese. It is also significant that many fans view anime

dubbed in English, and sometimes in a content-edited form that may make the texts more

palatable to an American audience. Thus, while anime may be ‘Other’ it is not so

‘Other’ as to be inaccessible to the non-Japanese viewer.

The claims of some scholars in Japan that the popularity of anime reveals that

“the Japanese animated culture and imagery has come to evoke, to a certain degree, a

sense of Western yearning for Japan” are countered by the warning of other cultural

critics that the global popularity of anime is made possible by its “odorlessness,” or the

“disappearance of any perceptible ‘Japaneseness’” (Iwabuchi, 2004, p. 33). It is doubtful that the “cultural influence and perception [of Japanese] coolness is closely associated with a tangible, realistic appreciation of ‘Japanese’ lifestyles or ideas” (p. 34).

While distinctly Japanese cultural content and (in the case of subtitled videos) authentic linguistic content belie this notion of “odorlessness,” the hybridity of anime does raise concerns about how fans perceive Japanese culture. Student anime fans who limit their contact with Japanese to anime texts may well have unrealistic images of Japanese

18 During the Meiji Period of modernization in Japan, the wives and daughters of Japanese dignitaries were often required to meet Westerners in European style dress. Struggling to ward off Western imperialism, the Japanese strove to meet Western standards of “civilization.” Thus, “modernity required women’s bodies to be transformed, Occidentalized” [squeezed into corsets that literally changed the shape of their bodies] (Bryson, 2003, p. 117). It is interesting that animated, “Occidentalized” Japanese female bodies are also now used, if indirectly (and likely unintentionally), to counter imperialism of another kind: cultural imperialism. Exports of anime may now be working to somewhat reverse the flow of pop culture products from the West.

68 culture and society. This, in addition to the concerns about gender representation and violent content, is why teaching critical analyses of such texts may be crucial.

CONCLUSION As all of the concerns and possibilities discussed here have shown, further research on popular culture and language learning, and research on anime in particular, is necessary. Therefore, the proposed research will seek to answer the following question:

How do fans of a popular culture phenomenon of the target language group, looking at anime as one example within Japanese language studies, experience language learning?

Other questions of concern are: 1) How do student anime fans perceive their fandom as impacting their language learning? 2) How do student anime fans perceive issues related to Japanese language and culture?

69 Chapter 3: Methods

RATIONALE/APPROACH: As discussed in the previous chapter, my main research question was as follows:

How do fans of a popular culture phenomenon of the target language group, looking at anime as one example within Japanese language studies, experience language learning?

The sub-questions are as follows: 1) How do student anime fans perceive their fandom as impacting their language learning? 2) How do student anime fans perceive issues related to Japanese language and culture? To explore the experiences and perceptions of this group, it is necessary to elicit the thoughts, feelings, and opinions of the students themselves. Therefore, I addressed these questions by employing a qualitative, case- study design for my research. To my knowledge, no study has been done on the phenomenon of anime fandom and language learning. With topics that have been little researched, qualitative methods are typically more suitable than quantitative ones

(Creswell, 2003), since they involve the emergence of theory. Within the qualitative paradigm, I have chosen the case study method, as “case studies are the preferred strategy when ‘how’ or ‘why’ questions are being posed, when the investigator has little control over events, and when the focus is on a contemporary phenomenon within some real-life context” (Yin, 2003, p.1). My questions are not only “how” questions, but are also all focused on the contemporary phenomenon of anime fandom within a real-life context.

Smith defines case studies as “intensive descriptions and analyses of a single unit or bounded system such as an individual, program, group, intervention, or community”

(Merriam, 1998, p. 19). There are numerous different definitions of “case study” in the

70 literature, but Merriam concludes that “the single most defining characteristic of case

study research lies in delimiting the object of study, the case” (p. 27). In terms of my

research, the subjects are a bounded system in several senses: as individual student-

anime-fans, as a group (Japanese language students at the same university), and as a

community (of anime fans). Berg states that “case study methods involve

systematically gathering enough information about a particular person, social setting,

event, or group to permit the researcher to effectively understand how the subject

operates or functions” (2004, p. 251). As the goal of a case study is to obtain a detailed

description and understanding of an individual or group, it seems the ideal design for my

purposes, so that I might develop an in-depth understanding of the thoughts and feelings

of Japanese student anime-fans—both as individuals and as a group—and how those

thoughts and feelings impact their language studies. The specific kind of case study, in

terms of intent, will be interpretive. In an interpretive design, the researcher “gathers as

much information about the problem as possible with the intent of analyzing, interpreting,

or theorizing about the phenomenon” (p. 38). Since my intention is both to provide a

rich description of connections between anime fandom and language learning and to

formulate interpretations of those connections, my study clearly falls under the

interpretive type of case-study design.19

BASIC STUDY DESIGN The specific data-gathering technique that I employed was the interview method

(focus groups and individual interviews). I relied primarily on the interview method in

19 Other scholars, such as Yin (2003) come up with somewhat different categories of case study. I have chosen the ones used by Merriam, since her work pertains specifically to the field of education. 71 my research, because other methods common to qualitative research seemed less likely to

yield meaningful results given the topic. For example, observation techniques tend to

be less effective with topics of a “psychological, cognitive or deep attitudinal nature”

(Berg, 2004, p. 130).20 Anime is a form of media, and media effects “are not just

behavioral” but can be divided into three components: “the cognitive (the intellectual or

knowledge) component, the affective (the emotional or evaluative) component, and the

conative (intentional or behavioral) component” (Grossberg et al, 1998, p. 280). To fully explore the conative component, some sort of classroom research on using anime in the classroom is necessary, but I believe that it is crucial to have an understanding of the perspectives of the students and a better understanding of the phenomenon before attempting such research. Future classroom research may be conducted, based on the findings of this preliminary study.

For the purposes of this study anime fandom was operationally defined according

to the following criteria: the student either identifies as a fan or expresses a keen interest

in anime by viewing anime videos at least once a month. I did not want to limit my

definition of fandom to only those who self-identify as fans, because I believed it would

limit the range of perspective too much. In this sense, I defined fandom in a more

generic way, as something that might either be a declared identity or simply part of an

identity in terms of participation in a “taste culture.” A taste culture is “the continuing

commitment of a group of people to some type of product” (Grossberg et al, 1998, p.

20 While there are undoubtedly social aspects to anime fandom that I might have observed, I focused primarily on connections to language learning, which I expected to be more cognitive in nature (related to motivation, etc.).

72 210). It seemed likely that students who were aware of a possible stigma attached to anime fandom might not want to declare their fandom openly or strongly. In addition, the degree to which their personal identity was tied to their interest in anime seemed likely to vary, and I felt that a “continuing commitment” to anime as a product through consistent viewing might be enough to affect their language learning experience. I also felt it would be interesting to examine how different degrees of identification with anime might influence perspectives on Japanese culture and language learning differently.

My initial intention was to recruit at least nine volunteers (who both met the criteria stated above and were enrolled in Japanese language classes) to participate in the study

(three from first-year Japanese, three from second-year, and three from third year).

Ultimately, I was able to recruit a total of ten participants, seven from the first-year and three from the second-year Japanese. I divided the participants into three focus groups, two first-year groups and one second-year group, and conducted an interview with each focus group. Focus group interviews are “either guided or unguided discussions addressing a topic of particular interest to the group and the researcher” (Edmunds, 1999, p. 123). I acted as the moderator in the interviews, and the discussions were guided to an extent, based on topics from an interview guide. Through these groups, I hoped to get a sense of what the relevant issues were. Some important advantages of using focus groups are that they “permit observation of interactions,” can produce “speedy results” and “place participants on more even footing with each other and the investigator” (Berg,

2004, p. 126-27). My intention was to be able to see how anime fans in the focus group interacted with each other, with the expectation that the group format would enable participants to “play off of” each other and stimulate deeper discussions. The rationale 73 for structuring the groups by level of Japanese was that I assumed that issues might vary

from level to level, and I did not want, for example, the lower level to be influenced in

their discussions by higher-level students, to whom they might potentially defer. My

purpose in dividing the first-year volunteers into two focus groups was because I wanted

to keep the group-size down and also because I wanted to respect the preferred schedules

of participants.

One disadvantage of focus groups is that they “do not actually offer the same

depth of information as…a long, semi-structured interview” (Berg, 2004, p. 127). For that reason, I also conducted individual, focused, semi-structured interviews with each participant, based on the issues that emerged in the focus group. A qualitative, semi- structured interview is “neither an open conversation nor a highly structured questionnaire” but is “conducted according to an interview guide that focuses on certain themes and may include suggested questions” (Kvale, 1996, p. 27). I used interview guides, but the purpose of the guides was not only to suggest possible questions, but also to help ensure that there was some consistency between interviews.

According to Kvale, “the topic of the qualitative interview is the lived world of the subjects and their relation to it” (p. 29). The purpose of my interviews was to attempt to “describe and reflect the meanings” that anime fandom and language learning have for the interviewees and to “capture the multitude of subjects’ views” of that theme

(p. 7). The interview guides are included in the appendix.

74 ANALYSIS Each of the individual participants was considered a separate case, so, in fact, the design is a multi-case study design. According to Yin, multi-case designs are generally preferred over single-case designs, “often [being] considered more compelling” and allowing for more “external generalizability of your findings” (2003, p.p. 50 & 53).

Data from each case is triangulated to support the development of categories and themes and increase the validity of the findings. All interviews were audio taped and transcribed. Because transcripts are a “transgression, a transformation of one narrative mode—oral discourse—to another narrative mode—written discourse,” “attempts at verbatim interview transcriptions produce hybrids, artificial constructs that are adequate to neither the lived oral conversation nor the formal style of written texts” (Kvale, 1996, p. 166). To try to offset the limitations of transcripts, I attempted to contextualize them by taking notes during and immediately following the interviews. Transcript data has been recorded and stored on a computer word-processing program.

Once each interview was transcribed, I coded the data and analyzed it for emergent themes. My specific data analysis technique was the “constant comparative” method. The constant comparative method was developed by Glaser and Strauss in the late 1960s and involves constantly comparing data to search for themes.

The researcher begins with a particular incident from an interview, field notes, or document and compares it with another incident in the same set of data or in another set. These comparisons lead to tentative categories that are then compared to each other and to other instances. Comparisons are constantly made within and between levels of conceptualization until a theory can be formulated (Merriam, 1998, p. 159).

75 My reasons for choosing this method were simple: 1) it is a common method in qualitative research and 2) this is similar to how I have intuitively analyzed data and texts in the past and seems to be a more comfortable “fit” for me than some other methods.

VALIDITY AND RELIABILITY Validity in qualitative research “pertains to the degree that a method investigates what it is intended to investigate, to ‘the extent to which our observations indeed reflect the phenomenon or variables of interest to us’” (Kvale, citing Pervin, 1996, pp. 238).

This is the internal validity of the study. Because the tool for data collection is essentially the researcher, some scholars believe that validity in case studies is difficult to control for. However, there are methods for increasing the internal validity of a study

(Merriam, 1998, p. 204): triangulation, member checks (having participants verify your interpretations), long-term observation (gather data over an extended period of time), peer-examination, participatory or collaborative modes of research (involving participants in all phases of the research), and clarifying the researcher’s biases. As mentioned above, I triangulated the data across cases. I also triangulated data across interviews, within cases. While I had some limitations in the amount of time for data collection, I collected data over a semester and gathered data from each participant at least twice (once in the focus group and once in an individual interview). While a fully collaborative mode of research was not really feasible in my study, I conducted follow-up interviews (member checks) with key informants, as necessary, to verify my findings or clarify certain points. I also sent a copy of the results to all participants, inviting their

76 feedback (three responded). Where possible, I also enlisted the help of peers in

examining my findings, although a full peer review (with peers examining the complete

raw data) was not feasible.21 In terms of “clarifying researchers bias,” Seidman recommends including “an autobiographical section explaining the researchers’ connections to their proposed research,” as a crucial means of minimizing the distortion

that can be caused by researcher bias (1998, p. 26). Therefore, I have included a section

in my study report on my background, disclosing my position vis-à-vis my topic (see

page 82).

Of course, researcher bias is not the only potential source of distortion in case studies. Informants’ accounts can contain distortion and exaggeration. This distortion in interviews can come from a number of sources: “inaccuracy due to poor recall, bias due to poorly constructed questions, response bias, and reflexivity—the interviewee giv[ing] what the interviewer wants to hear” (Yin, 2003, p. 86). I tried to avoid “poorly constructed” questions by first pilot-testing them and was careful to avoid leading questions. When I analyzed the data, if I felt any question was too leading, I removed the response from my analysis. According to Whyte, “the major way to detect and correct distortion is by comparing an informant’s account with those given by other informants” (Merriam, 1998, p. 91). This is another reason I did doing a cross-case analysis of my data and also another reason why follow-up interviews were necessary.

Of course, what someone says or believes of him or herself does not necessarily strictly

21 In regard to interview data, it is particularly recommended to have two independent researchers transcribe the same interviews, to check for discrepancies. However, I did not have such resources available, and had to double-check my own work. I attempted to catch errors by reviewing the initial transcriptions against the audiotapes.

77 reflect an objective reality. However, in qualitative research, it is the reality as

experienced by the individual that is important. And, as Seidman notes, “a basic

assumption in in-depth interviewing research is that the meaning people make of their

experience affects the way they carry out that experience” (1998, p. 4). This was my

assumption in conducting my research.

One of the main criticisms of case studies relates to the external validity or the

ability to generalize findings to larger populations and other situations. However, case

studies “are generalizable to theoretical propositions” (Yin, p. 10). This is known as

“analytic generalization”22 as opposed to the “statistical generalization” that is common in quantitative research. Analytic generalization involves:

a reasoned judgment about the extent to which the findings from one study can be used as a guide to what might occur in another situation. The researcher here bases the generalization claims on an assertational logic. By specifying the supporting evidence and making the arguments explicit, the researcher can allow readers to judge the soundness of the generalization claim (Kvale, 1996, p. 233).

Not all scholars in qualitative research believe that a lack of statistical

generalizability is a weakness. “A contrasting [with positivist views] humanistic view

implies that every situation is unique, each phenomenon has its own intrinsic structure

and logic...The emphasis [is] on the heterogeneity and contexuality of knowledge, with a

shift from generalization to contextualization” (Kvale, 1996, p. 232). However, as Berg

states:

-few human behaviors are unique, idiosyncratic and spontaneous. In fact, if this were the case, the attempt to undertake any type of survey research on an aggregate group would be useless. In short, if we accept the notion that human behavior is predictable—a necessary assumption for all behavior science research—then it is a simple jump to accept that case studies have scientific

22 Also known as “transferability” in qualitative research. 78 value (2004, pp.259-260).

In my own study, I approached the situation as unique and focused on contextualization.

However, I agree with Berg that human behavior is predictable, and I was also concerned with the possible analytical generalization of my findings. In other words, while my study results have neither enabled me to make broad generalizations about student anime fans nor permitted me to measure the prevalence of the phenomenon, they have allowed me to formulate theories about the phenomenon of language student anime fans.

Although it is beyond the scope of the current study, statistical generalizability may be tested later through quantitative means.

Reliability is another issue in qualitative case studies. Reliability “refers to the extent to which the findings can be replicated” (Merriam, 198, p. 205). This is

“problematic in the social sciences simply because human behavior is never static” (p.

205). Ways of increasing reliability are similar to those for increasing validity. Again, disclosure of the researcher bias is important, and triangulation in data collection and analysis is crucial. In order to ensure the use of consistent methods in both collecting and analyzing the data from my interviews, I followed the same basic case study protocol for each case, as recommended by Yin: I used the same basic interview guides, the same collection method, and consistent analysis methods for each case. Another important way to enhance reliability is to leave an “audit trail” (Merriam, 1998). Therefore, I have kept a detailed record of how I collected and analyzed my data, so that “independent judges [could] authenticate the findings” (p. 207). I have been careful to keep records of the notes that lead me to my conclusions and will store those with the other raw data from the study. 79 PARTICIPANTS In some respects, I used convenience sampling in my research: seeking participants at a university to which I already had access and not using random sampling.

However, I must add that the chosen university was also an ideal place to conduct this research, given the existence of both a large Japanese language program and a large anime club on campus. Also, as Merriam states “since generalization in the statistical sense is not a goal of qualitative research, probabilistic sampling is not necessary or even justifiable in qualitative research” (1998, p. 61). Purposeful sampling is the most common type in qualitative research. Purposeful sampling is “based on the assumption that the investigator wants to discover, understand, and gain insight and therefore must select a sample from with the most can be learned” (p. 61). My sampling technique was purposeful, since I was looking for specific kinds of Japanese language students, from specific levels, who could provide the most information about the phenomenon of anime fandom in the language classroom.

My specific recruiting technique was to ask the Japanese language instructors to hand out a short survey to their students, which inquired if they were interested in anime and whether or not they would be willing to received an e-mail from me about possible participation in my study (see appendix for copy of the questionnaire). Willing students provided their e-mail addresses. Once I had collected all of the questionnaires, I sent an e-mail to those students including detailed information about the study and a copy of the consent form. Interested students then sent me an e-mail indicating their willingness to participate. However, when my initial recruiting attempt only got responses from first- year students, I also used “snowball” sampling, in which the researcher first “identif[ies]

80 several people with relevant characteristics and interview[s] them…and then asks them

for the names of other people who possess the same attributes” (Berg, 2004, p. 36). A

contact in the Japanese department forwarded my e-mail to specific students she thought

might be interested and they then contacted me. This was how I was able to find the

three second-year participants.

As mentioned above, I had intended to have nine informants in total: three from

each level of Japanese (first year, second year, and third year). The reason for including

participants from several different levels of Japanese was to capture a variety of

perspectives. I also assumed that as fans progress in their knowledge of Japanese

language and culture, their perspectives and attitudes may change. Although I was

unable to recruit participants from the third-year level, I feel having two levels still

provided a meaningful and valid comparison. While anime fandom has been considered

to be predominantly male, I hoped to include at least one female fan from each level, as

“selecting participants to interview who are outside of the range of those at the center of

the study is an effective way for interviewers to check themselves against drawing easy conclusions from their research” (Seidman, 1998, p. 46). However, in the end, half of

the participants turned out to be female. As mentioned in the literature review,

anecdotal evidence suggests that the percentage of female fans is increasing. I did not

screen-out any potential participants; all volunteers were included in the study (although three who initially volunteered dropped out before the first interview).

Participation in the study was entirely voluntary, and participants were all asked

to sign a consent form. I followed Weiss’s recommendation and had a copy of the

consent form available for each participant to keep (1994). I made this available to 81 them prior to the initial interviews, so that they had time to read it over carefully before

agreeing. Participants were, of course, free to drop out of the study at any time. While

anonymity was not possible, since interviews were conducted face-to-face,

confidentiality was assured. Each transcript tape was coded for anonymity, and I have

used pseudonyms in my final report. I was also careful to screen out any other

identifying characteristics that might expose participants.

ETHICAL CONCERNS Ethical concerns in case studies extend beyond issues of confidentiality. There are also issues of power-relationships, reciprocity, and dissemination of information.

Research interviews involve an “asymmetry of power” in which the “interviewer defines the situation, introduces the topics of the conversation, and through further questions

steers the course of the interview” (Kvale, 1996, p. 126). One method to help alleviate

this asymmetry is to both “brief” and “debrief” the interviewee. In briefing, the

interviewer “defines the situation for the subject; briefly tells about the purpose of the

interview, the use of a tape recorder, and so on; and asks if the subject has any questions

before starting the interview” (p. 128). While I explained the purpose of the study in my

consent forms, I still briefed the informants in order provide them the chance to ask

questions. Subjects were also debriefed: at the end of the interview, I “mention[ed]

some of the main points learned from the interview” and offered the informants a chance

to comment. I also gave them an opportunity to add or bring up anything they wished at

the end of the interview. This “gives the subject an additional opportunity to deal with

issues that he or she has been thinking or worrying about during the interview” (p. 128).

82 Reciprocity, in essence, deals with the fact that the researcher is the one to benefit

from the interview, and it is the ethical ideal that the researcher should give back

something in return. For many researchers, reciprocity is equated with giving their

informants a “voice” by telling their stories or than attempting to improve a situation by

disseminating their findings. While these are crucial means of giving back to

participants that I will attempt to employ, I also employed a more direct approach and offered Japanese tutoring sessions commensurate with the time participants gave me in the interviews. I also view dissemination as sharing findings, not only with the research community in my field, but also with interested participants. Therefore, I both offered to provide an abbreviated synopsis of my findings and expressed my willingness to meet participants to discuss those findings (and of course my dissertation will be made available in the library).

LIMITATIONS I have already addressed many of the potential limitations of the study in this chapter. However, it is important to reiterate that the interview data is based on self- report and carries the inherent weaknesses of that method of data collection. There is some risk that participants may have inaccurately recalled events, or may have said what they felt I wanted to hear. They may also have not answered honestly if they thought it would present them in a negative light, and their reactions to my identity (role as researcher, age, gender, etc.) may also have influenced their responses (discussed further below). I would also like to emphasize another important limitation: the fact that the

“interviewee’s statements are not collected—they are coauthored by the interviewer”

83 (Kvale, 1996, p. 183). While I have attempted to verify my findings with participants

and have sought the advice of peers, ultimately, I am the one who conducted the analysis,

choose the themes, and drew the conclusions. Therefore, I have attempted to become

aware of my own biases and to avoid drawing hasty conclusions. I address the issues of

potential distortion and bias in greater detail in the section below.

DISCLOSURE OF BIASES & CONNECTION TO TOPIC OF RESEARCH There are several ways in which my status as a female graduate student in her mid-thirties may have affected my research. One of my particular research interests includes how my participants perceive the representations of women in anime.

However, particularly for male participants, there may have been some reluctance to fully disclose their feelings and opinions to a woman, especially if those feelings and opinions

were not “politically correct.” Therefore, it was crucial that I put participants at ease

and maintained a neutral attitude during interviews, which I attempted to do but cannot

be certain of my success. As a fellow student, I was, in some respects, a peer of the

participants. However, with one exception, they were all undergraduate students

between the ages of 19 and 23, so, in addition to my status as researcher, both my

standing as a graduate student and my age (37) may have created some distance between

myself and the participants. It seems unlikely that they viewed me as a peer and, thus

may not have felt completely comfortable exposing deeply personal thoughts and feelings

to me. I have taken all of these factors into consideration as I collected and analyzed my data.

84 Beyond the more external elements of my identity, which cannot be changed, my

personal biases and connection to the research may have influenced the results and the

way in which I conducted the research. For me, like other forms of film, animation

(anime or otherwise) is simply a medium and carries no inherent vales or meanings in

and of itself. I do not see it as innately childish or violent or frivolous, etc. As a child, I

was extremely fond of a number of anime that were dubbed in English and aired on

American television, though I was completely unaware that what I was watching was

made in Japan. When I was about twenty, a Japanese-American friend and fellow

student of Japanese reintroduced me to anime. After that, in addition to watching more traditional Japanese film, I also watched anime, because I saw it as a tool for improving

my listening comprehension in Japanese, because watching it triggered nostalgia for my

childhood, and because I found many of the texts genuinely enjoyable. At that time (the

early 1990s), it was very difficult to obtain Japanese film or television programs that did

not have international canonical status (in my area, this amounted to a few dusty VHS

tapes on the shelves of the local video store). Ironically, anime videos were far more

readily available (although these were usually “bootleg” copies). However, anime was

not available to nearly the extent it is today, and I would not have fit the operational

definition used in this study (viewing anime at least once a week), although it is

impossible to say now (15 years later) how much I would have watched had it been more

accessible. During my early 20s, I would have casually identified myself as a fan of anime, although I did not tie my identity to that fandom and considered myself a fan of many other things, including Western cinema and classical Japanese film. Yet, I believe

85 that my personal connection with anime made it easier for me to identity with my participants.

Currently, I would say that I still like some anime, though I am not familiar with most recent texts, and have watched only a handful of films over the past several years.

In the fall semester of 2000, I was a teaching assistant for a class on Japanese animation that Susan Napier taught at the University of Texas at Austin. I would say that it was then that I formed many of my opinions and impressions of contemporary anime texts and American anime fans. Although I have looked to the growing literature on anime to corroborate those impressions, it was necessary for me to watch some of the texts that participants mentioned, so that I was not basing my assumptions of anime on dated material.

While I can no longer quite classify myself as a fan of anime in general, I do consider myself a fan of director Hayao Miyazaki, who recently won an Academy award for the film “Spirited Away” (2002). I believe that part of my willingness to identify openly with Miyazaki may be his widespread acceptance and popularity in Japan and abroad and the almost canonical status of his works. This points to a threat to objectivity in my work: that fact that I am drawing a line between “high” and “low” forms of anime. It is also true that I am disturbed by the typical content of some genres of anime, because of the violence and what I consider to be problematic depictions of women. Assuming that the typical content has not changed dramatically over the past few years, I am likely to experience this feeling with the newer texts as well. I tried to be conscious of my biases toward certain types of texts (while still reserving the right to

86 analyze them critically) as I interacted with my participants and as I collected and analyzed the data.

These are the biases and feelings that I believe it is necessary to disclose at this point, although it is possible that there are things of which I simply am unaware. I have made a conscious effort to constantly reflect on my feelings, attitudes, and connection to the research over the entire course of the study.

87 Chapter 4: Results

The central concern of this study was how language students who are fans of a

popular culture phenomenon of the target language group experience language learning,

looking at anime fans as an example from Japanese studies. Particular emphasis was

placed on how student anime fans perceive their fandom as impacting their language

learning and how student anime fans perceive issues related to Japanese language and culture. In keeping with the qualitative nature of the study, these are broad questions and do not have simple answers. The answers, therefore, will be organized around the themes and issues that arose from the data. Themes and issues will be divided into two general categories: those relating to language-learning directly and those relating to culture. As one of main findings of the study was that participants’ experiences of language learning were strongly connected to their anime fandom, the nature of that fandom will also be discussed, not only in terms of its influence on language learning, but also in terms of its influence on culture learning (which is inherently linked to language learning). Fandom is in-and-of-itself a cultural phenomenon, and participants’ fandom also reflected attitudes toward and perceptions of the target culture. Therefore, the overall description of participants’ fandom is included under the section on culture.

Themes related to gender also emerged strongly in the data, so a separate part of the culture section will be devoted to these themes.

One of the major concerns of this research is what students learn or do not learn from watching anime. For the purposes of this study, “learning from anime” is defined as both as assumptions or knowledge gained directly from the content and as information 88 gained through fandom (for example, looking up information online, hearing things from

other fans, etc.). Also included in this definition are specific instances where the content of anime inspires fans to seek information about the Japanese language or culture from non-anime related sources.

While there were certain clear themes that arose from the data, it is important to

emphasize that anime fans are not a homogenous group. Participants’ tastes in anime,

their experiences with fandom and language learning, their personalities, and opinions all

varied. I will attempt to present the richness of this diversity by addressing both

commonalities and differences within the group.

PARTICIPANT PROFILES:

There were a total of ten participants in the study: seven from first semester Japanese and three from third semester Japanese; five men and five women. All but one, were within the traditional age range of college students. One participant was 29. The profiles of the students are as follows (all names are pseudonyms):

Focus Group One: First Semester Japanese

1. Elena: a 19 year-old freshman majoring in computer science. She began

watching anime in the fourth grade. Her interest came from watching the series

Sailor Moon that was being aired on television at the time. She was also

influenced by her father, who had been an anime fan when he was a teenager.

Elena spends around 15 hours a week on activities related to anime: watching it,

89 drawing, looking at artwork, and online chatting. She also writes original fiction

which is inspired by anime.

2. Christina: a 19 year-old freshman majoring in psychology. Christina began

watching anime when she was about 11 years-old. Her interest came from

watching the series Sailor Moon that was being aired on cable television at the

time. Although it varies from week to week, Christina spends approximately 24

hours a week in anime-related activities. She and a friend publish their own

comic on-line, she draws anime, and during high school she and a friend started

an anime club. She also had her own website at one time.

3. Sid: a 19 year-old junior majoring in physics. His parents were first-generation

immigrants from South Asia. His heritage is not of direct concern in this study,

but it is mentioned here, because he brought it up in the interview as an issue of

relevance to his studies and his interest in anime. He began watching anime

when he was about 17 years-old. He became interested in anime through the

influence of friends. Sid spends no more than one hour and a half a week

watching anime. He does not participate in other anime-related activities.

4. Kevin: a 29 year-old junior majoring in Radio, Television, and Film. He began

watching anime at about 15 or 16 years-of-age. His interest in anime came from

playing Nintendo video games, which have a similar artistic style to anime. He

discovered anime through friends. Kevin spends anywhere from 30 minutes to

10 hours a week watching anime. He did not mention any other anime-related

activities, although he has experience working as a voice-actor for an anime

company. 90 Focus Group Two: First Semester Japanese

1. Danielo: a 19 year-old sophomore majoring in advertising. He began watching

anime at around 12 or 13 years-of-age. His interest came from watching the

series Dragon Ball Z that was aired on cable television at the time. He was also

influenced by his sister, who was already an anime fan. The time Danielo

spends in anime-related activities varies greatly from nothing for a couple of

months to “a marathon” in which he will download a whole series and watch all

of them back-to-back. He attends anime conventions (‘cons’) and participates in

costume play (‘cosupure’) at the conventions.

2. Nathan: a 19 year-old freshman majoring in computer science. He began

watching anime aired on television in the sixth grade, and began watching

subtitled anime when he was 15. His interest came from watching the series

Dragon Ball Z that aired on television when he was in middle school. He

discovered other kinds of anime through a friend. Nathan spends about one hour

a week watching anime. He did not mention any other anime-related activities.

3. Mike: a 23 year-old senior majoring in Radio, Television, and Film. He began

watching anime at about 14 years-of-age. His interest in anime came through

the influence of a friend. Mike spends about 3 hours a week in anime-related

activities: watching it, and participating in online chats and message boards.

Focus Group Three: Third Semester Japanese

91 1. Anna: a 20 year-old junior majoring in Japanese. Anna began watching anime

series aired on television in eighth grade, and began watching subtitled anime in

high school, at around 13 or 14 years old. Her interest in anime began with the

video game Pokemon. She began watching anime when she discovered the spin-

off anime Pokemon on television. Anna spends about five hours a week on

anime or manga related activities: watching or reading it, reading fan fiction,

listening to voice actor radio shows. She also attends conventions.

2. Holly: a 21 year-old junior majoring in business with a concentration in Japanese.

Holly is the only one of the group who did not self-identify as an anime fan,

although she did identify herself as a manga (Japanese comics) fan. Holly began

watching anime at around age 14. She became interested in anime through the

influence of friends. Holly reads about one manga a week and watching about

one anime a month. She does not participate in other fan-related activities.

3. Lisa: a 19 year-old junior majoring in Japanese. She began watching anime in

junior high school. Her interest in anime came from watching the Sailor Moon

and other anime series (Pokemon and Gundam Wing) that aired on television at

the time. Lisa engages in anime or manga-related activities every day. The

amount of time varies. She attends conventions and has participated in ‘cospure’

(costume dress-up).

As is clear from the data above, fandom was a theme that arose from the data.

This may seem to be an obvious observation, considering the topic of this study.

However, the anime-related criterion for participation in the study was only an interest in anime and not necessarily fandom, so I believe that it is important to note the finding. 92 All but one of the participants considered themselves to be anime fans. The remaining

participant considered herself to be a manga (Japanese comics) fan, which, as discussed

previously, is closely related to anime (this connection was also supported in the data, as

participants used the terms “manga” and “anime” interchangeably and clearly associated

the two). All ten of the participants began watching anime as young teenagers or pre-

teens, and, seven of them stated that their interest grew from watching anime dubbed into

English that aired on television. In order to understand the way in which the

participants’ interest in anime impacts their perceptions of Japanese language, culture and

their language learning experiences, it is necessary to describe their fandom, which the

data found helps to shape those perceptions.

ANIME FANDOM AND CULTURE

Perceptions of the Connection between Anime and Japanese Culture

How much participants saw anime as uniquely Japanese and the kinds of connections they drew between anime texts and Japanese culture was a concern of this study, as these things may potentially affect perceptions of Japanese culture and the degree to which their fandom is connected to culture learning. The link participants made between anime and Japanese culture was noteworthy, if inconsistent.

Anime Fandom as Interest in Japanese Culture

One important theme to emerge from the data was that participants equated anime fandom with an interest in Japanese culture.

I think it’s easier for people who are interested in foreign cultures, not only Japan. I know some friends that get together and watch Korean movies. I do too; so, it’s a lot easier to get them interested [in anime] (Sid, individual interview, 11/19/05).

93 I wanted to say something about just fandom in general over there. It almost seems like there would be less of a unifying element because there’s not the whole different culture to explore. That’s a big part of anime culture in the U.S. it seems. It’s fascination with the Japanese culture. So over there, that’s what they’re immersed in and surrounded by so it’s just got a different flavor (Nathan, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

All participants professed to have either an interest in anime that grew out of interest in

Japanese culture (two) or an interest in Japanese culture that grew out of interest in anime

(eight). This finding differs from those of scholars such as Napier (2000), Newitz

(1994), and Tominaga (2002), who did not find consistent connections between interest

in anime and Japanese culture. This may have to do with the fact that they studied

anime fans in general and this sample was strictly language students, who may possibly

be more drawn to the culture than other kinds of fans. A connection between language

learners and interest in culture is consistent with the findings of scholars, such as Ely

(1986) and Morello (1988), who claim that language students often give interest in

culture as one of the major reasons for studying a language (as cited in Jourdain, 1998).

While participants strongly equated anime with interest in Japanese culture, how

much Japanese culture they actually saw in anime varied. All three groups agreed that there were many anime-specific tropes that needed to be learned as a new viewer of anime. Below are some examples of anime tropes given by participants.

Like you see the whole background get dark and wavy just to eye-level, and you see this vein popping out marks, you see sweat drops, you see people fall on their backs and twitch, twitch. Super deformed face things [hyper-exaggerated expressions]. I mean eventually you get used to it. I think you pick it up pretty quickly (Danielo, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

I think there’re probably some anime that shouldn’t be someone’s first anime, because it’s riddled with anime things like sweat drops, deep red blushes, falling 94 on your back. You’d turn it off, like this stuff is too weird (Mike, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

Something like the sweat drops and the little things coming out of their mouth, or when they’re drunk, they always show their face getting red, or whatever. That’s not too hard to pick up because it’s sort of you know like exasperation, signs and stuff like that. That stuff’s not hard [to figure out] (Anna, focus group interview, 11/22/05).

However, although participants recognized the unique characteristics in anime, they did not necessarily see these elements as reflecting Japanese culture. Anime scholars such as Napier (2000), Newitz (1994) and Tominaga (2002) have found that many American anime fans do not focus on the Japanese-ness of anime, but see it as more universal.

There were three main issues that impacted the extent to which anime was perceived as uniquely Japanese: the degree of localization (the degree to which the foreign cultural products are altered to suit the tastes of the local audience), the nature of the medium, and the degree to which the texts were seen as innately universal.

Dislike of Localization: A Willingness to Embrace Otherness Among the participants, degree of localization contributes to a link between anime and culture, since all but one of the participants predominantly viewed anime with

Japanese subtitles and shunned texts that were dubbed or edited-for-content (Anglicizing names, cutting out graphic sense, changing the gender of characters, etc.). Mike preferred to watch dubbed versions, because he felt listening to a language he did not understand somewhat distanced him from the texts.

When a lot of people talk about dubbed over subtitled they say ‘I want to watch it the way it was originally intended.’ I believe that the way it’s originally intended is to be heard and not read. And a lot of people say that you preserve the original director’s intonation and voice stuff. But I think that might be kind of posing. I 95 don’t really know what different intonations in Japanese mean. You got people listening to a language that they don’t understand. I like dubs because if you watch it and it’s something that you watch a lot, you can have it on and not be totally focused on watching it and you can still get it. I mean I watch some things subtitled. But if something has a good, high quality dub, and a lot of things now do, I prefer that. And maybe the characters seem more personable when they’re speaking something that you can understand (Mike, individual interview, 12/1/05).

The other participants overwhelmingly felt that dubbing would reduce the “Japanese- ness” and authenticity of the work. They saw localization of anime as corrupting the original and were conscious of the dilution of anime as a cultural product when it was edited for the American audience.

I figure that they have a story that they’re trying to tell and if you bring it into the U.S. and you chop it up, you’re telling your own story after that point and the artistic vision of you know the person that wrote it and the art director and everyone else has been lost, because in editing you can—the editor can turn it around to whatever they want (Kevin, individual interview, 11/18/05).

Let’s just say you lose a lot in translation. Not just language, but bringing to the U.S., editing, taking out of context. Like something that may be ironic or self- referential might be taken as a completely accurate picture here (Danielo, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

All but two of the participants mentioned watching anime initially dubbed in English and on network television. Many stated that at the time they were not aware that the shows were Japanese at all. However, they clearly considered that an inferior (even immature) experience of anime viewing, and a number of participants now openly disdained those texts for being too heavily edited for content,23 a kind of localization that they felt

23 For example, Elena became disillusioned with Sailor Moon when she found out a homosexual relationship was edited out of the story for American television.

96 particularly threatened the Japanese-ness of the texts. This preference for more authentically Japanese texts demonstrates a willingness to embrace otherness and an openness toward another culture.

Reluctance to Judge the Target Culture by One Cultural Product

Participants were hesitant to see too strong a connection between Japanese culture and anime. For example, when asked whether or not they thought that anime reflects Japanese culture, members of focus group two were wary of the ability of the medium of animation or film in general to be fully representative of a culture:

To a certain extent. It certainly reflects a facet of it. I think there’s a lot more there that’s kept out of anime as a whole. But I do think that anime is a present and significant part of Japanese culture (Nathan, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

Like with comparisons with American film you cannot watch only American films and get a good idea of what America is about. But you can know what they like (Danielo, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

This shows that participants are not “cultural dupes,” but have the ability to critically evaluate popular culture texts. This theme was also present when students discussed culture learning directly and will be addressed further in the section on culture learning.

Anime as a Cultural Hybrid versus Anime as Uniquely Japanese The men and women in the study held somewhat different views on the extent to which anime was uniquely Japanese. Some participants felt that anime was more universal in its genres and themes than culturally specific.

I think it reflects overall themes in almost every population (Sid, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

I think a lot more of it has to do with fantasy portrayal rather than like an actual reflection of Japanese society (Kevin, focus group interview, 11/11/05). 97

When asked whether or not they felt that one had to have knowledge of Japanese culture

to understand anime, the groups overall regarded cultural knowledge as helpful, but

unnecessary.

I honestly didn’t have any background in Japanese, maybe because I was young, I didn’t really feel like I needed a background in Japanese culture. In fact, anime is what lured me into learning about Japan, not vice versa (Elena, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

I mean you can watch it and get it. You don’t necessarily have to understand [everything]. It’s like with reading a book. If there’s a word you don’t know you can usually get stuff from the context. It’s just one little tiny piece that’s out of the picture. You can usually figure out everything else (Anna, focus group interview, 11/22/05).

Knowing some culture helps you understand the anime a little better (Nathan, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

It’ll help you get jokes. You get something that would be completely blank to an American viewer (Danielo, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

All participants did seem to recognize some elements of Japanese culture in anime:

I don’t know too much about Japanese culture, but there’s a couple things there you know. There are a lot of schoolgirls in anime and that seems to be culturally specific (Mike focus group interview, 11/16/05).

I think some things go with Japanese culture. Like their schools and there are still differences, but if you change it a little bit it could go with any culture (Christina, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

When asked if anime characters seemed Japanese, the response was also mixed.

Here is one revealing exchange with Elena (individual interview, 11/18/05) who did not find them Japanese.

98 That’s a really sad thing that I think about because they don’t, at all. I mean when it comes to historical context, they do, but not in personalities (Elena).

Why do you think that is (researcher)?

I honestly think, it’s the westernization of Japan. Like during the Meiji Period all of the sudden everything that was Japan seemed inferior to Western Europe and America. Not only that, there seems to be in anime, as much as I love it, being a child of mixed only in race (my dad being black and my mom being white) there’s this almost hostile feeling I get of not only racism but racism against oneself. It’s really disappointing (Elena).

You’re referring to the way characters look (researcher)?

Mainly the way they look and how they act. Take Dragon Ball Z. As much as I do not like to use that example, it’s the perfect example. Here you have a bunch of characters who look authentically Japanese. Then they have this super level. They suddenly turn blonde and get blue eyes. They suddenly become super confident and bigger. What is that? That’s not fair. Not to mention that a lot of leading characters in anime are not Japanese (Elena).

Others saw the characters are more ethnic and cultural hybrids than specifically Japanese.

You’ll look at the characters and the range of shades and different eye colors and hair colors and different styles of dressing and so I’ve thought it looks like a microcosm. So, do they seem Japanese? No (Sid, individual interview, 11/19/05).

I’ve wavered back and forth on that point. Like a lot of times it feels almost like in anime that they don’t want to represent their own culture aesthetically. And then it’s almost the exact opposite. But I feel that they are kind of moving instead towards a non- or multi-ethnic representation. It’s not supposed to be representational of any one ethnicity it’s just people. I mean if for no other reason than the fact that they want to be able to export is outside of Japan to other countries (Kevin, individual interview, 11/18/05).

Interestingly, the second-year students were able to see anime characters as Japanese:

Yes. Especially when I first started watching… I was like whoa! What’s with that little anger thing, the sweat drop. And the way they’d act toward each other. Very Japanese. I don’t know if it’s really Japanese, but it appears to me to be (Holly, individual interview, 12/9/05).

Some of them do. Some of them really do. I mean there’s the whole stereotype, but they don’t look Japanese. But some of them really do (Anna, individual interview, 12/6/05). 99

The difference in opinion among the participants may reflect the kinds of anime texts they have been exposed to, but it is also possible that the more advanced students could recognize more elements of Japanese culture in the texts.

In line with what Napier, Newitz and Tominaga found, it seems clear that, as a whole, participants did not fully equate anime with Japanese culture, even if they recognized some cultural content in it. However, it is noteworthy that most participants’ interest in Japanese culture came from anime, suggesting that at least something in the texts signified Japanese-ness. This is supported by their preference for less localized texts as well. For participants who saw Japanese characters and texts as more global or hybrid in nature, there is still the part of that hybrid or global text that is uniquely

Japanese, and, however universal, the text is still a cultural product of Japan, distinct from local cultural products. As will be demonstrated below, this difference from

American cultural products is a large part of the appeal for this group of fans.

Anime as Different: The Appeal of the Target Culture Product

Participants described the appeal of anime in terms of difference: as different from American cartoons, different from live-action video; and different from western media in general. This finding is consistent with other studies on anime fans in the West (Allison 2000, Levi 1996, Napier 2000, Tominaga 2002, Yoshida 1998). This theme emerged strongly in both the focus groups and in the individual interviews, and seemed to be one point of agreement among all participants.

They do a lot of different things…that American animators didn’t do. It’s not as kiddie-based. It’s other stuff too (Kevin, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

100 Not only that it’s the different story line, different characters, they seemed more human to me [than in American cartoons]. Cartoons in America don’t focus on relationships with people. There’s like a mission and you have a few people helping you, but it’s really about the main character. Then there are satellite or support characters. But [Japanese cartons] sort of highlight personal relationships developing. It’s not about destroying some monster (Elena, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

I’m interested in it because of the variety of topics that they all discuss. It’s not like just for kids or where there are certain storylines that are always the same (Christina, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

You’ll find anything that you’re looking for. And you’ll find it just there. It won’t be like hidden. It won’t be independent. It will just be out there for anyone to see (Nathan, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

As the quotes above show, an important part of the difference with American cartoons was the more adult nature of anime; the complex or unusual storylines and characters; and the variety of genres and themes available. The tendency to describe anime as superior to American cartoons or film in general suggests a dissatisfaction with home cultural products, a void that is filled by the products of the target culture. Participants also specifically mentioned the appeal of anime as the product of a different culture.

It’s also exciting because it’s a different culture (Holly, focus group interview, 11/22/05).

I think a lot of people are interested in foreign cultures, but sometimes, the best exposure to get is anime versus other cultures, because you can watch foreign films but they don’t come out that often, but Anime is serialized, an episode maybe every one or two weeks (Sid, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

There’s sort of this mystique around Asia and the East that always has been really attractive to Western culture, and just recently I think that with globalization of the Internet and all that rising then it’s not surprising that youth culture has adopted its own sort of spin on Orientalization and fascination with the East. I think that anime and manga are both just a manifestation of that (Nathan, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

I guess, the whole exotic appeal of it. It was cartoon that wasn’t from America it was from Japan (Elena, focus group interview, 11/11/05). 101

The last two comments may give the impression that participants possibly exoticize Japan and the Japanese. However, these comments were made in the context of students’ opinions about why anime was so popular in America generally, rather than personally. Eight out of ten of the participants also stated that they could relate to or identify with the characters in anime, suggesting that they may not be “otherizing” the Japanese (although this is weakened in cases in which the participant did not see anime characters as ethnically Japanese).

All of the female participants, to some degree, focused on the visual style of anime. Four of the five women used words like “pretty” and “beautiful” to describe the appeal of their favorite anime shows, and two described them in terms of “cuteness.” Again, difference from American cartoons was mentioned as part of the appeal.

Anime over American cartoons is just more aesthetically pleasing to look at (Holly, focus group interview, 11/22/05).

I just don’t like the style of a lot of American cartoons. I think they look too kiddish. Whereas…there’s sort of like continuity with what anime looks like. And it looks more realistic too. You know the backgrounds of all the anime usually look like something you’d even see drawn or just a picture. But American cartoons are just kind of a little more abstracted (Holly, individual interview, 12/9/05).

[When asked what appeals to her personally about anime] Well, I like art and pretty things. That’s what [her friend and fellow fan] and I are always saying. We like pretty things (Lisa, focus group interview, 11/22/05).

From an artistic standpoint, I guess it could be one of the factors, that it is something new. I mean it’s really stylized and everything is visually attractive (Anna, focus group interview, 11/22/05) This suggests possible gender differences in the way participants experience their fandom (to be addressed in more detail on the section on gender to follow).

102 Focus group two (interview 11/16/05) emphasized how particularly expressive anime was, both because of the animated medium and because of anime-specific characteristics. This was followed up on in their individual interviews as well.

Usually, you can just get away with a lot more in anime. It seems to be a lot more expressive and have things you can’t really do in real life (Danielo).

It’s a lot less literal, so you can have crazy stuff, you can have stuff written on the screen that’s like a side note (Nathan).

Or ‘chibis,’ super-deformed [a kind of anime style], certain expressions that are so exaggerated in anime and manga that you cannot get in a real live situation (Danielo).

Sometimes they work really well. You’re like I know exactly what they mean (Mike).

Some actors do have great expressive range. But with anime you’ll find that there’s something very subtle in anime, and you just completely understand what they’re thinking, like an entire emotion expressed in a single look. Again the amount of detail you put into it is the amount you get out. Where you decide to leave blank detail and where you decide to use a lot of detail has significance in what you’re looking at (Danielo, individual interview, 11/30/05). Another thing mentioned by many participants was the appeal of the fantasy element in anime and how well-suited the animated medium was to the fantasy genre, in contrast with live-action.

A lot of anime deals with extraordinary things happening to ordinary people. …. It’s a daydream. It’s a fantasy. The way to convey that in anime is a lot easier than in live action. You make a comparison between Ninja Turtles live action and Ninja Turtles the animation. The Ninja Turtles live action just looks really silly. But the animation, because it’s all animation, it fits. You can have a lot of anapamorphism that really doesn’t carry over into live action. Along with the whole special effects thing: you can do action either really well, say Matrix, or really poorly. It’s hard to do an action scene poorly in anime. You don’t need to spend millions of dollars to get something to look real. Nothing’s real. (Danielo, individual interview, 11/30/05)

…the idea of something really fantastic, you know monsters or big robot space ships—any time you’re doing it with live action it sometimes looks a little fake, a 103 little out of place. Even the stuff that is really, really high quality looks a little fake and out of place. But in anime, it looks just as real as the people. And once you’ve accepted that the people are real, it looks the same—a seamless transition from person to crazy monster (Mike, individual interview, 12/1/05).

Focus group three (interview 11/22/05) discussed fantasy in terms of the difference between the American and anime genres:

Also there’s a lot of fantasy infused in many different genres or many different genres infused into fantasy. Whereas, the western idea of fantasy it’s usually strictly— (Anna).

–a different time (Holly).

Yeah or world: no technology, just magic. Whereas you have a lot of kind of melding of science and fantasy a lot [in anime]: technology and fantasy. I see that a lot in anime, which is interesting (Anna).

While the participants discussed anime mostly in terms of difference, there was one participant for whom the appeal was in the similarities he saw to his South Asian heritage-culture.

I think sometimes I like the ones that correspond to my values. I know that Japan is centered around the Buddhist and Shinto religions and you see a lot of it in anime. And, I’m Hindu and a lot of things correspond, so the whole, the idea of balance, it’s very appealing (Sid, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

This student was unique among the group in being drawn by the similar cultural values in anime. However, he was the only participant of Asian heritage. Tominaga (2002) found that Asian-American anime fans saw cultural values in anime as similar to those of their heritage cultures, so this exception may reflect a possible difference along ethnic lines. Nevertheless, both Sid’s attraction to anime based on similarity and the others’ attraction to anime based on difference show a like willingness to identify with a foreign cultural product. The embracing of difference is one important part of culture learning. 104 As Moran states, “at the heart of the culture learning experience is the encounter with difference” (2001, p. 8). That this encounter is a positive one for participants suggests they possess a noteworthy amount of cultural sensitivity.

Although much has been made in the media about the prevalence of sex and violence in anime, only one participant (male), specifically mentioned these as part of the appeal of anime. This is in line with Napier’s finding that “graphic sex and violence are not nearly as important factors [in drawing fans] as others” (2000, p. 249). The student who mentioned sex and violence also equated it with difference. Here, he mentions the appeal of the sexual and violent content in terms of the contrast to traditional American animation.

I think it brings back something to the [animated] art form. Animation was always something for kids, well originally it was something for adults and then it became like Bugs Bunny and stuff for kids. [Anime’s contrast] is something that appeals to us. I mean it’s violence, it’s gore, it’s rampant sexuality, it’s giant fighting robots. I mean it appeals to us (Danielo, focus group interview, 11/16/05). While this participant was the only one to specifically mention sex and violence as part of the appeal of anime, others revealed that they like some shows that contain this content and that it was part of the appeal that anime contained adult themes. To further explore participants perceptions of sexual and violent content in anime, each focus group was asked how they felt about the common view in the United States that anime is full of sex and violence. Participants mentioned that the overall more adult themes of anime—that it was not just for kids—made this content stand out to Americans, who often perceive animation as a medium reserved for children. There was also the sense that this more

105 sensational aspect of anime becomes known faster than other aspects, which creates an unbalanced view of anime.

I think one of the reasons people react against it so much is because they’re still used to thinking of animation as for kids. And so whenever you have [violent or sexual content] in that context it’s really shocking (Nathan, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

It really does cover everything that live-action does. You’ll get an action movie, you’ll get a weird sci-fi film, you’ll get weird philosophical drama, and then you get everything from extremely violent down to something really kid-friendly and really high quality (Mike, focus group, 11/16/05).

There is a lot more than just sex and violence in it, and I think it’s just the few ones that some people have seen or that were popular a while ago, and they generalize that that’s all it is. Even though most of the ones I watch don’t have a lot of violence in it, there’s some that do, but there are other things that I watch it for (Christina, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

I think it’s no different from what we watch [in the U.S.], but I just think it’s because it’s in cartoon media. That’s the only thing that’s different. It’s perceived as kid stuff. Then it’s like “oh there’s so much violence!” and often times it’s not (Anna, focus group interview, 11/22/05).

I think that those opinions spread faster than other things (Sid, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

Seven participants also pointed out the hypocrisy of criticizing anime for sex and violence, when American television and film is so riddled with it.

Have you ever seen an American movie? Everything is marketed towards sex and violence. So of course anime has certain areas…it’s almost like anime covers everything that live-action does. So, of course, there’s going to be pornography, and plus, I have to admit it, sometimes some Japanese people are just sick. Though I’m sure if you looked for it in the U.S. you could find it too, except it’s live-action (Danielo, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

One participant also mentioned the cultural differences between Americans and Japanese on the appropriateness of exposing children to violence in television and film:

Well, I mean a lot of it is full of violence and material that they can show to Japanese young kids that you still can’t show to American younger kids. But, 106 there’s so much more underneath all that. Like with anything. I think it’s just more mature overall (Elena, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

This is one instance of a participant’s perception of Japanese culture being formed from viewing anime, a topic which will be discussed in greater detail later. Danielo’s comment that “sometimes Japanese people are just sick” also suggests a tendency to form judgments about Japanese society from anime, although, admittedly, he said this with humor and may not have meant it to be taken too seriously. The criticism of American culture for hypocrisy and for prejudging animation as only something for children may be read as participants accepting the view of the target culture over that of their own. This may be only in terms of beliefs about the animated medium of film, but it shows an openness toward sharing perspectives outside of their native culture.

Anime Fandom as Outside the Norm

Another theme that emerged was that the participants felt that anime fandom was often perceived by others as deviant in some way: childish, strange, dorky, etc. Many felt that this was because anime itself was misunderstood (as childish, violent, or strange, etc.). Fans appear to share in common with other media fan groups, like Trekkies, the perception by the others that their fandom is obsessive or strange. This is consistent with what some scholars have written about the experience of anime fandom. For example, Schodt writes that many fans pursue their activities “despite being viewed by the outside world as members of a highly unusual, if not bizarre fringe group” (1996, p. 328).

I had a girlfriend who thought I was a complete and utter dork. Her younger brother used to watch Dragon Ball Z and she always associated [anime fandom] with that little dorky kid who likes Dragon Ball Z (Danielo, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

107 Electronic Gaming Monthly did an article a couple weeks back in the magazine that was about different kinds of nerds. One of them was like the ‘Japanophile’ nerd. It was funny (Anna, focus group interview, 11/22/05).

Seven of the ten participants described having negative experiences with anime, when

others considered their fandom childish or strange.

[Negative experience came from] being seen as weird, especially when I turned 13 and was still watching cartoons (Elena, individual interview, 11/18/05).

Once, with the anime club [in high school], when we were trying to advertise for it, we put up a sign. Someone came along and wrote “whoever goes to this is gay.” And me and my friend found it and we put a little mark next to it and said “as in happy.” So just the general stereotypes that you’re a geek if you’re into anime [was a negative experience] (Christina, individual interview, 11/17/05).

You want to show them some [anime], but they get hung up on the stereotypes, like “I don’t want to be an anime fan, I don’t want to be one of those guys in a Sailor Moon costume” (Mike, individual interview, 12/1/05).

Well, mostly with parents, they think it’s just still watching cartoons. They really don’t want to let you watch anymore, because it’s like “why are you watching this; it’s childish.” And they don’t think it’s really worth your time to do anything with it (Christina, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

They saw these attitudes as narrow-minded, as will be discussed in greater detail below.

Participants displayed a self-effacing sense of humor about the negative

stereotypes of anime fandom, yet they expressed annoyance at people who judged anime without ever having watched any or having watched only a few “mainstream” (on television) examples.

A lot of my friends actually prejudge anime before actually seeing any of the good ones. So, when I try to offer a choice of what to watch they generally kind of trash it down (Elena, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

You get some people who have only ever seen five minutes of Dragon Ball Z on Cartoon Network, and they think [anime is] all about charging up you super

108 powers. So they don’t understand that a lot of it’s much more serious (Mike, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

People just get hung up on stereotypes. I mean they’ve never watched an anime in their life, and they’re like “oh anime is for dorks” or whatever (Danielo, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

Three participants explicitly stated that they did not mind their friends and acquaintances not being interested in anime, but they strongly disliked being judged for their fandom unfairly, out of an ignorance based only on hearsay or stereotypes.

Four of the participants themselves described their own fandom as “nerdy.”

For example:

I guess in my opinion [anime fandom] has sort of become a new nerd niche. There are a lot of [kinds] of nerds. There’s the gaming nerd, now there’s a genre of the anime-type (Holly, focus group interview, 11/22/05).

Even though we are nerds, in a way that makes us really nice people, too. We’re not going to take advantage of people or put them down or anything. So that can be good to (Lisa, individual interview, 12/1/05).

In this case, they seemed to be using the word “nerd” in its more positive meaning: someone who is obsessed by a hobby but also an expert in it.

The frustration that participants felt at the prejudices in American cultural attitudes toward anime again suggests dissatisfaction with the native culture and an affinity for the target culture in contrast. However, this group of fans did also place different value judgments on fandom, depending on its intensity, as will be explained further below.

It seems that for participants “fandom” is a fluid term that covers a variety of degrees of intensity. As is clear from the description in the participants section, the

109 amount of time each devotes to anime-related activities varies widely, from one hour a week to twenty-four. While most described anime fandom as outside of the norm, they made a distinction between their own fandom and what they considered extreme fandom,

drawing the line between obsessive fans (‘otaku’) and themselves. 24 Otaku is a Japanese slang word meaning “an obsessive interest in something, a geek,” but among American fans, it refers solely to an obsessive anime fan (Levi, 1996, p. 2). The connotation for American fans is somewhat ambiguous (Tominaga, 2002). Some fans use the word as a badge of pride, either ignoring or not seeing a negative connotation. Others understand the negative connotation and avoid attaching the label to their fandom. When asked whether or not they considered themselves otaku, everyone in the study responded in the negative, because they felt the label was inaccurate. However, only two participants stated that they would be offended if called an otaku; the majority claimed that they would not, although one added the disclaimer that it would depend on whether or not it was intended pejoratively. The word ‘otaku’ also appeared to be ambiguous for the group of fans in this study, and they used the term in both pejorative and non-pejorative ways. Here one participant describes otaku in a positive light:

I think here, I would consider an otaku as being higher than someone who obsesses over football or something, because, you know, they’re trying to broaden their horizons and learn something (Sid, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

However, when they were discussing the kinds of fans that they found unappealing,

participants often used the word ‘otaku’ to describe them.

Five of the participants specifically described extreme forms of fandom as deviant

in some way. Extreme fandom was often associated with anime clubs. With the

24 Two participants needed the word defined for them; the distinction may have had less resonance for them. 110 exception of one participant, who helped set up an anime club in high school, participants seemed to feel that anime clubs were unappealing, because of the kind of people they attracted.

In my high school we had an anime club. And I started in, and later I was an officer. I pretty much hated that thing. That club was awful. The kids in it were socially inept. One girl would growl at people. We had to have a special officer for yelling at people (Lisa, focus group interview, 11/22/05).

In particular, there was an almost universal avoidance of and disdain for the local university anime club. Two participants described members as stereotypical ‘otaku,’ which they meant in a negative way.

I bet I would have had [a negative experience with anime] if I’d gone to the anime club. Every one I’ve talked to is like “don’t go there!” (Anna individual interview, 12/6/05)

The stereotypical [otaku] would be the UT anime club. The scary exaggerated otaku would be the anime club. I don’t think we’re that bad [not as bad as the anime club], but we’re not normal either. A lot of people at [conversation practice] said that same thing [that going to the anime club was an unpleasant experience]. I would say that the people that go to the anime club and are regular patrons are the people that aren’t so much learning Japanese or really getting deeply into anime or anything, but you know the overweight people, those that don’t shower (Lisa, individual interview, 12/1/05).

For participants, the more fanatical ‘otaku’ fit the stereotype of the media fan as described by Jenkins (1992): an obsessive loner who is consumed by his object of fandom to the degree that he cuts himself off from others and neglects normal social activities and relationships. One image of the extreme ‘otaku’ that was prevalent in the group was that otaku neglected personal hygiene and other aspects of their appearance.

Here two second-year participants discuss the definition of otaku: 111 Otaku literally means house (Lisa, focus group interview, 11/22/05).

So like, it’s actually someone who never comes out of their house and just watches anime all day. And they usually dress a certain way, have all the little action figures in the room and spend 60 dollars on a DVD (Anna, focus group interview, 11/22/05).

The participants also expressed the feeling that some kinds of anime texts were deviant.

…some anime are just too weird or just too out there… (Danielo, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

Some of the more adult anime don’t help by perpetuating the stereotype that Japanese are just sick (Danielo, focus group interview, 11/16/05). I don’t really watch the strange animes (Sid, individual interview, 11/19/05).

The first time that my friends showed me some ‘hentai’ (pornographic) anime that they had like stumbled upon. I was pretty young at the time, so it was one of those things where you see positive things and you’re positively influenced as far as what you think of the source of the stuff. So it blew my mind that there was a cartoon that was like this. I was like ‘what are they thinking?’ ‘What are they doing?’ But I don’t even know if that’s really that negative, but it—my interest in anime waned a little bit after that (Kevin, individual interview, 11/18/05). The negative judgment made on some anime texts may be a reassertion of native cultural values. To some degree these views also likely color their perceptions of the culture that created the texts. Danielo’s comment about Japanese being sometimes being “sick” suggests this, as does the fact that “hentai” anime made Kevin’s interest in anime wane somewhat. However, participants overall positive feelings toward anime and the target culture again reveal that they are able to look critically at elements of the C2 without essentializing it. It is also interesting that American fans adopt some vocabulary of Japanese anime fans. Besides “otaku,” there were other examples of this phenomenon. For example, participants used the words “shonen” and “shojo” to refer to anime and manga targeted at boys and girls respectively, and one of the participants, Elena, used the word “seiyu” for 112 voice actor.25 This borrowing of Japanese words strengthens the link between Japanese culture and anime, and again shows the willingness of these fans to embrace elements of the target culture.

While they felt that anime fandom was still outside of the norm, participants also

gave the opinion that that it is gradually becoming more accepted and mainstream.

Many of the negative attitudes toward their fandom that participants described having experienced were from high school or middle school. Here are some quotes in which participants contrast their secondary school experiences with the present.

I’m 29 years old. So, when I went to high school it was a whole different perception of what [anime] was like. You were generally considered a dork if you liked anime. So, now it’s not so much it seems. Especially since Cartoon Network and other networks are starting to show more and more of it. … It’s getting like more and more popular to the point now that its become part of our pop culture here (Kevin, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

Me and my friends started an anime club our last year in high school and we were trying to get people to show up so it was kind of hard at first, because just our friends came, because we were all into anime. And then people would be like, oh if you go there you’re a dork, or whatever. But then towards the end of year there were a lot more people than there were at the beginning. And people kind of started to like it more, and, I don’t know, I just realized that it was starting to get more popular than it was before (Christina, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

I think it’s getting more mainstream. It’s getting played on American TV. Cowboy Bebop was on Cartoon Network and a lot of people were like, Cowboy Bebop, that’s cool. Even though they don’t want to go past that line into other things, they understand that [anime is] not just Dragon Ball (Mike, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

The sheer availability of anime at mainstream video and video rental retailers and on

television suggests that the participants are correct and anime has indeed become more

25 There are many other examples which will come up throughout this chapter.

113 mainstream in recent years. Although participants were committed enough to the object of their fandom to continue in spite of the negative attitudes of others, the increasing acceptance of anime in American culture seems to have made the experience of fandom a more pleasant one. However, they still saw the target culture as more accepting of anime and anime fandom.

Anime and Anime Fandom as More Accepted in Japan

It was important to discover how participants believed anime and anime fandom were perceived in Japan. A concern was that fans might overestimate the level to which fandom is accepted in Japan and that they might have an erroneous view of Japanese culture in this regard. As a means for uncovering this, participants were asked first how they thought Japanese perceived animation and then how they thought Japanese perceived anime fandom.

Animation seems to have a higher status in Japan than here. It’s seen as a real entertainment and an art-type medium (Elena, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

I think it’s seen as an actual career that you can do and an actual art medium. Where here it’s just seen as “oh you’re only a cartoonist” (Christina, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

It almost seems that since (I don’t think anyway) they didn’t have anything the equivalent of Bugs Bunny—or if they had it wasn’t as much of a cultural phenomenon at the time—they didn’t have a really pre-conceived notion about [anime as being for children]. So, now with anime there, they can take it a little more seriously (Nathan, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

You know, it’s a whole lot more mainstream over there. It’s actually on TV over there. It’s not relegated to a special cable channel at ten o’clock (Mike, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

I think they think of it as a lot more legitimate than Americans do. Americans still see cartoons as for kids. I mean when was the last time you saw a feature-length cartoon movie that was not for kids? A lot more emphasis placed on live-action in

114 the U.S. So in Japan you’d see as many animated movies as live-action (Danielo, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

The group clearly felt that animation enjoys a higher status in Japan. There is certainly some support for this idea. According to anime scholars, such as Napier (2000), some

50% of all films made in Japan are animated, and the Japanese Ministry of Education and

Culture has recently acknowledged anime as a legitimate art form.

The men and women in the study were a little more cautious in describing how they thought anime fandom was perceived in Japan. While they felt that anime fandom was more accepted in Japan than in the United States, they again drew distinctions between typical viewers and otaku.

The feeling that I’ve gotten from watching several series, Ganz, in particular, is that otaku are considered dorks. That it used to that an otaku was a person that was into films and that was when nobody understood films in Japan, and they were actually perceived as cool people because they knew about movies, but now they’re kind of considered dorks, I think. Not that there’s anything wrong with being a dork (Kevin, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

[In terms of more typical viewers] I think there’s more people that are interested in anime and it’s [different] generations, not just people who are our age, that mostly pay attention to it, because it’s made for diverse groups (Christina, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

[Anime] is more mainstream over there so, it’s probably more mainstream to be a fan. Or maybe it’s not so much of a cult thing over there, they’re not as die-hard. They don’t have to go to the cons to find other anime fans, so they’re a little more relaxed about it. Like here you don’t see people going to like Seinfeld cons (Mike, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

It’s more of a common feature. I think here if you don’t know what animation is that will give you a certain amount of alienation from mainstream society but it’s not like you can’t function. But over there, I think if you don’t know anything about any anime, it’s like ‘do you not watch TV? Do you not read magazines? I mean what do you do?’ (Danielo, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

115 I would imagine [otaku are perceived] somewhat like Trekkies are here (Nathan, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

Without as much negative stereotype (Danielo, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

Focus group two, of first-year students, tended to be less cautious in seeing anime

fandom as more accepted in Japan than the other two groups. They seemed to perceive

anime fans as less stigmatized in Japan, and one member felt that anime fandom is less of

a cult phenomenon there, which is true in terms of casual viewing but far less true in terms of seriously committed [adult] fans. However, it is important to note that, in this case, I was asking them to speculate, and they gave their opinions in that light.

Interestingly, second year participants understood the difference between the

definition of ‘otaku’ in Japan (where it has a more negative connotation) and the United

States. When asked whether or not they would object to being called an otaku, two

members showed an understanding of the way otaku are perceived in Japan, as well as a

sense of the different use of the term here:

In Japan I would. It’s one of those things like “queer” where you try to bring back a good meaning to some kind of derogatory term. I personally feel that a lot of American fans are just kind of throwing it around. Maybe they don’t really know the connotation it has in Japan. But here you’re like ‘I’m an otaku and if you don’t know what that means, you’re not as cool as me.’ But there I would never say that. I’d be like: ‘Oh no. I’m not an otaku’ (Lisa, individual interview, 12/1/05).

I wouldn’t object to being called [an otaku] if we’re talking from an American sense. But I mean in Japan it’s completely different. It’s about dressing a certain way, having figurines. I don’t really have any figurines. I have a wall-scroll or two and some fan-art that I bought at a convention once, but I’m definitely not extreme in terms of buying goods. I express my interest in the amount of anime that I watch. It wouldn’t be accurate in a Japanese sense at all (Anna, individual interview, 12/6/05).

116 With the important exception of the second year students, the participants seemed to view their fandom and its object as more accepted in the target culture. Even for the second years, the sense that Japanese saw otaku negatively does not necessarily create distance between them and the C2, since they did not consider themselves otaku in a

Japanese sense. Because anime fandom was clearly important to participants, the belief that anime in general is more accepted in Japan likely creates a greater affinity in participants toward the C2.

One particular concern I had about anime fandom impacting language learning was the reaction of the Japanese language teachers (who were all ethnic Japanese) to students’ fandom. It seemed possible that the language teachers might stigmatize the anime fans. However, none of the students mentioned any overt negative reaction by the teachers toward student fans. Four participants felt their teachers knew that they were fans, five felt that they did not know, and one was uncertain. Participants expressed the opinion that their teachers were aware that many students became interested in Japanese through anime, but they sensed no negative reaction toward those students. One student qualified his statement:

She doesn’t have a problem with it, but she… Hmm, I’m not really sure. She would only have a problem with it if you have a tough time picking up the language: if you were using anime forms, instead of polite forms (Sid, individual interview, 11/19/05).

Again, the second-year students perceived more negativity associated with anime fandom among Japanese people than the first-years. Here one second-year student describes how she imagines the Japanese teachers view anime fans in their classes:

117 It seems to me that [the Japanese teachers] take the opinion of: ‘Oh you’re interested in our culture? That’s so cool. Good for you, maybe you can learn something from it.’ But I get the impression that it’s kind of childish to watch a lot of anime. This is probably speaking from ignorance, but it just seems to me that they view [anime fans] as otaku kind of (Holly, individual interview, 12/9/05).

Another second-year student described how, in one instance, her teacher resisted bringing

anime into the classroom. Students were asked to decide on a short film to view in the

classroom and many requested anime:

But the teacher wanted nothing to do with it. It wasn’t anything against the fans, maybe, but you could tell that she was not into the anime (Anna, individual interview, 12/6/05).

This apparent resistance by the teacher may reflect the bias typical of many teachers

toward using popular culture in the classroom that is described in much of the literature

on popular culture and literacy (e.g. Buckingham, 1998, Marsh and Millard, 2000).

However, this is speculation. Future research would be necessary to elicit the thoughts

and feelings of Japanese instructors in order to understand whether or not such resistance

is prevalent and, if so, what its cause might be.

Fandom as Community

Another major theme to emerge from the data was that anime fandom was more of a communal than a private experience for participants, although the degree to which their fandom was shared with others varied. None fit the stereotype of the deviant loner, and all shared their fandom with family or friends to a certain degree. There were three questions in the individual interviews that attempted to uncover to what extent participants’ fandom was a communal experience versus a private experience. First,

118 participants were asked whether or not it is important to them that others understand their interest in anime. The response was split, with five saying yes and five saying no. The second question was whether or not participants tried to interest others in anime. This question attempted to reveal whether or not the subjects had the desire to share their interest with others. Seven of the ten stated that they did try to interest others to varying degrees, even if it was just to the extent of asking friends to watch with them. Here are some examples of responses:

I’ve tried you know to [advise] people. I’ll tell people what’s good, what’s bad. I’m not afraid to say ‘you guys should see Spirited Away or Princess Mononoke,’ because they’re really good (Mike, individual interview, 12/1/05).

I try to drag people along. If there’s something really cool to watch, like a movie, just something you can watch by itself, and they haven’t seen it (Danielo, 11/30/05).

Two of the three who responded negatively still revealed that they did try to share anime

at least to the extent of recommending texts to others or finding friends to watch with:

Not normally. I’ll tell people about when I see something cool, and if they seem interested, I’ll say ‘hey, well if you want to see this…’ that kind of thing. But I don’t actively go out and try to recruit people (Kevin, individual interview, 11/18/05).

If my friends like anime awesome, if not that’s cool too. But you’re going to watch it with me. I just like want to watch it with someone (Elena, individual interview, 11/18/05).

Only one of the participants did not describe any attempt to try to interest others:

Not really. No. I figure if they’re going to be interested, they’d find it on their own (Lisa, individual interview, 12/1/05).

The majority of responses are somewhat consistent with the literature that finds that

anime fans actively promote the object of their fandom (Schodt 1996, Levi 1994,

119 Tominaga 2002). While most participants do not mention any formal activities,26 the majority are trying to share their interest with others.

The third question was whether or not anime-viewing was more of a private experience or whether they preferred to watch with other fans. The responses to this were more varied. Four outright preferred to watch with others. Three enjoyed both private viewing and viewing with friends. The remaining three, who stated that they watch anime alone, all qualified their responses.

It’s definitely more of a private thing, especially anime-viewing, because that could be done in a public context. I haven’t had too many good experiences with that: a couple of anime clubs that were sub-standard. But manga, even though that can’t be a group thing, I definitely enjoy discussing that with my friends (Lisa, individual interview, 12/1/05).

It’s something that I’d rather do by myself. I think that when you group a lot of people together, you start talking (Sid, individual interview, 11/19/05).

I almost exclusively watch it by myself. But I don’t know if that’s necessarily by choice, it’s just that that’s the most convenient thing for me to do (Kevin, individual interview, 11/18/05).

All of the participants, including the three who tended to watch anime alone said that they hung out with other fans or had friends who were fans. This lends support to the notion that, while anime-viewing was not always a shared experience, fandom was still to differing degrees a shared experience for all of the participants. A number of other comments revealed the communal nature of their fandom:

You can develop friendships by watching any movie. Yeah, gathering around the TV watching anime can be fun, especially heckling some of it. There’s one series that’s so back it’s awesome. It’s all about the pretty boys, so I love it. If you can sit down and watch with a friend, you’re set. [We watch together and] kind of talk

26 Two exceptions are “Christina,” who started an anime club in high school and had a web-site, and “Anna” who maintains a website. 120 about stuff or ask some questions, especially if you’re with people who are in the same level Japanese level or above. Then you can ask them questions or share ideas (Anna, individual interview, 12/6/05).

Liking anime, it’s given me a lot of friends that I didn’t have before. And with it we started an anime club, which made me find more friends that liked it (Christina, individual interview, 11/17/05).

Well when I was a kid like my friends were all in to Dragon Ball Z we were all like ‘yeah we’re dorks together,’ but so I didn’t really get a lot of that ‘anime is what?’ what is that? But later on I got it a lot more. Like ‘you’re into anime?’ but now that I’ve re-found more people in my community that like anime then it’s more like a staple, like yeah, you want to watch this anime with me (Danielo, individual interview, 11/30/05).

The shared nature of the group’s fandom was in line with Jenkins (1992) and Hills (2002) work that shows that media fans are not isolated loners, but are often part of fan communities. It is also consistent with Napier’s finding that anime fans were “socially inclined” (2000, p. 248). One can argue that this American fan community is also linked to the Japanese fan community, in their adoption of Japanese words and through their mutual love of the product itself. It is likely that this increases their ability to identify, not only with Japanese fans, but also with Japanese people in general. All of the participants mentioned the dream of going to Japan, and five of the ten mentioned specific plans, where they will certainly interactive with native Japanese. This suggests an integrative orientation in their attitudes toward the target culture.

Active Fandom

Related to the theme of fandom as community is the theme of anime fandom as active. Although not personally involved, six of the participants described active elements of anime fandom that they had observed. The following are examples:

121 Well half of my friends in high school write fan fic [fan fiction] (Lisa, individual interview, 12/1/05).

‘Fan girl’ is a new term. They’re crazy. You mainly see them in art-sites and fan- fictions. A fan-girl is a fan not really of an anime but of a particular character of an anime, to the point of just completely obliterating and changing factors of the character (Elena, individual interview, 11/18/05).

Four participants mentioned the activities of fans who take “raw” anime footage and subtitle it into English. For example, here Kevin describes how it is done:

Typically what happens, I think, is that an American decides that they want to subtitle a show and then they go out and recruit people to do the different aspects, because you have to worry about timing with the subtitles and digital in-codes and distribution, like setting up someone with the lot of band-width and then the people who actually do the translations on top of all that. A lot of them are really good, and it’s what I would consider professional work, because a lot of them take it real seriously (Kevin, individual interview, 11/18/05).

The majority of the men and women in the study were also active fans. Seven of the ten engaged in activities such as drawing anime, participating in on-line chatting, attending conventions, forming anime clubs in high school, and writing fan-fiction (details in the participant section at the beginning of the chapter). These activities are in line with

Jenkins (1992) descriptions of media fandom as active. Most of these, with the exception of drawing and writing fan-fiction, clearly involve communication with other fans, and even fan-drawing and fan-fiction usually involve sharing the works with other fans.

Participants’ fandom was active in another sense. Two of the participants described how their interest in anime led to other interests and talents outside of anime.

There was one time I just began to try and mimic certain Sailor Moon characters and then like Slayer characters and all that. Amazingly enough that just increased

122 my ability to draw drastically compared to my other classmates. Then I started to go onto tutorial sites to learn how to do digital art (Elena, individual interview, 11/18/05).

Because of anime I've like gotten into everything else that I like. I was always into art, but not really drawing. And I like fashion design and I want to do costumes because I make costumes for me and other people for the conventions. I want to get into business because of it. And because of Sailor Moon I got into mythology, because I read up on it and all of the characters have something to do with mythology in the background. And so next semester I’m taking a class on that. Basically all my interests came from just one show (Christina, individual interview, 11/17/05).

It seems clear that for participants overall fandom was not limited to passive viewing, but included a variety of other activities, including many social ones. It also illustrates how fans create their own unique cultural communities.

Ignoring Disturbing Aspects of Anime

Participants were not indiscriminant consumers of anime. There were certain kinds of texts they shunned, and there were elements that some participants found disturbing or unappealing, particularly in terms of depictions of women. What was clear was that participants often ignored these elements, if they otherwise liked the content.

Although they claimed to often ignore it, female participants were particularly annoyed by what is called “fan service,” gratuitous nudity or sexualized depictions

(typically of female) characters. Here is a conversation with the women in focus group one (interview, 11/11/05):

I guess I’m immune to all the bounciness in the female anime characters. However, the impracticality of wearing short skirts when fighting monsters and bad guys…? The ‘gravity-defying-ness,’ not even gravity-defying, just the kind of 123 skirt that flows up at most random moments, [with the frequency of it] it loses its impact (Elena).

I sometimes can deal with a little bit, but then it can get too much, and you’re like, this is all that’s in this (Christina).

Now, if something like that happens to you, do you just shut it off, or lose interest in it (researcher)?

I’ll go and not pay attention while it’s doing it (Christina).

If the series is good, I keep my attention on it. I ignore the little eye candy (Elena).

Another of the women in the study shared similar sentiments to those of the women in

focus group one.

[The big breasts are] not so much an issue if you like [the anime]. But it’s something to kind of put down, if you don’t like it. It’s like ‘I’m not watching, because those boobies are so distracting. I don’t want to see that. That’s absolutely ridiculous.’ But you’re going to not mind it so much if it’s something that you actually want to watch (Anna, focus group interview, 11/22/05).

The women were not the only ones to describe this phenomenon. Here one of the male participants describes how he deals with elements of anime that are unappealing:

For me I generally like things in a vacuum. And so I will like anime a lot but not necessarily get into all the paraphernalia surrounding it. I do that with Western films and TV series as well (Nathan, individual interview, 11/30/05).

Scholars such as Pointon (1997) and Newitz (1993) have made assumptions about anime fans’ tastes and the significance of those tastes based on the texts they choose.

However, the data above suggests that fans may compartmentalize these texts into appealing and unappealing elements, ignoring the unappealing or disturbing elements.

124 The things that others assume are appealing to fans (sexual content, for example) may in

fact not be part of the draw at all.

The elements that the fans are ignoring are undeniably problematic and warrant

further scrutiny, but, the focus of this study is on how the participants experience anime,

rather than in an objective critique of the texts themselves. It is reassuring, again, to see that the negative aspects participants perceived in this cultural product did not lead to negative feelings about the culture as a whole. As Tseng notes, cultural interactions that generate “frustration, struggle, dissatisfaction or surprise…can create a tension that actually propels learning (2002, p. 15). The degree to which participants view their interactions with anime texts as culture learning, as well as other issues related to culture

learning, will be discussed in further detail below.

Perceptions of Culture Learning

The men and women in the study expressed positive feelings toward learning culture in general and in relation to language learning. Sid was particularly adamant in stressing how important he felt culture learning was. At one point in the focus group interview he stated that one third of language classes should be culture. He also felt that anime should be used in the classroom.

Maybe you shouldn’t use [anime] that much, but maybe go through a ten-minute segment of anime and explain a lot of things. And people would get interested, because we have the capacity to absorb the language and culture at the same time (focus group interview, 11/11/05).

He felt that it was important for Americans to learn about non-Western cultures, since that was lacking in most education systems

Because I don’t think that any other media beside anime has that kind of variety. No I don’t think so. So you can use that as a catalyst to expand yourself and 125 things that you never knew. I mean I took a humanities course in high school and they really concentrated on the Judeo-Christian aspect of Western culture (individual interview, 11/19/05). When asked if they were taught culture in Japanese class, members of all three focus groups gave the opinion that there was very little culture taught in their Japanese class, beyond the culture notes from the book, or what one participant referred to as “little potted pieces of information in the middle of class.” However, each member expressed an interest in having more culture learning in class. Here is an example from focus group three (interview, 11/22/05):

There are some culture notes in the book that we read. (Anna)

I think there could be more done, but it’s a language course. (Holly)

But I could use more of it. (Anna)

Yeah. I would definitely go for more of it. (Holly)

Yes. Definitely. (Lisa)

I think it enriches your experience. It’s something you remember besides grammatical structure. It’s something interesting you can remember and relate to what you’re learning. (Holly)

Here Mike expresses the usefulness of having culture formally taught in class. When asked if his perceptions of Japanese culture had changed since beginning Japanese studies, he responded:

I don’t know if it’s so much that it’s changed. It’s become more clear. I guess. You get more things given to you as facts in a book as opposed to observations that you’ve made different places (individual interview, 12/1/05).

It seemed important to Mike to get confirmation on the observations he had made in everyday life. This was a common attitude in the group.

126 When asked if they had ever taken a class on Japanese culture, only three of the ten responded affirmatively. When asked if they would like to take a class (or take more classes), nine of the ten said “yes.” The student who said “no” (Danielo) expressed his belief that culture classes were extremely difficult. He also stated that his interests in culture were too broad to focus intensely on just one. Overall, the data supports the view that participants were open to culture learning and wanted to learn more culture in their language classes.

Anime Viewing as Culture Learning Participants varied as to the degree to which anime was a source of culture learning. Some felt whole-heartedly that they could learn from watching, others agreed more cautiously, and some, while stating that anime was not a good source of culture learning, nonetheless demonstrated knowledge of Japanese culture they had gained directly or indirectly from anime. In the following quotations, participants express both how watching anime inspires interest in Japanese culture and how they learn from watching.

I think that watching anime helps learn about Japanese culture (Danielo, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

When you watch something that’s based in modern Japan and you see a little thing and you think that’s kind of cool. It’s fun to wonder about a different culture and Japan especially, because they have a lot of things that are very old and traditional that are their way but adopted a lot of Western ways after the war. So they have this interesting mix. Like their classrooms look just like ours, but they have to stand up when they get called on. And that’s interesting, because it’s like our classroom, but it’s not (Mike, individual interview, 12/1/05).

[In explaining how his curiosity about Japanese culture arose] And so once you start watching something from Japan you’re like ‘I wonder what created these?’ (Sid, individual interview, 11/19/05)

127 For me personally I don’t like not knowing what’s going on. Just as a personal thing. And so I really like Japan, I really want to know about Japan and [watching Japanese movies] is one way I can do that. I really don’t care watching American movies. It’s just the same old stuff over and over again. Well Japanese anime is just different. Well when I read through the Ranma ½--it was the first series I really enjoyed—to the point where I had to go out and buy every single one, but it was very culturally educational and I think that was very significant for me to understand some more about Japanese customs and typical things that they do (Holly, individual interview, 12/9/05).

Here focus group one (interview 11/11/05) enthusiastically discusses ways of learning about Japanese culture from anime.

I would say more so than the classes themselves (Sid).

So what kind of cultural things can you learn from watching anime (researcher)?

-Just normal stuff. It depends on what you watch of course, but there’s some cultural things there too. That’s how I found out about all the vending machines. I’m sure there’s a whole bunch of stuff. I just can’t think of it right now. But, religious stuff, cause you got to show people in the temples and not in depth, but more exposure than we get in class (Kevin).

Earlier you had mentioned things that are different about Japanese high schools, or things like that (researcher).

One thing that’s a lot that I’ve noticed is the shoes. We don’t take off our shoes when we go to school. A lot of it is in the house too, and how they all eat dinner together. I didn’t eat breakfast with my family, because we were all going different ways. They all take the train to go to school. They don’t have cars separately, which is interesting (Christina).

Other participants felt that they learned about culture from watching anime, but were cautious of making assumptions. For example, when asked whether or not her perceptions of Japanese culture changed after beginning classes, Holly responded:

Yeah. It did. It in some ways it reinforced things I’ve seen in anime. In other ways it made me see that anime is like American cartoons in that it broadly generalizes things and there’s this whole other culture that you don’t see in anime. I guess if

128 you want to see the culture you have to go over there. You can’t make assumptions about it just from watching anime (individual interview, 12/9/05).

Here, Holly describes in more detail how she treats culture learning from anime and manga.

You seem to be attuned to and attracted by the cultural content in anime and manga. You have given some interesting examples of things that you had noticed about the culture even from some of the sort of exaggerated comedies: the fascination with school girls, certain things about their school system. (researcher)

The food. The cafeteria stuff (Holly).

Is this something that you pick up consistently as you view or read? (researcher).

Yes. I pick it up because I enjoy seeing how it’s different. It’s pretty easy to [pick up on] the respect towards teachers. If you didn’t already know that you could probably pretty easily pick it up. The strict—even people who seem to be rebellious in Japanese society are still working hard. You can pick up a lot of stuff (Holly).

You’re mentioning things that kind of show the values of the culture (researcher).

Yes. And you can pick up on some of the protocols (Holly).

You said before in an earlier question that you kind of take it with a grain of salt. You’re picking up on these things, but you were saying that you know you have to go there to… (researcher).

Usually what I’ll do, and I don’t do this consciously, but I’ll see something, and I’ll recognize it, and I’ll compare it to something I’ll see here—does anything confirm this? Does anything I see in class confirm this? I’m constantly looking for a way to see how it’s correct or how it’s not correct, because I don’t want to go to Japan and assume one thing and be completely shocked. I’m sure I’ll be shocked anyway, but I’d rather try to have some control over the level of shock (Holly).

While not necessarily equating this with formal culture learning many participants felt that watching anime had changed their impressions of Japan and Japanese society.

129 Here, is focus group three’s response (interview 11/22/05) to whether or not anime changed those impressions.

Yes. I mean I know I learned a lot more (Lisa).

Before I started watching anime, I really didn’t make a distinction between different Asian countries. And I definitely can see now. I’m a little more experienced…(Holly).

Focus group two (interview 11/16/05) agreed that watching anime had the power to change impressions of Japanese society but once again raised concerns about the reliability of cultural information from that source.

I think you have to take everything anime tells you with a grain of salt, no matter what. Even if you ask people to talk about it and you watch anime or whatever if you actually went there it would probably be very different than what you were actually expecting. So you just have to keep that in mind, whatever you pick up (Danielo).

I think is does a little to reinforce stereotypes. Just in the way that almost any medium of animation will just because that’s what people respond to and that’s what they understand more easily. But at the same time, I don’t necessarily think that’s a bad thing. It’s also just part of a cultural language, and people just classify things and view them as stereotypes. I think that there are exceptions to that too. I think that anime has as much potential to teach people new things about Japanese culture or put interesting spins or nuances onto what people understood as a stereotype. But that’s not always done (Nathan).

Well sometimes you get the preconceived notion that the Japanese are workaholics or something. And then you see, you watch anime, and it’s so absolutely ridiculous it adds a little bit of humanity in what some people think of a as a rigid society (Mike).

I think it also makes it seem a lot younger. Whereas otherwise you might be disposed to think of Japan as really old and rooted in traditions and such and this just sort of gives a young face to it (Nathan). In the follow-up individual interview, Mike elaborated on how his stereotypes of Japan had been changed positively through watching anime:

130 The stereotypical view of Japan, maybe not so much recently but before, was that they’re very focused they’re very disciplined. You get up and you’re very polite all day. You do your job or you go to school and then you come home and you come to a typically bland apartment somewhere. And you eat rice, or whatever. They’re always marveled at for efficiency or keen business sense, which again is sort of like the faceless drone: very left-brained, very boring. But then you take something like anime and manga and video games and that kind of stuff, which is accepted by all ages in Japan. And it’s the exact opposite of that, which could be a facet for their creativity, which shows that it’s not all incredibly rigid and stuff like that. Somewhere in one of those office buildings there’s very drone-like people making incredibly interesting stuff. It’s proof that maybe that’s the way it seems—the politeness that they show to other people, but they have a very lively and interesting culture (interview 12/1/05).

There were two participants who explicitly stated that they did not think anime was a

good source of culture learning. Here is an exchange with one of them (Lisa, individual

interview, 12/1/05).

Did your perception of the Japanese culture change after you began taking lessons (researcher)?

Yes. Basically before I started classes I didn’t know anything (Lisa).

Yes. I think you said that you don’t so much associate culture with watching anime per se (researcher).

Right. I mean because if you just watched American cartoons would you know American society? I don’t’ think so. I do have a tendency to mess up and kind of merge the two. You can’t avoid it (Lisa).

Since it was made in that culture there are elements of that culture that will be in even something that is fantasy (Researcher).

That’s true. But if you take some strange instance and think “oh, that must be Japanese”…. You can’t assume (Lisa).

One other participant, Sid, also felt that anime was not the best source of cultural information (individual interview, 11/19/05).

131 I would not consider anime a good source of Japanese culture. I would say it’s a necessary step to understanding it—maybe not understanding, but acceptance (Sid).

-Acceptance. Like you can watch this, which is little different, and then if you are exposed to more authentic Japanese culture it’s easier to accept? (Researcher)

Yes. You watch anime; you see something new. And the more you see more and more things, when you go to Japan and you see something new, it’s easier to accept (Sid).

Although he does “not consider anime a good source of Japanese culture’” it is an

important point that he feels watching anime increases one’s tolerance of difference and

would be helpful in culture learning. This demonstrates an understanding that culture

learning involves tolerance of difference and reveals that he has reflected seriously on

anime in terms of culture learning.

Examples of Culture Learning through Anime

Some examples of culture learning inspired by anime came up incidentally

through discussions on other topics. Several participants brought up the apparently

common practice of adding translators’ notes to anime. This refers to the cultural notes, explanation of puns and so forth, that the subtitlers add to anime or manga. Some anime

even have the Japanese text in subtitles that run across the screen and fade to be replaced

with the English text. Here is a good description of this phenomenon given by two

members of focus group two.

Another interesting thing is that when I was…of fans subs when they mentioned something that was particularly Japanese that requires explanation, they put a side note. I think it was Fushigi Yugi, at the end of every episode the fan ‘subbers’ 132 would put an entire—like a whole minute or two—of information types that tells you what the hell that was all about (Danielo, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

…with some DVDs from the local…company…you can put it with subtitles that will explain jokes to you; because there’s some jokes that you clearly can’t get unless you watch in Japanese and get Japanese. Like there’ll be a pun and you have to say something so they’ll say something … the translation says this is a pun in Japanese….(Mike, focus group interview, 11/16/05)

Here, Anna describes how translators’ notes prompted her to get more information about a cultural custom from a native Japanese.

I was watching Kyo Kara Maoh, and there was this one part where they were talking about—there had to be a translator’s note and I wish they—they should had had ten translator’s notes, because that one didn’t really explain anything. I actually had to go and ask a Japanese person about it (focus group interview, 11/22/05).

And, Holly describes watching anime with cultural notes as a “cultural experience.”

The most entertaining anime I’ve ever watched, it was in Japanese subtitled, and the subtitlers put little notes on there. It was so cute and nice and you get more of an experience watching, because it’s more of a cultural experience (focus group interview, 11/22/05).

Depending on the quality and accuracy, anime texts with culture notes may have the potential to be a useful tool for culture learning.

All of the participants claimed that interest in anime inspired interest in other aspects of Japanese culture. Some mentioned other aspects of popular culture in particular. In focus group one, all of the participants but one revealed a knowledge of and/or interest in J-Pop (Japanese pop music) and J-Rock (Japanese rock music). Elena (who began watching anime in elementary school) even stated that she began listening to

133 J-Pop before she listened to American music. In focus group three, one member revealed that she watches Japanese “home drama” (evening soap operas) and has seen some live-action movies. She became interested in dramas, because the first one she watched was an adaptation of a manga story. In another example, a participant showed knowledge of Japanese horror films, popular music, and fashions. Another participant expressed an interest in fashion, music, art, and the history of geisha.

One second-year participant, Anna, did not have as many interests in Japanese

cultural products outside of manga and anime, but her responses were peppered with

many cultural references (individual interview, 12/9/05).

Well, I was struck by how much you and Lisa seem to know about Japanese popular culture in general, even if maybe you don’t seek out a lot of [cultural products outside of manga and anime] (researcher).

You kind of have to, well I guess you don’t have to, but when you pick up a language, you pick up other things like cultural stuff. Or maybe little gags: ‘oyaji gyagu’ [old-man jokes]. You pick them up everywhere (Anna).

What is interesting is that, aside from manga and music, the male participants did not

mention any other specific interest in other cultural products, while the female

participants more strongly expressed interest in many specific aspects of Japanese culture

and seemed to be more knowledgeable about Japanese culture in general. Of course,

this impression is very likely influenced by the fact that three of the female students were

from second year Japanese and had each taken a culture course.

One of the main concerns at the beginning of this study about students’ interest in anime was that they would make broad judgments about Japanese culture based solely on that material. However, the data showed that, while beliefs in the degree to which anime viewing results in culture learning varied, all of the participants displayed at least 134 some caution in judging Japanese culture by the content of anime. As the examples above reveal, viewing anime in some cases also resulted in changing narrow stereotypes of Japanese. Only one of the ten participants had ever had significant contact with

Japanese people outside of their language teachers,27 so it was clear that most of their contact with Japanese society came from anime or other related popular culture products. The data also showed that, while participants are cautious in forming opinions of Japanese culture through watching anime, that they are in fact forming impressions. Even the one student who felt she did not legitimately learn about Japanese culture from anime also admitted that she did so unconsciously, having a “tendency to mess up and kind of merge the two.”

All of the students displayed an eagerness to learn more culture in general and in language class. The data shows that they are also, in effect, already actively engaged in the process of culture learning, regardless of whether or not it is formally taught in class. What is missing is the scaffolding that experts in cultural studies and Japanese culture might provide, and it seems clear that cultural guidance could help them enormously. Currently, they are left to try to decipher for themselves, without much contact with Japanese people, what in anime reflects real Japanese society and what is either fantasy or influenced by the West. This seems to be of particular concern in terms of issues of representation, particularly of gender. As this is a particularly salient example of how participants struggle to make meaning on their own and how they might benefit from more structured culture learning, gender issues will be discussed in depth below.

27 One of the second year students attended “kaiwa” or conversation practice every week, meeting with Japanese volunteers from the community who provided conversation partners for language students. She also had befriended some of them and met them privately to teach them English. She was the most conscious of all of the participants of the negative view of anime fans that some Japanese held.

135 Culture Learning and Issues of Gender The men and women in the study were conscious of the fact that media,

particularly animation, tend to exaggerate gender types. The group in general demonstrated some sophistication in the way in which they interpreted media texts.

They had definite opinions about the way that gender was represented in anime, but it was less clear to what extent they made assumptions about Japanese culture based on this. In light of the fact that many participants did not view anime characters as

Japanese per se, it is problematic to assume that their discussions of gender in anime signified a discussion of Japanese men and women. Most of their discussions on

gender were in terms of representations of men and women in general, not specifically

ethnic Japanese. However, participants were still conscious that the creators of the

anime are Japanese. This fact did seem to color their perceptions, and it was clear that

participants were forming some ideas about Japanese culture in terms of gender roles

through watching anime. It is, therefore, important to look at participants’ perceptions

of gender in anime more closely.

Perceptions of Japanese Society Here are some examples of the kinds of perceptions about gender in Japanese

society that participants formed through watching anime.

I’m most bothered by Japanese culture with the obsession with young women. That bothers me. I don’t understand it and it’s a little creepy, quite frankly (Holly, individual interview, 12/9/05).

I think it’s certainly whole Asian mentality on things. It’s still mostly a male- dominated society there. I don’t think [female stereotypes] can be avoided as easily (Sid, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

136 I don’t know, it seems like there’s gender roles [in Japanese society] and a lot of the anime just follows the gender roles (Kevin, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

I kind of feel that it’s ethnocentric to say that they have to do whatever, but at the same time, I also recognize that women don’t have a lot of the same freedoms in Japan that they do here, and I feel that it would go a long way towards that if they would involve them more with these things that these kids watch when they’re so young (Kevin, individual interview, 11/18/05).

Here one female participant describes the disconnect between how she saw Japanese women from watching anime and her impressions from watching a live interview with

Japanese voice actresses. Interestingly here, her impressions from anime were more positive than from seeing real Japanese women on television.

But there was something that has influenced my view of Japanese women. That’s seeing some interviews of some voice actors. The women sometimes do things that really annoy me. It’s kind of like the really quiet and proper, covering up your mouth to laugh. It’s not their fault and you know but it bugs the hell of me, but you don’t necessarily see that in a shojo show, because usually the main girl is going to be outspoken and loud. So that kind of surprised me. It’s kind of really annoying (Anna, individual interview, 12/6/05).

The three women in focus group three (interview 11/22/05) held a lively discussion on the significance of well-endowed women in anime.

Well, there is the whole big-booby issue. It’s kind of important. Especially within either genres that are not necessarily classified as shojo or shonen you get—either in the shonen stuff or just general stuff, you get—it’s probably just the Japanese men obsession with boobies (Anna).

-Japanese men (Lisa)?

Well, especially Japanese men, because Japanese women don’t exactly have the biggest breasts. So they’re going to over-compensate. Especially some series just go way out of proportion (Anna).

137 In these examples, it seems that participants are making some assumptions about

Japanese society in terms of such things as sexual tastes and the position of women in society. However, in terms of Anna’s comment, it is important to note that in a follow- up discussion (3/19/05) she made it clear that anime was just one source of this

impression and that she did not intend to say that all Japanese men feel this way. She stated: “I don’t feel that Japanese men are obsessed with breasts because of big-breasted anime characters, but I feel that it is a symptom of it.” She gets her information about

Japanese culture from a variety of sources, including web-blogs and other popular culture sources.

Perceptions of the Portrayal of Women in Anime

The kinds of texts that participants viewed seemed to shape the way that they saw portrayals of women in anime. Most of the discussions revolved around the negative portrayals of women, which centered around three topics: the sexualization of women, women in traditional gender-roles, or the fact that female characters were often secondary to the plot. The group did discuss depictions of empowered women in anime as well, but the conversation tended to focus more on the negative aspects. The female participants, who were likely to have seen both shojo (for girls) and shonen (for boys) texts, had mixed opinions about whether or not representations of women were positive or negative. Here, female participants discuss the differences between programs aimed at girls (shojo) and those aimed at boys (shonen), approving of the empowered women in shojo texts, but expressing annoyance as the supporting roles female characters play in many shonen anime.

Most of the portrayals I see in anime, the ones I watch, generally have to do with powerful women more so than weaker ones. There are a lot of female action 138 heroes—heroines. Basically like that’s my thing with anime portrayals of women. But I’ve seen others which are well, not so appealing to me. They’re generally like, when it comes to the shonen type manga or anime, the female characters are absolutely worthless. Oh my lord! In the animes I’ve seen with the female being the main action hero, the guys do something. The opposite sex are worthy of living. I go and I see like Dragon Ball Z, even Rurouni Kenjin, they have, the male characters just completely overshadow the female ones. The female characters are just rendered as weak and worthless. Even if she’s said to be like a major warrior princess, in the end, the guy has to save her (Elena, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

[It depends] on what genre you watch. If it’s shojo then the women tend to be stronger; they’re the leaders and you follow them. But then shonen they’re just in the background cheering (Christina, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

In shonen manga, like in Naruto, we were talking about this in [conversation practice] too, the main girl, as a woman put it, ‘tsukaenai onna’: useless girl (Lisa, focus group interview, 11/22/05).

We [female fans] can’t relate to that. They have no brain. They are like a love interest or something and that’s their whole purpose (Elena, individual interview, 11/18/05).

While believing that there were some negative stereotypes of women in anime, four of the male participants felt that it was no worse than in American media. For example:

[The portrayal of women is] usually not good. But if you think, just like everything else, the portrayal of women in American film isn’t very good either. Even if they try to be proactive they are portrayed as too aggressive or ball- breakers. Anything else is seen as submissive or a minor character. And of course like in American movies there’s going to be some female roles that are admirable that do well, but like with American films more everything else is going to fail (Danielo, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

There are stereotypes in everything you watch. You can’t even watch the news without seeing something like that (Danielo, individual interview, 11/30/05).

I think it’s expected. As much as they try to avoid parody, but they are marketing it to a group of people that there is male dominance in the Japanese society, as well as most societies around the world. And so, they have to stick to that theme.

139 It may be subconscious, it may be conscious, but it’s just necessary for the series to stay alive, I think (Sid, individual interview, 11/19/05).

I think um I think western media tends to focus on the physical aspect of women and the ones that are incredibly smart on the TV shows are usually not the prettiest ones. And so, I think western media puts this trade off between intelligence and beauty (Sid, individual interview, 11/19/05).

The male participants gave the impression that the depictions of women in anime did not overly alarm them, because they were already desensitized to them in American media.

Women as Sexualized

When discussing portrayals of women in anime, all of the focus groups raised the issue of sexualization.

I mean there’s a lot of strong female characters in anime but almost every single one of them has enormous breasts and is actually very attractive, very alluring, and always plays opposite of some male character that she’s after, and usually she’s like second. I can’t think of many that aren’t extremely girly anime that the main characters are women (Danielo, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

It’s sort of like anime Charlie’s Angels. If I’m going to see people fight crime and get into gun fights, it might as well be attractive females (Mike, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

Most of the discussion on the sexualization of women in anime occurred in conversations about what is called “fan service” in anime. As mentioned previously, fan service refers to gratuitous nudity or sexualization in anime. Both men and women in the study expressed annoyance at excessive fan service. Here one male participant talks about the most notorious kind of fan service, the “panty shot” (when the camera catches a glimpse of a woman or girl’s underwear).

140 There are entire anime based on it. Like Robot High School it’s nothing but a giant panty shot. She could be tying her shoes, or could be climbing a fence, and they’ll just zoom in, and I get tired of it (Danielo, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

One of the female participants spoke with lively humor about wanting there to be more fan service for women.

It’s really unfair. Come on, come on! Come on guys! I want to see more men. Give me some—I don’t know—excuse my language—crotch shots? Come on! At least give me something. As much as I appreciate the feminine voluptuous form…? It shows a bit of the male-dominated—you know that’s because it’s so easy. It’s bad. Maybe if they show some more naked guys I’ll be happy (Elena, individual interview, 11/18/05).

Two of the male participants specifically said that they avoided “fan service.”

Most of the anime I watch does not really have much fan service in it. I mean, I guess I haven’t encountered much that I like, so…(Sid, focus group interview, 11/11/05)

I can appreciate, most [types of anime], except like the ‘fan service’ type ones… [and] the ‘echi’ [pornographic] kind. Those are the only ones that I stay away from all together (Kevin, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

The other three were more ambivalent about fan service, considering it a part of the anime that was neither a particular draw nor a deterrent. They appeared to have become desensitized to it.

It doesn’t really so much bother me, but I’m not where I have to watch something that has a lot of that in it. It wouldn’t make me turn this off and say I don’t want to watch it, but I wouldn’t be like ‘oh, I want to watch this’ (Mike, individual interview, 12/1/05).

I still like the anime. You get to the point that you just don’t even notice they’re naked anymore. The main character, almost the entire first episode she’s naked. I watched it again with a friend, and she was like ‘why is she naked,’ and I was like 141 ‘she’s naked?’ It’s just so common or just there, so you get used to it (Danielo, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

It’s just part of the anime. You know, it wouldn’t be anime if there wasn’t a panty shot (Nathan, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

Sometimes you’ll think ‘do we really need another panty shot?’ And sometimes you’ll just think ‘oh she’s naked?’ [surprised]. It’s not really something that you deliberately ignore or something that you look for, it’s really something that’s just there. It’s just something that’s part of it. Of course, there are some [that are appealing]. There’s she’s naked? And then there’s she’s naked! And it’s not even a sexual thing sometimes anymore, especially when it’s really young. You don’t even notice anymore. It loses the shock factor (Danielo, individual interview, 11/30/05).

As mentioned previously, the fact that the sex within anime was not a particular draw for participants is consistent with Napier’s finding that it is not necessarily the “main aspect of anime’s attraction in the West” (2000, p. 241). As some participants also pointed out, there is enough sex in American media that one does not need to look outside of the

United States just to find it.

Traditional Gender Roles

Although most male participants did not mention the traditional female gender roles in anime as part of the appeal, they seemed to accept them as part of the anime.

I can’t really say it affects how I watch it. It’s just something you accept, like panty shots and giant explosions. It’s going to be there (Danielo, individual interview, 11/30/05).

Also, I think you have to look at it in context of gender roles as a whole are sort of pushed to extremes. Because the men in anime are also really, really masculine a lot of the time (Nathan, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

142 However, one of the men in the study did express some annoyance at depictions of women as subservient to men.

So there could be things that I just have not been exposed to that would blow my mind, but so far I haven’t—well I take that back. The fan service stuff is really bad about it. I mean because they put the woman back, like “Oh no help me” and wear little kimonos and wait at home and cook dinner (Kevin, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

Some participants (both male and female), while making assumptions about the status of women in Japan, also showed tolerance of cultural differences.

Is this a stereotype [woman as home-maker] that bothers you? (Researcher)

No not really. I mean I’m not the kind of person who gets offended about representations of women. I mean it’s an important part of life for the kid to know that his mom’s going to be there. So it’s not offensive to me. It’s just that’s the thing that reminded me of the 50s in America, not necessarily modern-day Japan. But I guess that’s something that I associate with modern Japan more now than the 50s (Holly, individual interview, 12/9/05).

Not really because I figure it’s theirs to do with. I mean they have their own path and if they’re moving towards more empowerment of women over there that they need to do it at their pace rather than have us barking about how we think it should be done (Kevin, individual interview, 11/18/05).

Participants did not want anime to be essentialized and were quick to point out the many exceptions to stereotypical depictions.

A different aspect of female character portrayal is like Miyazaki films, because you have a lot of female protagonists. And there’s also the issue of like Mononoke Hime, the villain is a girl. Just showing the power that’s involved with that (Lisa, focus group interview, 11/22/05).

I don’t know some of them they’re just two-dimensional characters. I’ve noticed that. But I also think there are quite a few where they’re not two-dimensional characters. Monster has a female that’s in a predominant role in the storyline and

143 she had a lot of depth to her character. And she’s really troubled and she’s really involved with lots of different things. Like she’s like the probably like the either B or C story thread throughout the series. I mean it still is about a guy, but she’s not just like waiting for him at home with food or whatever (Kevin, individual interview, 11/18/05).

It does seem that, just as it would be difficult to easily categorize depictions of women in

Hollywood films, there is enough diversity in anime to make generalizations difficult.

Perceptions of the Portrayal of Men in Anime

It was apparent that the group felt that portrayals of male characters were more varied in anime.

There are a lot of different portrayals of male characters. When it gets more towards shojo style, I guess male characters are more varied. Like you could have the jerk, you could have the strong, kind, buff guy, you could have the androgynous pretty man, which is my favorite kind of man. In shonen to me the variety lessens to when we get the corny stronger who owns everything around, and maybe his rival who is not so savory (Elena, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

You’re going to usually have more girls in shojo and more guys in shonen. You have more variety in guys in shonen. As with anything, you make them all distinct like with different kind of personality a different kind of like you know there’s the strong silent type. There’s the kind of you know pissed off dude (Anna, focus group interview, 11/22/05).

While the two participants above (both women) did not agree on whether shojo or shonen had more variety of male portrayals, they did agree that there were a variety of male character types in anime. Like female portrayals, male portrayals were also seen in terms of stereotypes or archetypes.

I think that both roles are pushed to extremes. It’s not just that they’re pushed to extremes of what you could classically think of gender roles as, but so many of the characters are so often larger than life. Like that just sort of plays into it on

144 that level, so you end up getting a lot of stereotypes (Nathan, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

In some cases, the stereotypes were anime-specific, and not all of these stereotypes were empowering to men. Here Danielo describes a common trope in romantic comedies.

-The image of a guy getting beaten-up by a bunch of girls (focus group interview, 11/16/05).

Here are two more examples of participants describing negative male portrayals (albeit for very different reasons). Elena gives her opinion on the more macho kind of characters.

[Super macho] is not [attractive to me]. When I see some of those characters, it’s a feeling of—what’s like the opposite word for misogyny? I feel that towards them. I’m completely against chauvinism in every single way. [Characters can be a little chauvinistic] especially with the shonen-based. I love shonen shows, I really do, but I think I said before, whenever you have such a strong masculine character the only suitable female partner is a waif (individual interview, 11/18/05).

Danielo described an anime male archetype as negative for opposite reasons: that they are too timid.

There are so many clueless men in anime. Think, if five girls liked you you’d get a hint, right? Or the ones with just no balls whatsoever, that even when they know a girl likes them, they’re too afraid to do anything about it (focus group interview, 11/16/05).

The data for portrayals of men was not as rich as that for women, since the conversations on women tended to be longer. There was perhaps less of a sense that there was something to talk about, since overall they did not seem to view male representations as negative. However, the female participants did speak at length about “bi-shonen”

145 (beautiful boys), the androgynously pretty male characters in many shojo anime and

manga. This will be discussed at length below.

“His” and “Hers” Anime

As is clear from the findings above, participants were very aware of differences between anime for girls (shojo) and anime for boys (shonen). To a large extent, the tastes of the group were drawn along these gender lines, although it seemed that the female participants were more likely to have seen shonen anime than the males were to have seen shojo anime (with some exceptions). The women in the study seemed to be well-versed in the popular shonen anime, but the men in the study only mentioned watching a few shojo anime (Azu Manga Daiyo and Fushigi-Yugi). This is consistent with the way these gender-typed texts are consumed in Japan as well. This gender division was made clear from the beginning, when participants discussed their “gateway” anime, the first anime they ever watched. Three of the men mentioned Dragon Ball Z, a long-running martial arts anime that blended science fiction and fantasy. The women in the study all mentioned Sailor Moon, a fantasy about a team of high school girls who have special powers that enable them to battle evil invaders. In Dragon Ball Z, the major characters are almost exclusively male, while in Sailor Moon the major characters are mostly, though not exclusively, female. One of the remarkable things about anime and manga is the sheer availability of materials marketed towards women and girls. Shojo anime, which is almost always developed from manga, are stories written by females for females. The women in the study seemed to read these texts as empowering.

[My high school anime club] showed the first episode of Utena. I think that really appealed to me. It’s horrible to say, but here’s this girl wearing kind of a boy’s

146 uniform and sword-totting, going to revolutionalize the world. I was like that’s so awesome (Lisa, individual interview, 12/1/05).

The characters I relate to almost everywhere are strong, powerful women or girls. Especially in Slayers slap-stick humor. Or just even like the more subtle, quiet powerful girl characters like Miyu from Vampire Princess Miyu (Elena, individual interview, 11/18/05). Another interesting thing was that, even if a lot of shonen anime appeared to be centered toward the male gaze, the female participants were ready to gaze back. In fact, within the study, they were far more likely to discuss how the male anime characters appealed to them personally than the men were to discuss how the female characters appealed to them personally (they were more likely to discuss women’s sexualization in generic terms). This may, of course, have been because the interviewer was female. It was certainly clear that part of the appeal of anime for three of the five female participants was the beautiful boys or “bi-shonen.”

Shonen’s really good for the whole lots of guys thing. So then you take in the fandom and have all the girls pair up all the guys. That I think is the best thing about shonen anime (Anna, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

I’m definitely a fan of the ‘bi-shonen,’ pretty-boy fan service. Okay. I’m a fan of that. But then again that’s more of the drawing style than actual fan service (Elena, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

The topic of “bi-shonen” raised another important element of anime: the prevalence of androgynous characters: both male and female. This also emerged as a theme in this study.

Anime as Tolerance of Androgyny According to Wells, “animation is unique in its address of the body and, as such,

in its creation of the codes and conditions by which masculinity and femininity may be

defined” and “has the capacity of rendering the body in a way which blurs traditional

notions of gender, species and indigenous identity…” (1998, p. 188). This element of

147 animation is very present in anime, and, conscious of this, participants did not just see

gender representations in anime in terms of male dominance. They seemed to be aware

of the fluidity of gender depictions within anime, displaying a tolerance of or even

attraction to the androgyny in anime. In a particularly rich example, Nathan (individual

interview, 11/30/05) discussed in depth how he thinks gender archetypes and stereotypes

work in anime.

A lot of animes sort of tread the line between being archetypal and stereotypical, and I think, in cases where the archetypes are used well, then that’s really appealing. I think they are used well in a lot of circumstances, because like in a lot of things you’ll have just gender and—I forget what the physical analog of genre is—but those being divorced from each other and being put into different people. Like that’ll make something more compelling, because it’s an archetype instead of a stereotype (Nathan).

Gender versus sex, because they say that gender is socially constructed—is a social construct (researcher).

Right, and I think that’s a good use of the archetype and kind of compels people. I think that just generally people are attracted to archetypes (Nathan).

So, there’s a kind of shaking up an archetype by playing with that sort of gender role but also you do have the traditional archetypes (researcher)?

Right. Whenever it’s pushed to an extreme, I do think that that’s usually compelling, because it’s a commentary on the archetype. Just like that other things that I was just talking about with role reversal and stuff (Nathan).

This participant shows an awareness of how gender types are both exaggerated and deconstructed in anime, which he sees as a commentary on gender archetypes. Not everyone gave such a sophisticated analysis, but all seemed conscious to some degree of

how anime plays with gender types in this way.

The “bi-shonen” are perhaps the most obvious manifestation of gender-play.

However, many of the female characters may be given androgynous readings as well.

148 Here one of the male participants describes how female action heroes transgress gender

stereotypes.

[Having the hero be female] Maybe it can be more interesting, because it’s a little different from the stereotypical [hero]. In a lot of the American stuff, the action hero is always male, or they are a stereotypical tough female that needs men to help out… But I mean [in anime] it’s different (Mike, individual interview, 12/1/05).

Participants often described female warriors and even ordinary women beating up men, although they generally did not describe these in terms of gender-bending. This may be because the characters tend to still look traditionally feminine. In the case of “bi- shonen,” the male characters may not only behave effeminately, they also look effeminate. This seemed to stand out much more for participants.

Participants, both male and female showed a high tolerance for androgyny. The

men in the group seemed attracted to the warrior women in anime, and they were also

unfazed by the “bi-shonen.” When asked what they thought of the effeminate characters

in anime, all the male participants claimed not to be bothered by them.

Is that just the girly guys? I’m not bothered by that (Kevin, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

It’s pretty much fair. If we can stare at giant tits and panty shots all day, they can stare at their beautiful men (Danielo, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

Three of the women in the study were openly attracted to “bi-shonen.” Here two of

them explain the appeal.

I guess I’d even go so far to say there’s something more appealing about someone who is weaker than myself. But that just goes with my personality. I don’t want 149 big guys to hold me; I want a little guy to be held (Elena, individual interview, 11/18/05).

To me it appeals. They’re not really girly. They look feminine. Some of them are girly, but it’s mainly just the looking of them. I could relate. I like relating to the characters. And I can’t really relate to the stereotypical male in anime, but I can relate to the bi-shonen pretty guy. Their characteristics are much more appealing (Anna, focus group interview, 11/22/05).

One of the women was more neutral: “Sometimes I like them, sometimes I don’t.” One

of the women, Holly, did not like bi-shonen and was not attracted to male anime

characters in general (focus group interview, 11/22/05).

Well, I can say that I’ve never been attracted to males in anime, unless they’re just—unless they’re really the really macho quiet type, you know, the tall dark and handsome silent type. They tend to have one of those in every anime, but it’s not been like you watch… but it’s not like you watch something made in America and you’re like ‘oh that guys is so hot’ (Holly).

You don’t like the bi-shonen? (researcher)

They’re too feminine. Ok? They look like women (Holly).

However, she also showed tolerance of the phenomenon.

You know it doesn’t float my boat. I guess it might float other people’s boats. It doesn’t disgust me; it just doesn’t attract me. It’s just like… Especially in the kind of society we’ve grown up in. if you don’t like it you either get over it and you learn to build a bridge or you just can’t handle it. I guess I built a bridge (individual interview, 12/9/05).

Two of the women were fans of “BL” (boys’ love) anime and manga. BL are

essentially homoerotic love stories about men, written by and for women. It is similar

to “slash” fiction written by Star Trek fans, except that these are not fan-fiction but are mass-produced by publishing houses in Japan (although anime fans do also write “slash” as well, and also write fan manga or “dojinshi”). Below, Lisa (individual interview, 150 12/1/05) defines BL and then describes the appeal of androgynous male characters in

general.

I would say it’s part of shojo manga. It’s obviously designed for girls. I mean, there’s like gay porn, and that’s not what it is. It’s just shojo, but exchanging the girl for a guy. I think that’s why I got into it, because I originally liked shojo.

[There is] this kind of disconnect going on when watching Sailor Moon or reading Hana Kimi. Let’s take Hana Kimi, this works for a lot of BL stuff too. Just seeing the male-male interaction, I’m going ‘that would never happen.’ Even while I’m reading the lines that they’re saying, I’m like ‘heck no.’ No guy would ever say that much less to another guy. But, that’s kind of what’s appealing. It’s like ‘oh, they sound like girls, hey that’s nice.’

They say that’s one thing that explains the fascination even with slash. Because you’re still looking at the opposite sex, but they are still more like yourself. (Researcher)

Right. With the added bonus of being sexually non-threatening. It’s so horrible, but I have to admit that’s basically why.

Here is a longer exchange with the other BL fan, Anna (individual interview, 12/6/05).

You could write a whole dissertation on that: what draws people [to BL], because it’s not just a Japanese thing. It’s something that appeals to a lot of women. It’s not that they are portraying real gay relationships. A lot of the stories are just ridiculous. It’s not meant to be realistic in any way. I suppose anime in general isn’t striving to be realistic in any way. I don’t know, to get to the point of that, you might have to get into deep psychological issues (Anna).

Would you say in general in BL that the characters have feminine traits (researcher)?

Definitely (Anna).

So in terms of gender, they’re almost a hybrid (researcher)?

Yeah, only with male anatomy. But not necessarily, because usually their bodies are more hippy, more curvy than is normal for guys. Then, of course you have the Asian or Japanese thing where guys sometimes look more effeminate (Anna).

If I understand correctly in most manga or anime there’s no genitalia shown. (researcher) 151 Oh, no. That’s the thing; they show it in some of the stuff I’ve seen, even some pubic hair. Some of my favorites tend to be more smutty and some of the things they show it’s like ‘wow.’ A few years ago, or maybe 10 years ago, that wouldn’t be shown (Anna).

It’s not really shojo, it’s more for women would you say (researcher)?

But yet it’s not like the ladies comics. But there’s a range from the really cutesy, romantic, sugary stuff, where the characters might not even kiss, and then there’s definitely the more hard-core, and then everything in between. Most BL are love stories. You will find the occasional plot. And some of them can be kind of interesting. But others it’s like don’t even try (Anna). Participants’ speculations on the appeal of BL and androgynous characters in general are consistent with Jenkins (1992) work on “slash” fiction. It is apparent that they are perfectly aware of how unrealistic portrayals of “bi-shonen” are, but that that is exactly what is appealing: it is a fantasy in which gender can be reconstructed to suit the taste of its feminine audience.

Gender Portrayals as Fantasy

A theme that emerged from the data on gender is that gender portrayals may be seen as a fantasy. Certainly, that is how the BL fans described their attraction to the genre. One of the male participants also described anime (a certain kind of romantic comedy trope) in terms of fantasy, in this case, it is a sort of harem fantasy in which one ordinary man has the attention of a number of attractive women

And there are those the stereotypes like a lot of fantasy. Like Tenshin Muryo: the entire thing was like one guy's being chased by five women. Even like Elvin League there’s like one lead male role and five women end up in his house. A lot of it’s the fantasy element. One guy's in a house surround by thirty women all wanting to be with him? I mean yes that is a negative portrayal, but it’s something you watch for that express reason: it will never happen. Even if the guy was in the house with those girls, I really don’t think they’d fall in love with him. But it’s part of the fantasy (Danielo, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

152 Like the participants who were BL fans, the participant sees this scenario as removed from reality, which is precisely the appeal. One of the female participants also mentioned this trope in similar terms.

I think you get more [characters looking Japanese] in the romantic comedy genre where there’s usually one guy with many girls. What they probably do is try to make the guy look very generically Japanese, so that maybe all the other Japanese guys can try to identify with him (Anna, individual interview, 12/6/05).

Other elements of gender representation described by participants may also be seen as

fantasy, if more subtly. “Unique in its address of the body” animation can play with

gender in many ways: by blending gender in the feminized forms of the bi-shonen, who

are as beautiful as women but have male anatomy, and by exaggerating traditional physical gender markers through the idealized proportions of many of the female characters in shonen texts. This is true not just in terms of sexual representations of gender. Not confined to the boundaries of physical reality, women warriors can be depicted achieving a physical prowess usually associated with men, and often achieving super-human physical prowess. This fantasy appeared to be appealing to both female and male participants.

There was little evidence to support the idea that participants confused these particular kinds of fantasy portrayals of gender with real gender roles in society. One

female participant did see Japanese men as “sometimes look[ing] more effeminate.”

However, in a follow-up discussion, she stated that anime was not the only reason for this

impression, although it was reinforced by anime.28 Even though participants do not appear confuse fantasy with reality, as one participant put it, it does inform them about

28 She is familiar with the current metro-sexual trend among Japanese male celebrities and in male fashion in Japan in general. 153 the imagination of the Japanese. Participants showed instances of assigning meaning to the imagination and tastes reflected in anime: for example, Anna, who saw the exaggerated proportions of female characters common in anime as one symptom of a common preoccupation with breasts (although, again, she did not stereotype this as applying to all Japanese men, nor was anime the only source of this impression). So, although these student anime fans did form some notions about Japanese gender issues from anime, the concern that they might equate gender portrayals in anime with real

Japanese society seems to be unfounded. However, participants sought out and had access to other sources of Japanese culture to varying degrees, so it does beg the question of how participants develop notions about Japanese gender issues outside of anime.

This is not to say that anime is an inappropriate source of information about Japanese culture and society. When critical thinking is applied, popular culture can be a very revealing source of information, and, as stated previously, this group of students showed critical thinking in the way they looked at anime and anime fandom. Still, there may be a need for Japanese instructors to do more to expose students in general to a variety of sources of information about gender in Japanese culture.

It was clear that participants did not appreciate all aspects of gender representation in anime, and there was some support for the idea that the unappealing aspects inform their opinions of the culture that created them, even if unconsciously. And many of the opinions they did explicitly express about gender roles in Japan were negative. Gender issues are one aspect of foreign cultures that can often be particularly challenging to look at in non-ethnocentric terms. As Allison (2000) found, the

154 meanings attached to the fantasies of one culture may not be the same as those from

another culture and may create misunderstanding. So it may be as important to analyze

the fantasy aspect of gender role representation in anime as the aspects participants saw

as more concrete. Tseng (2002) finds that friction or even misunderstandings over such

things as the role of women in society can create the catalyst for constructive culture

learning. However, as the data reveals, the autonomous learning in which participants clearly engage, while beneficial, has limitations. Just as learners benefit enormously from having an instructor for language, learners also benefit enormously from having an instructor for culture.

ANIME FANDOM AND LANGUAGE LEARNING

Language-learning as a Positive Experience Participants expressed a very positive attitude toward language learning. It appears that language learning for them is a positive experience and that they are motivated students.

You’ll find patterns [in language], just that eureka moment when you realize something. It’s a great feeling. It’s definitely incentive to learn (Danielo, individual interview, 11/30/05).

[When asked where her success comes from] Just, I don’t know. It comes definitely from my interest. I mean like when I’m really interested in something, because my other ‘A’s are in history which I also love, so that gave me more motivation to do really well (Elena, individual interview, 11/18/05).

I’m very motivated, because it’s like my hobby. It’s useful to me. I was actually self-motivated to learn [the Japanese syllabaries over Thanksgiving break]. If it had been any other class, like writing a paper or studying for a test, no doubt in my mind I would have procrastinated. But, because it was fun for me… (Anna, individual interview, 12/6/05).

155 Participants seemed generally satisfied with their language classes, but showed some dissatisfaction with the kinds of materials used in class. Here is an example from focus group two (interview 11/16/05).

It’s all educational, but it’s not terribly interesting. (Nathan)

Yeah. (Mike)

Yeah. They’ll show us pictures…textbook there’s a series of dialogues. Or like pictures that will say what exists here and all that stuff. It’s not terribly interesting. It helps. It does its job. There may be more interesting ways of doing it. (Danielo)

Focus group one (interview 11/11/05) expressed a discontent with the disconnect

between the content they were interested in learning and the actual class content.

I really think that classes here are geared toward business relationships rather than casual liaisons (Sid).

Are you guys interested in that? Or are you mainly interested in other aspects (researcher)?

I’m more interested in the casual and just talking to people. I’m not going to go, at least not now, to a convention and meet business people. Because like at the beginning, we learned how to give out meishi [business cards], and I don’t plan on having one (Christina).

I guess I should make it more direct. They need to use more anime in the Japanese classes (Sid).

From the example above, it seems that students are interested in having their current needs for and interests in the language met by their language classes, rather than some distant future need. When asked if they would be interested in having more authentic materials in the classroom, everyone answered in the affirmative.

156 Japanese Language Learning as Enjoyable

Participants were also motivated to learn Japanese because they found it enjoyable. For example, when asked if her decision to study Japanese was influenced by anime, Anna answered as follows (individual interview, 12/6/05):

Well, I mean yeah, because when I first came to UT I was a computer science major. I dropped my program, because I hated it. … I figured [I would study] something that I enjoyed, something I’m good at, it was fun for me, so I just figured Japanese. I already had a knowledge base, I wasn’t going into it cold- turkey like some people (Anna).

I got the impression from the group discussion that you don’t find Japanese difficult (researcher).

No, I don’t. It’s something fun for me, and I’m really sure about the causal relationship between these things. Is it because I’m good at it that I really like it and think it’s fun, or vice versa. I really don’t know the answer. But that’s the way it is with me. Anything that’s I’ve ever really liked have been things I’m really good at (Anna).

And, in her individual interview (12/9/05), Holly stated:

I like pretty much everything about Japan. Well not necessarily everything, but I like studying about it. I like [studying] the language, especially their social relationships, business.

Seven of the participants described how they felt in Japanese class in purely positive terms, using such words as confident, excited, happy, satisfied, and interested. Two students mentioned being anxious, although that anxiety was outweighed by the more positive aspects of class. One of the second year students, Lisa, described feeling bored in class and annoyed by the slow pace. This was a contrast to the positive way she described feeling about learning Japanese in general.

157 Pride in Knowledge of Japanese: Japanese as “Cool”

As part of their motivation to learn Japanese, participants overall expressed pride in learning what is perceived as a difficult language. Part of this pride also seemed to stem from the perception that Japan and learning Japanese was “cool.” This appeared to be part of their motivation for language and culture learning.

I always thought Japanese was kind of a cool thing. It’s so different, a totally different set of characters, all the kanji (Mike, individual interview, 12/1/05).

Now everyone’s always like wow that’s really cool [that you’re studying Japanese] (Holly, individual interview, 12/9/05).

It would also be really cool just to suddenly talk in Japanese. I’m really smart. Yeah. [With humor] and everybody would go ‘ooh ahh’ (Elena, individual interview, 11/18/05).

I have that general Japanese fascination that comes with most anime fans. I am embarrassed to say that ‘yes’ if it comes from Japan it’s cool. It’s the whole, it’s imported, it’s not local, it’s new. And Japan just has that aura of cool about it that you just can’t help it (Danielo, individual interview, 11/30/05).

Japanese as More Challenging than European Languages

Part of the sense of Japanese as cool was the perceived difficulty of Japanese and its difference from Western languages.

German’s not too difficult. It’s so much like English, people will be like you know German’s not hard, it’s so much like English. It’s like a cop-out to know German. So much of it’s like cognates. Now I know Japanese and it’s nothing like English (Mike, individual interview, 12/1/05).

[Spanish] was a requirement. I mean, I didn’t hate it and I’m glad I learned it and stuff. But, I don’t really care about it. I guess for some reason [I have more of an emotional investment in studying Japanese]. It’s somehow more rewarding. I guess I felt kind of cheated by Spanish. I mean it’s a Romance Language so you have all the cognates and then you have Japanese, where even something like ‘konsento’ means something totally different (Lisa, individual interview, 12/1/05).

158 I would say I kind of took [Japanese] as a challenge and I’d already had three years of Spanish, so that was it for European languages for me (Sid, individual interview, 11/19/05). These participants felt that Japanese currently had far more relevance to their lives than these other languages they had taken. The issue of relevance will be discussed in more detail in the section on motivation below.

Anime as Motivation to Study Japanese

Participants expressed in several ways how anime motivated them to study Japanese. All of the ten participants claimed that anime had influenced their decision to study the language. Below are examples of participants describing in more detail how anime affected their interest in learning Japanese.

Anna and I were talking about ‘raws’ [original Japanese text with no subtitles] and how our goal in taking Japanese and learning Japanese is to be able to watch raws, because the subs don’t come out fast enough. For me it’s manga: being able to read the manga raws or the novel or something, because they can’t come up with ‘scanlations’ [translated manga digitally scanned and made available on the Internet] fast enough (Lisa, individual interview, 12/1/05).

I think it was eight grade when I first saw a Pokemon cartoon. It was just so cute, and since then, as far as getting into subtitled stuff, on Cartoon Network, when Toonami started, I got into Sailor Moon after that. I was like I really wish they could be showing the Japanese version on TV, because you can learn at the same time. I think it was when Gundam Wing came out, I became really interested in that. Then I started getting into subtitled animation after that. So that was the first thing that got me really interested in watching the Japanese version (Anna, individual interview, 12/6/05).

I had some free hours and it’s something that I always wanted to do because I watched too much anime and played too many video games to not know a little Japanese (Mike, individual interview, 12/1/05).

Participants also held the general assumption that many Japanese language learners were also interested in anime. For example, when asked if she thought her

159 instructor knew she was an anime fan, Elena answered as follows (individual interview, 11/18/05).

I believe she does.

How she does she react? Or does she react (researcher)?

Well, she expects it. She knows most people who come to Japanese most of them really like anime.

This same impression was felt by many other participants.

The instructor assumes most people in the language class are anime fans (Sid, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

I think that the majority of [my classmates] are interested in anime. I don’t know so much about the girls in the class but my class has two girls in it so…(Kevin, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

A lot of the girls and a lot of the guys [in my class] are interested in anime. I think more so the girls in my class (Elena, individual interview, 11/11/05).

There may be some truth to this perception. In her survey of anime fans at four different universities, Napier (2000) found the 43% of fans had taken a Japanese course. In a preliminary survey (2004) conducted at the same university as the current study, I found that more than half of respondents (24 of 43) were interested in anime.

Learning Japanese as Helpful for Watching Anime

When asked if they felt that they needed to know Japanese to understand anime, most participants felt that it helped. This tied into their motivation to study the language.

You couldn’t enjoy [a particular anime] without like knowing some kanji. Because they have all these jokes about kanji and stuff. Like there was a horse eating something and it was going to make the sound ‘baku’ like for eating 160 something. And the kanji was horse like “ba” and then ‘Kuu” like “ku’u” eat. Horse eat: “baku” (Anna, focus group interview, 11/22/05).

It makes it more interesting, if you see something written on the screen; you watch something now and you recognize a character.

Sometimes when I watch anime I can… it’s easier for me to understand it. Some phrases, looking at the Japanese side of it rather than the Japanese translations.

A couple times I’ll hear something and I’ll look at the subtitles and see that’s not what they said. But I think mostly you can still understand it pretty well.

Japanese as Relevant through Anime

One thing that was overwhelmingly stressed in both the focus groups and individual interviews was the fact that Japanese had relevance in their lives because of anime. They could apply what they learned in the classroom to their everyday lives and could gauge their progress by how much they understood from anime (my emphasis).

I think it makes you more eager. You take Japanese and you’re not only just learning it for credit you’re –there’s some kind of practical application. You know not a whole lot, I mean it’s just for anime, but it makes you want to learn more, so you study your kanji a little harder (Mike, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

[I studied Japanese] pretty much so I can understand anime. I don’t know, I had the most interest in Japanese because it has more basis in my normal day to day existence than any other language (Kevin, individual interview, 11/18/05).

Well, there’s the fact that I’m interested in language in general and I’m good at it. Probably an overall fascination with the culture, and it’s usefulness to me. No other language, except for maybe Chinese depending on whether I go into an intelligence field or not or you know Arabic… At least at this time in my life it’s the most useful or the second most useful language to me. I can apply it. I can read it; I can understand what they’re talking about on the radio, because, I really want to know that stuff. Probably the primary reason, it’s the most useful (Anna, 12/6/05).

You know if you’re sitting around with someone and you’re watching you’re like I can read that. It’s something that you can practice with it and it feels like you’ve learned something that was worthwhile. I learned German, but it’s not like German pops up in everyday life. (Mike, individual interview, 12/1/05). 161

Participants discussed the pleasure and feeling of accomplishment they received during

moments of comprehension in watching anime.

When I watch anime, I’ll pick up words, and that’s a great feeling. I know what she just said! They’ll say a really short, brief phrase, and I’ll be like I could have constructed that sentence. It’s like my god, I am learning this! So there is that feeling of accomplishment. In Japanese class, the teacher just started saying something, it was a whole list like everyday, I do this. It was like my god, I know Japanese! I know what she just said (Danielo, individual interview, 11/30/05).

One time my roommate was watching it and I was studying and I turned away and it was during a dramatic part that I didn’t want to know and I had to leave because I started understanding everything (Christina, individual interview, 11/17/05).

I mean I don’t really know very complicated sentences yet. We just got over positional stuff so, but there’s words that I hear and I’m like ‘hey I know that!’ (Kevin, individual interview, 11/18/05)

Even the one participant who watched anime dubbed in English, Mike, felt that his

fandom affected his language learning “mostly in terms of motivation.” He felt that as

his language skill progressed, he would watch more anime with subtitles.

You know the next time I watch…on the DVD, I think I can probably try watching an entire series in Japanese, just because I can pick out little things and it’s more interesting (individual interview, 12/1/05). This finding is consistent with the research on literacy and popular culture that

finds that students learn faster and are more motivated when the content has relevance to their lives. The group was far more integratively motivated than instrumentally motivated. Four participants mentioned the benefits of learning Japanese to future careers, but learning out of interest was far more emphasized. No one mentioned taking Japanese as a course requirement (in fact three participants had already fulfilled their language requirement). This is consistent with literature on the Less Commonly Taught

162 Languages, which claims that students of these language are motivated by specific reasons not program requirements (Milleret, 1990; Milleret 1992), and which finds that students are more integratively motivated (McGinnis, 1994).

Participants as Successful Language Learners Another important theme to emerge from the data was that participants perceived themselves to be successful language-learners. When asked how they felt they were doing in language class, all ten responded that they were doing well. Four of the ten even stated that they thought Japanese was easy. This is unusual in that many Japanese language students perceive it as difficult (Saito-Abbott and Samimy; Samimy and

Tabuse, 1992; and Yang, 2003). Four participants specifically associated advanced skill in Japanese language with anime fandom, feeling that unusual skill in Japanese class would make their instructors assume they were fans, as this comment shows (from the

Holly, who did not identify herself as an anime fan).

They make it quite clear that they watch a lot of anime, just because they know a lot of the vocabulary and different cultural idioms and things like that that the rest of us are like ‘hum?’ (individual interview, 12/9/05).

Here another participant speculates that her instructors know she’s a fan by her language ability.

My teacher now probably [knows I’m an anime fan]. I’m not sure I’ve ever said it explicitly. But I know last semester, you’ll pick up more words than usual and you’ll know things that the general class doesn’t. So she was surprised by what you knew, so you’re thinking they may guess (Anna, individual interview, 12/6/05).

Many participants felt that watching anime gave them an “edge” over other students who were not fans. 163 Also I think it helps to have at least some background of Japanese, coming from anime or even from other sources than to just go in without having a clue (Elena, individual interview, 11/18/05).

I feel like I have a better understanding of what the syllables are supposed to sound like. And I’m more used to the accents than people that haven’t really listened to it (Kevin, individual interview, 11/18/05).

In another example, Lisa (individual interview, 12/1/05) explains how she is often mistaken for a more advanced student and attributes her success to exposure to Japanese through anime.

Everyone’s always like ‘oh, I thought you were in the third year conversation class,’ and I’m like ‘no, I haven’t even finished my second year.’ I knew nothing before I started.

But you had been watching anime subtitled, right (researcher)?

Right. … I would say that if we’re advanced, it would have to be mostly due to anime or something, because we don’t have any other exposure.

Only two students mentioned feeling anxiety during class, and one of those stated that it was only at the start of the term. As shown above, several participants particularly mentioned the benefits of begin exposed to Japanese before taking classes. An assumption among many Japanese language scholars is that non-cognate languages such as Japanese can produce “strong negative affective reactions from the students whose first language is English (Samimy and Tabuse, 1992). However, this group did not show evidence of such reactions. It may be that exposure to the language through popular culture, makes Japanese less alien to learners and may better prepare them to begin their formal study of the language.

164 Anime as a Language Learning Aid

All of the participants felt that watching anime positively affected their language learning.

I took only 506, so I don’t know, but I would not be surprised if some people used [anime] as a learning aid as much as for entertainment (Sid, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

One point that many participants made is that watching anime helped them get “an ear” for the language.

I think it also gets you a little more used to hearing the language. Since the language sounds so different from English and the spacing of how words are said sounds so different it gets you used to that (Nathan, individual interview, 11/18/05).

It helps a lot with like just listening. I think one of the best ways to learn a language is to just listen to it in the background. One of my friends gave me one of those voice actor radio shows, and I didn’t understand a word. There were no subtitles. Just like her speaking. She was cute, which helped, I would like do my homework just listening to this Japanese woman speak. It sounds funny but I would start thinking Japanese in my head even though I didn’t speak a word of it (Danielo, individual interview, 11/30/05).

Yes. Because you get to hear what the language sounds like and I think that’s the main way it’s helped me. It’s just less shocking to hear a stream of Japanese after you’ve heard it a lot in animes (Sid, individual interview, 11/19/05).

Participants also mentioned learning vocabulary and phrases through watching anime.

And also a lot of phrases where like I might not even necessarily know what literally they mean, but I can know how they’re translated most often (Anna, focus group interview, 11/22/05).

Yes. I mean because there are things that you pick up on. Sometimes it’s just a few words that you figure out what they mean, just from the context (Kevin, individual interview, 11/18/05).

165 I would say that you memorize phrases. I would say that if you’ve heard a phrase a lot and have kind of memorized it and then encounter it in language class, you can dissect it. And it’s not something you sit down and memorize. Let’s say a phrase has five words. You don’t have to know all five words, because, if they just give you two words, you can figure out what the rest mean (Sid, individual interview, 11/19/05).

Grammar, to a lesser degree, was also mentioned.

Some simple grammatical structures and a lot of vocabulary. I mean it’s a year now and I’m still—there are still words coming up in our vocabulary list that it’s like ‘yeah I know that’. It’s happening less, because we’re getting into some specialized stuff. …(Anna, individual interview, 12/6/05).

There’s definitely an improvement. Before I went into my Japanese class, I already had like a few words. I knew like verbs go at the end of the sentence. Basically I knew the different ways to say ‘I”: watashi, atashi, boku (Elena, individual interview, 11/18/05).

Two participants mentioned being able to learn more casual speech, which is not taught

in class, through watching anime.

[I learn] a lot of colloquial dialogue [watching anime] (Sid, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

Or just stuff that they won’t tell you in class like [in Paradise Kiss] the girl was going like “zen zen heiki da yo.” And “zen zen”? They wouldn’t tell you that goes with positive29 (Lisa, focus group interview, 11/22/05).

Participants mentioned learning directly from anime outside of class (as in the examples above), but they also felt that watching anime helped to reinforce structures and vocabulary learned in class.

[Watching anime reinforces] especially grammar. After 507, watching anime after that, it was really weird because like the ‘te’ form. It’s one of those basic

29 “Zen zen” means “not at all” in Japanese, and in formal grammar this should only go with a negative verb or adverb. However, it is often used colloquially with positives as well. 166 structures and you hear it a lot, and after we learned it, I started noticing it a lot, so it definitely reinforces stuff (Anna, individual interview, 12/6/05).

It reinforces what I know and helps me with pronunciation. And expressions I guess, because with expressions you don’t need to have them with other words: “ki o tukete” [be careful] or “oyasumi nasai” [goodnight] (Holly, individual interview, 12/9/05).

Some subjects also mentioned reading practice that they could get from anime.

As well as a lot of Japanese subs, sometimes they include Japanese in hiragana, katakana, kanji, as well as the English translation (Sid, individual interview, 11/19/05).

I watched Battle Royal two nights ago with another fellow who’s in my Japanese class and every time the intro flashed we’d pause it and ‘another character I know!’ it’ll be a couple years before we can just read it straight-up but it’s still pretty cool in that I can already see progress and feel like you’re actually learning something (Danielo, individual interview, 11/30/05).

Even Mike, who watched anime dubbed in English, felt that he learned something from watching ainme (individual interview, 12/1/05).

I watch some things dubbed, but you still pick up on written things. Like I’ll see an “unagi” [eel] stand, and I’ll see that it’s u-na-gi. I saw an episode before I started taking [Japanese] and then after and I’d never even noticed it.

He felt that as his language skill progressed, he would watch more anime with subtitles.

You know the next time I watch…on the DVD, I think I can probably try watching an entire series in Japanese, just because I can pick out little things and it’s more interesting.

Participants also discussed using manga for reading practice.

I think that manga would be a good way to learn Japanese. I mean if you’ve got a picture that guides what’s going on you should be able to start to identify patterns. You know when you see the same kind of pictures, you say “yes!” (Kevin, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

One girl in our class is reading children’s manga, I think it’s ‘shojo’ stuff, she’s reading like Host Club or something in Japanese (Lisa, focus group interview, 11/22/05). 167 [Having ‘furigana’] is so handy. Paradise Kiss didn’t have furigana. So I was looking up all of this kanji, well you learn some kanji too, like ‘tsugi’ or uh I don’t know, ‘kaeru’ [return], ‘modoru’ [go back], ‘iru’ [to be]. I didn’t know ‘iru’ had kanji. Thank you very much Paradise Kiss (Anna, focus group interview, 11/22/05). Participants, particularly the second-year students, also demonstrated that they paid close attention to the way language was used in anime. In particular, many participants focused on the way the Japanese was translated to English in the subtitles and would notice if something was not translated correctly.

There is a phrase that my friends and I came up with that the more Japanese you know, the more you’re going to want to nit-pick subtitles and translations. It’s true. Some of them are bad. Some of them are good, but well I’d have translated this differently. Then there’s how would you translate it to get the point across? You can’t. Like a pun (Anna, individual interview, 12/6/05).

Even my roommate knows enough Japanese that [bad translations] bother her, and she’s never taken a class (Lisa, individual interview, 12/1/05).

A lot of anime subtitles you can be like ‘no, that’s not what they said’ (Lisa, individual interview, 12/1/05).

They have a whole bunch of puns that even I didn’t understand in the Japanese. I switched over to the English just to see what they would do, and they just [translated] it literally (Anna, focus group interview, 11/22/05).

Negative Influences:

Participants did mention a few cases where the influenced of anime had a negative impact on language learning. Most students in the study noticed a difference in the language used in class versus that used in anime in terms of politeness levels. The more advanced students also noticed differences in terms of gendered speech.

The people at ‘kaiwa’ [conversation practice] worry that we’re going to learn wrong Japanese from anime. And I’m like ‘yeah,’ because I mean there are people that talk like anime characters that are really feminine or really masculine (Lisa, focus group interview, 11/22/05). 168 Well it’s a phrase-full language, when you’re looking at something in terms of anime, which is probably not the most conversationally accurate portrayal (Anna, focus group interview, 11/22/05).

I’ve noticed that some of the things I pick up in anime are different from what you’d say normally. It’s like, okay, don’t say that to people (Christina, focus group interview, 11/11/05).

Because Japanese in anime is often very forceful and not natural. So you have to be conscious of using politer forms (Anna, individual interview, 12/6/05). When asked if their perceptions of the language had changed after beginning classes, the responses overwhelmingly focused on politeness.

I wasn’t aware of the different politeness levels just from watching anime. Yeah, because I didn’t know what they were saying so I didn’t understand just how crucial that was to everything (Kevin, individual interview, 11/18/05).

Mainly, I sort of knew there was a polite way of saying things and a plain way. I just didn’t know how deep the ranking system went. I didn’t know how someone’s social status and rank was really important (Elena, individual interview, 11/18/05).

While the findings suggest that participants may be more likely to make errors in terms of

politeness level or gender-typed speech due to the influence of anime, it was clear that

they were aware of this. Learning sociolinguistic appropriateness is a normal part of

language learning, and participants are perhaps not in a different position in this regard

than the average student. However, if the majority of their exposure to the language

comes from anime, then it may be a little more challenging for them, since it is the more

casual speech that it most reinforced.

In spite of some negative influence, participants overwhelmingly perceived watching anime as having a positive influenced on their language learning in terms of motivation, listening comprehension, and helping facilitate vocabulary and grammar acquisition. The results for the perceived impact on language learning were far clearer

169 than for culture learning. It may be that, because most participants had never taken a

culture course before, it was harder for them to assess their own culture learning than for

language, since they all had more experience with formal language learning (some of

them with more than one language). It is also true that culture is inherently difficult to define and students may not have a shared definition of culture learning. These issues and the others raised in this chapter will be explored further in the chapter to follow.

170 Chapter 5: Conclusions

The themes raised in chapter four suggest marked relationships between participants’ anime fandom and their perceptions of Japanese language and culture and language and culture learning. Among the plethora of themes and issues that emerged from the data, there were thirteen that stood out as the most important and will be considered the major themes of the study: 1) anime fandom as interest in Japanese culture; 2) willingness to embrace “otherness”; 3) anime as different; 4) anime fandom as outside the norm; 5) fandom as community; 6) anime viewing as culture learning; 7) “his and hers” anime; 8) anime as tolerance of androgyny; 9) gender portrayals as fantasy; 10) language learning as a positive experience; 11) participants as successful language learners; 12) anime as motivation to study Japanese; and 13) anime as a learning aid. In this chapter, these themes will be examined in further detail with a focus on determining to how they help to answer the research questions posed at the beginning of the study. An additional issue that will be addressed is how participants applied critical thinking to issues of language and culture learning. The other issues or lesser themes mentioned in the previous chapter will not be ignored, but will be addressed as related to the questions and major themes.

THE EXPERIENCE OF LANGUAGE LEARNING

The primary research question centered on how language students, who are fans of a popular culture phenomenon of the target language group, experience language learning, using anime fans as an example within Japanese studies. The majors themes that address this question directly are language learning as a positive experience and participants as successful. The data also showed a strong connection between

171 participants’ language learning experiences and their fandom, which might be seen as the main finding of the study.

Language Learning as a Positive Experience

An important theme to emerge from that data is that participants displayed positive attitudes toward learning Japanese and found it an overall positive experience. Two sub-themes fall under and support this theme: language learning as enjoyable and pride in knowledge of Japanese/Japan as cool.

Language Learning as Enjoyable

An important element of their positive experiences and emotions was the fact that they found learning Japanese enjoyable. For example, Diego described “eureka moments” of comprehension and elation. Participants also revealed their enjoyment of learning Japanese when they described how they felt in Japanese class, using such words as “confident,” “excited,” “happy,” and “satisfied.” One member of the group (Lisa) did admit to being bored in class, but she described her out-of-class learning experiences as enjoyable. Learning is an inherently emotional experience (Schallert et al, 1993), and, according to Pekrun et al (2002), “academic emotions are significantly related to students’ motivation, learning strategies, cognitive resources, self-regulation, and academic achievement (p. 91). The positive emotions participants associated with learning Japanese thus increase the likelihood of success. Takahashi (2001) calls such clusters of positive emotional states “language exhilaration.” In a study on the phenomenon, he found that language exhilaration was prevalent among the Japanese language students in the study. Many of these students were “high achievers who were also highly motivated to continue their language study” and Takahashi suggests that exhilaration contributes to this (p. 194). Although the focus of current study was not

172 primarily on learner emotions, the findings are consistent with Takahashi’s. In addition to the positive emotions mentioned above, many students in the study described their positive experiences with learning Japanese in terms of interest. For example, Anna found it “like a hobby” and described it as fun. Elena explained how she enjoyed Japanese, because she was interested in it. The association with language learning, positive emotions, and interest suggests a connection between these emotions and motivation. These findings, taken together with Takahashi’s, allude to a possible common trend among Japanese students. While this was a qualitative study and not intended to be generalizable to larger populations, these findings seem to warrant further research on learner emotions and their possible correlations with motivation, achievement, and persistence in Japanese. Issues of motivation and achievement will be discussed in more detail below.

Pride in Knowledge of Japanese/Japan as Cool

Another way in which participants experience learning Japanese as positive relates to the value they place on knowledge of target language and culture. They expressed pride in their current knowledge or expected future knowledge of the language, associating Japan and learning Japanese with “cool.” The growing popularity of Japanese cultural products like anime, Japanese horror films, and Sanrio goods (e.g. Hello Kitty), as well as the undeniable popularity of Japanese cuisine, suggests a growing tendency in the United States to view Japanese popular culture positively—a phenomenon a Japan Close-Up article dubs “Japan’s Empire of Cool” (2005). However, it is certain that participants have uncommonly high affinity for Japanese culture and cultural products. Four of the participants exressed the opinion that learning Japanese was more interesting and/or significant than learning European languages, describing it as more 173 challenging and thus more rewarding than studying another Western language. This association with positive challenge and learning Japanese is consistent with studies by Oxford and Shearin (1994) and Takahashi (2001). This may be akin to what Oxford and Shearin described as “enjoying the elitism of taking a difficult language” (p. 12). The value participants place on knowledge of Japanese and their positive attitudes toward the target language and culture have positive implications for learning. Valence, or the psychological value of a particular goal, contributes to and helps to sustain motivation to learn (MacIntyre et al, 2001). As explained by Kondo (1999), “subjective values that a learner may see in the L2 learning directly influences the learner’s motivational behavior such as effort, persistence, and attention” (p. 78). Further study would be necessary to measure to what degree this theory holds for the participants. However, the overall positive way in which participants perceived learning Japanese, their positive emotions, enjoyment, and the value they placed on learning, all are likely to positively influence their achievement, and, indeed, the men and women in the study perceived themselves as successful learners of Japanese.

Participants as Successful

Another important theme that emerged from the data was that participants perceived themselves as successful learners. All of the men and women in the study felt that they were doing well in class; four of the ten even claimed they found learning Japanese easy. This finding is interesting given the literature that finds that students of Japanese often perceive the language as difficult (Jorden & Lambert, 1991; Saito-Abbott & Samimy, 1997; Samimy & Tabuse, 1992; and Yang, 2003). There are, of course, numerous factors that might cause this perception, and further study would be necessary to attempt to establish causal relationships. However, the data suggests several likely factors, and the students themselves assigned reasons for their success. 174 Motivation

Students in the study described themselves as motivated learners and expressed a great deal of enthusiasm for learning Japanese. As outlined in chapter two, research in second language acquisition shows that motivation positively influences achievement. In a Japanese studies context, a number of studies have found that motivation is critical in predicting both achievement and persistence in Japanese (Kondo, 1999; Oxford et al, 1993; Samimy & Tabuse, 1992; Samimy & Saito-Abbott, 1997). Some scholars, notably Gardner and Lambert (1972), believe that integrative motivation is a better indicator of success than instrumental motivation. As explained previously, integrative motivation, a construct of the Socio-Educational model of motivation, is a combination of integrativeness (a willingness to identify with another language community), attitudes toward the learning situation, and motivation (goal directed behavior). Also important in this model is integrative orientation. Orientations are “classes of reasons for studying a second language” (Gardner & Masgoret, 2003, p. 175). Instrumental motivation relates to more practical goals and reasons for study.

As anticipated, the personal interest that the anime fans in this study expressed toward learning Japanese, as well as their positive attitudes toward the language and culture, strongly suggests that they are integratively motivated and have an integrative orientation. They also focused far more on intrinsic than extrinsic motivation. For example, for all but two participants Japanese was either not a required course or was outside of their major. In Ryan and Deci’s Self-Determination model of motivation, intrinsic motivation “refers to doing something because it is inherently interesting or enjoyable” and extrinsic motivation “refers to doing something because it leads to a separable outcome” (2000, p. 55). In other words, intrinsic motivation is more internalized and “results in high-quality learning and creativity,” although extrinsic 175 motivation ranges from the more internalized (“reflecting an inner acceptance of the value or utility of a task”) to less internalized (being “externally propelled into action”) (p. 55). While some participants in the study mentioned having future career goals related to studying Japanese, all ten defined their motivation primarily in terms of personal interest. As both integrative and intrinsic motivation are considered to more positively impact learning, it is likely that the participants’ achievement in Japanese is positively influenced by their motivation. Some Japanese scholars (Kondo, 1999 and Samimy & Tabuse, 1992) do caution that it is also important to also encourage some instrumental/extrinsic motivation by emphasizing the utility of learning Japanese, in the career market for example. Gaining significant proficiency in a language, particularly a non-cognate language like Japanese, requires a long-term commitment and effort, and the more “positive” types of motivation may wane if students do not have realistic goals or conceptions of the necessary effort, or face pressure from the demands of other obligations. In such cases, instrumental and extrinsic motivation may augment the other types of motivation. This may be important in the case many of the men and women in this study, since most of them were non-Japanese majors and some mentioned fearing future pressure from the demand of coursework in their majors.

Anxiety not a Theme

Another possible factor in participants’ perceived success is a lack of anxiety. Although a number of researchers describe significant incidents of anxiety among Anglophone learners of Japanese (Aida, 1994; Saito & Samimy, 1996; Samimy & Tabuse, 1992), participants in this study overall did not describe their learning or classroom experiences in terms of anxiety. Two mentioned cases of experiencing anxiety, but one spoke of experiencing it only at the very start of the course and the other brought it up in terms of an isolated incident outside of class in which she spoke in 176 Japanese to a native-speaker she did not know. Anxiety is said to be a common emotion experienced by language learners, one that has a significant negative affect on language performance (Ely 1986; Gardner and McIntyre 1993; Horwitz et al. 1986; Samimy and Tabuse 1992). Anecdotal evidence further “suggests that learning less commonly taught or ‘noncognate,’ ‘truly foreign’ language (Jorden and Walton 1987) such as Japanese can be initially anxiety provoking for students whose first language is English” (Saito and Samimy, 1996, p. 239). In a study of anxiety in Japanese students, Aida (1994) found that students of Japanese experienced somewhat higher level of anxiety than students in a comparable study of Spanish language students, and Samimy (1994) suggests that “learners impressions of [LCTL like Japanese] can be more intimidating and overwhelming than of the commonly taught languages” (p. 33).

It is, therefore, interesting that anxiety did not emerge as a theme among the students in this study. One explanation for this might relate to the fact that seven of the ten participants were first year students. MacIntyre and Gardner (1989) and Saito and Samimy (1996) have found that anxiety was not a predictive variable for beginning language students. According to MacIntyre and Gardner, motivation and aptitude are more important in predicting success at the beginning levels. However, it is also important to note that socio-political context plays a role in issues of motivation and emotion. Since most of the studies on motivation in second-language acquisition have

been conducted in Western countries, predominantly in Canada, it is still something of an open question how motivation functions in other cultural contexts. For example, some scholars researching motivation in non-Western contexts (e.g. Shaabam & Ghaith, 2000) find that integrative motivation remains a better indicator of success in language learning than instrumental motivation, while others find that instrumental motivation or orientation carries more weight (e.g. Gardner & Lambert’s study on learning English in

177 the Philippines, 1972). For example, for students learning English as a second or foreign language in many parts of the world, a high level of proficiency is a strict academic requirement, and their performance has the potential to drastically affect their future careers. This calls to mind the fact that the majority of participants in this study were not Japanese majors and had the luxury of approaching the study of Japanese purely out of interest, as “hobbyists,” in a sense. In other words, for this group, there may be few serious consequences for not succeeding in Japanese class. This relative lack of serious consequences may also contribute to the apparent absence of anxiety as an issue for the group.

Another explanation for this fact might be that Japanese is not “truly foreign” to the anime fans in the study, as they had a great deal of exposure to the language before beginning classes, which for many included a degree of self-study. Aida (1994) found that beginning students who had been to Japan displayed significantly less anxiety than students who had not. It is possible that exposure to language through popular culture products, like anime, to a degree approximate the experience of going to Japan, at least in terms of the benefits of exposure to the language and culture.

Exposure to the Language/Self-directed Learning

“Extensive contacts with the target language as well as opportunities to use/practice the language are necessary conditions for learners’ successful mastery of the language” (Spolsky,1989, as cited in Kondo, 1999, p. 77). Through watching anime, participants do have frequent contact with the target language and are given opportunities to practice at least the more “passive” language skills of reading and listening. As mentioned in the results chapter, many students in the study attributed their success in Japanese class to their prior exposure to the language through watching anime, as Lisa’s 178 comment demonstrates very well: “I would say that if we’re advanced, it would have to be mostly due to the anime or something, because we don’t have any other exposure” (individual interview, 12/1/05). Ryan and Deci’s Self-Determination Theory (SDT) is a useful framework for examining this issue. This theory stresses the importance of learners experiencing feelings of autonomy, competence, and connectedness to others. It “posits that within any significant life domain, opportunities to experience autonomy, competence, and relatedness are essential in promoting life satisfaction and well-being” (Levesque, et al, 2004, p. 68). As a “significant life domain for college students involves the completing of coursework, being successful in their studies, and working toward a degree,” “feelings of autonomy and competence toward school would seem essential for college students’ growth and subjective well-being” (p. 68). Many studies show that perceived autonomy, competence, and relatedness are also important for performance and persistence (p. 68). Several of the students in the study specifically mentioned trying to learn Japanese on their own before taking classes. Further research would be necessary to gauge the scope of these activities and their success, yet these efforts by participants do suggest autonomy. According to SDT, autonomy “concerns the basic need to experience one’s behavior as self-endorsed or volitional” (p. 68). The self-directed study that some participants engaged in before and after beginning Japanese classes certainly suggests “self-endorsed, volitional” learning activities. This is interesting, because “due to the highly complex nature of language and language learning (Dickinson and Carver, 1980), encouraging autonomy in language learners often proves to be a doubly difficult objective” (Ho & Crookall, 1995, p. 235). Participants also showed “connectedness” or “relatedness” to others. Danielo mentioned a “posse” of fellow students from his class who studied together and supported each other. Anna mentioned

179 watching anime with other student fans and asking each other language and culture related questions. In general, the group’s connection to other anime fans and the way in which they equated fandom and learning the Japanese language implies a certain “relatedness” as well. Participants’ autonomous study activities might be described as what Naiman et al. call “active task approach” strategies, where learners “involve themselves in actively in the language learning task” in ways that “include adding related language learning activities to their regular classroom input, such as reading in the foreign language, listening to tapes in the car, listening to the news, reading novels in L2, and writing to pen friends” (Pickard, 1996, p. 150-151). A number of researchers, such as Rubin (1975), Naiman et al. (1978), O’Malley and Chamot (1990) and Oxford (1990), have found that strategies, such as these, “employed voluntarily by learners outside of the language classroom” are important for successful language learning (p. 150). It is clear that while the participants in the study used anime for enjoyment, they also used it as a language learning tool, consciously trying to connect their classroom learning to the authentic texts by applying grammatical structures and vocabulary learned in class to what they heard in anime and conversely trying to use words learned in anime to augment their learning in class. This will be discussed in greater detail below.

Six of the participants specifically mentioned receiving high marks in Japanese

class and all expressed satisfaction with their grades and/or progress. As the focus of this study is on perceptions, official grades were not included in the data. Self- perceptions of success or ability in language class cannot be assumed to equal success in the traditional sense (e.g. actually achieving high marks or positive teacher assessment), but, as mentioned above, such feelings of competency are extremely important for learners. A sub-theory of Ryan and Deci’s Self-Determination model is the Cognitive

180 Evaluation Theory (CET), which posits that “interpersonal events and structures that conduce toward feelings of competence during action can enhance intrinsic motivation for that action because they allow satisfaction of the basic psychological need for competence” (2000, p. 58). Feelings of competency must be accompanied by feelings of autonomy (i.e. perceiving one’s behavior as “self-determined”) in order for motivation to be enhanced (p. 58). A number of language scholars, such as Dornyei and Oxford & Shearin, discuss a similar construct in “self-efficacy,” which “refers to an individual’s judgment of his or her ability to perform a specific action” (Dornyei, 1994, p. 277). In this view, encouraging self-efficacy in learners is one way of supporting motivation. Based on these theories, it is likely that participants’ perceptions of themselves as capable, successful learners, as well as their apparent ability to learn autonomously, enhances their motivation and supports achievement in class.

The Experience of Learning Japanese Linked to Anime Fandom

The theme that overarches all of the data is that the group in the study experienced language learning as connected to their fandom in a number of important ways. As described above, they attributed their success in Japanese in part to their exposure to the language through anime. In addition, they all saw interest in anime as influencing the decision to study Japanese; for some, this was even the primary reason for choosing the language. Each participant also saw watching anime as having an impact on their language learning in terms of motivation and learning grammar, vocabulary, and pronunciation. Their anime fandom, in ways both subtle and direct, also impacted how they perceived Japanese culture and culture learning, which, as explained previously, is inherently related to language learning. As these findings also address the sub-questions posed at the beginning of the study, they will be described in greater detail in a discussion of those questions, which were, once again: 1) how do student anime fans perceive their 181 fandom as impacting their language learning? And 2) how do student anime fans perceive issues related to Japanese language and culture?

PERCEPTIONS OF FANDOM’S IMPACT ON LANGUAGE LEARNING

There were two major themes that address how participants perceive anime fandom as impacting their study of Japanese: anime as motivation to study Japanese and anime as a language learning aid. Motivation has already been discussed in this chapter, in terms of the general nature of these students’ motivation (integrative and intrinsic) and its likely positive impact on their achievement. Here it will be discussed specifically in terms of the relationship with fandom.

Anime as Motivation to Study Japanese

As anticipated, it seems that exposure to anime leads to interest in Japanese study among some students. The students in the study were even under the impression that many, if not most, Japanese students were interested in anime. While this would need to be measured through further (quantitative) research, their beliefs do support the connection between anime and Japanese language learning. At the very least, it suggests that these participants feel a sense of a community of shared interest with their fellow students. The participants in this study were motivated by anime in three main ways, as the thing that initially attracted them to begin studying Japanese, as something that helps to sustain their interest and drive to study, and as an important part of their concrete goals for learning Japanese. Not only did each participant’s interest in anime influence his or her decision to study Japanese, that interest also helped to maintain that motivation. This was evident in the pleasure and feeling of accomplishment these students had when they experienced

182 moments of comprehension of Japanese while watching anime. The following comment Danielo made is a particularly good example of this:

When I watch anime, I’ll pick up words, and that’s a great feeling. I know what she just said! They’ll say a really short, brief phrase, and I’ll be like I could have constructed that sentence. It’s like, my god, I am learning this! So there is that feeling of accomplishment (individual interview, 11/30/05).

Watching anime provides these students exposure to Japanese outside of class, which gives them the opportunity to experience such moments of comprehension and the

associated sense of accomplishment. As mentioned previously, feelings of self-efficacy

and competence are important to sustaining motivation, so this is very likely a crucial

element of anime’s influence on participants’ motivation. While these students might

find other sources of authentic language with which to practice, it is important that anime is of particular interest to them: they are certainly more likely to frequently seek out texts that are innately interesting to them. This segues into one of the sub-themes under motivation: Japanese as relevant through anime.

Japanese as Relevant through Anime

As Biggs (1995) states, learners are “only motivated to learn things that are important and meaningful to them” (p. 83). It was clear that for students, this sort of personal relevance was important. Participants stressed how Japanese had relevance in their lives because of anime. They could apply what they learned in class to something in their everyday lives, and this in turn made them more eager to learn. Mike’s comment below echoes the sentiments of many of the participants and is a perfect example of this:

183 I think it makes you more eager. You take Japanese and you’re not only just learning for credit you’re—there’s a practical application. You know not a whole lot, I mean it’s just for anime, but it makes you want to learn more, so you study your kanji a little harder (focus group interview, 11/16/05).

Kondo (1999) found that Japanese students who had an immediate use for language skills (in the case of her study, literacy skills) were higher achievers than those who did not. This, once again, suggests a connection between participants’ perceived success in Japanese class and their motivation and has implications for teachers who are trying to encourage motivation in their students. Trying to interest students in the popular culture products of the target language may be one way of encouraging motivation, both by connecting the L2 with something students may find inherently interesting and by enhancing the personal relevance of the language. Samimy and Saito-Abbott (1997) have suggested that instructors foster motivation and achievement in learners through the use of authentic materials: “…for students who have never been to Japan, association through video and realia can make the country, people, language, and culture a part of a meaningful experience” (p. 47). Participants’ focus on the way anime brings relevance to their studies and enhances motivation also adds credence to the theories of popular culture and literacy, as “something teachers should seek to validate” (Buckingham, 1998, p. 8). It supports the suggestions of such SLA scholars as Cheung (2001) and Domoney & Harris (1993), who encourage instructors to capitalize on students’ interests by incorporating into the classroom popular culture texts that have meaning and appeal to students. There is, of course, the danger that students will lose their motivation to study Japanese if they lose interest in anime. However, there is the potential for the relevance students feel to increase and change in nature as they continue their studies and for the knowledge of Japanese to become more internalized:

184 As they become more and more proficient in a second language and familiar with a second culture, language learners try to articulate their new experience within their old one, making it relevant to their own lives, one day this way, one day that way, creating their own popular culture [their own identity in the context of the L2 and C2].30 (Kramsch, 1993, p. 238).

Of course, not all students may engage as deeply into the language of study as Kramsch describes, so instructors should also attempt to generate interest in a variety of aspects of

Japanese culture and stress some of the instrumental value of learning Japanese to try to offset potential loss of interest in the original motivator (in this case, anime).

Learning Japanese as Helpful for Watching Anime

Anime was also a very important part of participants’ goals for learning Japanese. As mentioned previously, students in the study were motivated out of intrinsic interest. It is also important to note that none of them mentioned program requirements as their main goal for taking Japanese. This is consistent with literature on the Less-Commonly- Taught languages, which finds that students of these languages tend to be motivated by specific reasons rather than course requirements (Milleret, 1990; Milleret, 1992). Overall, while they did not feel it was necessary to know Japanese in order to understand anime, they felt that it helped and that knowing some of the language added a layer of interest to the viewing experience. A number of students also mentioned that their primary goal for studying Japanese was to understand anime (or manga) in its un- translated (or “raw”) form. Others mentioned that as one of several concrete goals (for example, Ken planned to use Japanese on a visit to Japan). Having concrete goals may be important for sustaining motivation. Kondo (1999) suggests Japanese instructors

30 Here Kramsch is using a metaphor: the myth of the native speaker as “high or mainstream culture” versus the L2 and C2 the second language learner develops as “popular culture.” 185 should guide students to both short-and long-term goals that are related to their interests in order to promote motivation, and Kato (2002) found that dialog journals were one useful tool for helping students to set goals and reduce anxiety, thereby enhancing motivation. The connection between participants’ anime fandom and motivation clearly has many positive implications for their language learning. A study by Oxford et al. found that “motivation was the best predictor of Japanese language achievement” (1993, p. 359). However, they also found that “the use of language learning strategies was also highly influential” (p. 359). Participants described employing learning strategies that involve anime and, in many ways, use anime as a language learning tool, as will be explained below.

Anime as a Language Learning Aid

As mentioned earlier in this chapter, students in the study employ what Naiman et al. call “active task approach” strategies, by engaging with authentic texts as a learning tool outside of the classroom. They clearly saw anime as a learning aid for Japanese, all claiming that watching anime positively impacted their language learning. One participant, Sid, even speculated that some students watched anime as much for a learning aid as for entertainment. Participants mentioned several ways in which watching anime directly affected their learning: learning grammar, vocabulary, and pronunciation; reinforcing vocabulary, grammatical structures, pronunciation; and learning sociolinguistic factors (the only aspect which they felt might negatively affect their learning). According to Nunan (1988), it is important to develop student autonomy and “to encourage students to make links between classroom learning and outside language use, and to stimulate them to use the language as much as possible outside the 186 classroom” (p. 105). At least in terms of the “passive” skills of listening and reading, participants were using the language outside of the classroom, and were clearly making links between their classroom learning and the way that learning was reinforced through their interaction with anime texts, as Holly’s comment illustrates: “[Anime] reinforces what I know and helps with pronunciation” (individual interview, 12/9/05). The ways in which the participants autonomously engaged with authentic texts has a number of implications for the debate on using authentic texts in the foreign language classroom. Pro-authentic text researchers “believe that ‘live’ texts, unlike their pedagogically contrived counterparts, promote student learning and interest by linking form to meaning, by stressing communication, and by presenting the culture in a natural way” (Herron & Seay, 1991, p. 488). Some scholars, however, argue that authentic texts are too difficult for beginners, not providing the necessary comprehensible input (Omaggio-Hadely, 2001). Much of the literature on authentic materials remains theoretical. In empirical studies, results are mixed as to whether or not using authentic materials extensively makes for language gains over using traditional materials (Bacon & Finnemann, 1990; and Herron & Seay, 1991). This study supports the literature that finds authentic materials motivating for learners, and, while the results of the study do not enable measurement of how much language acquisition occurred through watching anime, it is nonetheless evident that participants, even those in first semester Japanese, did acquire some language through watching anime. This lends support to the claims of

scholars (such as Bernhardt & Berkemeyer, 198831 and Saito-Abbott & Samimy, 1997) who find that authentic materials can be used at all levels of instruction and that instructors often underestimate students’ ability to comprehend such materials.

31 As found in Bacon & Finnamann, 1990. 187 The findings in the current study must, of course, be viewed with caution, given the small sample size and given how intrinsically motivated these students are. Bacon and Finnemann note that “the type and degree of motivation likely will affect the learner’s disposition toward authentic input situations” (1990, p. 460). Less motivated students may not respond as enthusiastically to authentic texts, and are less likely to use them autonomously. It is also true that participants were interested in authentic texts before even beginning Japanese classes, which is likely not be the case with the average language student. However, it seems safe to suggest that teachers might introduce some authentic texts to the classroom, being careful to gauge the comprehension and reaction of students. As Saito (1994) states of pro-authentic text scholars, “those L2 researchers constantly remind us that L2 students are able to handle authentic texts as long as the selection of materials reflects the cognitive and content background of adult learners” (p. 37). Student anime fans familiarity with anime texts (the tropes, storylines, etc.), as part of their “content background,” may be one of the things that enables them to pick up language from watching anime.

Two intriguing potential language learning aids in anime that several participants mentioned were the translator’s notes and fade-away captions. Translator’s notes explain things such as puns and other linguistic elements that are difficult to translate. These notes make the linguistic and cultural content of the authentic texts more accessible for learners, particularly outside of the classroom. Fade-away captions begin in Japanese and, as that Japanese text fades, the English subtitles begin. Participants mentioned how useful the Japanese language captions were. While this is not a common feature in anime, such texts might provide a useful resource for language instructors. Garza (1991) found “a positive correlation between the presence of captions and increased comprehension of the linguistic content of the [authentic] video material,

188 suggesting the use of captions to bridge the gap between learner’s competence in reading and listening” (p. 239). Japanese instructors might use a segment of such texts in lessons, making use of student interest in the material and the existence of the captions. While participants mentioned mostly positive influences from anime on their language learning, they did mention some challenges, in terms of sociolinguistic register. Most participants mentioned noticing an emphasis in Japanese class on polite forms, versus the more casual forms common in anime. This finding suggests that these students may be more likely to make errors in terms of politeness level, since they may be exposed to a more narrow range of sociolinguistic registers in anime. However, as will be discussed in greater detail below, it is also true that Japanese textbooks tend to focus on politer language, at least initially, so it is possible that viewing anime may actually balance the emphasis placed on politer registers in class.

The overwhelmingly positive influence that participants found watching anime had on their language learning supports the literature on using authentic video in the classroom and on using popular culture in the classroom, in terms of motivation, relevance to students’ lives, and acquisition of vocabulary, grammar, and pronunciation. While this study is based on self-report and contains the weaknesses inherent in that design, the findings are consistent with the literature, as demonstrated above. Certainly it is commonly accepted that significant exposure to a foreign language is necessary for

acquisition. If nothing else, anime provides this exposure for the fans in this study. The one possible drawback teachers may need to be aware of is the apparently limited socio-linguistic range of language in anime. To offset this, instructors may want to introduce students to other types of authentic text, which might have a wider range, like “home dramas” (soap operas) or live action films.

189 PERCEPITON OF ISSUES RELATED TO JAPANESE LANGUAGE AND CULTURE

How participants perceive issues related to Japanese language and culture was less straightforward and more varied than how they perceived their fandom as impacting learning Japanese, as might be expected given the broader nature of the question. In terms of issues related to language, the question may seem redundant. However, it is meant to uncover students’ thoughts and feelings about the Japanese language that might be influenced by their anime fandom, but might not have been discussed or perceived by participants as directly impacting language acquisition.

The Language and Culture Connection

The inherent link between culture and language makes it difficult to neatly separate the issues surrounding them, although some issues are more related to one or the other. The participants themselves either explicitly or implicitly expressed an awareness of how intertwined language and culture learning are. For example, Sid was very concerned that language and culture be taught together, as demonstrated when he suggested anime be used to teach language and culture “because we have the capacity to absorb the language and culture at the same time.” He felt that a full third of classroom time should be devoted to teaching culture. The other students in the study were not so adamant about it, but all felt that they would like to learn more about culture in their language class. Many felt that adding culture to their Japanese lessons would motivate them and help them with their learning. One good example is Holly’s statement: “[culture] is something interesting you can remember and relate to what you’re learning.” It is interesting that students intuitively saw the benefits of studying culture and language together. Consistent with what is reported in the literature, however, they claimed that very little culture was taught in their classes. 190 The connection between language and culture in the minds of participants was also implied in the way that they spoke about aspects of the two interchangeably. For example, when asked how their perceptions of the Japanese language had changed since beginning language classes, all but one of the participants mentioned the emphasis on politeness, which is both a sociolinguistic element and an aspect of the culture. The perception of Japanese as a very “polite” language was emphasized several times throughout the interviews and seemed to be an important part of participants’ concept of the language. Participants mentioned how the language was much politer than they had thought just from watching anime. What is interesting here is that they are, in a sense, seeing classroom language, or the language of their textbooks as more authentic than anime (an authentic text), or at least as more correct. As touched on in the previous section, several participants expressed concern that they would learn some sociolinguistically inappropriate forms through watching anime. This is not to suggest that their concerns are unfounded. They realized that anime may present limited sorts of dialogue situations and are appropriately wary of applying forms learned in anime to all situations. However, viewing classroom Japanese as more correct may also result in an unbalanced concept of the language. In their review of five textbooks widely used in the United States, Matsumoto and Okamoto (2003) found that communication styles, particularly politeness, indirectness, and self-effacement are often over-emphasized and simplified in the texts. They express the concern that this kind of overemphasis may serve to exoticize Japanese culture. Textbook language is often out of context, and does not adequately address “situation appropriateness” of communication styles. Students’ perceptions of Japanese as “polite” may stem from the de-contextualized language in textbooks and the structure of the curriculum, which commonly focuses on polite forms

191 first. Again, this demonstrates the need for exposing students to a variety of authentic texts.

Embracing Linguistic and Cultural Differences

Many themes and issues that emerged from the data in this study might fit under an overarching “umbrella” theme of embracing cultural difference. Participant displayed tolerance of and/or attraction to difference in a variety of ways that relate to a number of language and culture issues. One of these deals with the valance participants placed on learning Japanese. This was discussed previously under the theme of pride in knowledge of Japanese/Japan as cool, but will be examined here from a different angle. As mentioned in regard to participants’ positive language learning experiences, it is clear that they place high value on knowledge of Japanese. While many scholars describe how anxiety-provoking learning a non-cognate, non-Western language can be, this group seemed to value the language precisely for those reasons: they found it attractive because of its difference from Western languages. A number of participants expressed particular fascination with the orthography: especially the Chinese characters (or ‘kanji’). Mike’s comment below is a good example:

I always thought Japanese was kind of a cool thing. It’s so different, a totally different set of characters, all the kanji (individual interview, 12/1/05).

As mentioned before, this has positive implications in regard to motivation. However, it

also reveals a willingness to embrace difference that may help prevent or lessen the negative affective reactions that scholars say are common to students of non-cognate languages like Japanese (Aida, 1994; Jorden & Walton, 1987; Samimy, 1994; Ueno,

2005).

192 Anime as Different: The Appeal of the Target Culture Product

These students’ willingness to embrace difference was further revealed by their explanations of the appeal of anime. As revealed in the previous chapter, they spoke of its appeal in terms of its difference from American cartoons, live-action film, and American media in general. The last reason is important, because it suggests that they felt a lack in the media products of their own culture that could be filled by those of another. They also revealed dissatisfaction over the way in which their own culture prejudged animation as for children and for the hypocrisy in criticizing anime for sex and violence, when American media is so rife with it. In this regard, they preference the attitudes of the target culture (which they saw was more accepting of adult interest in animation) over those of their own. The fact that they felt that anime and anime fandom were more accepted in Japan than in the United States reveals another point of affinity with the target culture, further suggesting an “integrative” attitude toward that culture.

Anime Fandom as Interest in Japanese Culture

Indeed, an important part of anime’s appeal for this group was not just that it was different from standard American fare, but explicitly that it originated in another culture. Holly’s comment “it’s also exciting because it’s a different culture” is a good example of this. Participants believed this to be true not only of themselves but of American anime

fans in general, equating anime fandom with interest in Japanese culture, as Nathan’s comment illustrates particularly well: “That’s a big part of anime culture in the U.S. it seems; it’s fascination with Japanese culture” (focus group interview, 11/16/05). As mentioned previously, this finding differs from those of Napier (2000), Newitz (1994) and Tominaga (2002), who did not find consistent connections between anime fandom and interest in culture. This may be because of the uniqueness of this group or the fact that popular culture is always in flux and several years separate those scholars’ studies 193 and the present one. Another possible reason is that this group consists of only language students, and language students are often interested in the culture of their language of study (Ely, 1986; Morello, 1988; Jourdain, 1998). Whether the participants’ assumptions about anime fans in general are correct or not, this finding at the very least demonstrates a link between anime and Japanese culture in their minds, which is important in considering issues of culture learning (to be discussed in further detail below).

Dislike of Localization

A sub-theme of anime as interest in culture is dislike of localization. The openness toward difference was also revealed in terms of participants’ viewing preferences. The group, with one exception, expressed strong dislike for localization of anime texts, particularly of dubbing and editing for content. Participants saw dubbing and editing as corrupting the original, as Danielo’s comment demonstrated especially well:

Let’s just say you lose a lot in translation. Not just language, but bringing it into the U.S., editing, taking out of context (focus group interview, 11/16/05).

Participants were also aware that even subtitles could dilute the original meaning, one reason many of them studied Japanese to be able to understand without subtitles. The preference for subtitled texts is obviously crucial in anime’s use as a language learning tool. Their willingness to embrace difference is also important in terms of culture learning. As Moran (2001) notes an important part of culture learning is facing difference with tolerance. Most people tend to “react to the ‘different’ using what they already know—their own culture, their own view of the world” (p. 8). In order to 194 “break through this deep seated, often unconscious tendency, learners need conscious

strategies to help them understand and enter other ways of life and, in the process, recognize the role of their own cultural conditioning” (p. 8). The participants in this study showed a natural tendency to face difference with tolerance and to compare attitudes in the target culture with their own culture (for example, attitudes towards animation), which should benefit them in their study of culture. However, encountering difference in a media text is very different from encountering it in a real-life situation, in

which one is less in control of the situation and its outcomes. These students (and all

language students) could still benefit from instruction in conscious strategies for dealing

with foreign cultures.

Fandom as Community The openness to difference was not just directed toward the target language and

culture. The fact that participants continue with their fandom in spite of negative

attitudes they have encountered shows a willingness to accept difference in themselves

(i.e. the willingness to be different from others), and, through their connection with other

American fans show a willingness to embracing difference within their own culture,

although there were limitations to this acceptance, as in their ambivalence toward

extreme forms of fandom (‘otaku’). However, the attraction to another culture and

identification with a non-mainstream group within their own culture cannot be read as a

significant rejection of their home culture. Fandom is often seen as a form of resistance

to mainstream culture (Hills, 2001; Jenkins, 1992), but that does not necessarily indicate

resistance on the scale of a sub- or counter-cultural movement. As Tominaga (2002)

195 found in his study of American anime fans, this group of fans could not be classified as a

counterculture or subculture. While they rejected some specific values of their native

culture (for example the idea that sexual or violent content in animation is somehow

inherently worse than in live-action film) and showed a special affinity for the target

culture, they could not be said to broadly reject mainstream culture. As was the case

with Tominaga’s sample, this group was upwardly mobile, with educational and career

goals in harmony with the present social system.

Rather than look at anime fandom as a subculture or counterculture, it might be

more accurate to view it as a “taste culture.” A taste culture is “the continuing

commitment of a group of people to some type of product” (Grossberg et al, 1998, p.

210). However, it is also important to emphasize the community aspect of anime

fandom. For this, Hills’ model of “a community of imagination” is also useful. Hills

structures this concept in terms of online fandom, which certainly applies to this group

and anime fans in general who participate in many online activities (list-serves, chat

rooms, websites, etc.), but it is also valid for examining fandom in general. Similar to

the concept of “taste culture,” in a community of imagination, what unites fans is their

shared interest in the object of fandom. However, Hills’ construct focuses on the

affective element that unites fans: “focusing on affect rather than theories of pleasure32 allows us to consider the specific emotional colorings and relationships of fandom”

(2001, p. 148). It is not only a taste culture, which suggests that fans are united by their consumption of products (although this is certainly an important element of anime

32 Many popular culture theories focus on consumption of popular culture in terms of “pleasure.”

196 fandom, as evidenced by the large market for products). It is also important to stress that fans “care intensely about their objects of fandom” (p. 148). In relation to online fan activities, the internet “constitutes an affective space” in which “what matters to the fan can be taken for granted as being of shared significance” (p. 148).

Anime fans might be considered a cultural community in another sense. Media products have cultural impact. For example, in his work on television, Kottak writes:

“contemporary Americans share common information and experiences because of the programs they have seen” (1990, p. 5). Television is “capable of producing intense, often irrationally based, feelings of solidarity and communitas (‘community feeling’) shared widely by people who have grown up in the same cultural tradition” (p. 9).

Anime fans are exposed to texts beyond the mainstream programs on television or in

American movies. This could possibly result in distancing them from others to a degree. For example, Holly felt “out of the loop” at times because she did not watch

American television. However, fans do share “information and experiences” with other fans, which likely creates feelings of solidarity. In this sense, they share a special culture with other fans, not just in terms of taste and interest, but in terms of lived experiences and the content of the texts. Kottak finds that, contrary to popular belief,

“heavy television viewing is associated not with inward-looking social isolation, but an external orientation” (p. 148). As mentioned in chapter four, all of the participants in the study interacted with other fans, and they all shared anime with non-fans to some degree. All of this suggests an “external orientation” rather than social isolation.

197 Taking the idea of community a step farther, American anime fans might be seen a part of a community with Japanese fans or even ordinary Japanese viewers. Miller and McHoul state:

Just as people are citizens as well as individuals, so the moment of being an audience is the textual connection linking society and person. It is both collective and singular: viewing television is an act of both solitary interpretation and collective behavior (1998, p. 135).

Here, the society that American fans may be linking to is a Japanese one. This may be

stretching the concept a little far, since American fans view these texts through their own

cultural lenses, but it is certain that many of the values found in anime are colored by the culture of the society from which the texts originate. If, as Kottak claims, people “grow up in a cultural tradition” through television, American fans may be influenced to a

certain extent by Japanese television culture, particularly those who were exposed to

anime at a young age, as the participants were (certainly similar claims have been made

about American cultural products ability to influence other cultures). This at least might

partly explain the affinity students like the ones in this study feel toward Japan and

Japanese culture. Again, in language students, this sort of affinity indicates a more

integrative attitude toward the target language and culture that has a positive impact on

learning.

These aspects of community reveal that while anime fandom is still considered

outside of the norm, fans are not isolated loners: they embrace difference without cutting

themselves off from society. This is important in terms of learning language, which is a

naturally social process. If student anime fans were open to Japanese cultural and

198 linguistic differences but antisocial, it follows that they might struggle with language

acquisition.

As touched on previously, for this particular group of student anime fans at least, the sense of community with other fans also more directly impacts their language and culture learning. Shared interest in anime and Japanese language study created some opportunities for self-directed, student-centered learning. One comment that exemplifies this is Anna’s statement that:

If you can sit down and watch with a friend, you’re set. We kind of talk about stuff or ask some questions, especially if you’re with people who are in the same Japanese level or above. Then you can ask them questions or share ideas (individual interview, 12/6/05).

There is a great deal of research that claims that peer-teaching and learning is an

important tool for developing motivation and autonomy (Tudor, 1996), so an existing

tendency of students like these might enable an instructor to more effectively organize

group activities in class. Teachers might also further promote autonomy and self-

direction by actively teaching learner strategies (Oxford, 1990). For example, Katchen

(1997) suggests teaching strategies for using authentic video for self-study. By having

students engage in specific learning activities centered around a video segment,

instructors can model how students might do the same on their own or with other

students. In cases in which some students already engage in self-study of this nature,

the teacher might have those students (if willing) share their experiences with others, for

a more student-centered approach. All of these suggestions really require that teachers understand the motivations and interests of their students.

199 While it seems that tolerance of difference and openness toward other cultures

was a trait that participants possessed before beginning classes and cannot be assumed to

have come from exposure to anime, the findings still have implications for the language classroom in general. It lends support to the work of proponents of using authentic video in the classroom to teach culture. It is safe to say that participants open attitudes toward culture may have been influenced by exposure to anime. As mentioned in chapter two, one of the major aims of teaching culture is to instill in learners a tolerance

of cultural differences, so exposing students to popular culture products such as anime

may be an important tool for teaching culture.

Of course, educators cannot assume that all language students will possess the

tolerance for difference that participants in this study showed. Again, this suggests

strategies for facing cultural differences should be taught, along with activities designed

to teach critical thinking, which is a necessary skill for non-ethnocentric thinking (Bryam,

1991; Peck, 1992). Scholars, have found that popular culture texts can be used

effectively in the foreign language classroom to “enrich transcultural encounters” Zoreda

(1993, 2002) and “shed useful analytic light on differences across cultures” (Schollon,

1999, p. 195). Proponents of using popular culture in the classroom in general often cite

the accessibility of these texts for learners. In the case of using popular culture to teach

culture in the foreign language classroom, this accessibility may be even more important,

since popular culture texts may tend to be more similar than traditional texts across

cultures. For example, showing an anime or television drama about the everyday lives

of Japanese people may enable students to focus on similarities rather than differences, as

200 they might with a classic samurai film by Kurosawa.33 This may help build empathy and the ability to identify with members of another culture. For example, in the focus group interview, Christina mentioned how she could identify with characters in the anime programs she watched about school life, because she had experienced similar things.

Often, the tendency in teaching culture is to focus on differences and exoticize the other culture (Galloway, 1985; Kubota, 2003). According to Scollon and Scollon (1995):

“ideological statement or stereotyping often arises when someone comes to believe that any two cultures or social groups, or, as we prefer to call them, discourse systems, can be treated as if they were polar opposites” (p. 168). Thus, focusing on similarities as well as differences reduces the likelihood of students “otherizing” or stereotyping the target culture.

Critical Thinking about Culture and Media Texts

As mentioned above, critical thinking is crucial in building cross-cultural understanding. The participants in this study demonstrated critical thinking in a number of ways. Because all but one of them had virtually no contact with native Japanese speakers outside of their language teachers and got most of their exposure to the language and culture from watching anime, critical thinking in regard to media texts was also important.

Reluctance to Judge the Target Culture by One Cultural Product The concern participants expressed for maintaining the “Japanese-ness” of texts, discussed above, reveals an awareness of the importance of authenticity in cultural products for appropriately interpreting the texts and understanding the culture that

33 Again, I am not suggesting shunning canonized texts altogether, only advocating the use of popular 201 produced them. It also suggests the ability to use a degree of critical thinking in

examining media products, in the sense that they were conscious of how the meaning of a

work can be drastically altered through editing or poor or purposely altered translations.

This critical thinking also came into play as participants considered the ability of anime

to reflect Japanese culture. One of the concerns at the start of this study was that anime

fans might over-generalize cultural aspects of anime to real Japanese society. At least in

terms of the group of men and women in this study, that concern proved to be largely

unfounded. They demonstrated a reassuring skepticism of the ability of anime (or any

media text) to accurately represent a culture in all its facets, while still seeing how the imaginations, tastes, values and so forth of a culture might be embedded in the texts.

Given how little contact this group had at the time of the study with Japanese people and society, the ability to learn from the resources available to them (in this case anime texts) while still being cautious of making generalizations is important.

Anime texts, in a sense, may be seen as the stories of Japanese culture. Within a

society, stories “socialize us into roles of gender, age, class, vocation and life-style, and

offer models of conformity or targets for rebellion” (Gerbner, 1999, p. ix). Therefore,

these texts can offer insight into Japanese culture. However, they should also be viewed

with caution, as, with the coming of the telecommunications age, stories are now often

mass-produced and product-driven.

These stories do not come from [children’s] families, schools, churches, neighborhoods, and often not even from their native countries, or from anyone with anything relevant to tell. They come from small groups of distant conglomerates with something to sell (pp. xi-xii).

culture texts as well, particularly when teaching culture in the language classroom. 202

In the case of anime the “something to sell” might be a product tie-in (as with Pokemon)

or simply the products themselves (being one video in a series, advertising for other

videos, cultivating the audiences’ taste for anime, etc.). The need to capture an audience

in an increasingly glutted media market seems to be spurring media companies to

produce increasingly stimulating or fantastic material, which may limit the amount of

“real” culture that can be gleaned from such texts. In the case of animation, which

naturally lends itself to exaggeration, this may be even more the case, which was one

thing mentioned by participants in the study. In addition, with a large and growing

audience of anime fans abroad, some Japanese producers of anime may also be creating

anime with the intent of marketing it to overseas fans and may intentionally limit the

cultural specificity of the texts. Even anime created solely with a Japanese audience in

mind might be seen as hybrid, given the influence of American cartoons and media on

them (Iwabuchi, 2002; Napier, 2000).

Anime as a Cultural Hybrid versus Anime as Uniquely Japanese Participants in the study demonstrated an awareness of the hybrid nature of anime

texts. The “universal” themes and less culturally specific genres common in anime were

major reasons many participants gave for not fully equating anime with Japanese culture.

While some Japanese scholars claim that the popularity of Japanese animation and video

games abroad signals “a sense of Western yearning for Japan” and “mirroring of

Americanization,” other scholars “warn against any euphoria concerning the global

popularity of Japanese animation, arguing that it is simply the mukokuseki (the

203 unembedded expression of race, ethnicity, and culture), the ‘oderless’ nature of

animation, that is responsible for its popularity in the world” (Iwabuchi, 2002, p. 33).

According to Iwabuchi:

It is one thing to observe that Pokemon texts, for example, are influencing children’s play and behavior in many parts of the world and that these children perceive Japan as a cool nation because its creates cool cultural products, such as Pokemon. However, it is quite another to say that this cultural influence and this perception of coolness is closely associated with a tangible, realistic appreciation of ‘Japanese’ lifestyles or idea (p. 33-34).

There is certainly truth in what Iwabuchi points out. The case study group did express a

sense of Japan as “cool” because of the appeal of its cultural products, and it is difficult to

measure how “tangible” or “realistic” their perceptions of Japanese “lifestyles and ideas”

are based on the available data. Certainly they had limited contact with Japanese

people, only one had ever been to Japan, and the degree to which anime characters

seemed Japanese varied considerably in the group. However, they also showed a

genuine fascination with Japanese culture beyond the limits of anime texts. Three of the ten had taken classes on Japanese culture and nine of the ten said that would like to take

classes (or take more classes), and as mentioned previously, the association with “cool”

and Japan was also linked to the language and orthography. In addition to claiming a

general interest in Japanese culture, many men and women in the group mentioned

interest in Japanese cultural products outside of the more “odorless” texts like anime and

video games (e.g. pop music, drama, live action movies, etc.). This is not to deny that

these products might also be influenced by Western culture, but they are undeniably are

rich with Japanese cultural “fragrance.”

204 Of course, scholars like Iwabuchi likely have a more general audience in mind when analyzing Western anime fans. However, while scholars such as Napier (2000),

Newitz (1994), Tominaga (2002) found inconsistent connections between anime fans and interest in Japanese culture, Napier and Tominaga still found a significant number of fans expressed interested in Japanese culture or language. Viewing language as a part of culture, there is some anecdotal evidence from Japanese instructors and the participants in this study which suggests that many Japanese language students are anime fans.

Napier found that 43% of the college student anime fans that she surveyed had taken a

Japanese language course. Taken together, this suggests that, at least among college student anime fans (who are said to make up the majority of fans), there may be significant interest in Japanese culture. So, even if anime itself is too a degree culturally

“odorless,” it seems to imbue, at least for some of its Western fans enough “Japanese- ness” to excite interest in Japanese language and other aspects of Japanese culture. In qualifying his categorization of anime as “odorless,” Iwabuchi states:

This is not to say that Japanese animation does not embody any specific cultural characteristics that originate in what we call ‘Japanese culture.’ American fans of Japanese animation are inescapably dependent upon Japanese culture itself (Newitz 1995, 12; Kamo, 2000) (p. 33).

It may be the “characteristics” Iwabuchi mentions and the knowledge that anime originates in Japan that creates the association for these fans between anime and Japanese culture. As Yoshida notes “as long as ‘anime’ is recognized as a Japanese cultural product, it can be said to have a Japanese identity” (p. 55). Still, the “dependence on

Japan” that Iwabuchi describes seems to suggest a more ambiguous, subtle connection

205 between anime and Japanese culture than the fans in this study appeared to see.

Participants mentioned finding very specific elements of Japanese culture in anime

(customs of school and family life, religious practices and so forth).

Anime texts may be to an extent hybrid with limited cultural specificity, but they still contain an “otherness” that distinctly marks them as non-American (Napier, 2000).

As mentioned above, this was part of the appeal for the sample in this study, and Napier,

Tominaga (2002), Yoshida (1998), Newitz (1994) and other anime scholars have found this to be true of American fans in general. This leads the discussion to issues of cultural imperialism. In a country not known for being receptive to foreign popular culture products and in a world where cultural imperialism and Ameircanization are often used interchangeably, the phenomenon of anime’s popularity here is interesting. The fact that so few foreign media products are made widely available in the United States may amplify the association between anime and Japan for fans like those in this study.

The Japanese scholars who hail the popularity of anime abroad as a kind of reverse cultural imperialism may have a point in that it is an important precedent for the flow of popular culture products to go in the opposite direction. American children in general may be exposed to very little foreign culture, which may account for the relative lack of interest in foreign languages and cultures in the United States. In an increasingly global world, this deprives them of opportunities to develop cross-cultural awareness. Even if they can rely on English as an international language in encounters with people from other countries, cultural sensitivity is still a vital skill. Certainly in this increasingly multi-lingual and multi-cultural nation, cross-cultural sensitivity may be of great value to students. Even if the “otherness” in anime does not represent “Japanese-ness” to all 206 anime fans, at the very least it is an encounter with difference, with a foreign cultural

product that may encourage tolerance of difference. As one of the participants, Sid

(who did not feel anime was an accurate source of cultural information), astutely

remarked: “you watch anime, you see something new. And the more you see more and

more [new] things, when you go to Japan and you see something new, it’s easier to

accept” (individual interview, 11/19/05).

However, what specific vision of “Japan” is represented in anime is still an

important question. Raz’s analysis of the way Japanese experience “America” through

Tokyo Disneyland may make shed some light on the way American anime fans

experience “Japan” through anime. Although many have analyzed Disney’s popularity

in Japan as only emblematic of cultural imperialism, Raz describes Tokyo Disneyland as a simulated “America” appropriated by the Japanese. Raz’s point is that local cultures do not simply import foreign cultural products and absorb them unchanged and unchallenged. It is significant that “individuals and groups interpret, translate and

transform their experiences of foreign cultures to relate to more familiar experiences”

(Boyd-Barret, 1982, p. 193, as cited by Raz 1999, p. 15). Borrowing Baudrillard’s

concept, Raz makes the case that for the Japanese, Tokyo Disneyland is a simulacrum of

America—a simulated, “hyperreal” Japanese vision of America. Yoshida (1998)

suggests that the “Japanese-ness” in anime has been exploited in the West. It certainly

seems to be the case in advertising for anime, which, (in contrast to the past) currently

uses its Japanese origin as a selling point. Like Tokyo Disneyland, anime as a cultural

product has been localized to varying degrees by the companies that import it, and it is

viewed through the cultural lenses of its American viewers. While it would be taking 207 the comparison too far to say that anime is a simulacrum of Japan for American fans

(given the apparently lower level of cultural specificity), it is possible that anime

represents a kind of fantasy of Japan or “Japanese-ness” for its fans, particularly in terms

of more culturally specific genres like samurai adventures or romantic comedies.

There were some hints of this in the results of this study, in that participants (who

strongly associated anime with Japan) often equated anime with fantasy, particularly in

terms of gender portrayals. However, it would definitely be taking it too far to apply

Baudrillard’s “hyperreal” theory here. There was no evidence to suggest that

participants confused a “fantasy” Japan with real Japanese society in any obvious way.

It may be more appropriate to discuss anime in terms of Morse’s construct of a “locus of virtualization” or “distraction”: “knowing a representation is not real, but nevertheless closing off the here and now and sinking into another world” (1998, p. 99). This is hinted at in Danielo’s comment:

One guy’s in a house surrounded by thirty women all wanting to be with him? I mean yes that is a negative portrayal, but it’s something you watch for that express reason: it will never happen…. It’s part of the fantasy (focus group interview, 11/16/05).

In a circuitous way, this leads back to the original point of this section, that participants

exhibited critical thinking in analyzing anime. Far from being the “cultural dupes” of

mass culture that popular culture studies more traditionally Marxist theorists might

imagine, the group demonstrated the ability to separate fantasy from reality and to

understand the limits of media texts’ ability to represent an objective reality. To put it

simply in the words of one of the participants:

208 I think you have to take everything anime tells you with a grain of salt, no matter what. Even if you ask people to talk about [Japanese culture] and you watch anime or whatever, if you actually went there it would probably be very different than what you were expecting. So you have to keep that in mind, whatever [culture] you pick up (Danielo, focus group interview, 11/16/05).

Again, an important part of the group’s interpretation of anime was that, while they understood its limited capacity to model real Japanese society, they also understood its capacity to reveal some aspects of the values, tastes, customs and so forth of Japanese life. To understand the limits and possibilities of this, it is important to address in more detail the kind of culture learning participants felt they could achieve through watching anime.

Anime Viewing as Culture Learning Participants saw anime texts as at once universal and culturally specific, as

Christina’s comment illustrates particularly well:

I think some things go with Japanese culture, like their schools. There are still differences, but if you change it a little bit, it could go with any culture (focus group interview, 11/11/05).

That participants perceive anime as universal is due in part to the nature of the texts, but it might also be seen as indicative of a willingness to focus on similarities between cultures and not just differences (which, again, suggests a more integrative attitude toward Japanese culture). The degree to which participants felt they could learn about

Japanese culture from anime varied, likely depending on what anime they watched, how they defined culture learning and what their expectations were. Although all of the participants were cautious in seeing anime as a reflection of Japanese culture, some felt

209 whole-heartedly that they could learn from watching anime while others thought anime

was not a good source of learning. For some, picking up tidbits of information about

customs or values from anime was enough to constitute culture learning. They gave a

range of examples such as the variety and prevalence of vending machines, religious

practices like going to temples, taking off shoes at school and home, respect for teachers,

and the work ethic. For two participants, such things were not enough to constitute

valid culture learning, although it was evident that both recognized Japanese customs and

values in anime. For them, the medium of animation made it suspect as a source of

good cultural information. The comments of one of the two suggest that she saw culture

learning in broader more holistic terms (Lisa, individual interview): “I mean if you watched American cartoons would you know American society?”

Some participants discussed culture learning in terms of the ability to change

negative stereotypes (e.g. viewing Japan as a “traditional” culture; seeing Japanese as

disciplined, drone-like workers; and even the tendency to not distinguish between

different Asian cultures). As Mike stated, watching anime has added “a bit of humanity

in what some people think of as a rigid society” and enabled him to see the Japanese as

“having a very lively and interesting culture.” Stereotypes “limit our understanding of

human behavior and of intercultural discourse because they limit our view of human

activity to just one or two salient dimensions and consider those to be the whole picture”

which can lead to “justify[ing] preferential or discriminatory treatment” (Scollon &

Scollon, 1995, p. 169). Watching authentic video of another culture is likely to expose

the viewer to many dimensions of human activity, which may act to alter or negate

stereotypes. 210 Holly’s description of how she hypothesizes about Japanese culture while watching anime is a good example of the way participants express both a caution toward and willingness to learn from anime (or manga):

I’ll see something and I’ll recognize it, and I’ll compare it to something I’ll see [somewhere else]—does anything confirm this? Does anything I see in class confirm this? I’m constantly looking for a way to see how it’s correct or how it’s not correct, because I don’t want to go to Japan and assume one thing and be completely shocked (individual interview, 12/9/05).

Again, at the very least, watching anime created a curiosity in participants to learn about Japanese culture and for many of them to seek out other Japanese cultural products.

And, whatever their perception of the amount of culture learning possible from watching anime, the group all demonstrated some culture learning, both direct and indirect, although they all claimed very little culture was taught in class. On their own, participants have made strides toward achieving a number of the goals in the Standards for Foreign Language Learning (ACTFL, 1997) related to culture:

1. They are already “analyzing how products of the C2 reflect the

perspectives of the culture” (or in some cases do not reflect the culture).

2. They “examine sources intended for native speakers and extract

information from them” (this is particularly striking with the “raws” or un-

translated works the second-year students access).

3. They “seek out materials of interest to them, analyze the content, compare

it to information available in their own language, and assess the cultural

differences” (for example, their analysis of the differences in attitudes

towards animation). 211 4. They are “developing the ability to hypothesize about cultural systems”

5. They are already “accessing various entertainment sources available to

speakers of the [target] language” (e.g. anime, manga, J-pop, dramas, etc.).

All of these processes are conducive to self-study, as participants have shown.

However, particularly with items one through four, they would benefit from the guidance

of an instructor or other expert. Moore (1996) notes that language instruction without

the benefit of cultural instruction a just “un-contextualized symbols to which a student is

likely to attach wrong meaning” (p. 596). This is also the risk when students seek

sources of cultural information without benefit of instruction.34 This is made particularly clear when examining participants’ perceptions of representations of gender in anime. Gender in particular was an area of culture that they expressed the most uncertainty about and the one area in which they revealed some negative impressions of

Japanese culture. There is more data from the study on cultural perceptions of gender than any other aspect of culture (other than language), so it makes an appropriate example of anime’s impact on perceptions of culture to focus on in detail.

Issues of Gender and Culture As shown in chapter four, the men and women in the study found representations of men “archetypal” and more varied than those of women, but, as a group overall, they did not focus on portrayals of men.35 The group found that representations of women in anime were often negative, particularly in regard to those in ‘shonen’ texts, which are

34 This is not to deny the ability of students to form their own judgments and opinions, but with so little contact with individuals from the target group, their access to the necessary information is limited. 35 The exception being the two women who were interested in BL manga and anime.

212 popular among both men and women (both in the study and among fans in general).

Reasons given were the secondary roles women usually play in these anime and the sexualization of female characters. A concern posed at the beginning of this study was whether or not potentially problematic depictions of gender in anime might color participants’ perspectives of gender in Japanese society. However, it was often unclear to what degree participants saw anime characters as ethnically Japanese. The group also clearly recognized that media texts, particularly animation, tend to exaggerate gender types, and as many participants point out, these sorts of portrayals are not unique to anime, but exist strongly in American media texts as well (given the influence of

American cinema and television in Japan, it is also likely that these texts were influenced by American ones). That stated, it was still obvious that they saw some cultural attitudes about gender reflected in anime. Three participants mentioned that representations of women in anime echoed gender roles in Japanese society—for example, Kevin’s comment: “It seems like there’re gender roles and a lot of the anime just follow the gender roles” (focus group interview, 11/11/05). Others felt that these representations signified the tastes or fantasies of many Japanese, such as Anna’s comment about the large breasts of many female anime characters. Given that it is in popular culture that “women (and men) are offered the culture’s dominant definitions of themselves” (Gannan & Marshment, 1987, p. 2), analyzing anime for information about gender issues with caution as they do is not inappropriate. However, because most participants had somewhat limited access to other forms of Japanese culture and virtually

213 no contact with Japanese people outside of their language teachers, the impressions about

Japanese society that they gained from watching anime warrant further scrutiny.

Ignoring Disturbing Aspects of Anime As mentioned in the results chapter, participants expressed the tendency to ignore

disturbing aspects of anime, which was often discussed in terms of gender issues. Some

of the men, for example, were annoyed or disturbed by what they considered to be

excessive, gratuitous “panty shots,” as Danielo stated “particularly when [the character

is] young,” but that did not stop them from watching the anime.

Example of a “panty shot”

They also showed a tendency to become desensitized to sexualized images of women.

For example, Danielo mentioned sometimes not really noticing when a character was

naked and not necessarily reading either panty-shots or nudity as sexual. Female

participants spoke more of ignoring these aspects. Elena described herself as “immune

to all the bounciness [referring to characters’ breasts] in female anime characters,” and

Anna explained that, if she likes a series, she can ignore these depictions, but if she does

not it was “something to kind of put it down” about. Because the male participants

overall tended not to be bothered by these sexualized portrayals of women and the female participants tended to be bothered but to ignore them, it is necessary to speculate further

214 on the meaning of these portrayals and how they may color perceptions of Japanese

women and Japanese society in general. While, as participants note, the sexualization of

women is common in American texts, the fact that anime texts come from another culture,

may give them a different weight or significance in fans’ minds. To explore this, it is

necessary to revisit the issue of racial or cultural specificity in anime.

Representations of Race and Ethnicity As mentioned in chapter four, participants held mixed views as to whether or not

anime characters seemed Japanese to them—from Anna and Holly who saw them as

culturally and ethnically Japanese, to Elena who saw them as Caucasian, to other

participants who saw them as ethnically hybrid. Elena felt particularly strong about the way Japanese represented race in anime:

Not only that, there seems to be in anime, as much as I love it, being a child of mixed only in race (my dad being black and my mom being white) there’s this almost hostile feeling I get of not only racism but racism against oneself. It’s really disappointing.

One good example she gave was of Dragon Ball Z, in which characters turn from more

ethnically Japanese-looking (although they are actually aliens) in their ordinary forms to

more Caucasian-looking in their super powerful forms.

215

Dragon Ball Z hero in ordinary form At a level of heightened super powers

There is no doubt that the style of most anime characters is not racially specific. Many fans and scholars, in fact, see the characteristic large, round eyes as representing

Caucasian features. The bodies are also often idealized to suit a Western aesthetic (in the case of the female, a wasp-waisted figure with long limbs and large breasts), and therefore in a sense the Japanese characters are “Occidentalized.” This complicates the question of representation of women in anime both for the group in the study and in general.

Women as Sexualized & Traditional Gender Roles in Anime While the men in the study described portrayals of women in anime as generally

“not good,” they were also, overall, not offended by those portrayals, with the exception of “over-the-top” gratuitous sexualization (e.g. the overuse of the “panty shot”). The women in the study (who were more likely to watch anime targeted at both men and women) mentioned both positive and negative portrayals. However, two points of agreement between the female and male participants were that the negative portrayals had to do with gratuitous sexualization and more secondary roles. Women in secondary roles or in roles subservient to men were seen as “traditional” gender role portrayals. 216 The majority of anime genres (science fiction, fantasy, comedy, even

pornography) entail action sequences, and participants situated most of their discussions about negative female portrayals within the action genre, so analyzing these texts as action films may be informative. As many participants pointed out, women relegated to secondary roles are also common in American action films. As Tasker (1998) notes, with a few exceptions (e.g. Aliens, Terminator 2, and The Long Kiss Goodnight), most big budget action films in the United States “continue to focus primarily on male protagonists and to position women in supportive, often romantic, roles” (p. 67). These roles represent “an indicative composite of agency and passivity” and “such sidekick/romantic roles, though diverse, indicate the place of the female character” as secondary to the male (p. 67). This was clearly what annoyed the women in the group:

“we can’t relate to that. They have no brain. They are like a love interest or something and that’s their whole purpose” (Elena, individual interview, 11/18/05).

There are also many action anime that feature women as central, or main, characters. However, as participants pointed out, these characters are often sexualized.

This is consistent with portrayals of women in American action films, which is obvious if one looks at examples of recent female action heroes on American television and in

American film: Buffy the Vampire Slayer, Dark Angel, Laura Croft, Alias, Charlie’s

Angels, and Kill Bill. As Coon (2005) notes, “more recently, the trend in action heroines has been toward women who can perform not only the violence and physical stunts associated with traditional masculinity but also the beauty and sexuality associated with traditional femininity” (p. 2). Speaking of two recent series, Alias and Charlie’s

Angels, Coon states: “Both texts feature cast-wide disruptions of gender norms, offering a 217 more complete gender-repositioning message than most action heroine narratives” (p. 3).

However, he goes on to say that the way in which the promotional materials objectify the women undercuts these potentially progressive gender representations. While “the full- length narrative of the film allows the women to destroy the traditional active/passive binary described by Laura Mulvey36” in movie posters and other promotional materials

“they remain passively displayed as objects of the sexual gaze” (p. 4).

Coon’s focus on promotional materials may also be relevant for anime texts in the

action heroine genre. As mentioned in chapter two, anime images in magazines, on

DVD jacket covers and so forth are rife with provocatively posed female forms. While

some of these do indicate the position of the characters as little more than “eye candy” in

the text, many depictions are of female characters who play important, active roles in the

texts. One good example is auteur director Oshii Mamoru’s cyberpunk classic, Ghost in

the Shell. The DVD jacket shows the main character of the film, female cyborg Major

Kusanagi, holding up a gun which just barely results in covering her large, apparently

naked breasts. The sunglasses she is wearing cover her eyes, depriving her face of

“individuality,” further making the gun and bust the center of the image, and making

them even more pronounced objects for the sexual gaze.

36 Mulvey’s theory of the male gaze posits that Hollywood cinema produces a structure of active male looking and passive female being-looked-at, which duplicates the uneven power structure in society.

218

While Kusanagi is the main character and the action heroine of the story, her idealized cyborg body is often shown naked (or apparently naked). The director’s intention was more complex than using this nudity as an overtly sexual symbol. According to Monnet

(2002), Ghost in the Shell represents “a fantasy of the sublime” which “allows the film to redefine female creativity as the central libidinal, technological and aesthetic drive in twentieth century visual culture” (p. 225). However, most anime action films do not use the female form in such complex ways. At best such images may represent an aesthetic choice, but typically they are a means of titillation for stimulating sales and enabling

(male) viewers to accept the female hero.37 These sorts of images, suggesting both violence and sexuality, are common in action heroine films, whether Japanese or

American. They are also a hybrid of masculine and feminine symbolism, as will be discussed further below.

While the Ghost in the Shell DVD cover might suggest sexual content, there is no sexual activity depicted at all in the film. This is very common in anime action heroine texts in particular, but also in romantic comedies, and many other types of anime (with

37 As will be discussed below, female action heroes may be considered acceptable only if they are made non-threatening through sexualization. 219 the notable exception of pornography). Female bodies might be sexualized, but they are

rarely depicted engaged in sexual acts. This is interesting given the perception in

America that anime is full of sex. Some scholars of action films speculate that the

sexual availability of the leading lady is an important element of the texts’ appeal, which

may be particularly true in anime. Women in many American action heroine scenarios

are “available” to the male viewer, in that her heterosexual partnerships either do not

work out, or become impossible due to circumstance (Innes, 2004). For example, in

Buffy the Vampire Slayer, Buffy’s love-interests are often vampires with whom, as the

targets of her crusade against evil (and as the undead), she can never have a future.

However, heroines may be shown as engaged in a lovers’ tryst from time to time, so long

as the relationship does not last and intrude on the viewer’s fantasy of her as available.

In a sense, she is metaphorically virginal/chaste. In anime, this is often taken one step

further, in that the heroine is often literally virginal: “The power of the sexually mature but virginal battlin’ babe is dependent on her maintaining the sexual purity associated with the shojo38 [young girl/woman]” (Orbaugh, 2003, p.220). For example, in the

series Demon Hunter Yoko, the heroine will literally lose her powers if she becomes

sexually active. The tension between sexual “potential and innocence” is one of the

factors that attracts the male fan (Orbauch, 2003, p. 220). The heroine’s sexual

availability is important in another way: if she becomes engaged in a heterosexual

relationship, the potential for the male audience to identify with her is greatly diminished.

38 “The shojo lacks libidinal agency of her own. While others may sexually desire the shojo, [her] own sexual energy…is not yet deployable in heterosexual adult life in Japan” (Treat, 1996, p. 281).

220 In the case of action heroines, the male audience has the double pleasure of being able to

identify with her for her masculine characteristics, and being able to “consume her as a

sexualized object at the same time” (p. 201). But, that dual identification becomes

problematized if the heroine takes a male lover, since the viewer may then withdraw his

identification from her and transfer it to the male lover (or simply withdraw it entirely).

It also damages his fantasy of being able to have her himself. This is perhaps why so

many anime films have homoerotic sub-texts. A homosexual relationship does not

necessarily preclude an imagined heterosexual relationship with the fan. In his

discussion of Star Trek “slash” fiction39, Jenkins writes: “the reader/writer can be Kirk or

Spock and also have them (as sexual objects), since as non-homosexuals, they are not unavailable to women” (1992, p. 198). 40 This concept can also be applied to anime fans, both male and female, who also write “slash” fiction (or comics), as will be discussed in greater detail below.

In the literature review, the concern was expressed that (particularly male) fans may “otherize” Japanese women, based on images in anime. The tendency of the male participants to see anime characters as an ethnic hybrid weakens this concern. It may perhaps be more a question of woman as “Other” more universally, than of Japanese woman as “Other.”41 In the face of male hegemonic power within society, femininity is

39 “Slash” refers to homoerotic stories written by predominantly female fans, based on television or movie characters.

40 Proving that eroticization of the objects of fandom is not just a male phenomenon.

41 The concept of “woman as Other” was developed by philosopher and writer Simone de Beauvoir: “[Woman] is defined and differentiated with reference to man and not her with reference to her; she is the incidental, the inessential as opposed to the essential. He is the subject—she is the Other” (cited in Lemert, 1999, p. 338). 221 construed in relation to masculinity, and woman may be seen as alien vis-à-vis the male.

The “otherized” female may thus easily become objectified as the sexualized object of

the male gaze. The gaze and the objectification of women are important concepts in feminist film scholarship in general. The concept of the male gaze in cinema was created by Laura Mulvey.

Mulvey’s thesis states that visual pleasure in mainstream Hollywood cinema derives from and reproduces a structure of male looking/female to-be-looked-at- new (whereby the spectator s invited to identify with a male gaze at an objectified female) which replicates the structure of unequal power between men and women. This pleasure must be disrupted in order to facilitate a feminist cinema (Gannan & Marshment, 1987, p. 5).

The gaze refers to both the male audience, for whom the representation of the woman has

been crafted, and to the presumably male cameraman and director orchestrating the shot.

This is perhaps even more so with most anime in which the director, animator, and

audience (at least in the United States) are likely to be male.42 In this case, the woman is literally the creation of the male and her body may be idealized to create a paragon of what O’Riordan calls “hegemonic desirability” (2001, p. 234). The fact that female forms in media texts such as video games and animation are designed artificially enables the creator to “push the representation of the female body to new extremes” and “omit all human imperfection” (Herbst, 2004, p.26). In depictions of women in anime the

42 Although it is not a real woman in front of the lens to be gazed at, the issue here is the representation of women.

222 “voice” of the woman is actually very often male—the voice of the male creator.43 The

anime female is a hybrid on a number of levels: a female body with a male voice, a blend

of Caucasian and Asian features, and a blend of Western and Japanese film conventions.

Even the body itself is something that both belongs to woman (i.e. a simulacrum of a

body that might occur in nature) and belongs to man, as his recreation of that body. The

animated female as an object “comes into its own” through the “circuit of exchange”44 between fans and Japanese male creator, and thus the female body becomes a medium for a “dialogue” between the Japanese creator, the consumer, and also the Western influences that inform its creation (i.e. the Occidentalized body). It is this “dialogue” that prevents the simple interpretation that the presence of so many non-Japanese female characters in the anime action heroine genre precludes the possibility of an exoticization of the

Japanese female. As mentioned before, there is still a tinge of “Japanese-ness” to all anime characters, by virtue of the fact that their Japanese creators surely imbue them with some of their own Japanese values and vision. The attractive liminality of anime in general as “neither specifically Japanese, nor wholly influenced by the West” (Napier,

2001, p. 255), may perhaps also apply to its characters specifically. Anime characters’

“Japanese-ness” may make them exotic and fascinating, while their “Western-ness” may make them more accessible and comfortingly familiar.

43 This is not to say that no women are creating anime, but the majority of creators are still undeniably male. And while quite a number of girls’ manga written by women are made into anime, the directors of the anime (and often screen writers) are typically male.

44 This concept is borrowed from Bryson, who writes about Japanese male painters who studied Western painting techniques in France during the late 19th century. These painters worked with Western male painters in studios painting nudes. Through the bodies of the female models, a kind of male fraternity evolved that enabled the Japanese and French to communicate. From “Westernizing Bodies” in Gender and Power in the Japanese Visual Field, 2003. 223 However, at least in terms of anime action heroines, it would be an exaggeration

to say that female anime characters are designed solely as male fantasy.45 The very fact of her heroism precludes such a simple interpretation, as does the fact that as an action heroine she is active, not simply a passive subject of the male gaze. The main dilemma in interpreting the representation of action heroines, whether animated or live-action,

Japanese or American, is whether “they are being allowed access to a position of empowerment, or are merely being further fetishized as dangerous sex objects” (Brown,

2004, p. 47). Although objectified, these women are shown appropriating male power and forging new roles for women. The damsel in distress need not wait for rescue by the male, but may actually rescue herself. This may be the crux of why female participants in the study were bothered by women relegated to the more passive, sidekick roles in anime (what Christina referred to as the “cheerleaders”). In this case, the sexualization and objectification is not balanced by power and action. It was more difficult to gauge male participants’ views on this. Although they all mentioned that it did not bother them, only Danielo described himself as particularly attracted to the sexualization. However, given the gender of the interview (female), they may have

been reluctant to express such views.

“His” and “Hers” Anime Many anime texts that include the representations of women discussed above are

targeted at either a male or a mixed audience. However, while the literature on anime

45 Nor is it accurate to say that all action heroine anime texts sexualize women. One recent exception is Witch Hunter Robin in which the young female protagonist is clothed in a high-necked flowing black dress reminiscent of the Victorian Era.

224 fans describes them as predominately male, a glance at the local video or book store, a tour of anime websites online and the anecdotal accounts of the participants in the study suggest that there is a growing market for anime texts marketed toward young women and girls. 46 Deppey (2005) attributes the sudden explosion of shojo manga (and to a lesser degree shojo anime) in book stores as stemming from the popularity of the anime

Sailor Moon: the popularity of the anime led to the popularity of the manga, which “made the bookstore market sit up and take notice” (p.10). According to Schodt (1996),

“almost all [manga] target either males or females, but rarely both” (p. 82), which might can also be said of anime. This may, in fact, be part of the appeal of anime to Western fans: the large volume of texts available that specifically target young men or young women in their teens or early twenties.

In spite of the sexualized portrayals or secondary roles of women common in many anime, female participants also described depictions of women as empowering when found in shojo or sometimes general audience anime (for example, director Hayao

Miyazaki’s heroines were mentioned a number of times). Lisa gave a good example of experiencing shojo anime as empowering. She describes begin excited and moved when she was introduced to the shojo adventure story Utena in her high school anime club.

Here’s this girl wearing kind of a boy’s uniform and sword-totting outfit, going to revolutionalize the world. It was like, that’s so awesome (individual interview, 12/1/05).

46 This clearly indicates a shift in the gender make-up of fans, but it may also be that, as McRobbie (1991) claims is the case in terms of youth subcultures, girls have actually been present, but invisible.

225

Utena’s heroine in a fighting stance with her sword.

Deppey (2005) describes the appeal of the shojo genre as “romance from a woman’s point of view” (p. 10). The majority of anime are created from popular manga, and shojo manga is written almost exclusively by women. American daytime soap operas may make a valid comparison with shojo manga and anime. According to

Fiske (1987): “in negotiating a feminine terrain where feminine meanings can be made and circulated, [soap operas] keep patriarchy under constant negotiation, they legitimize feminine values and thus produce self-esteem for the women who live by them (p. 197).

This may at the heart of the ability of shojo anime to seem empowering to its fans. This is not to say that women are not sexualized in shojo anime. Participants were quick to point out that there is a good deal of “fan service” in shojo manga and anime as well, although it is far more likely to be balanced between male and female images. As

Lewallen (1987) says of the sexually explicit novels and accompanying television mini- series popular with women in the 1980s (e.g. Lace, A Woman of Substance, and

226 Hollywood Wives), “this is not to say that the women are not objectified, but this

objectification is for the female reader” (p. 97). This is also the case with shojo texts.

All of the women in the study mentioned the series Sailor Moon as one of their

“gateway” anime. Allison (2000) claims: “Sailor Moon represents both a different kind of girl—one who fights and is herself a hero rather than in need of one—and a different kind of warrior—a beautiful female” (p. 260). In Japan, girl heroes are now as common as boy heroes, whereas in America, marketing decisions are often based on the assumption that “girls will watch male-oriented programming but boys won’t watch female-oriented shows; this makes a male superhero a better bet” (p. 274). So, for many

American girls, Sailor Moon likely signified a refreshing change from all of the movies and programs centered on male heroes. The female heroines in Sailor Moon are “also something of a hybrid, embodying conventions of both boys’ culture—fighting, warriorship, superheros—and shojo (girls’) culture—romance, friendship, and appearance” (p. 259). This hybridity of gender is important when examining gender representations in anime as a whole.

Anime as Tolerance of Androgyny The fluidity of gender identity in anime further complicates the issue of the sexualization of women and gender representation in general. This is particularly apparent when looking at the popular anime archetypes of action heroines and “bi- shonen” (or beautiful boys), although the overall fluidity of gender in animation may

make this applicable to most anime characters. This is both because of the style of

character design (in which it is sometimes difficult to distinguish between male and

227 female characters) and because of the medium of animation, which “has the capacity of rendering the body in a way which blurs traditional notions of gender, species and indigenous identity” (Wells, 1998, p. 188).

Male character on the left

For the sake of brevity, only two of the most obvious examples, action heroines and “bi- shonen” will be addressed here.

In a general way, by virtue of their interest in anime, participants displayed a tolerance for androgyny. This was also expressed in more specific ways. The men in both focus groups claimed not to be bothered by the effeminate characters in anime.

Three of the five women were attracted to those characters, one “sometimes” liked them, and one was neither attracted to them nor bothered by them. As Street et al note:

“students have developed during a period of greater fluidity of models of appropriate or possible gender role option” (1995p. 184). This may contribute to the attitudes displayed by these students. It is also true that the modern American public seems to harbor some fascination with “gender bending.” A few years back, the media was buzzing about the “gay boom,” where programs featuring homosexual stars on television enjoyed strong ratings (e.g. Queer Eye for the Straight Guy and Will and Grace), and in

228 the 1980s, a number of androgynous rock bands enjoyed enormous popularity (e.g.

Culture Club, Motley Crue, and the Eurhythmics). However, one can safely say that

such phenomena in American media does not come close to the degree to which

androgyny is prevalent in anime, and anime fans may exhibit unusual tolerance for it.

Nor do these American media texts necessarily indicate a universal acceptance of more

flexible concepts of gender identity. Borrowing from Butler, McRobbie (2005) notes:

-the extent to which popular culture continues to define and redefine the boundaries of gender, show[s] how much is still at stake in the marshalling of gender identities in terms of rigid difference even as those very differences are also being undermined so that the field of popular culture now comprises a to and fro movement between doing and undoing gender (p. 71).

Japanese culture may have a greater tolerance for androgyny within specific contexts,

such as the traditional all-male Kabuki theater. As Robertson (1998) claims, androgyny

is “big business” there: from the all-female, cross-dressing Takarazuka Revue (with their

predominantly female fans), to “Miss Dandy” (female cross-dressing) or “New Half”

(transsexual) clubs, to the androgynous figures common in popular manga and anime.

This is not to say that homosexuality is more accepted in Japan; the Japanese tend to test the boundaries of gender through fantasy—through exotic, fictional characters and settings (Nakamura & Matsuo, 2003). In terms of appearance, however, styles and tastes in Japan currently run to the metro-sexual to a degree not common in the United

States: “the ideological sphere of masculinity has widened to include a greater diversity of physical styles, with beautification as another component of masculinity” (Miller,

2003, p. 37). This is mirrored in the kind of actors and celebrities that currently enjoy

229 popularity in Japan. One example is Takuya Kimura, arguably the most popular Japanese male actor.

Kimura Takuya

Within the literature on gender, Judith Butler (1990) and other like-minded scholars have called into question binary characterizations of gender in which gender designations are seen as inevitable, universal and physiologically based.

The categories of sex and gender have fallen under the shadow of radical doubt and become the objects of an effort to re-theorize the very nature of social subjectivity. Increasingly, gender is thought of as a process of structuring subjectivities rather then as a structure of fixed relations. Sex identity, once the bastion of nature, is no longer immune to ideological critique. The process by which difference and identity are constructed in and through the discourses of sexuality is referred to increasingly as gender performativity (Morris, 1995, pp. 568-569).

As defined by Robertson, gender “refers to the sociocultural and historical conventions of deportment, costume, voice, gesture, and so on, attributed and ascribed to males and females” (1998, p. 17). In this view, gender is thus “performed” and is not simply determined by nature. Gender hybridity may be even more pronounced in anime, again because the fluidity of animation as a medium allows for greater freedom in how gender is constructed. Here it is truly constructed rather than performed, since there is no human being in front the lens to perform.

Action Heroines 230 Greven writes: “the action heroine genre itself represents a transgressive assault

on the misogynistic and homophobic codes of our heteronormative, racist, misogynistic

culture” (2004, p. 125). This is because action heroines often defy easy categorization

in terms of gender and sexuality. By wielding her gun (or other weapon) and taking on

the masculine role of soldier or action hero, the action heroine appropriates/performs

masculinity, but she does not become masculine, since her sexiness still genders her female. Instead, her gender becomes a sort of hybrid: “the action heroine does enact both masculinity and femininity. But rather than swapping a biological identity for a performative one, she personifies a unity of disparate traits in a single figure” (Brown,

2004, p. 49).

The nature of animation makes possible the exaggerated proportions of the

female body discussed previously, but it also allows for a unique fluidity in gender, in

which characters may switch seamlessly from one gender (or even sex) demarcation to

another. For example in Ghost in the Shell, in one scene hyper-masculine muscles

suddenly burst from the protagonist’s body, but in the next shot her body returns to a

feminine state. This return to the female state is important. Heroines are limited in the

extent to which they can perform masculinity: they may act masculine, but they cannot

look too masculine—they still must be sexually appealing to the male gaze. The symbol

of appropriation of male power, the gun, is only “acceptable in the presence of her overt

sexuality” (Herbst, 2004, p. 28). In animation, which is less bound by the need to

portray physical reality, the blending of enormous physical power and feminine beauty is

perhaps more plausible and seamless.

231 The issue of sexualization of female anime characters is clearly a complex one

and defies a simple reading as only sexism or objectification. Using only a “male gaze”

reading presumes all gazes are heterosexual and male (or are identifying with the

heterosexual male), precludes identification with female characters by a male audience,

and denies the fluidity of gender apparent in many (arguably most) anime texts. It

denies the existence of a female gaze. Several of the women in the study talked with enthusiasm and admiration about the pretty boys in anime, suggesting they can “gaze” as easily as the men and that “gaze” is not just a kind of identification with the male view.

Many popular culture texts can be seen as allowing what Fiske calls a “double evaluation.” Using the example of daytime soap operas, he notes that: “a wife’s extramarital sex, for instance, is evaluated both patriarchally as unfaithfulness, but also, more resistingly, as a woman’s independence and right to her own sexuality” (1987, p.

181). In an anime action heroine film, the double evaluation would be the binary readings of women as objectified and women as empowered.

Those Beautiful Boys (Bi-shonen)

As Radway (1991) notes of romance novels (marketed at women), “in ideal romances the hero is constructed androgynously” (p. 13). By this she means psychologically: they are tender and attentive, for example. In shojo, heroes are both psychologically and physically constructed androgynously.

232

Image from Fushigi Yugi Image from Hana no Kimi

In some series, it is not only gender-bending, but “sex-bending” as well. For example,

in Fushigi Yugi: Genbu Kaiden, the hero transforms physically into a woman when he

uses his magical powers.47 As Tasker notes of action heroine texts, the “equivocal play with gay and lesbian desire and identity has become a defining feature of the genre, though it is handled in diverse ways” (1998, p. 72). This is true to a far greater degree in anime action heroine texts, but is exponentially so with shojo texts. As some scholars find with soap operas (Fiske, 1987; Lopate, 1977; Hartley, 1985)48 men and women in

these kinds of feminine valued texts are more equal than in many other arts forms and

areas of life. This may be part of the appeal of these androgynous texts for women.

As Elena noted, “I don’t want big guys to hold me; I want a little guy to be held”

(individual interview, 11/18/05). She found that uber-macho depictions of masculinity

made her feel the “opposite of misogyny,” reacting strongly to discourses that place

women as secondary to men. Identification was also an important element of the appeal

47 It is interesting that it is his female form that is more powerful than the male. While the shonen series Ranma ½ also has a boy transforming into a girl, it is used mostly for comical effect and Ranma is ashamed of his female form. The hero of Fushigi Yugi shows no such shame and the effect is more homoerotic than comical.

48 Lopate and Hartley as cited in Fiske, 1987, p. 186. 233 of “bi-shonen.” As Anna stated, “I can’t really relate to the stereotypical male in anime, but I can relate to the bi-shonen pretty guy; their characteristics are much more appealing” (focus group interview, 11/22/05). Lisa elaborated on this idea in a discussion of BL (homoerotic stories about men written by women for women). The appeal is not only their physical beauty, but also their psychological similarity to women, being able to relate emotionally: “it’s like ‘oh, they sound like girls, hey that’s nice’”

(individual interview, 12/1/05). This is consistent with Jenkins’ writing on Star Trek fans’ “slash” fiction (homoerotic fan fiction), as discussed further below. The participants were perfectly aware that “bi-shonen” or BL portrayals of gender were fantasy, and that was part of the appeal. Again, this fantasy element is important, because it suggests that they do not confuse anime “fantasy” portrayals of gender with real Japanese society. One participant did say that her impression that Japanese men are sometimes effeminate-looking was reinforced by anime, but this is not necessarily inappropriate: As mentioned previsouly there is in fact a trend toward “beautification” among Japanese men (Miller, 2003).

Gender Portrayals as Fantasy As mentioned in the previous chapter, both portrayals of men and women in anime may be seen as fantasy. The “harem” scenario in romantic comedies (one ordinary young man who is loved by a number of beautiful women) mentioned by

Danielo or the what Newitz (1994) calls the “magical girlfriend” genre (a girl with special powers who falls in love with the hero, an ordinary boy) are good examples of this, but so too is the idealized, flawless way the human body can be depicted in

234 animation. The unlikely proportions of many female characters and the feminine beauty of the “bi-shonen” or BL male characters are instances of this. The whole slash fiction

fan culture might also be seen as a manifestation of the fantasy play between the personal

meanings fans create and the original texts. Slash fiction is written by both American

male and female anime fans, although it was only mentioned by the women in the study.

There is a very popular version of slash among Japanese and American (predominantly

female) fans, called yaoi, in which fans create homoerotic manga based on commercially

released manga. The yaoi manga have had an influence on mainstream manga and anime

(Kinsella, 2000), as the popularity of officially published BL manga demonstrates.

Therefore the origin of homoerotic content in anime can be traced directly to fan

fantasies. According to Jenkins, the purpose of this kind of fan fiction may be more

than just titillation; it may also be a vehicle for exploring alternate identities: “slash

explores the possibility of existing outside of [rigid binary] categories, of combining

elements of masculinity and femininity into a satisfactorily whole yet constantly fluid

identity” (1992, p. 193). Some feminist scholars claim “patriarchy allows little space for reciprocity within male-female romance” (p. 193), leaving some fans to seek other, less conventional visions of romance. This is interesting, because Anna and Lisa’s explanations of the appeal of BL are very much in line Jenkins’ analysis.

It seems that film and television viewing allow for shifting identifications and subjectivities. This may be particularly true now, in the age of video games and virtual reality. Interactions with these games accustom the user to shifting subjectivities during engagement with a text. In her exploration of subjectivity and identification in video games, O’Riordan discusses the potential for “a plurality of subject positions” in 235 situations that “challenge gender binaries” (2001, p. 224). While playing video games is

far more interactive than watching television or a movie, both do “demand a psychic and

discursive involvement with the content” (p. 225). The audience may shift from

identification with the hero or heroine to viewing him or her as a sexual object depending

on the content of the scene or the hero/heroine’s gender demarcation of the moment.

Conclusion As the discussion above makes clear, issues of gender representation in anime (as in most media texts) are extremely complex and may be read in vastly different ways by different individuals. The questions raised about the problematic depictions of women in anime ultimately have no clear answers. The androgyny in many anime texts can be seen as weakening the problematic nature of gender portrayals in anime: if gender is fluid, than there is no absolute “feminine” and “masculine” to make judgments about.

The hybrid nature of anime character in terms of ethnic identity also weakens readings of

Japanese women as “otherized.” To return to the ideas of the Cultural Studies scholars,

Hall and Fiske, the texts do not have inherent meanings: It is the personal interactions

that individual viewers have with the texts that constitute the meanings of

representations. It is also, as Radway (1991) writes in her case study of romance novel

readers, “it is helpful to distinguish analytically between the significance of the event of

reading and the meaning of the text constructed as it consequence” (p. 7). For

example, while the texts might be considered as reinforcing patriarchy, the act of reading

for these women was a form of resistance, escaping from the demands of family life to do

something for their enjoyment alone. Anime fans, like those in the study, construct their

236 own meanings. For example, if they are ignoring the sexualization in anime that they

dislike or find disturbing can they be said to be experiencing sexist texts? For participants viewing anime contained a variety of meanings and experiences, from empowering to entertaining to learning to fantasy.

However, as Allison (2000) notes, the meaning attached to the fantasies of one

culture may signify something different in another, and create misunderstanding. She

gives the example of voyeurism in Japanese cartoons and anime (of which the “panty

shot” described by participants is an instance). Both because it is present in pre-

pubescent texts and because of the particular situations in which it arises, “situating the

male subject as a viewer and voyeur is not necessarily or unquestionably a practice of

scopophilia that empowers him” (p. 49). An American parent watching a child’s

cartoon with such content might read it as sexual, when in the original cultural context it

is not considered so. In terms of this study, a possible example is Anna’s feeling from

anime and other popular culture sources that many Japanese men are obsessed with

breasts. There may be some truth to that impression, but it might also be misread,

through an American cultural lens. It seems clear that the students in the study might benefit from a structured, critical analysis of the issues of gender and Japanese society.

Implications for Teaching Culture This argument does not to suggest that participants’ views are invalid, or that

learners should accept every aspect of a culture without question. The “myth of the

native cultural speaker” is not a realistic goal; cultural learners “make their own

meanings and find their own relevances” and do not “espouse the meaning practices of

237 the target society without challenging them” (Kramsch, 1993, p. 239). However, instructional guidance could provide alternative perspectives and a variety of other representations, and could encourage critical debates on issues of gender. As Kubota

(2003) notes, culture should not be taught in terms of “binary opposition”: correct versus incorrect. “It is difficult to determine accuracy in cultural perspectives because cultural perspectives are not readily observable and because perspectives, including values, beliefs, and meanings, are often implicated in politics and ideology” (p. 71). Assuming a binary opposition leads to a prescriptive approach to teaching and learning about culture, which does not recognize the dynamic and diverse nature of culture. Kubota argues that teaching culture should “aim to explore the diverse and shifting nature of culture and raise critical consciousness about the political and ideological underpinnings of popular cultural images and interpretations” (pp. 73-74). The example Kubota gives is that of the “Nihonjiron” or “concept of the uniqueness of the Japanese language and culture” that is prevalent among both Western and Japanese scholars of Japan. In addition to essentializing Japanese culture, this perspective is problematic in that it only compares Japan with the West, making Japan “unique vis-à-vis the West,” thus promoting a political ideology that both presumes the primacy of the West as the standard to which Japan should be compared and also “presumes the existence of a homogenous

American culture and language” (p. 74).

It has been suggested that popular culture is useful for teachers in its potential to stimulate motivation in students. Popular culture texts may be ideally suited to teaching culture for another reason. Even for members of a culture, culture learning is a process, as culture is constantly changing: “cultural models are the conventionally constructed and 238 shared cognitive resources of a community and are formed and transformed as a

consequence of the endless negotiation that transpires as the members of a particular

community go about the business of living” (Hinkel, 1999, p. 31). Far more than

textbooks or other more formal cultural texts, popular culture products keep pace with

these changes. While teachers cannot be expected to be experts on every new text or

fad, they can treat the popular culture of the target language group as something to be

explored together with their students and employ more student-centered approaches.

One way of teaching and assessing culture, without the teacher having to be the main

source of information and authority, is to use the portfolio method (Moore, 1994).

Students are given a series of culture projects and assignments with which they build a

culture portfolio. The assignments and projects could be centered around students

varying interests. The teacher would need to construct the assignment so that it

encouraged critical thinking. For example, an anime fan might pick a particular anime to analyze and give a presentation on how he or she thought it might represent (or not represent) the gender ideologies of the culture. Particularly in terms of culture,

“objective tests can encourage faulty generalizations and incorrect assumptions” (Moore,

1994, p. 169). Portfolios enable more qualitative assessment of performance within

“meaningful contexts” (p. 170). Since portfolios “avoid regularization of facts, minimizes the memorization of unrelated bits and pieces of information, and encourages more realistic achievement of education goals and objectives” (p. 176), they would help circumvent the “prescriptive” approach to culture learning that can serve to essentialize a culture.

239 DISCUSSION

Implications for Teaching Language and Culture Many implications for the classroom have been discussed throughout this chapter, in terms of encouraging motivation, using authentic materials, and teaching culture.

The most salient points will be summarized and further discussed below.

1. Findings in this study support the idea that exposure to popular culture texts of

relevance to students increases intrinsic or integrative motivation and may help

to make language learning a more positive experience. In using popular culture

texts in the classroom, the instructor would have to be sensitive to the reactions of

students, who may have different interests and needs. As Kato (2002) suggests,

using dialogue journals may be helpful for learning the needs and goals of

students. They might also be used to understand the interests of students as well

as which texts were effective.

2. The findings also suggest that positive experiences with authentic texts may

encourage feelings of competence and self-efficacy and encourage motivation.

Kramsch (1993) finds that “much of the value of using real-life texts to teach

foreign languages may be found in the pleasure it gives learners to poach, so to

speak, on someone else’s linguistic and cultural territory” (p. 239). To ensure

that experiences are positive, teachers might initially avoid direct assessment of the

ability of learners to comprehend the text, which might be anxiety-provoking, but

instead make them more relaxed activities. Also, as scholars on authentic video,

such as Garza (1996), suggest, learning activities should be specific and

240 manageable, so students are not overwhelmed by thinking they have to

comprehend the full text.

3. Results of the study suggest that exposure to authentic texts before beginning

language study may reduce negative affective reactions (such as anxiety) by

making the language seems less “foreign” or intimidating. Of course, it is beyond

the power of the language teacher to ensure her students are exposed to the

language before starting classes. However, it does imply that educators might

expose learners to authentic texts from the start of their language learning, again, if

the texts are introduced in non-threatening ways. As Nunan (1998) points out, “it

is impossible to teach students everything they need to know in class” (p. 3).

Therefore, teachers should also early on teach self-study strategies, such as

effective ways to exploit the “active task approach” (using authentic materials for

self-study) described by Naiman et al (1978).

4. Exposure to authentic materials can simulate (not equal) the gains of going to

the target language country in terms of language and culture learning and building

relevance for learners. It was clear that students in the study made gains in their

knowledge of Japanese language and culture that they would not have had without

exposure to anime and other popular culture texts. This is particularly so in terms

of culture, since it was not taught in class. While their culture learning was not

unproblematic, culture is inherently complex and something that even experienced

foreign language speakers struggle with. The fact that they engaged with culture

and employed critical thinking in struggling to make meaning from anime texts

may be seen as part of the learning process. This suggests all the more that using 241 authentic texts under the guidance of a teacher could be a valuable learning

experience. The claim by Samimy and Saito-Abbot (1997) that using authentic

materials “can make the country, people, language, and culture a part of a

meaningful experience” (p. 47) was born out in this study. To the participants

Japanese was in fact made relevant and meaningful by anime. While using

authentic materials in the classroom may not stimulate quite the personal

connection between the texts and students that these young men and women had

with anime, they still might go a long way toward making the language and culture

more real and relevant for students.

5. The findings in this study support the research that recommends introducing

authentic texts from the earliest stages of language learning. The majority of

students in this study were first semester students, and the other three described

engaging with authentic texts from the earliest stages of their learning. Many of

the students engaged with authentic language in anime or manga texts even before

they began formal language study. The first semester students did not have high

expectations about what they could understand from anime, yet they experience

“eureka moments” when they figured out isolated words or phrases. This

increased their feelings of competence and motivation.

6. The data from the study suggests that language students understand the link

between language and culture and are receptive to culture learning in the

language classroom. In the case of these students, of course, interest in culture is

what led them to interest in language. While it cannot be assumed that this would

be the case with all language students, it lends weight to large body of literature 242 that claims that culture learning is motivating to students. Participants also had

the tendency to merge culture and language learning and to speak of them

interchangeably. As Sid remarked, they did indeed “have the capacity to absorb

language and culture at the same time.” This further suggests the necessity of

teaching the two together: As Omaggio-Hadley phrased it, “language and culture

are inseparably intertwined” (2001, p. 345). This also lends support to the

research that recommends teaching culture from the beginning levels of

language learning. Since attrition rates are so high, particularly in Japanese

studies (where estimates are as high as 80%), it is essential to reach students during

the earliest stages of language education.

7. Popular culture texts may be a good place for students to encounter difference in

ways that encourage tolerance of cultural differences. The group in the study

demonstrated a noteworthy tolerance of and attraction to cultural differences,

which was both manifested in and influenced by their anime fandom. While

these students have a degree of exposure to authentic texts that cannot be replicated

in the classroom, their gains might be replicated by the combination of using

authentic texts and having teacher guidance (which the group did not). Using

non-prescriptive, student-centered approaches to teaching culture may both

validate students’ current knowledge and interests, while enabling the teacher to

guide learning in directions that encourage critical thinking and the tools for

developing cross-cultural understanding. These texts are more likely to be similar

across cultures, and thus may encourage students to see more similarities, instead

of concentrating only on differences, which as Kubota claims (2003) may 243 “otherize,” exoticize or essentialize the culture. While popular culture texts often

contain problematic content, particularly in terms of issues of representation, these

are things that the students will encounter if (as one hopes) s/he has significant

contact with the target culture at some point. Looking for easy answers about

culture leads to stereotyping, whether positive or negative (Scollon & Scollon,

1995). Rather than ignore such problematic content, it may be better to address it

critically, drawing comparisons to the native culture. It would be essential to

model strategies for learning to analyze critically but non-ethnocentrically.

Of course, as Allen states of teaching culture, “the difficulty lies not in principle or

educational philosophy but rather in the application of the principle” (1985, p. 156).

-a culture is constantly in process of being recreated as it is interpreted and renegotiated by its members. In this view, culture is as much a forum for negotiating and renegotiating meaning and for explicating action as it is a set of rules or specifications for action. Indeed every culture maintains its institutions or occasions for intensifying this “forum-like” feature. Storytelling, theater, science, even jurisprudence are all techniques for intensifying this function—ways of exploring possible worlds out of the context of immediate need. Education is (or should be) one of the principal forums for performing this function—though it is often timid in doing so (Bruner, 1986, p. 123).

Given that the even one’s native culture is confusing, multifaceted, and constantly being renegotiated, a foreign culture may initially seem inscrutable, leading the development of negative stereotypes or fear of the “Other.” That is why significant exposure to other cultures is so important. Learning intercultural sensitivity, learning to think beyond stereotypes, learning to think critically about one’s own culture as well as other cultures; all of these things are necessary skills for an increasingly multicultural society and 244 globalized world. That is one of the reasons that second and foreign language and

culture learning are so important. The open-minded attitudes and deep interest in

language and culture displayed by the participants in this study are encouraging, and

suggest that exposing learners to the popular culture of other countries from a young age

may encourage such open attitudes and may spark some interest in learning about other

cultures and languages. In an ideal world, the popularity of anime will be just the first

wave of media products from other countries to enjoy significant popularity in the United

States, but, as educators cannot count on that, they must find ways of bring such texts into the classroom as early as possible, and the language classroom is an ideally suited venue for this. Adopting the suggestions above is not easy: teaching culture and critical thinking, using authentic materials and taking a student-centered approach creates a great deal more work for the teacher, at least initially, and runs counter to many established classroom traditions. As Bruner states:

-introduction into culture through education, if it is to prepare the young for life as lived, should also partake of the spirit of a forum, of negotiation, of the recreating of meaning. But this conclusion runs counter to traditions of pedagogy that derive from another time, another interpretation of culture, another conception of authority—one that looked at the process of education as a transmission of knowledge and values by those who knew more to those who knew less and knew it less expertly (Bruner, 1986, p. 123).

As standards, teaching materials, and attitudes catch up with the ideals espoused in the

literature, it may get easier. In the meanwhile, teachers committed to these principles

are forced to be pioneers and explore means of achieving them through the limited

resources that currently exist.

245 However, as attracting and retaining students in foreign languages programs continues to be an ongoing challenge, developing language programs that are inherently interesting and relevant to students is crucial. In spite of strong enrollments for

Japanese—as of 1998, the fifth most commonly taught language in the United States

(Brod & Welles, 2000)—attrition rates in Japanese programs are very high, as high as

80% (Samimy and Saito-Abbott, 1997). As motivation impacts persistence, it must be nurtured (Kondo, 1999; Samimy & Saito-Abbott, 1997; Kato, 2002). Perhaps the strongest connection between the students in this study and their anime fandom related to

motivation, and all of the implications for the classroom listed above tie to motivation, either directly or indirectly. Therefore, trying new classroom approaches such as those described here may be critical for keeping students in language programs.

Limitations and Suggestions for Further Research One thing that this study highlights is the impossibility of essentializing and analyzing a popular culture phenomenon such as anime as a single entity, something participants were quick to point out. The kinds of texts, representations, and so forth, were varied, as in any film medium. What Deppey (2005) states of manga, “manga isn’t a genre but a meta-category” and “there aren’t one or two kinds of manga stories—there are hundreds” (p. 17) is also true of anime. Just the same, it is not possible to essentialize anime fandom. Anime means different things to different fans. In terms of this study, while many comparisons have been drawn here, it is important to reiterate that the participants were all unique individuals and held varying views on the experience of anime fandom, learning through anime, and Japanese culture. While these fans

246 represent noteworthy perspectives shared by other student fans, it cannot be assumed that

all anime fans or even that all student fans share these views. It is important to re-

emphasize the fact that this was a qualitative study with a small sample size (10).

Further, quantitative research would be necessary to determine the prevalence of

participants’ views or to test the generalizability of the findings to other populations.

The students in this study were apparently strongly motivated, were engaged

seriously enough with both anime and language learning to give several hours of their

time to volunteer for this study, and were all apparently successful language learners, so

they cannot be seen as representing the average language student. Anecdotal evidence

suggests that Japanese students are in general more motivated and more intrinsically

motivated (by virtue of their picking such Less-Commonly-Taught, challenging

language) than many students of the Commonly-Taught-Languages. Participants in the study also assumed that many Japanese students were anime fans. However, more research would be necessary to measure the nature and degree of motivation of the average Japanese student.

The data collected in the study was based on self-report and contains the potential weaknesses inherent in the design (possibility of distortion due to such causes as subjects’ poor recall or desire to present themselves in a favorable light). Efforts were made to increase the validity and reliability of the study by attempting to create an interview environment in which participants felt comfortable honestly expressing their views and opinions, by triangulating the data across interviews, and by conducting member checks.

247 This was a preliminary study, intended to generate theories about links between

popular culture fandom and language learning. While acknowledging this group to be

special, the stance taken here is that examining the ways in which they achieved

motivation and success has implications for how to encourage motivation and success in

other students. However, no classroom observation or research was conducted as part

of this study. Although the findings and teaching implications are supported by the

literature, classroom research is necessary to test the approaches recommended above and

the assumptions underlining those recommendations. For example, it would be useful to

measure the differences in motivation, ability, and so forth, between student anime fans

and non-fans. It may also be of value to examine in depth the self-study practices of

students like those in the study, to measure the effectiveness of such practices and their

impact on motivation. It would also be interesting to explore on a larger scale the

potential affect interest in popular culture might have on attracting and retaining students.

Courses on popular culture might be offered at the lower-division level, and instructors might use such courses as a platform for recruiting students to language programs. For

example, in Japanese programs a lower division course on anime might be offered to attempt to draw students to enroll in Japanese language classes.

248 Appendix A: Anime Images

A bloody image from the cyberpunk anime classic Akira

Romantic image from the ‘shojo’ manga Fushigi Yugi

249

Image from the inane and cute comedy about school girls Azumanga Daioh

Quintessential anime image of the ‘shojo’: school girl in uniform

Hayao Miyazaki’s family classic My Neighbor Totoro

250

DVD cover image from Miyazaki’s Academy Award-winning Spirited Away

Image from “giant robot” genre classic Mobile Suit Gundam

Image from popular samurai action series Samurai Champloo

251

Image from gender-bender comedy Ranma ½: Ranma (a 16 year old boy who is cursed to turn into a girl when hit with cold water) pictured with his female self

Anime’s original science fiction “girls with guns” duo The Dirty Pair

252 Appendix B: Focus Group Interview Guide

Opening Question

Could you all tell us your name and your major at UT?

Anime

1. Why do you think anime has become so popular in the U.S. in recent years?

2. What is it about anime that appeals to you personally?

3. What genres of anime do you like?

4. What genres or anime in particular do you NOT like?

5. How does watching anime compare with viewing live action film/video?

6. Do you prefer watching subtitled or dubbed anime?

7. What sort of attitudes have you encountered toward your interest in anime?

8. Anime is often perceived here as full of sex and violence. How do you feel about that?

9. How do you feel about the portrayal of females in anime? Males?

10. Do you think that anime reflects Japanese culture? If so, how?

11. Are there ever references in anime that are difficult to understand?

12. How do you think animation is perceived in Japan compared to here?

13. How do you think anime fandom is perceived in Japan compared to here?

Language & Culture Learning

1. Do you feel that you need to know Japanese to understand anime? How much Japanese?

2. Do you feel that you have to have knowledge of Japanese culture to understand anime?

253

3. Do you feel watching anime affects your language learning? Can you give some examples?

4. Do you feel that you’ve learned something about Japanese culture by watching anime? Can you give me some examples?

5. How much do you think you can learn about Japanese daily life by watching anime? How much do you think you can learn about Japanese values?

6. Do you feel that you have learned something about male and female roles in Japan from watching anime? Can you explain in detail?

7. What do you think about the materials that are used in the class?

8. Does you instructor use authentic materials (i.e. materials that are made for a native speaker of Japanese, not specifically for Japanese language learning) in class?

9. Do you think you would enjoy class more if instructor used anime or other authentic materials in the classroom?

10. Does your Japanese instructor teach culture? If so, can you give me some examples?

11. There are many stereotypes about Japan. Do you feel that watching anime has changed your impressions of Japan and Japanese society? Can you give me some examples?

Summary Question: [Give brief summary of key points] Did I adequately summarize what was said today?

Final Question: Did I miss anything you all think is important?

254 Appendix C: Individual Interview Guide

Anime

14. Do you consider yourself an anime fan? If not, how would you define your connection to anime?

15. There are degrees of fandom. How do you feel about the word ‘otaku’? Would you object to being called one?

16. How did you become interested in anime?

17. At what age did you start watching anime?

18. Did your interest in anime influence your decision to study Japanese?

19. How much time do you spend in activities related to anime? (E.g. watching it, participating in on-line chats, drawing, reading fanzines, etc.)

20. Can you tell me about an experience with anime that was particularly significant for you?

21. Have you ever had a negative experience related to anime or your interest in anime?

22. Is it important to you that others understand your interest in anime?

23. Is anime viewing more of a private experience for you, or do you prefer to watch with other fans? Do you hang out with other fans?

24. Do you try to interest others in anime? [want to share interest with others]

25. Are you able to relate to anime characters? [i.e. how real do they seem]

26. How do you select new anime to watch? [rent, download, exchange with fans]

27. Does it bother you when an original anime is altered? [dubbed, edited, made into live-action]

28. Are you interested in other aspects of Japanese culture?

29. Do you feel watching anime affects your language learning? Can you give some examples? 255

Language & Culture Learning

12. What was the primary reason you decided to study Japanese?

13. [For students in levels 2 & 3] What is/are the reason/s for continuing with your studies?

14. After you current class is over, do you think you will continue with your study of Japanese?

15. [For informants who were fans before they were language students] Did your perception of the Japanese culture change after you began taking lessons?

16. [For those who identify themselves as fans] Does your instructor know that you are an anime fan? If so, how does she react? Did her behavior to you change after she found out that you’re a fan?

17. Have you ever been to Japan? Would you like to go?

18. What kind of contact have you had with Japanese people?

19. What are your goals related to studying Japanese?

20. Do you intend to use Japanese in the future?

21. If you were exposed to the language before taking classes, through watching anime, how did your perceptions of the language change after beginning your studies?

22. How do you feel in Japanese class? (E.g. anxious, comfortable, engaged, etc.).

23. Have you ever taken a class on Japanese culture? If not, would you like to? If so, what class? Would you like to take more?

256 Appendix D: Recruitment Questionnaire

Dear Japanese Student,

I am a doctoral student in the Foreign Language Education Program at UT currently researching the impact of interest in popular culture on language learning. I am wondering if you could please help me out by filling out the following survey. Participation in this survey is voluntary, and your responses will be kept completely confidential. I would greatly appreciate your participation! ☺

1. Are you interested in Japanese animation (anime)? ______

2. If so, on average, how often do you watch anime? ______

3. Do you consider yourself an anime fan? ______

4. If you are not interested in anime, how would you describe your feelings about it? (For example, indifferent, hate it, etc.). ______

5. May I e-mail you about possible participation in a study on anime and language learning? (Saying’ yes’ here does not mean you agree to participate in the study). ______If yes, please provide your e- mail address. ______

Thank you so much!!

Kara Williams [e-mail address]

257 Appendix E: Recruitment Letter

Dear Japanese Student,

Thank you very much for your participation in the brief anime questionnaire your Japanese instructor administered for me. In your response, you indicated a willingness to be contacted about a research study on anime and language learning. I would be grateful if you would consider participating in my study. ☺

I am currently a doctoral student in the Foreign Language Education Program here at UT. The topic of my dissertation and this study is how popular culture fandom (specifically anime fandom) impacts Japanese language and culture learning. The purpose is to investigate how anime fans experience Japanese language learning: how they perceive their fandom as impacting their language learning and how they perceive issues related to Japanese language and culture. I became interested in this topic because I noticed that many Japanese students are anime fans but also because I was also interested in anime as an undergraduate Japanese student.

Participation in the study would entail the following:

1. A focus group interview with a small group of fellow Japanese students who are also anime fans (1 1/2 hours) 2. An individual interview to discuss your personal views in greater depth (1 hour) 3. Because I am determined to accurately represent participants’ feelings, opinions and perspectives, I may also contact some participants for a brief follow-up interview to confirm points that came up in the interviews that may be ambiguous (30 minutes).

The interviews will be audio taped, but your responses will be kept confidential. To ensure this, the following measures will be taken:

1. Audio tapes will be coded so that no personally identifying information is visible on them. 2. Tapes will be heard only by me. 3. Tapes will be kept in a locked file cabinet in my personal office. 4. In my dissertation or any other report issuing from this research participants will only be referred to by pseudonyms.

There will be up to twenty other participants in the whole study, but the focus groups will consist of about one third of the total participants.

Free Tutoring!! In exchange for your participation in my study, I will be offering tutoring in Japanese language and culture throughout the semester, commensurate with the time 258 required for participation in the study. I am fluent in Japanese and also have an MA in Japanese studies from UT.

For participants who are interested, I will provide a summary of my results at the end of the study and a copy of my dissertation will be made available in the UT library.

The ultimate goal of my research is to find ways to improve teaching methods and materials in Japanese programs, through understanding the motivations, interests and needs of the students. So, I hope that you can help me out!

If you are interested in participating, please respond to this e-mail by Saturday, November 5th. A copy of the official consent form is attached to this e-mail your reference. I will provide hard copies for participants to sign before the first interview.

Thank you very much!

Best regards,

Kara Williams FLE Program

259 Glossary

1. Anime: Japanese animation. Anime is sometimes defined on as any animation that comes from Japan. However, it might also be seen as a style of animation, with characteristic tropes and character designs. 2. Bi-shonen: (Beautiful boys) refers to the androgynous style common in many anime and manga, particularly those targeted at girls and young women. 3. BL (Boys’ Love): Homoerotic manga and anime about men written by women for women 4. Cospure: An abbreviated form of the English borrowed word “costume play.” The act of dressing up as anime or manga characters for conventions or other fan events. 5. Manga: Japanese comics, often the source material for anime programs and movies. 6. Shojo anime/manga: anime or manga targeted at girls and young women. 7. Shonen anime/manga: anime or manga targeted at boys and young men.

260

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274 Vita

Kara Lenore Williams was born in New Haven, Connecticut, on November 22, 1968, the daughter of Barbara Ann Seitz and Robert Glenn Williams. After completing her work at Linganore High School in Frederick, Maryland, in 1987, she entered Frederick Community College in Frederick, Maryland. She transferred to The University of Maryland at College Park in the fall of 1990, where she attained the degree of Bachelor of Arts in Japanese Language and Literature in August, 1992. During the following years, she was employed first as an English instructor in Tokyo, Japan, then as the Assistant to the Education Attaché at the Embassy of Japan in Washington, D.C., and then as Coordinator for International Relations in Kameoka, Japan, on the Japan Exchange and Teaching (JET) Program. In September of 1999, she entered the Graduate School at the University of Texas at Austin, where she received her Master of Arts in Asian Cultures and Languages in May, 2001. She remained in Austin, working for a Japanese semiconductor company, doing administrative work and acting as a liaison between the sales departments of the Japanese parent company and the American-based subsidiary. From the fall of 2002 through the spring of 2006, she worked toward her Doctorate of Philosophy in Foreign Language Education at the University of Texas at Austin.

Permanent address: 6201 Bull Creek Road, Austin, TX 78757 This dissertation was typed by the author.

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