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Evaluating Trends of Protracted Social Conflict Model and Instrumentalism in Ethnic Conflict of Karachi 2000-2013

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Evaluating Trends of Protracted Social Conflict Model and Instrumentalism in Ethnic Conflict of Karachi 2000-2013 EVALUATING TRENDS OF PROTRACTED SOCIAL CONFLICT MODEL AND INSTRUMENTALISM IN ETHNIC CONFLICT OF KARACHI 2000-2013 A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment for the award of the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS by MARIA SAIFUDDIN EFFENDI SCHOOL OF POLITICS AND INTERNTIONAL RELATIONS QUAID-I-AZAM UNIVERSITY, ISLAMABAD DECEMBER 2019 i CONTENTS ABSTRACT vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS vii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ix LIST OF TABLES xi LIST OF GRAPHS xii INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER 1: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 22 1.1 Theorizing Ethnic Conflict under Primordialism and Instrumentalism 1.2 Theorizing Ethnic Conflict under Protracted Social Conflict Model (PSC) 1.3 Preconditions to PSC 1.3.1. Deprivation of human needs 1.3.2. Communal discontent 1.3.3. Role of governance 1.3.4. International linkages 1.4 Theoretical Construct CHAPTER 2: MAPPING THE ETHNIC CONFLICT IN KARACHI 58 2.1 Conflict Analysis of Karachi 2.2 Defining Migration and Migrant 2.3 Developing the definition of “Muhajir” in the context of Karachi. 2.4 Types of Muhajirs in Karachi: 2.5 Post-Independence migrants: Urdu-speaking Community from India 1947-1950s 2.6 Economic Migrants: Punjabis and Pathans 1950s-1960s 2.7 Survival Immigrants: Biharis, Burmese and Afghans in post 1970s-1980s 2.8 Religious Migrants: Mujahideen/Taliban in 1980s and 2001 onwards. 2.9 Natural Calamity Migrants: From Flood-hit areas, Interior Sind 2010-2011 2.10 Military Operations Migrants: From FATA and KPK in 2005-2009 CHAPTER 3: THEORIZING KARACHI’S CONFLICT UNDER PSC MODEL (2000-2013) 100 3.1 Pre-conditions of PSC in Karachi (2000-2013) 3.2 State Policies (Sindh Local Government Ordinance 2001), MQM during Gen. Musharraf’s regime 3.3 Communal violence between Muhajirs and Pashtoons in Karachi: May 2007. 3.4 Governance under MQM-PPP and its impact on Pashtoons in 2000-2013. iv CHAPTER 4: PROTRACTION OF ETHNIC CONFLICT IN KARACHI: ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND ECONOMIC MIGRATION 126 4.1 Modernization/Urbanization as a cause of internal economic migration and a precondition to PSC 4.2 Migration in Karachi 4.3 Settlement and Resettlement Policies for Post-Independence and Economic Migrants in Karachi (1951-2001) 4.4 Settlement Policy for Military Operation’s and Natural Calamity Migrants (2001-2013) 4.5 Industrialization, Ethnic Ghettoization and Political Representation in Karachi 4.6 Economic competition among Pashtoons, Sindhis and Urdu speaking in the industrial sector of Karachi 4.7 Are Industries including textiles and transport ethno-politicized? 4.8 Migration as a precondition to PSC in Karachi (2000-2013) CHAPTER 5: INSTRUMENTALISM: POLITICAL IMPACT OF ECONOMIC MIGRATION IN KARACHI 2000-2013 186 5.1. Instrumentalism – Ethnicity and Ethnopolitical Elites 5.2. Economic Development, Internal Migration and Competition in Karachi under Instrumentalism 5.3 Role of Ethno-Political Elites in Karachi (2000-2013) CONCLUSION 219 BIBLIOGRAPHY 239 v ABSTRACT The ethnic conflict in Karachi is a unique case study of ethno-nationalism where the conflict started with grievances between indigenous and migrant communities i.e. Sindhis and Urdu speaking Mohajirs in the formative phase of Pakistan’s independence in 1947. The conflict expanded with more complexities, diverse types of violence and political misgovernance during the past seven decades. It added up more conflict actors such as Pashtoons in later years. The ethnic conflict became protracted due to continuous domestic migrations, lack of settlement policies for migrant groups and increased role of ethno-political actors in intractability of this conflict. This doctoral dissertation is an attempt to see the politicized impact of economic migration as a factor for conflict protraction during 2000-2013 time period. Karachi is considered as a migrant city even before partition. However, in 1960s and 1970s, there were continuous migrations from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and interior Sindh to Karachi. In the wake of Afghan Jihad (1979), there was a mass exodus of Afghan migrants to Pakistan and many settled in Karachi due to its employment generation and inexpensive accommodation and easy life style. Continuous migrations in 1980s-2000s onwards made Karachi as a Pashtoon capital where almost 25% of total population consists of Pashtoon community, more than living in Quetta, Peshawar or even Kabul. Any ethnic group, when it is continuously increasing in number in a city’s overall population, requires political participation and representation. While migrant groups are helpful bringing the talent pool, entrepreneurship and specialized skill set to the host city, there are also few problems to accommodate them within the available resources. It may also create competition over political and economic rights and participation. This dissertation constitutes discussions over two main points; the theoretical evaluation of the trends of Protracted Social Conflict (PSC) Model, given by Edward Azar; and political impact of economic migration on the ethnic conflict in Karachi during 2000-2013. The dissertation argues that it is not migration itself but the politicization of migrant groups i.e. Urdu speaking Mohajirs and Pashtoons that protracted Karachi’s conflict in the said time period. The emergence of Awami National Party (ANP) and empowerment of Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) during non-elective regime of General Pervez Musharraf in 2000- 2008 changed the ethno-political dynamics of the metropolitan city. Besides the suggested trends of PSC Model, economic migration and politicized impact of economic migrants are proved as additional factors of the protraction of ethnic conflict in Karachi. Empirical evidence to see the ethnic presence of Urdu Speaking Mohajirs, Sindhis and Pashtoons in textile and transport industry was supported by primary data collection through field surveys and target interviews of professionals from relevant industries. The study draws the conclusion that PSC model may expand its scope for comprehensive application to ethnic conflicts in developing societies by adding few more elements such as economic migration and its politicized impact. vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS “Iqra Bismmi Rabbi Kallazee Khalaq: Read in the name of your Lord, who has created (all that exists).” (Al-Quran, Surah-e-Al-Alaq, Chapter 96:1) First and foremost, all praises to Almighty Allah, without whom, life is nothing but difficult. He is the one who enabled me to go through this journey of learning, unlearning and re-learning through doctoral studies. I am grateful to Allah to have given me this opportunity to learn and contribute in the formation and development of the body of knowledge in the field of Ethnic Conflict Resolution and International Relations. Parents give birth to children but spiritual parents enlighten human beings with knowledge, direction and freedom to think. To this day, I am nothing without my teachers; from the one who taught me how to write “A” to the one who trusted me to explore various dimensions of my PhD topic and dissertation. I am truly honored and indebted to my supervisor, Dr. Nazir Hussain for his continuous/unconditional support and trust which made me to conduct this doctoral research. This research would not have been possible without his trust, timely and valuable feedback. I am especially grateful for his trust in me, he gave me complete freedom to think, explore and write which helped me to explore the topic and bringing out theoretical and academic creativity, the way I wanted. His precious advices and suggestions shaped up my thought process and led me to right direction to conduct this research. I extend my heartfelt gratitude to him for everything. During these four years of research, there have been people at home and at work, in the university and in different organizations, who went out of their way to help and facilitate me for the research. I am truly grateful to my teachers; Professor Johan Galtung, Dr. Arshi Saleem Hashmi, Dr. Farhan Hanif Siddiqi, Dr. Moonis Ahmar for their encouragement and kind support in data collection, providing valuable insights to the topic, helping me to conduct interviews with relevant professionals and individuals. I am indebted to my colleagues Dr. Rashid Ahmad and Dr. Talat Shabbir who facilitated me to conduct interviews with politicians in Karachi. I am thankful to my colleagues and friends Ms. Saba Noor, Dr. Farhat Konain, Dr. Raja Qaiser, Dr. Afsah Kazi and Dr. Shazia Hassan for their valuable comments and facilitation for research methodology and kind support throughout these years. I am grateful to all my teachers at School of Politics and International Relations (SPIR), Quaid-i-Azam University for their kind support and encouragement. I cannot forget to thank SPIR Staff especially Aziz Sahab, Akram Sahab and Inaam Bhai who supported me to go through the documentation procedures. I am also indebted to the people, organizations and institutes I visited to collect data in Karachi and Islamabad such as Pakistan Institute of Labor Education and Research (PILER), Urban Resource Center, Al Karam Textiles, Karachi, all the staff and special thanks to Mr. Zareef, Librarian of Pakistan Bureau of Statistics, Islamabad for all their help and kind support. I would not be able to conduct the last phase of my fieldwork without help of my research assistant Mr. Sumair Ayoob from Karachi. He has been great support during the last three months of research surveys (June – September 2018). I am thankful to my colleagues, staff and library staff at National Defence University, Islamabad. Without this wonderful library and library staff at NDU, I would not have completed my data collection from all over the world. vii Some family members and friends deserve special mention here; Saira and Ayesha, Jamal Bhai and Anwaar Bhai (my sisters and their husbands), Sarosh (my cousin) Tahira, Shaista/noni, Tanya, Sidra, Maria, Shamil, Farah, Taha, Usman, Qaiser, Mehreen, Amber and Tooba for encouraging and bearing with me and giving me ample space to hibernate and work and forget the world; for taking me out for a cup of coffee, for their patience and ears to listening to my unending stories, for their fun trips and get-togethers, for video calls, for texts and everything that could energize me in stressful times.
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