Table of EDITORIAL Contents Race & Progressive Politics by Judith Stein DEADLINES Page4 Interview: SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 23, 1991. friend becomes the enemy (or the friend of Eleanor Holmes Norton Another deadline for Saddam Hussein's the enemy), and suddenly the hardware is Page5 withdrawal from Kuwait slips by. He jeers in the wrong hands. Meanwhile, some four at another ultimatum and slams another million Israelis want to be armed better Scud into Israel. And now legions of allied than any likely coalition of hostile Arabe Progressive Race Theory tanks roll across Iraqi and Kuwaiti borders, (who number over 100 million in the re­ by Michael Eric Dyson marking the start of another phase in the gion). Israel's fire power threatens the Page7 Persian Gulf War. No one knows how long individual Arab states, so they clamor for this phase will last, how many more dead­ weapons parity. And the merchants always lines will be drawn up and ultimatums comply. The Economics Beyond Race spurned, how many tons of napalm will This year's war is eating up large stores by Jim Slttper blaze, how many children of a dozen nation of weaponry, which means the cooks will Page9 states will grieve before the killing stops. soon be shopping for new supplies. Anyone Thismuch, however, we do know: When hoping to prevent the next war knows the Profile: George Bush abandoned a strategy ofsanc­ arms bazaars must be shut down. Anyone Socialist Singer Anne Feeney tions last fall, he threw away a precious hoping for decent standards ofliving in the by Fred Gustofson opportunity to test a system of collective Third World, sustained democracy in East­ Page 10 security for the world. There's no way to ern Europe, and social justice in the United prove that tough sanctions, fashioned by States knows that vast resources must be the United Nations and implemented by a redeployed. Time is running out. This is Jimmy Higgins Reports multinational force, would have prevented the real deadline. Page20 war in the Gulf region. There's no guaran­ tee that a successful strategy of sanctions -- by JOANNE BARKAN would have created a precedent for resolv­ ing other conflicts without bloodshed. But opportunities to promote world peace don't DEMOCRATIC LEFT come along everyday. It was certainly worth WANTED: Founding Editor a better try. SocIALIST YoUTH ORGANIZER Michael Harrington (1928-1989) Managing Editor We also know this: The most decisive Dinah Leventhal, our current military victory for the United States-led Michael Lighty youth organizer, finishes her term coalition will be worthless in a few years Production unless someone calls off the arms race in in June, 1991, and we are now JaneWelna the Middle East. One Saddam Hussein engaged in a search for her suc­ Editorial Committee after another will threaten the region as cessor. We need someone who is Joanne Barkan, Sherri Levine, long as it's plagued by lopsided distribu­ energetic, committed to demo­ Neil McLaughlin, Maxine Phillips, tions of wealth, lack of democratic tradi­ cratic socialist politics and to Jan Rosenberg, Mitch Horowitz tions, humiliations (real and perceived), student organizing. and superpower machinations. Arming the Slbe should have organizing ex­ Democratic Left (ISSN 016403207) Saddams ofthis world constitutes geopoliti­ perience, excellent public speak­ is published &ix rimM a year at 15 Dutch Street,Swte500, New York, NY. Subscription cal insanity. ingand writingas well as admin­ But curtailing weapons trade in the $8 regular; $15 institutional. Postmaater; istrative skills. Our organizer Send addreu changes to 15 Dutch Street, Middle East won't be a snap. The Econo­ travels all over the country talk­ Suite 500, New York, NY 10038. mist (Feb. 9, 1991) points out with depress­ ing to young activists about DEMOCRATIC LEFT.is published by the ing clarity that no less than three arms Democratic Socialists of America, 15 Dutch races poison the region: Iran versus Iraq, democratic w>clalism. Women and street, Suite 500, NY, NY 10038 (2121962- Saudi Arabia versus Iran and Iraq, and people ofcolor are encouraged to 0390. Israel versus all Arabs. The sales patterns apply. Interested candidates have a sickening logic. The United States, should send resume and cover SigMd articl.e4 expre&a the opinioM of the the Soviet Union, and European nations letter to Dinah at the DSA office cuuJwrs and not neceasarily th.o&e of the organuation. arm Arab friends of the moment, hoping to by March 15. neutralize a current enemy's clout. Then a

DEMOCRATIC LEFT 2 MARCH-APRIL 1991 ... ,,

t:j ,. - .. ... g0 s·b:i r g. f;I. ~ l .., j [ Race Relations: The War at Hoine

The GulfWar rages; we work for peace. borhoods are decimated by drug abuse, AIDS, that blacks support black businesses in­ But when the fighting is over, what kind of and chronic poverty. Their children will stead of Korean shops. Yet, the lack of country will the troops come home to? This not get a useful education in underfunded alternative economic development models, issue of Democratic Left features a special schools with drop-out rates of over fifty such as cooperatives and lending societies section on the experience and theory of race percent. As AIDS treatment overwhelm akin to those of Korean or Chinese immi- and class in the United States with an eye community hospitals, big pharmaceutical grants, undermine that demand. toward reviving the historic progressive companies and the federal health bureauc­ As socialists, we need to participate in white/black coalition. This coalition can racy ignore the needs of women and chil­ multicultural coalitions that can address form a foundation for multiracial politics dren with AIDS. The troops will return to the economic and social roots of poverty that challenges racism and economic injus­ a country whose conservative courts refuse and racism. This movement would demand tice. to enforce civil rights, while the Bush equal opportunity not only through civil The Gulf War gives new urgency to the Administration vetoes legislation intended rights legislation but more fundamentally need for this movement. The "economic to guarantee equal opportunity. through popular participation in the eco­ draft" (a.k.a. the all-volunteer army) has The unfair burden felt by people of nomic and social decisions that determine created a military disproportionately Afri­ color as they or their friends and relatives people's lives. This movement would create can-American and Latino. The lack of non­ serve in the Gulf War reflects a growing an atmosphere of respect for and pride in military economic opportunities reveals how racial polarization between blacks and whites, different cultures. Individuals would re­ racism and capitalism underdevelop these and between people of all races. Attacks on ceive respect by having the right to speak communities. As socialists, we make the Arab-Americans have intensified as the war truth, to dialogue, and to disagree without connections between anti-war organizing progresses. Anti-Semitism is also on the regard to skin color. We can and must hold and domestic social problems in part by rise. These racial antagonisms are often the society as a whole responsible for the seeing how the effects ofthe war undermine rooted in economic disparities. In New degradation of the lives of poor and work­ social justice, while the costs of the war York City when some African-American ing~ass people by demanding truly respect­ defund the welfare state for another gen­ activists organized a boycott of a grocery ful human relations and fully democratic eration. store over the alleged assault of a Haitian economic development. e Many troops returning to civilian life customer by the Korean owner (smce ac­ will not be able to find jobs as their neigh- quitted), the protestors came to demand -- by Michael Lighty

DEMOCRATIC LEFT 3 MARCH-APRIL 1991 Race and Progressive Politics

franchisement and Jim Crow. Yet some of tax credits. He assumed that an expanding by Judith Stein the descendants ofthat agricultural system economy was essential to assure jobs for all remain affected by it. The roots of the workers. Indeed, the growing white-collar contemporary crisis are dual: the expulsion industries, prodded by government agen­ I n the United States, discussions of race of untrained blacks from the rural South cies, opened up many new jobs for blacks, and politics have been dominated by con­ and the restructuring of American indus­ the source of the new black middle class. cerns over symptoms. Demagogues like Al try duringthe 1960sand 1970s. The malign But in key industries for black employ­ Sharpton and Louis Farrakhan, murders neglect of the Reagan administration to­ ment - steel, automobiles, meatpacking -­ ofblacks in white communities like Howard ward problems of blacks worsened the ef­ jobs continued to disappear. The recession Beach and Bensonhurst, and black crime fects of these underlying trends. and industrial crisis of the 1970s followed have dominated the debate. Behind them is At first, the situation was masked by by the economic policies of the 19SOs, de­ an a: .tlytic framework, adopted by conser­ the postwar boom, which offered factory stroyed the prospects for millions of work­ vatives, liberals, and radicals that accepts jobs to people who had limited formal edu­ ers. For the many whites and blacks who race as the motor driving politics. The way cation. But rising black unemployment in lacked education the economic realaign­ American culture has formulated racial the 1950s and early 1960s led President ment beginning in the 1960s was disas­ questions has become a barrier to resolving Kennedy to ask Labor Secretary Willard trous. them. Wirtz, to analyze the causes of high rates of Some liberals focus on the racial com­ Race is a useful concept to conserva­ black joblessness. Wirtz gave three expla­ ponent of unemployment and underemploy­ tives because it affirms dominant institu­ nations, m the following order of impor­ ment. Thus, Stephen Steinberg has argued tions by isolating poverty and class suffer­ tance: disappearance ofjobs for those with that the nation owes more to blacks than to ing, and by sometimes blaming the victim. minimal training; poor education and train­ the immigrant-descended workers of the Many radicals and liberals focus on race for ing necessary for other jobs; and racial dis­ RustBelt. Steinberg'sadvicemaybeenter­ legitimate reasons: many suffering Ameri­ crimination. To deal with the third, Wirtz tained in New York, which lacks a steel cans, for example, are black. But many testified on behalf of the Ci vii Rights Act of industry, but the blacks of industrial towns radicals assume that African-Americans are 1964. For a brief period, under the Man­ like Gary, Indiana and Birmingham, Ala­ the natural leaders of progressive politics. power Training Act, Elementary and Sec­ bama might be puzzled by their regional Likewise, many liberals believe that the ondary School Act, and the War on Poverty obliteration. Such attempts at reparation situation of African-Americans can be ad­ legislation, some effort was made to im­ are sterile because blacks do not occupy dis­ dressed discretely. Both assumptions are prove training. To address the most impor­ tinctive economic places These efforts at false. tant point, Wirtz endorsed the Kennedy amelioration are also undesirable because Racism as an ideology is used to justify program for expanded economic growth -­ they encourage competitive suffering, which class oppression. Its modem American form accelerated public works and investment undermines popular challenges to economic was constructed to support slav­ policy in this oountry. What­ ery and the cotton agriculture ever the status a their grand­ post-bell um labor systems in the father, people deserve an South. In 1876, a U.S. congress­ education and a job man investigating racial violence Steinberg's argument, in South Carolina asked a local and the many variants of it, black Republican why the plant­ is particularly insidious ers oppressed blacks. The man when today the major bar­ responded: "In case I was rich, riers facing blacks are class and all colored men was rich, • problems -- lack of jobs, how would he get his labor? ... it education, and training. His interest is in keeping me poor, a Further, in today's political so that I will have to hire to some­ ;3 climate the promotion of one else." l diffErenoe - cultural and sts- The economic motive for 5'- tistical - has been ma;t frui~ Southern racism ended with the ___,.. j fully used by conservatives demise of labor-intensive agri- S'~lllll!llillllillJt.~ ll- and some liberals who use culture after World War II. The ,..,.-...,;...... r the term "underclass." Iso- civil rights movement ofthe 1960s t- lating a set of behavioral destroyed the political and social traits and placing them on shields of Southern racism -- dis- Sunset in a small South Carolina town. Continued on page16

DEMOCRATIC LEFT 4 MARCH-APRIL 1991 On Prospects for Black I White Coalitions An Interview with Eleanor Holmes Norton

Democratic Left recently interviewed Eleanor Holmes Norton on the pros­ pects for b/.ack-white coalitions in Congress and in the Democratic Party. Norton was chair of the U.S. Equal EmpWym.ent Opportunity Commission in the Carter Administration and is now the newly elected nonvoting dele­ gate to Congress from the District of Columbia.

DL: Could you comment on how the on­ slaught against af{irmaaue acaon launched fly the Reagan administration has taken its toll on the American public?

EHN: Theimpact,itseemstome, wasclear with some fallout of overtly racist acts. There were many reasons for those acts, Affirmative action: Bringing qualified, excluded people into jobs previously denied them. but surely the anti-civil rights rhet.oric Reagan DL: We'uescen theuotefor DauidDukeand therefore fit the protected category of af­ and his agents had something to do with against Haruey Gantt. Gantt has said re­ firmative action, and second, their life dlances them. For example, the great flurry ofrac­ cently that he wished he had taken on the have been virtually equal with those of ist, anti-Semitic, homophobic, and gener­ quota issue mort! vigorously and that liber­ men; after all, they came from the same ally bigoted attacks on college campuses als must get a handle on how to deal with it households. Therefore, all that was neces­ was one fallout. as an issue zn campaigns. sary for white women was to change the The official fallout one sees in the veto lane in which they traveled and affirmative of the 1990 Civil Rights Act. The President EHN: Not so much a handle on the lan­ action was there to pick them up if they did assumed that the veto was something he guage, but what the reality of affirmative that, whereas for many blacks it is a two­ could get away with. That, itseems to me, is action, what affirmative action really is. step process: one, get in the right lane, and two, get to the point where you are compet­ The notion that you could take three hundred and fifty years of ing for nontraditional jobs where affirma­ tive action might be useful to you. slavery and discrimination and sexism and get rid of them in twent;y-five years and change everybody's attitudes and DL: There was quite a bit more actiuity, practices is, at /Jest, naive and at worst dangerous, when you were a gouemment official, re­ garding affimiatiue action tools like plant­ because it means people have no sense of the degree of wide seniority. Do you think that people struggle necessary to overturn ingrained injustice. haue forgotten what affirmatwe action ac­ complished for everyone?

the culmination of the Reagan years. A The public has identified affirmative action EHN: People who were not part of a move­ president who used to be more moderate with race, not sex. That is a denial of the ment don't have in their memory a before than Reagan takes the notion of quotas, reality of how in fact affirmative actiort has and after that makes them appreciate what which had been around for fifteen years, worked. It is a tool for bringing qualified, discrimination was like. Plant-wide senior­ and raises it a notch -- a large notch -- so excluded people into jobs previously denied ity is an excellent example of how civil that it became a rallying cry for certain them. Those people with good life chances rights has benefited the entire country. sectors of the population who had noted it are the only people that can profit from One of the reasons it was so easy to sell before, but never had it as a cause to rally affirmative action -- white women. First, plant-wide seniority was that it was very around until Bush made it the focus of re- they have been discriminated against, and important to the majority of people in the sistance to the 1990 act. plant, who did not want to lose their senior-

DEMOCRATIC LEFT 5 MARCH-APRIL 1991 ity when they switched to another line of ates, however, to find vehicles for keeping DL: An.d health care. .. ? work within the same factory. It was civil this history and its effect on the present in rights laws, similarly, that mandated that the consciousness of the American people. EHN: That's an example of an economic alljobs be posted. Who did that help? To be issue that really is patented by the Demo­ sure, it helped women and minorities, but it DL: What do you think will be on the pro­ crats, when you consider that it stretches helped the majority of the people in a fac­ gressive agenda in Congress that will bring from the very poor to the working poor to tory who were not insiders and therefore a black-white coalition into action this term? the middle classes to all but the very rich. If couldn't compete openly for jobs. Unless anyone's going to find a solution, it seems to you were there when that changeover oc­ EHN: Wehaveachallengetomakethecivil me the Democrats are in a position to do so. curred, you may not appreciate what hap­ rightslegislationH.R.1 thebroadlyuniting The root of the problem, however, is not pened, or if you were there and had ac­ legislation I think it should be. I think we only money, but also the way the health cepted or heard the rhetoric of preference can do that by stressing the extent to which care system is organized. I would hope the and quotas you may forget that you too American women are dependent on the Democrats would at least move on that and profited from these changes. eradication of discrimination at a time when look in a more comprehensive fashion at two incomes are necessary, and when the whether this is the best way to organize a DL: A recentpoll on white attitudes released growing number cf single mothers and women health care system, not just filling in the by the Urban League reuealed that seuenty­ have only one income. gaps which we are sort of beginning to do seuen percent of whites believed African­ Basically, the Democratic Party has anyway. Americans were more likely to be lazy and always been held together as the people's First, we have to get a consensus on the prefer living on welfare. Whole generations party, and its very hard to think of any way a health care system should organized. ofyoung white people haue grown up believ­ other way to hold it together, with increas­ One thing is sure -- this is not the way it ing that a color-blind standard is enough. ing disparities of income, than by focusing should be organized. But if you agree for Afrer what you 'ue been through, do you find on the economically unifying issues. The example on certain principles: that there these developments daunting? Are they re­ Republicans have fastened onto essentially should be a minimum level of universal versible? cultural issues to try to draw people to access, that administrative costs should be them. Many of those are quite polarizing consolidated so as to save money rather EHN: What these results do is tell us some­ issues without a basic unifying, underlying than replicating the administrative mecha­ thing about the dynamic of fundamental basis. So I expect, ultimately, improving the nisms that are so costly.... There are poin ts change. The notion that you could take lives of ordinary people will be the way the ofconsensus that could be reached with the three hundred and fifty years of slavery Democrats will sustain the coalition. Democratic leadership because that issue and discrimination and sexism and get rid I does cut across class lines up to the very cf them in twenty-five years and change wealthy, and that ought to be the everybody's attitudes and practices natural constituency of the Demo­ is, at best, naive and at worst danger­ crats and progressives. ous, because it means people have no sense of the degree ofstruggle neces­ DL: As the rwnuoting clelegak, .)OU 'ue sary to overturn ingrained injustice. pledged to work on achieving state­ But it's uery American. America has hood for the District of Columbia. the shortest attention span for any­ Has the receptivity on the Hill to thing, notjustcorrectinginjustice, of statehood changed since the Gulf any people in the world. We're a quick war vote, where the inability ofD. C. change people, and quickly move on residents to affect their lives was so to the next thing. That's probably a graphically demonstrated? part of the American character that comes with people having come as im­ EHN: To some extent, the Gulf migrants and indeed wanting to for­ War with the large per capita par· get. The best example is the Euro­ ticipation of District residents -- the pean immigrants who came in the fourth largest per capita ofanystste late nineteenth and early twentieth -- has been a wakeup call on state­ century, who wanted to quickly for­ .\ hood. Now we have to convert that get the old world because the only ":l to votes. There were people who way to succeed was to become very ~didn't respond to taxation without American. So your first experience in rrepresentation --but the same people the country is forgetting the past and t! have responded more favorably to moving onto the future, and not nec­ '! the injustice of 'Sending people to essarily building into the future a El war without any say in the matter. sense of history. That Americans would } So there's some hope. e have little appreciation of the peace­ ~ ful revolution of the last thirty-five to forty years is not surprising. It does JInterviewed. by Suzanne Crowell, a put a burden on those of us who pur­ Columbia University students participat.e member ofthe DSA National Politi­ cal Committee and active in the DC/ port to understand how history oper- in national campaign, April 1989. NOVA/MD DSA local.

DEMOCRATIC LEFT 6 MARCH-APRIL 1991 Toward a Progressive Theory of Race by Michael Eric Dyson ence, diversity, and pluralism are heatedly defeat. They infuse this language but the debated, but their hard lessons are mostly spirit is all wrong. Hence we have the avoided or dissolved in the discourse of spectacle of phrases like "racial fairness" merit, objectivity, neutrality, or standards. and "equal playing ground," lifted straight Contemporary race relations are mired In the face of such attacks, all usual from the transcript of liberal resistance to in the bog of a torturous irony: the liberal roads of response falter in resolving the racism, newly and perversely employed to passion and vision whose intent it was to conundrum of persistent racism. Liberal­ buttress the worst possible meanings of vanquish the obvious and vile manifesta­ ism and neoliberalism continue to publish ideals like justice and equality. tions of racial animosity are now at the a laundry list of ancient racial indignities The lesson that progressives should service ofthoee who conceal the abated but made new by today's news, but instantly old learn from all this is that racial meanings transformed expressions of racism. The again by a burdensome loyalty to a social must be perennially contested, constantly constellation of metaphors once marshal­ analysis bereft of appreciation for struc­ redefined in an interpretive warfare rooted led to resist racism's polyvalent assault - tural impediments to racial progress. This in a liberating vision ofsociety, politics, eco­ from racism as disease, racism as loss of approach promises certain defeat ofits goal nomics, and culture. Thus an ad hoc 1m­ vision, racism as conscience spoiled and of full integration of blacks into American provisory, and anti-essentialist conce~tion turned against its best and highest ends -­ society Neonationalism continues to spin a ofracial identity is the best foot forward for now suffer a blasphemous reversal of for­ a progressive theory of race, which must tune. Indeed, these metaphors are part of a larger complex of forsaken ideas whose rejection symbolizes the changed nature of American race relations: the front line of progres­ sive resistance to racism has tem­ porarily lost the battle oflanguage, conceding the prerogative to nar­ rate the most crucial features of American race relations to the right. Also, we have endured the quite un­ natural disaster of a continental shift along the fault lines of defini­ tion, description, and explanation of the state of race in our culture. And the presumption that a collec­ tive American conscience would be the seconding vote to poignant, if sometimes sloppy, justifications of resistive action has now shed its moral innocence. The fate of racial progress is thrust into the lion's den of so called "rational" argu­ ment and "logical" persuasion. More glumly, our dire times Literature from New York City's anti-racism campaign are crisscrossed by the varied evi- contradictory ideological web whose some­ seek its balance on rocky terrain. dences of race hatred's predictable revival. tim~ abrasive threads of racial pride, eco­ Progressive race theory must histori­ A decade ago, Eric Foner warned that in our nomic enhancement, and cultural achieve­ cize the story of American racial history, day, as in the nineteenth century, a period ment produce, at best, brilliant but dimin­ emphasizing both its achievements and of radical change, followed by a desire for ished cultural expression, and at worse, failures. We have witnessed the marginali­ stability, would give way to an explicit at­ self-defeating catharsis and impotent po­ zation of an understanding ofracial history tack on the very achievements believed to litical windbagging. that provides a sense of the heigh ts scaled, be irreversibly established by Federal law Contemporary neoconservativism is of obstacles overcome, and of remaining and the Constitution. More subtly, on elite drawn like a vulture to the linguistic car­ roadblocks to theachievementofreal racial college campuses the implications of differ- casses of the liberal race rhetoric it helped liberation The prevailing myth of racial

DEMOCRATIC LEFT 7 MARCH-APRIL 1991 history abeorbe all racial complexities and action was instituted to eradicate actual must understand responsibility against the contradictions into a narrative of uncom­ past harm, and did not begin with LBJ, but background of social options, cultural re­ plicated linear progress, smoothing all ra­ with FDR in 1941. It took the construction sources, and economic conditions that form cial mountains into a vast hinterland of of Presidential Executive Orders from the immediate environment within which unexplored possibility. This yarn of racial Roosevelt, Eisenhower, Truman, and Ken­ people must live and make choices. In history, most often spun underthe auspices nedy to pave the way for Johnson's Execu­ short, a theory of responsible moral agency of contemporary neoconservativism, devi­ tive Order No. 11246, and to realize in must account for the conditions of possibil­ ously obecures its complicity in opposing greater scope the ideals of fairness and ity for such agency to be meaningfully exer­ the racial progress. In such a truncated equality only dimly and tentatively prefig­ cised. Progressive race theory must also narrative, racial meanings are often sev­ ured in previous executive actions. draw attention to the wide prevalence of ered from their historical context, alien­ Progressive racial theory must a1so higb­ destructive and narrow messages about black ated from the nexus ofsocial relations and ligh t the strengths ofliberalism, neonation­ identity, and the social forces which mystify catastrophes. alism and conservativism, even as it avoids the persistent obstacles to racial mobility A progressive race theory must relent­ their weaknesses in reconceiving racial even when high degrees of motivation, tal­ lessly historicize the development and ge­ destiny. It must agree with liberals that the ent, and skill are in place. nealogy of American race relations, meet- goal of full and meaningful participation in A progressive race theory must under- stand that neonationalism's appeal is that it intuits and exploits the genius of racial particularity, and grounds its vision of the world in a racial Weltan.schauwig that stresses pride in culture. But progressive race theory mU9t point to the ideological in­ sularity that obscures the role of extraracial factors such as gender and class in determining one's life situ­ ation. Such an understand­ ing contains the possibility, for example, of splintering the hermetic fideism of black nationalist ideology into shafts of powerful and lib­ erating insights that yield greater understanding about its most desperate constitu­ ency, the postindustrial urban black poor. At its best, progressive raoe theory understands the specific social, political, eco­ nomic, ideological, and cul· tural factors which create and reproduce oppression in ing the prevailing racial ideology blow-for- 1 America has been frustrated, but it must our contemporary historical moment. But blow in contesting its whitewashed history move beyond immigrant analogies, cultural it also creates equal space for, and the of race. For instance, affirmative action, a pathology, and psychological reductionism demand of, transracial coalitions that pay shibboleth of conservative disdain and a in seeking helpful explanations of black attention to how race, class, gender, age, keyword in liberal race theory, is often seen failure to integrate. Progressive race the­ sex, and geography all play a crucial role in to begin with LBJ, to devolve into inequi­ ory must highlight the specific conditions shaping the conditions of existence in our table preferential treatment for minorities, under which minorities have been oppre93ed, society. Only with such a progressive un­ and to become ideologically debased as a and then link an analysis of those condi­ derstanding of race can we hope to advance thin veil for quotas, particularly in educa­ tions to enabling forms of social theory beyond the seemingly 1nterminable ideo­ tion and employment. A progressive race which attend to structural, root causes that logical impasse th~t has been situated and theory must admit that affirmative action reproduce oppression over space and time. defined as the state of contemporary race has by and large only catalyzed the impor­ Progressive race theory must agree with relations. e tant but narrow amelioration of middle neoconservatives who claim that moral class, professional, and well-educated blacks responsibility is a crucial ingredient to self­ Michael Eric Dyson, a member ofDSA, is a and women. respect, and an indispensable motivation cultural critic and writer who teaches ethics But it must also insist that affirmative for rising from the pits of poverty. But it and phi.losophy aJ Chicago Theolcgical Semi­ nary.

DEMOCRATIC LEFT 8 MARCH-APRIL 1991 e

IJ1 h n The Economics Beyond Race ~

by Jim Sleeper wrest from it, piece by piece, the resources torments as a black man whose presence in to build better housing and schools. Even Chicago's loop after dark prompts sicken­ when they're predominantly black, they ingly predictable responses by purse~Jutch­ never speak of "black power." They win by ingwomen and hostile cops. Then he added hat can democratic socialists do to W roping in latino and white ethnic parishes. something black writers seldom do: counter racism and the economic injustices Secular models of interracial organiz­ But what about the indignities forced thatspawnit? Ihaveargued thateconomic ing that are closer to the left's experience on those frightened by my approach? injustice, not racism, is our foremost enemy include the work of the Hospital Workers Their fear is a demanding burden. and that a politics based on appeals to racial Union, Local 1199, in New York and the But it's a fear confirmed by crime solidarity (such as black nationalism) or on "Don't Buy Where You Can't Work" cam­ statistics. if not experience. The po­ a highlighting racial grievanoos hasn't a chance paign in Harlem during the 1930s. lice, to whom I fit a "profile," cer­ 11 in America. I believe that frontal assaults To be sure, African-Americans have tainly are playing the odds when they on racism -- be they political or legal -- will internal communal agendas to pursue. These stop me .... The tensions produced by never dissolve racism. • include redefining their relationship to the these differing, though equally ualid It Anyone who reads the paper knows I larger American experiment, their terms of perceptions are unravelling the ciuic that so many white working people are in I entry into an overwhelmingly nonblack culture. such desperate straits that any "civil rights" society that they can never dominate and Muwakkil thus introduced my own claim agenda that seems to redistribute jobs and from which they can never secede. ' that much of what looks like racism isn't income from them to hard-pressed blacks In the public arena only interracial the ancient poison that lathered into the has been politically foreclosed; it can be struggles against economic injustice .... not foundations of the Republic. The civil rights done only through court-imposed ends runs against an ever more elastically defined revolution really was revolutionary. It around electoral democracy, and these will racism-· can create a society worth joining "converted" enough whites to create the surely backfire in the 1992 presidential race: on any terms. Anything else .... nationalism, swing vote for social justice. another Republican president, more con­ Muwakkil is acknowledging that - Willie servative judges. the flakier forms of multiculturalism - tends Horton to the contrary notwithstanding .... Writing off these aggrieved voters as inevitably toward the chaos of a Beirut. Here, then, are a few modest proposi­ recent dropouts from this swing group incorrigibly racist would be easy, offensive, tions for the left: First, we must insist on weren't driven by racism but by valid fear. and wrong. Moreover -- and the left has candor about how and why black moral Some on the left find the prospect of retrac­ been slow in facing this-- it isn't only whites who resent political appeals to race. Cubans influence has waned. No movement for racial ing these people's steps so threatening that they'd sooner cede angry whites to David in Miami and Asians in New York City are justice can trade on lies, vilifying innocent parties, dehumanizing opponents, or in­ Duke than acknowledge their own mistake; ~tering as Republicans because they think in approaching them. Democrats indulge racial preferences for timidating allies with legitimate differences of opinion. Yet that is precisely what now Third, we must reassess positions and African-Americans. passes for racial politics, from the Tawana policies based in the belief that all angry That's not necessarily retaliatory pa­ rochialism; the drift of black middle-class Brawley and Central Park Jogger cases whites are racists. In the latter's experience through Mayor Marion Barry's trail, from of encroaching minority crime and social voters to Republican ranks, too, reflects the the more acrimonious demands for "Afro­ disintegration, compounded by real estate principled discomfort many Americans feel centric" education through the worst rheto­ exploitation and naive government inter­ about our national retreat from the early ric about the civil rights bill. ventions in their neighborhoods constitute civil rights movement's promise of a citi­ It's dangerously wrong for proponents extortions of gains they won by following zenship transcending color. of multiracial politics to gloss these events the strict disciplines of an upward mobility The power to do anything serious about on the grounds that their excesses don't to which some of them were ready to help economic justice can come only from hard­ represent most African-Americans. Of course admit blacks until the late 1960s. pressed people of all colors working together. they don't. Yet any black New Yorker who That these "extortions" reached their Those who think that racial manipulators doubted publicly the wisdom of the Brawley peak just as inflation and new forms of in­ will forever foreclose that possibility should psychodrama was almost universally con­ vestment undermined whites' upward study the interracial, church-based groups demned by the city's black weekly newspa­ mobility only compounded their despera­ of working-poor people organized by the pers and talk shows. The politics of parox­ tion; but it also underscores the truth that Industrial Areas Foundation in Baltimore, ysm has foreclosed effective, race-based something other than eternal racism drove Brooklyn, the South Bronx, Texas, and organizing for the time being. them to vote as they do. They were moved California. Second, we must reexamine white ra­ by what the sociologist Jonathan Rieder Working from core values, they reweave cism. In reviewing my book, The Closest of calls "indignation, and emotion born of the the civie culture in churches and homes and Strangers, Salim Muwakkil, a black-activ­ perception of injustice" done them by both learn to confront established power with ist writer for In These Times, described his disciplined probity, not psychodramas. They continued on page 19

DEMOCRATIC LEFT 9 MARCH-APRIL 1991 The Fist Holds a Wild Irish Rose: ANNE FEENEY

the modern labor movement. world-wide. She soon decided to close her by Fred Gustofson One such organizer was a fiddle-player law practice and pursue music full-time. named William Patrick Feeney. On at least Her father's death in 1987 may have one occasion, company thugs "invited" him been a catalyst. On uneasy terms since the Democratic socialist songstress Anne to leave the Mon Valley. He stayed, father­ antiwar years, daughter joined father at Feeney dragged deep on one of the ciga­ ing nine children. One of them was Edward bedside in his final days to share the poetry rettes she avoided in a recent four-month Feeney, a chemist who became lace-<:urtain and Irish songs he'd once sang to her as a attempt to quit and shook her head. On the enough to move to Brookline but stayed child. Many of those songs wound up on table before her were orders for hundreds of shanty enough to spend many an evening Fenney's ode to the Ould Sod that year: the oopim ofher new tape of labor songs, "United regaling his daughter Anne with bedtime "Grafton Street" tape. We Bargain, Divided We Beg." Her record­ stories of the coal-field wars. From drinking and "roving" songs like ing career has been a struggle to define a "My dad talked about John L. Lewis " Whiskey in the Jar" and "Wild Colonial voice. the way other people talked about the pope," Boy" to traditional rebel tunes like "Rising But it is history which defines us first, Anne says. But Anne didn't become a rebel of the Moon" and modern Irish left an­ and Anne's reaches far back into the Irish immediately. Once dubbed " Finky Feeney" thems like "Hey, Ronnie Reagan," "Grafton Catholic roots of the modem American labor by her classmates at Resurrection School, Street" percolated with a Celtic sensibility movement in the coal mines of eastern she describes the time as "cataclysmically which offered an acoustic counterpoint to Pennsylvania. It was led by an Irish Catho­ lonely." But her fortunes improved as a that of the Pogues' punk. But it's cultural lic nationalist and machinist named Ter­ high sdiool student at the Catholic Fontbonne imprisonment in the "lads" framework of rence V. Powderly, who lived and organized Academy, an all-female milieu that encour­ traditional Irish music placed it a pole apart in the anthracite fields around Scranton, aged habits of independent-thinking her from the purist feminism of "The Great where he held positions in the Irish Land public school contemporaries did not de­ Peace March." League and the Green Back Labor Party. velop. " If I Can't Dance It's Not My Revolu­ According to labor historian Eric F oner, the By 1969 and freshman year at the Uni­ tion" was Feeney's first conscious attempt Irish Land League in Eastern Pennsylva­ versityof Pittsburgh, Anne was an aspiring to link Irish heritage to feminist aspiration. nia "functioned as a kind of surrogate for folksinger who took the stage at an antiwar There was a generous sample of traditional the Knights of Labor," a national labor fed­ teach-in to belt out "Draft-Dodger Rag." folk numbers: Woody Gutherie's " Do-Re­ eration which Powderly ultimately served I Bohemian years in New York led her back Mi," Peggy Seeger's " I'm Gonna Be an En­ as national leader. to Pittsburgh, a commune, and marriage to gineer," and Don Lange's "Here's to You The Irish gradually worked westward leftish lawyer Ron Berlin in 1977. Rounders." But two of the most compelling over the Allegheny Mountains, where their Feeney ultimately took a law degree pieces resulted from collaborations with sheer numbers overwhelmed the Scot.ch­ herself, representing women in custody and bandmateD.C. Fitzgerald.Feeney bowed to Irish Presbyterians who had precedcessors, support cases, but her abiding passion was her Irish roots in a Fitzgerald arrangement who identified with the success of indus­ music. From the breakup of her first band, of the Dr. Seuss-inspired ''Too Many Daves," trial magnate Andrew Carnegie. Carnegie Cucumber Rapids, in 1977, to her private sung to the tune of "The Limerick Rake." A left the threadbare Irishman unimpressed, 1986 recording to "The Great Pe.ace March" Fitzgerald-arranged medley of "Sheik of and they defended their place in the coal­ tape, she divided her time between law, Araby/I'he Blues My Sweety Gave Me' was and-steel towns, often in skull-<:racking music and the care to two children: Daniel, sexy and funny. The tape began with a brawls. Their organizers built the basis for now eleven, and Amy, now nine. cover of Chuck Berry's "Monkey Business" The and ended with an anti-nuke reggae titled Dial your support to the "Great Peace "Take Them Down," which was intriguing March" tape but underdeveloped. Daily News strikers! was pivotal Season after season she carried her Recorded with unique meld of Irish-Appalachian labcr roUSic Dial our Dally News strike line to hear the employees' and ad. hoc to the bars and union•halls of the Pitts­ side of the strike. The proceeds from the $5 call will chorus dubbed burgh proletariat and beyond. Her career help support striking union members and their families. Wtld Women for took a quantum jump when in three short CALL Peace, the work weeks she went from a St. Patrick's Day gig outstripped her at the Poor House in industrial Carnegie to 1-900-740-4777 expectations by opening for Kristen Lems at the 1989 March selling a respect­ The stril

DEMOCRATIC LEFT 10 MARCH ~APRIL 1991 with the final verse of "Ms. Ogyny," a song insburg home, which is also base of op­ she'd written about Pittsburgh attorney erations for Anne Feeney and Friends: Barbara Wolvowitz, who'd been denied the "I wrote 'I married a Hero's a reaction right to be called Ms. while litigating a sex­ against the testost:.erone-laden Irish diecrimination case before a Pittsburghju~. musicl do in bars." She even predicts a Feeney i.eeued a tongue-in-cheek warning modest sale for "More of Us" in Eu­ that politics doesn't stop when one casts a rope, particularly Ireland, in part due ballot: to the subject matter of "Hero." sung So next time that you to vote there's from the viewpoint of a resistance­ that pesky fly in. the ointment you're fighter's wife, "Hero" is described by not just electing a president but all of Anne with reference to a cut from his appointments Once they're in., they're "Grafton Street" She says, "This is a only out on high crimes and misde­ song about the women behind "The meanors Arni with George Bush in the Men Behind the Wire." White House we're looking at some The rest ofthe tape weaves themes real wieners! of liberation and peace in cover songs "Ms. Ogyny'' was a breakthrough. It brought ranging from Peggy Seeger's "B Side" Anne victory at the 1989 Kerrville, Texas, to Erik ldle's whimsical "Galaxy Song." Folk Festival. After innumerable gigs, in­ Most important, Side One is all original cludingseven hundred unpaid appearances material. There are two standout cuts at various rallies sponsored by progressives, by D.C. Fitzgerald, "Oak Tree" and a Anne could finally demand union ecale. She fine commentary on the upheaval of also fought for recognition for the local 1989titled"AlltheWayAround."JanBoyd cheer, or ask to buy her a drink. But the musician's union, sponsoring a seminar for offers a poignant vision oflife as a homeless 1 similarity with Cline stops at the vocal cords. labor songwriters at the Manchester Crafts­ women in "Queen Mary." Feeney renders I Anne is no victim wailing about "Faded men's Guild. "Ms. Ogyny" and "I Married a Hero" with Love." The labor heritage permeates her most authority, but the nicest surprise is a re- I Before a packed midnight crowd at the recent tape, "United We Bargain, Divided mixed versionof"TakeThem Down." Anne Penn Cafe, Feeney launches into "Terra We Beg,'' released this past summer. Along is convincing when she cries over the skank ~ Nova." She sings about the mayor ofa small with blue-and pink-collar tunes by Charlie rhythm: "Take them down, we demand it/ California town who takeshisjobasjudgeof King, Bernice Johnson Reagon and Harry In the name of the planet/l'ake them down/ I a high school beauty pagoont eeriouruy enough Stamper, Feeney includes her own tribute In the name of mother earth." to bring a tape-measure to the contest. But to Pittsburgh's martyred union organizer Anne's Irish millworker melange was the tables are turned when Anne's coed " Fannie Sellins." always suffused with a basic feminist sensi- protagonist produces her own tape-measure Anne is also pinning high hopes on her bility. But with the synthesis she achieves and challenges Hizzoner to "show us the concurrently released tape, "There's More on "More of Us," her heritage and aspira- length of your cock" ofUs than They Think." She predicts: "The tions fuse with new and breathtaking cer- The crowd, male and female alike, roars labor tape will sell five times as many copies, tainty. in appreciation. Anne's Irish eyes are smil- but this tape could reach a much wider Not for nothing has Anne's singing ing, but that doesn't stop her from leveling audience." It is obvious that her concern to been compared to Patsy Cline's. One Pitts- · a critical gaze at the world's deficiencies.e avoid being typecast as a "labor songwrit:.er" burgh Press writer called hers a "brash I equals her earlier unease over the "Irish whiskey voice." In a technicolor shawl and DSAer Fred Gustafson works, studies, and Folksinger" tag many applied when she slinky black dress, Feeney in her best writJes in Pittsburgh. Anne Feeney and Friends released "Grafton Street." moments does leave you with the same inhabit much of 202 Dewey Street, Pitts­ She discussed the opening cut on "More psychic ambiguity Cline could sometimes burgh, PA 15218. Union discounts on tapes of Us" with me over coffee in her Wilk- elicit: You're not sure whether to dab a tear, available. ------Join Us! M embers of the Democratic Socialists of America work in every day-to-day struggle for social justice. We bring a strategy for building alliances among all the movements for social change. And we bring a vision of a society that can satisfy the demands for dignity and justice -- a socialist society. Join the people working to bring together all the movements for social change .. . and to bring together day-to-day battles and long-term strategies and visions. Join DSA. Send me more information about democratic socialism. =Enclosed find my dues : _ $50 sustaining;_ $35 regular; _ $15 limited income (dues include subscription to DEMOCRATIC LEFT). I want to subscribe to DEMOCRATIC LEFT: _ $8 regular _ $15 sustaining. Name and Address: Phone: Union/School/Affiliation: ------

DEMOCRATIC LEFT 11 MARCH-APRIL 1991 DSAction

'"") Apartheid. dise by credit card. Just call DSA at 212- Anti-Racism Commission contact Duane Demma Strainville, Chair of the Ontario 962r0390 and ask for Dominic Chan to phone Campbell at P.O. Bax 16239'1, Sacramenro, NDP Parliament Caucus will speak at the in your order or contribution. The lines are CA 95816, <916) 361-9072. open lOa.m. - 6p.m. Monday-Friday. dinner. MORIAM DSAers are saddened by the death in No­ vember of William Kemsley, who died at the age of eighty-two in Burlington, Vermont Resolution on the Gulf after a long illness. A long-time DSAer, he organized for the United Auto Workers in Democratic Socialists of America re-affirms its resolution on the Gulf Detroit duringthe Depression. After World adopted on September 16. It calls for: War II, he went to Berlin to help rebuild unions there. In 1950, he was education e AD immediate cease fire and a declaration that the United States seeks director of the 650,000 member Michigan no permanent bases in the Middle East and that U.S. troops will not remain CIO Council. From 1961 to 1954,he served in the region. Whatever U.S. naval and air forces remain to enforce with the Marshall Plan in Paris as head of sanctions must be under direct UN control. U.S. ground troops must be the labor training section. He became the United Nations representative of the Inter­ withdrawn. national Confederation of Free Trade Un­ ions and its New York office director. After e DSA condemns the Iraqi attacks on Israel and Saudi Arabia. We retiringto Vermont in 1961, he as a member condemn all bombings of civilians in this conflict by Iraq and we condemn of the Vermont Labor Relations Board for the bombing of Iraqi civilians by the U.S. led alliance. eighteen years, and was an active member . ofDSA's Labor Commission. e DSA calls for the immediate withdrawal oflraqi troops from Kuwait to be followed by UN supervised elections. The Iraqi-Kuwaiti territorial Edith Perlmutter of Santa Monica, a vet­ dispute including the claims against Kuwait for misappropriation of oil eran DSA member, died in January after a should be settled by the World Court. longillness. Edith was very active on peace and conversion issues, mainly through the This resolution wa.s considered at the DSA National Poli tical Committee meeting on Unitarian Church in Santa Monica. She February3 and forwarded to the National Interim Committee for editorial changes. was instrumental in the campaign to con-

DEMOCRATIC LEFT 12 MARCH-APRIL 1991 I § (') §

t;

i ~ ~ i..... , approved by the San Francisco police Iowa commission, for ittjuries inflicted on her The December, 1990 issue of The Prairie --·l~ by police during a rally September 14, Progressive,journal oflowa City DSA, listed at 1988. Huerta. sixty-seven. and other UFW its honor roll for 1990, including Paul Zim­ an members picketed Westin's St. Frances mer, director of the University of Iowa Press, de Hotel to prot:.est thw Vice-President Geor~ who turned down a $12,000 grant from the Bush's stand on the unions nationwide National Endowment of a the Arts because M1 grape boycott. Huerta, who suffered six its grant restrictions violated the First M broken ribs and a ruptured spleen, under­ Amendment; Father Norm White, who re­ si1 by Harry Fleischman went numerous blood transfusions. signed form the Private Industry Council to ra protest its awarding federal job training funds Js Alaska Washington, DC to Iowa Beef Processors, which paid workers th Father Steve Charleston, priest at the .DSAerJohn Herling has formally ceased only five dollars an hour, "not a living wage"; M Episcopal Church ofHoly Trinity/St. An­ publication of the John Herling Labor and Jean Jew as the "classiest winner of the M skar and professor at Luther-Northwest­ Letter, which started February 18, 1950. year," who won her sexual harassment case fo ern seminary in Minnesota's Twin Cities Herling, dean of the labor press, has been against the University of Iowa, but then Vf has accepted an appointment as Episco­ an active socialist for more then sixty voiced concern for the victims of harass­ m pal Church Bishop in Alaska. Charleston, years, and his final footnote said that ment who have neither the money nor the a Native American of the Choctaw people "Through all the years, we have remained tenure to risk lengthy court battles.... The N and a self-avowed revolutionary Chris­ confident that a free, democratic labor Daily Iowan carried a long story on the It tian, was instrumental in reviving the movement is the single most effective election of socialist Bernie Sanders to the l! DSA local in the Twin Cities. force in the fight to bring to birth a better House of Representatives from Vermont, F world for all." citing the views of DSAer Jeffrey Cox, UI n. California History professor, who said that support for tl DSAers Jay Johnson and Bob Niemann Illinois socialized medicine and employee rights has u were elected to the Santa Monica Rent Chicago DSA IP AC voted to endorse Danny never been higher. bi Control Board, which now has all the Davis for Mayor in the February 26 p seats, five, belonging to Santa Monicans Democratic Primary. It also endorsed Kentucky tl for Renters' Rights.. DSA gained over 150 DSAer Ron Sable for reelection to the Liz Natter of the Kentucky Resource Coun­ h new members in the last six months in City Council. .. Northern Illinois Univer­ cil spoke at Central KY DSA's January meet­ p the Los Angeles metropolitan area, bring­ sity DSA in Dekalb, joined an anti-war ing on environmental issues... The local's ll ing the LA membership to over 500 ...DSA rally January 17. Some 200 students potluck and videonightinJanuaryfeatured 'I joined the January 26 rally in LA against gathered in the Martin Luther King, Jr. "The Handmaid's Tale." CKDSAapplied to k the war in the Persian Gulf and also Memorial Commons to express their out­ the Lexington city-county government to t. participated in the February 2 confer­ rage, with signs such as "Support Our "adopt a spot," picking up trash along sev­ ence on "Winds of Change" to unite the Troops -- Stop the War!" and "If Only eral city streets to clean up the neighbor­ 'b left/progressive community in the Kuwait Exported Broccoli." NIU DSA hood and fund-raising at the same time. The f area... The Labor/Community Strategy publishes Our Times weekly. city pays a nominal amount for the service 1 Center held a forum January 4 to con­ but rejected DSA'e application because of l sider how to deal with the issue ofracism Winter Youth Conference the word "socialism" in DSA's name. which has divided the progressive move­ The DSA Youth Section held its annual win· ment.... Professor Will Forthman spoke Maryland ter conference February 15-17, 1991, at Co­ DSAers Ruth Wiencek and Harry Fleisch­ to the Valley DSA January 28 on the War lwnbia University in New York City. A diver­ in the Middle East. His talk was followed sity of speakers including DSA Honorary man spoke at a February seminar on demo­ by a film on CIA activity in the early Chairs Cornel West and Barbara Ehren­ cratic socialism at St. Mary's College. fifties when the CIA helped overthrow reich, as well as other prominent DSAers like the Iranian government of Mohammed Steve Max, Francis Fox Piven, Jo-Ann Mort, Michigan Mossadegh ... Valley DSAjoined in the King Joanne Barkan, Jose Laluz, andJerry Watts Detroit DSA held a well-attended public gave presentation.a which were well-received Day Coalition Against Hate Crimes in a forum in December on the "New Demo­ by the 150 student activists who came to cratic Party Victory in Ontario, Canada," candlelight march and rally January discuasthetheine"BeyondtheWar:Forging 21...Valley DSA showed the film, "Roger a Just World Order." with NDP member of Parliament, Steven and Me" February 8. . . . San Diego DSA The Persian GulfWar wu a major topic Langdon, and Mickey Warner of the Cana­ joined the Candlelight Demonstration and ofdiscussion for the activists, many of whom dian Union of Public Employees, Local 82 as March for Peace in the Middle East Janu­ have been involved in local anti-war activi­ speakers ties. A panel discussion which was followed ary 14 . .. . Barbara Ehrenreich's talk on by small group meetings looked at the fight Minnesota December 12 was one of the most success­ against racism and strategies for building ful San Diego DSA events ever..•. Dol­ multicultural coalition.a. Other panels ad­ The Twin Cities DSA local put most of its ores Huerta, DSA honorary chair and dressed envirorunental politics, national time and energy last fall into Paul Well­ vice-president of the United Farm Work­ health care, and the future of the socialist stone'e succes.sful campaign for the U.S. ers, will receive $825,000 in a settlement idea. Senate and called him "explicitly democratic

DEMOCRATIC LEFT 14 MARCH-APRIL 1991 -socialist in orientation." The Twin Cities held it.a International Labor Right.a Award board backed the idea and supported a local is having a series of discussion groups Dinner February 27, honoring Stanley Hill, campaign in behalf of a health care sys­ at the Meridel LeSueur Center for Peace Dan Kane, Ida Torres and Dave Dyson. . . tern in the United States similar to that and Justice on the history and policies of The Workers Defense League will present in Canada. It was submitted by Rep. democratic socialism. it.a David Clendenin Award at it.a annual Marty Russo (D. IL)... Aphonathan for dinner May 13 to Richard Trumka, Presi- the Allegheny Socialist netted $fi00, which Montana dent of the United Mine Workers of Amer- was supplemented by an International Morethan2,000 peoplecrowedtheUniver- ica. Dinner which brought in $200 more. sity of Montana campus for an anti-war DSAers are active in the drive of the D rally on Martin Luther King,Jr.'s birthday, Pennsylvania United Faculty to organize teachers at January 15, and 500 more crammed into Philadelphia DSA held a potluck dinner the University of Pitt.sburgh, following a the state capitol in Helena. DSAer Marshall and meeting February 3 to discuss "What's ruling by the Pennsylvania Labor Rela­ Mayer, Catholic priest Jerry Lowney, Rep. Ahead for the Peace Movement?" Speakers tions board that the faculty are profes­ Mark O'Keefe and others spoke vigorously included Barbara Smith, Jobs With Peace; sional employees rather than managers. for peace. Among the speakers were combat Beverly Kacher, WILPF; Joe Miller, Sane/ A group of anti-hunger activists, led by veterans, Native American tribal leaders, Freeze; Marwan Kreidie; Arab-American Just Harvest, has won creation of a new ministers, and peace activist.a. Democratic Club; Lori Salem,Act for Peace Food Policy Commission by the city of in the Middle East; Carlis Numi, AFSC Pittsburgh. In the last few years, nearly New York Peace Committee; and Bruce Haskin, DSA twenty supermarket.a in low-income ar­ IthacaDSAheld it.s annual retreatJanuary and Act for Peace.... The Philadelphia eas closed, resulting in increased hard- 19 to plan priorities for the coming year. Socialist analysis of "Pro-Choice and the ships on people without cars.. DSAers have Following extensive research on local and 1990 Pennsylvania Elections" reported that been active in anti-war rallies in Pitt.s­ national taxes, DSA called for abolition of pro-choice membership in the Pennsylva- burgh. There have been large student the payroll tax,makingtheincome rallies at Indiana University, tax more progressive in the higher Tiii> iiothe type Johnstown and Morgantown, bracket.a and substituting a more Anoth~r com~irrt of prob/em we plus active participation form progressive form of taxation for dbout racial c.:an't-re the families of servicemen and the local property tax, which is a • h.:Jo~tl::jc%. ~· igtJo · women stationed in the Gulf. . harsh burden on lower income ' ~. 0 . The Reading Socialist reports people. The Tompkins/Cortland ~~,1 ~ that its chair, Bob Millar, has Labor Coalition and the Building ~ ;,; been appointed to a four year Trades Council urged the Tomp- §. term on the Berks County Plan- ~e~! r-1 ~ kins County Board of Representa- The only solution _ ; 0 ning Commission. The Sixth tives to adopt a new jobs policy is tD .air It ~ ·_; 1 , , g, Annual Maurer-Stump Award 1 1 which would require contractors publicly J ~~ ~ ! Dinner will be held in the bidding on county projects to hire -~---- ~ ..U ~ 1~ ~ Spring.. .An article on "The Op- fifty percent of it.a workers from / ' ~ l ' · < portunities for Social Democ- TompkinsCounty, have a certifiedYC ~ . :,_r:;~~. t ~~Iii· racy" bylngvarCarl$0n,Prime New York State apprenticeship ___...... - -- l~-- ~--i-j MinisterofSweden, appears in training program, pay prevailing the local's bulletin. The bulle- wage rates, and document approved past nia House increased by three, and that the tin also features articles on Mideast peace work and health and safety records. Karen Democratic Party chose pro-choice cand1- and a Socialist vision of Reproductive Scharff, co-director, Citizen Action of New dates for every open seat. It also carries ar- Rights. A letter in Harrisburg's Patriot York, spoke on "Health Care and Truces: A tides on the Philadelphia municipal elec- News by Curt Sanders, chair of Central Progressive Coalition." DSA vice-chair, tions, organizing grassroots response to the Pennsylvania DSA, effectively challenges Frances Fox Piven, spoke on "The Impov- city's financial crisis and the Metzenbaum- assumptions about socialism... The Indi­ erishment of U.S. Society" at the Five Towns Gray bill in Congress to prohibit employers ana Univ. of Pennsylvania Center for the Forum in Hewlett February 8 .... The New form "permanently replacing" strikers. . . . Study of Labor Relations and the Work­ York Labor Committee in Support of De- PhiladelphiaDSA celebrates International ersDefenseLeaguewillco-sponsor acon­ mocracyand Human Right.a in El Salvador Women's Day March 10 with a potluck ference on shared work in Harrisburg dinner at the Summit Presbyterian Church. March 7th. The program topic is "We Speak with Many Voices: Feminists as Socialists -- Socialists Washington as Feminists." At the DSA national board Seattle DSA held a forum February 10 on Correction: We regret that Dr. Sidel meeting in San Francisco, Pittsburgh DSA "The Impact of the Middle East War in was not given an opportunity to review called for the creation of a "Sister City the United States. The Economy, Com. the edited version of his article which Relationship" between DSA and the New munit1es of Color, Health Care." Speak- appeared in the January/February 1991 Democratic Party of Canada. DSA locals I ers included DSAer Steve Rose, econo- issue before printing. would be paired with NDP locals m cana- m1St and Juan Bocanegra, director, dian cities with similar social makeup. The Downtown Human Services Council.

DEMOCRATIC LEFT 15 MARCH-APRIL 1991 blind initiative -- proves that it will not. To­ neighborhoods are ethnically homogene- lllli Stein continued from page 4 day, there are astute politicians who work ous, the competition tends to exacerbate to protect black interests. But this ap­ racial and ethnic conflict. The assaults black youths is to deny the very notion of proach alone is simply not a politically against New Jersey Governor Jim Florio's class. Working-class people often have low workable way to benefit blacks. Blacks are attempt to direct funds to poor school expectations -- which are, in fact, realistic. not the only groups suffering in this society districts point to the current limits ofstate Most perform the daily routines of their and progressive politics must acknowledge politics. Because of the radical decline of assigned lot, raise families, and remain in­ this. federal aid, Florio has been forced to equal- visible. Some, particularly young people, Today we address "racial problems" ize school funding by shifting from the rebel and act in anti-social ways. Although with symbolic politics, such as wars on crime property tax to a small progressive income conservatives, liberals, and radicals, like and special schools for black males. As in tax. Overall, the financing and goal are the southern planters, call them racial earlier periods of popular retreat, numer­ excellent although the initial political back­ problems, they are class problems. That's ous kinds of self-help proposals flourish. lash was unpromising. It remains to be seen class, not underclass. Such schemes advocate shuflling of resources how much of the program will survive. This is why the model of the civil rights within the black oommunity (neo-Garveyism) Equalization of school funding should be a movement is inappropriate to confront or promote individualistic bromides of hard national responsibility. n today's problems. Like generals who fought work (Shelby Steele). None of these are any Unions are better arenas for progres­ A the last war, many progressives attack con­ better than a thousand points of light. sive politics than communities; they unite temporary problems with the ideology and But what about "racist whites?" Be­ people who have common situations across s T tactics of the civil rights movement. Impor­ cause in some cities with high levels ofblack racial and ethnic lines. Unions have been e: tant legislation enacted during the 1960s 1.memployment, like New York, the "crime" the historic instruments addressing issues ti. removed racial barriers to citizenship and problem is a black problem, some whites ofwork -- our main problem now -- and the el jobs. In economic terms the legislation will adopt racist explanations. But that will related needs of workers. Although not al­ i. increased the labor suwly by including blacks not stop whites from uniting with blacks on ways successful with members, they also in the labor pool and to some extent train­ certain issues if it is in the interests of both provide an educational and political forum i ing many of them for jobs. But it did not -­ to do so. for class politics. The decline of unions is l n and this was the failure of liberalism - en­ the most im­ e sure a demand for labor, as well asa supply. portant source 0 And without a national policy to provide of the weak­ l work, gains from increasing the labor sup­ ness of progres­ ply were easily scuttled during the past two sive politics. , decades. Charting 1 To believe that civil rights legislation political alter­ can address these problems is utopian. natives when Courts, government, unions, and racial or­ the population ganizations during the 1960s and 1970s is suspicious of successfully assaulted racial barriers and government, practices in the workplace on the basis of scornful of poli­ the Civil Rights Act of 1964. But the prob­ ticians, and un­ lem today with court-imposed solutions is convinced of that remedies are fashioned only on the the efficacy of basis of what courts can do, not what is politics is diffi­ genuinely needed. A judge may say that a cult. In the certain number of craftsmen in a plant short run, the must be black. But courts cannot require What is the basis for such unity? Com­ situation is not promising. Radicals of any companies to actually employ craftsmen -­ parisons between blacks and whites are sort have flourished in the United States as opposed to contracting work out, relocat­ generally misleading. Statisticalcompari­ only when people have been mobilized. ing, or even going out of business. And it is sons between whites and blacks falsely as­ Today they are not. The function of radi­ corporate prerogatives in these areas that sume that the experiences of a Polish worker cals is to politicize and shape popular are causing problems in black communities in Chicago are part of the same historical struggles. But radicals alone cannot create around the country. Today, even if the process as those of the descendants of the them. Activists will be most effective when courts were more liberal they could not pro­ slaveholders of Virginia or the landed gen­ the political arena is more promising. And vide work any more than affirmative action tryof colonial New York. Today, unlike the they can help ensure this by working now can produce higher education. The criti­ past, millions of blacks and whites share in politics and institutions which have the cism of the Bush administration's denial of workplaces and classrooms, confront sllni­ potential of eventually producing majority college scholarships based upon race was lar problems, and possess common aspira­ coalitions which address the real causes of swift, sure, and effective. But the deterio­ tions. Progressive politics will begin with contemporary problems, not oontemporary ration of the urban, public universities which them, not blacks and whites who share symbols. e educate the vast majority of black students little. remained unaddressed. City and state politics do not appear Some fear that a class approach to promising arenas in the short run. In peri­ Judith Stein is a professor ofHistory at the black problems will only ignore blacks. But ods of austerity, neighborhoods compete City College ofNew York and the Graduate the record of the War on Poverty -- a color- with each other for scarce resources. If School of the City Uniuersity ofNew York.

DEMOCRATIC LEFT 16 MARCH-APRIL 1991 AGITPROP Books, Pamphlets, and Merchandise Available through the DSA Office

\8 18 The New American Poverty, by Michael Harrington. A study of the chWlges in American poverty since the nineteen-sixties, re SOCIALIST THEORY AND PRACTICE focusing on new problems such as the failure ofthe welfare state, homeless­ k- Socialism: Past and Future, by Michael Harrington. ness, ethnic and immigrantpoverty, single-parent familiu, and chWlges in Ill In his la.st book, DSA founder and longti.nu co-chair the ~ Mich.aRl government policy wward the poor. e. Harrington traas two centuries of socialist history and explores the Penguin, 1984. Softcover, 271 pp. $7.00 a possibility that socialist economic reform is necessary for political democ­ racy to survive into the next century. The New American Poverty, by Michael Harrington. Arcade Publishing, 1989. Hardcover. 320 pp. Special discount $15.00. Video, 60 minutes, $25.00 :e TheMee.nSeason.: The Attack on the Welfare State, by Fred Block, Richard ;s Socialism and America, by Irving Howe. This book, by DSA Honorary Chair and noted literary critic Irving Howe A. Cloward, Barbara Ehrenreich, and Frances Fox Piven. n explores the history of Socialism in America from the time ofEugene Debs The authors analyze Reagan's war on the poor and the welfare slate to IS to the present, and the uniquely American failure to build a large and reveal its true benertciaries, and its true targets. A heaJJhy antidote to the e enduring socialist movement. neo-c.onservative, "blame the victim" rationale for cutting social programs. I- Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1977. Softcover. 218 pp. $5.00. Pantheon Books, 1987. Softcover, 205 pp. $7.00 0 ''The DSA Labor-Support Manual" p Fear ofFalling: The Inner Life ofthe Middle Class, by Barbara Ehrenreich. DSA Honorary Chair Barbara Ehrenreich dissects the inner life of the Published by DSA. Softcover. $3.00. 8 m.uldle class -- from the liberal elite of the sixties to the yuppies of the eighties - and reveals the enormous power it wields over our culture and "A Socialist Perspective on the Politics of Poverty," by Michael Harring­ e our self-image as a people. ton, Barbara Ehrenreich, William Julius Wilson, and Mark Levinson. Pantheon Books, 1989. Hardcover. $18.95. Published by DSA. Pamphlet. 6 pp. $1.00

The Nat Left: The History ofa Future, by Michael Harrington. "The Politics of the Housing Crisis," by Peter Dreier. Harrington addresses here some of the most hotly debated issues of our Published by DSA. Pamphlet, 4 pp. $.50. time, including the dPficit, tax refomi, monetarist and supply-side econom­ ics, full employment, w1d the welfare state. He argues that a renewed possibility ofpolitical power for the left will arise not in decades, but in a POLlTICS matter ofyears. Why Americans Don't Vote, by Frances FoxPiven and Richard A. Cloward. Henry Holt and Company, 1986. Softcover. 194 pp. $8.00. Shrewd and statistical analysis of who votes and who cloesn 't vote in America, drawing upon the history of voter registration. and voting in the The Socialist Debate, by Bogdan Denitch. nineteenth century, the New-Deal era, and today. Demonstrates Jww our DSA Vice-Chair Bogd= Den itch examines the current crisis ofsocialism. m voting system is weighted in favor of more privileged voters. the world and the possibility ofa socialist renewal. Topics treated include Pantheon Books, 1988. Softcover, 325 pp. $9.00. Bloc socialism, Yugoslavian Socialism., third world socialism., socialism and the cold war in Western Europe, and present socialist strategy. The End of the Cold War, by Bogdan Denitch. Pluto Press, 1990. Hardcover 233 pp. $20.00. Denitch charts the unu1ue opportunities =d potential pitfalls that accom­ pany thP increased economtc and political integration of the Europe= "The Question of Socialism," by Michael Harrington and Alec Nove. Community, and the collapse of authoritarian regimes in Eastern Europe. This pamphlet contains two essays. Harringlo11 's is entitled "Toward a University of Minnesota Press, 1990. Softcover, 123pp. $10.00 New Socialism: Beyond th~ Limits of the Present." Nooe's is entitled "Fea­ sible Socialism: Some Socia.t.Political assumptions." I The Worst Years of Our Lives: Irreverent Notes From a Decade of Greed, Published by the Foundation for the Study ofIndependent Social Ideas, Inc. ' by Barbara Ehrenreich. 1989. Pamphlet. 37 pp. $2.00. 1 A collection ofshorter pieces by DSA Honorary Chair Ehrenreich, on topics ranging from Olwer North to Wall Street to Yuppie Food Cultists. Serious "Toward a Democratic Socialism: Theory, Strategy, and Vision," by Joseph but fun. Schwartz Pantheon Books, 1990. Hardcover, 275 pp. $19.95. DSA 's theories and practices in a hu;toncal context. Published by DSA. Pamphlet, 8 pp. $1.00. RACE AND RACISM "Towards a New Socialism," by Michael Harrington. "Socialist Perspectives on Race," by Jerry Watts and Come! West. Video. 60 minutes. $25.00. An mquiry into tlw connections between Socialism=d Antiracism by DSA Honorary Chair Wld Princeton Afro-Americ= Studies program chair Cornel West with a companion article by Trinity College professor Jerry ECONOMICS Watts on contemporary racial politics. The Other America: Poverty in the United States, by Michael Harrington. Published by Democratic Socialists of America. Pamphlet, 12 pp. $1.00. Harrington's classic portrait ofAmertca 'spoor caused a sensatwn in 1962, and i.s credited with providing much of the im.petu...~ for Lyndon Johnson's "The Black Church and Marxism: What Do They Have to Say to Each War On Poverty. It is now augmented bya new afterword, which examines Other?" by James Cone the plight of the poor since the book. s first edition. Published by the Institute for Democratic Socialism, 1980. Pamphlet, 13 Penguin, 1981. Softcover, 221 pp. $7.95. pp.$ .50.

DEMOCRATIC LEFT 17 MARCH-APRIL 1991 SEXUAL LIBERATION PERIODICALS 11111111 Remaking Love: The Feminization ofSex, by Barabara Ehrenreich, Eliza­ Democratic Left, DSA 's bi-monthly magazine. s beth Heu, and Gloria Jacob& $8.00 for l year subscription, $.50 for a aample issue. A atudy of the sexual revolution of the sixties and its l.ater

A Margin of Hope, by Irving Howe. I Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1982. Softcover, 252 pp. $7.95. 4 ORDER FORM l Please indicate title, quantity, and, if applicable, color, size, 5 and style. e I 1 POSTAGE AND HANDLING COSTS I For Orders under $.50 add $.45 (or send atampa) For Orders from $.50 to $2.00, add $.65 for postage For Orders from $2.01 to $5.00. add $1.25 for postage For Orders from$ 5.01 to $10.00, add $2.00 We will bill you for postage on orden1 over $10.00

BULK DISCOUNTS 5-9 copies, 10% off 10-14 copies, 20% off 115 or more copies, 30% off

PAYMENT Check.a or Money Orders should be made payable to Demo­ cratic Socialists of America, 15 Dutch St., Suite 500, New York, NY 10038. To order by credit card call. 212-962-0390 .

Got a path with no layoffs, discrimination, slave wages or rotten sexist attitudes?!

DEMOCRATIC LEFT 18 MARCH-APRIL 1991 nomic and social justice. Sleeper continuoi{rompage9 For twenty-five years, many on the left have cast these values as racist and sexist. CLASSIFIEDS minorities and governing elites. Yet to affirm them is not necessarily to That leads to a final proposition: The enthrone racism, seUsm. and ethnocentricity. peroepticna cL iajustice fueling these people's Li'berals must learn to make the case that INTER.~SlilPS available now at the DSA I() indignation may not always be accurate, only our common legacy from the "patriar­ National Office in NYC for 1991. Con­ but neither are the values they believe to be chal" European Enlightenment - redeemed tact Michael Lighty (212) 962-0390. under assault always invalid. The left will and expanded by brave women and people never convince such .whites to alter their of color - makes diversity poesible. Minori­ ENCYCLOPEDIA OF THE AMERICAN perceptions if we don't share their core ties and feminists may have it tough here, LEFT, 970pp., dozens of entries on and/ values. These center on the work ethic - but they can scarcely breathe anywhere or by DSAers. Get socialism into your li­ holding a steadyjob, however poorly it pays; else, whether it be Jape.n. China, Iran, Central braries. $95 prepaid to Garland Publish· on apportioning reward by initiative and Africa, or India. And with the collapse of ing, 136 Madison Avenue, New York, NY merit; and on building families - not having communism, and America inundated by 10016. children one can't or won't support. immigrants and refugees is the only truly Yes, economic undertows and Republi­ international social experiment. It's time ACTMSTS wanted to organize low in· can go-go policies undermine these \-a.lues we figured this out. e come neighborhoods nationwide. Fight as much aa liberalism ever has. But too for housing, health, education. Cont.act many liberals and leftists don't even pre­ Jim Slttper, an editcrial writer at New ACORN, 522 8th Street, SE, Washing· tend to have them, which is mildly ironic York Newsday, is tM author o{The Cloeest ! ton, DC 20003 (202> 547-9292. when one considers that only those who do ofStrangers : Liberalism and the Politics of defend them have ever mustered the disci­ Race in New York (W.W. Nortcn & Co.) MEET OTHER LEFT SINGLES through pline and faith necessary to advance eco- Concerned Singles Newsletter. Men and women who care about peace, social jus­ tice, and racial equality. National and STATEMENT OF OWNERSHIP international membership. All ago;. Since MANAGEMENT AND CIRCULATION 1984. Free Sample: Box 555-D, Stockbr· Required by 39 U.S.C. 3685 U.SP.S. idge, MA 01262. lA. Title of publication: Democratic Left B. Publication no.: USPS #0701-960 COMMUNITY JOBS, socially responsible 2. Date of Filing: Janwuy 16, 1991 job opportunities. Subscr.ibe to the only 3. Frequency ofiuu.e: Bi·monthly nationwide listing covering organizing, A No. of iuu.ea published annually: 6 disarmament, labor, environment, and B. Annual 1JUbecription price: $8.00 more. $3.50/sample. $12/6 issues. Box 4. Location ofoffice of publication: 15 Dutch Street, Suite 500, New York City, New York County, NY 10038-3779 DS, 1516 P Street, NW, Washington, DC 5. Location of Publisher: 15 Dutch St., Ste. 500, New York City, New York County, NY 10038-3779 20005. 6. Na.met and addreuea of publisher, editor, and man.aging editor: Democratic Socialiata of America, Inc.; Barbara Ehrenreich; Michael Lighty; all of 15 Dutch St., Suite 500, New York, NY 10038-3779 Classified advertising rates are $2 per 7. Owner: Democratic Socialiat8 ofAmerica, Inc., 15 Dutch St., Suite 500, New York, NY 10038-3779 line, $50 per column inch. Payment in 8. Known bondholders, mortgageea, Md other security holders owning or holding 1 percent or more aduance. There is a twenty percent dis­ of total amount of bonda, mortgages or other aecuritiea: none count ifad (s) run two or more times. We 9. The purpcllM!, function, and nonprofit status ofthi.a organization and the exempt status for federal income tax pllJ'p(Nlff baa not changed during the preceding 12 montti.. reserve the right to reject ads. 10. Erlent and nature of circ. Average no. oopiee each iuue Single iaaue pub­ during preceding 12 month.e lished nearest to fil..i.ng date

A. Total no. oopiea printed 9,083 9,000 B. Paid circulation 1. Salea via dealen, carrien, Bertha Capen street vendors, counter aalea 1,000 1,000 2. Mail 1JUbacription 5,547 5,842 Reynolds Society C. Total paid circulation 6,547 6,842 D. Free dietribution by mail, carrier or other means aarnplea, complimentary, Organization of progressive social work­ and other free copiea 1,462 1,481 ers and human service workers. For in­ E. Total distribution 8,009 8,323 formation on membership and June 14th F. Copiea not distributed through 16th, 1991 fifth annual insti­ 1. Office use, left over, tute/conference at Smith in Northamp­ unaccounted, spoiled 1,074 677 ton, Massachusetts, write: Bertha. Capen 2. Return from news agenta 0 0 Reynolds Society, Post Office Box 20563 G. Total 9,083 9,000 11. I certify that the atatementa made by me above are correct and complete. (Signed) Dominic Chan, New York, New York 10023. Comptroller

DEMOCRATIC LEFT 19 MARCH-APRIL 1991 Jimmy Higgins Reports

IT TAKES ONE TO KNOW ONE ItaeemaDan ~le CAN SOCIALISTS KEEP A SECRET? No, ..,. the bu found a new mentor: Spiro Agnew. Sixties vets will remember Waahington Times and Republican Whip Newt Gingrich. They're Agnew'• vicioua locutiona against anti-war proteetera, and the fuming because congressman Ron Dellum.a, a DSA vice-chair, baa media. Not to be out.done, Danny boy put together this complete been appointed to the House Intelligence Committee, a move we aentence: "Unfortunately, the media seem compelled to devote feel strengthens the committee's IQ considerably. Tima colum­ much more attention to thoee [anti-war) protests than they de­ nist Cal Thomas cites Dellums membership in DSA and then aaka, aerve." In a aurpriaing r8sponse, Nft» York Poat Editor Jerry will America's most important secrete be aafe with Mr. Delluma? Nachman, who ia used to testing the bounds of good taste, if not According to Gingrich, who himself barely won re-election, unleaa preae freedom, aaid "One of the forgotten leeaona ofVietnam ia why you agree with him politically, you cannot aerve on the armed the media grew eo fractioua. For months and years, U.S. govern­ services, foreign affairs or intelligence committAee, an intereeting ment leaden - military and civilian - downright lied to the perspective for the minority whip. The White Hou.a baa implied American people about the war." After the bunker bombing and that they might not cooperate with this "too-liberal" committee. continuing pram cemorahip, it eeema disinformation ia also being But as Speaker Foley said, "The ship ofatate-leaka Ctom the top." re-run.

THAT'S KOSHER WITH A ''K." The State Depart­ SURPRISE, SURPRISE. Employers have di.soovered what ment's Middle East experts really know their stuff', ezcept when it theAFL-CIO aid all along about the sub-minimum wage - it's not comes to difficult things like cultural practices. At the atart of a fair. Inuurvey ofl67 fut-food restaurants, only three were uaing trip to urge Israeli restraint in the Gulf War, Deputy Secretary of this wage, which ranges between $3.35 and $3.80 per hour. The State Lawrence Eagleburger ordered bacon and egp at his hotel, managen ezpreaaed concern that paying some young employees the Jerusalem Hilton. Although officiala told Eagleburger the leel than othen would be demoralizing and disruptive. Tell that to hotel was kosher, he kept insisting on bacon. Boy thoae atate Prellident Buah, who threatened to veto minimum wage legislation department types sure are persistent. unleaa it contained this sub-minimum.

Ninth Annual Socialist Scholars Conference April 5, e, 7, 1991 After the Flood: The World Transfarmed Boro of Manhattan Community College, CUNY 199 Chambers Street (near Trade Center), New York. Cl*J Join Hundreds of Speakers: • Maria Elena Alves • Stanley Aronowitz • Daniel Berrigan • Slavenka Drakulic • Barbara Ehrenreich • Irving Howe • Manning Marable • Susan McGregor • Vukasin Pavlovic • Frances Fox Piven • Bogdan Denitch • Clare Short • Cornet West • Ellen Willis • Rosemary Radford Ruether Sponaored by the CUNY Ph.D. Program in Sociolog 1991 REGISTRATION FORM Make checks payable to: "Socialist Scholars Conference" and mail to: R.L. Norman, Jr.. CUNY Democratic Socialist Club, Rm. 800, 33 West 4Znd St.. New York, NY 10036. Pre-registration forms must be postmarked by March 20th to allow for p~lng. Pre-registration: __$25 __$15 (student/low lncomel Registration at Door: __$ 35 _ _ $20 l1tudentllow income) Professional childcare for toilet·trained toddlers 3 years of age and older, daytime on Saturday and Sunday. 0 I need childcare for ___ children, ages _ __, ___ , ---· Name Address/ City /State/ Zip Academic or Organizational Affiliation DL