Latin pastoral poetry of the Italian Renaissance (1480-1530)

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Authors White, Paloma, 1901-

Publisher The University of Arizona.

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Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/553245 Latin Pastoral Poetry of the

Italian Renaissance

(1480-1530)

by

Paloma White

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the

requirements for the degree of

Master of Arts

in the Graduate College

University of Arizona

1 9 3 5

Approved: V /fs-r

2-

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

It is my wish to here express my sincere

appreciation of the patience and fortitude shown

by my professor Dr. F. H. Fowler, in examining

and criticising this work.

B&loma White.

99505 CONTENTS

Chapter Page

I. THE DEVELOPMENT OF ALLEGORY IN PASTORAL POETRY FROM THE TIME OF THEOCRITUS UNTIL THE

RENAISSANCE 1

II. A COMPARISON OF RENAISSANCE LATIN ECLOGUES

WITH THE ECLOGUES OF VIRGIL . 45

1. Faustus AndreiInus 48 2. loannes Arnolletus 91

3. Jacopo Sannazaro 97

4. Henrlquo Cayado 144

5. Antonio GeraldIni 180

6. Baptlsta Mantuanua 198

III. SUMMARY- - 258

BIBLIOGRAPHY ' , 267

' APPENDIX 272 INTRODUCTION

In the past, little or no effort has been made to

explain the sources of the numerous changes that have taken

place in pastoral poetry of Renaissance Europe. The super- artificiality, the allegorical portraiture of court life,

the introduction of extraneous subject-matter, the moral­

izing tendency, the "patron-flattery” element, the exagger­ ation of the erotic side of pastoral life, the melodramatic treatment of the languishing lover's complaint, and the

"assumption of poverty" or the "complaint of an empty purse", are all predominant characteristics of the Renais­

sance Eclogue, as distinguished from the ancient picturesque

idyll, and most of them are generally assumed to have taken ' . their rise in the "Bucolics" of Virgil.

This thesis, by means of a comparison between the

pastoral poems of Virgil and the Latin Eclogues of the Ital­

ian Renaissance humanists, is an attempt to place the re­

sponsibility for such radical changes where it rightfully

belongs. The first division which comprises a study of

pastoral allegory from Theocritus to the Renaissance is an

endeavor to prove that the common supposition concerning

hidden allusion in the Virgilian pastorals is overestimated.

In this study I have been particularly indebted to Hamblin's nDevelopment of Allegory In Classical Pastoral*. In the second division, 'oy an examination of the Latin Eclogues of the Renaissance humanists (Mantuanus, Sarniazaro, Andre- linus, Cayado, and Geraldini) and their comparison with

Virgil’s Pastorals in respect to allegory, subject matter and its treatment, pastoral scenery, etc,, I have made an effort to show what pastoral traditions have survived " through the years in this type of poetry, those that have originated in the ancient Eclogues and those that have sprung up because of a misinterpretation of the Virgillan poems, and finally those new elements, products of Renais­ sance thought, that have crept into the Eclogue and have become an acceptable part of it. Wherever possible, I have pointed out the actual influence of these Italian writers upon later European pastoral poetry. In this I have relied largely upon the generous Introductions of Dr. Wilfred P. Mustard’s Editions of these men’s works.

P. V/. I. THE DEVELOPMENT OF ALLEGOHT IN PASTORAL POETRY FROM THE TIME OF THEOCRITUS UNTIL THE RENAISSANCE 1 - >

Allegory, as an element in pastoral poetry, which during the Middle Ages came to be looked upon as an essential to the

mode and which in the Renaissance reached its fullest extent,

was in a minor degree evident even in the earliest known Ec­ logues. In the latter, however, it is so faint as to be scar­ cely recognizable. Certainly it was most unimportant and in

no way interfered with or detracted from the poetical qualities of the poem;

The earliest known allegory in a pastoral setting is found

in the dithyramb "Galatea" by Philoxenus which-was written as

a revenge upon Dionysus I for the author*s banishment. It was

supposed to have been an allegorical representation of the ty­

rant Dionysus I in the person of Cyclops (Dionysus was afflic­

ted with poor vision) who makes love to Galatea, a concubine (1 ) of his, and because of whom Philoxenus was banished.

Following this, among the mimes of Herondas was found one

poem laid in a pastoral scene which, in spite of its fragmentary

condition, has, because of certain riddle-like passages, been

said to have contained allegory. Herondas is said to have rep­

resented his rivals and critics and probably himself as herds- (2 ) men and their rivalry in poetry as a contest in rustic sport.

(1) Hamblin, "The Development~of Allegory in the Classical Pastoral," pp..4-5. v . ■ . -2-

That the poet-herdsman allegorj'' may also be found in

Theocritus seems evident from the Seventh Eclogue in which a herdsman, Simichidas, is represented as Journeying in com­ pany with a friend to a feast in honor of Demeter. On the way they meet a goatherd, Lycidas, of great poetic talent. Simic­ hidas suggests that they sing pastorals, so Lycidas sings of his love for the boy Ageanax, and Simichidas of the love of

Aratus for the boy Fhilinus. Then Lycidas presents Simichidas with a shepherd’s crook.and they part. The poem ends with the shepherds arrived at their destination.

That Simichidas is Theocritus may be deduced from the fact (3) that (1) the scene of the poem is laid at Cos , where the poet (^) is known to have studied under Philetas, (2) that Simichidas attests to his fame as a bard though (modestly) he does not equal either Sicelidas from Samos or Philetas ( w . 27-45) , the famous

Goan bard, and (3) that Theocritus is said to have been a son of Sinichus or Simichidas and to have called himself Simichidas (5) patronymieally. Philetas is mentioned in his own name. Siceli­ das is generally conceded to be Asclepiades, a poet of Samos, and Lycidas is variously Identified but the context of the poem gives nothing which might indicate his Identity. Since he, like

(2) .Ibid.pp.10-11.

(3) Hales was a river of the island. Banks, J., Trans, of Theoc­ ritus, Bohn Library Edition, p.37,n.l. ; (4) This is the basis of the Scoliast’s view that the scene is laid in Cos. (5) Banks, Trans, of Theocritus , p.38,n.9. —15—

Slmichidas, is a herdsman-singer of renown it would naturally be assumed that he too woe a poet. Theocritus* seeming humor­ ous description of him would incline one to think he had a friendly rival in mind, for he says: "He was a goatherd, nor could anyone that looked upon him have mistaken him, for he was exceedingly like a goatherd".

Although the rest of Theocritus* poems have been allegor­ ically analyzed in various ways by Imaginative scholars, yet they are all purely pastoral with no reference to contemporary events or to other poets, nor have the characters definite and unmistakable characteristics which might belong to Theocritus or any other poet. '

In the latter part of the second century B.C. or in the beginning of the first century B.C. there appeared a pastoral by I'oschus, commemorating the death of Bion. In this poem

Bion is represented as a herdsman, renowned in singing surpas­ sing even Pan, and at his death music itself passed away. The

Muses are called upon to mourn his death, for now he sings no longer while tending his herds but is a bard for Pluto. His own herds refuse to eat and the mountains mourn for him. It has all the earmarks of later elegaio poetry, except that it lacks the traditional apotheosis of the lamented bard, and

Bion is clearly represented as a singing shepherd.

The fact that Bion in the poem is represented as a lover of Galatea led scholars to believe that Bion must have allegor ically depicted himself in a poem of his own, as the lover of ■ -4-

(6) Galatea. However, Hamblin oonvlnoIngly confutes this, and suggests that it probably means that Blon in one of his poems had portrayed Galatea’s lover as he is here presented.

Greek pastoral allegory, as we see, was, with the excep­ tion of the poem by Philoxenus, strictly of a literary nature; tli?it is, the identification of poets with shepherd singers, and their relationships with one another.

As for the allegory in Virgil’s Eclogues, there have been almost as many different interpretations as there are commentators. Virgilian commentators may in the main be classed in two divisions: the conservatives, who see little or no allegorical allusion in the Bucolics; and those whose imaginations have led them to discover hidden facts in the roost insignificant statements. The latter have been largely influenced by the ancient lives and commentaries of Virgil, which themselves are so varied in their viewpoints as to be wholly untrustworthy. Furthermore, the facts which they of­ fer concerning the life of Virgil and of his time seem to be largely based not upon historical fact but upon an allegoric­ al interpretation of the Eclogues themselves. *-,ince there is no way of knowing how much error and how much truth may be found in these early critics, the conservatives have declared that the safest way is to regard the Eclogues primarily as

(6) Hamblin,pp.22-23. .-5-

pastoral poems accepting allegory only when it demands rec­ ognition, and then only when it harmonizes with historical facts given us by reliable historians.

Viewing the poems then from this standpoint it would seen reasonable to suppose that those which more nearly fol­ low the pastoral models of Theocritus, and which are but sim­ ple shepherd songs, contain the least allegory while those the farthest removed from Theocritenn verse are most likely to offer references to Virgilion life and times.

Eclogue X, the last to be written, as indicated in line

1, would seem to be a fair field for allegorical search inas­ much as it is the final effort in the development of Virgil's art in pastoral roetry. Here Virgil, speaking in the first person and as a goatherd, bids Arethuse aid him in singing a song for Callus. The love-lorn Callus is to be the theme of his song— Callus, who lay weeping "neath a lone rock amid bays and tamarisks.*2 Callus as "bard divine” is urged to look kindly on shepherd's flocks, for even lovely Adonis pastured sheep by streams.; • The shepherd and slow-footed swineherd and

Eenalcas ask: "Whence that love of thine*’"— and Apollo: “callus why so mad? Thy love, Lycoris, through the inclement camp and wintry snows follows another flame‘.V Silvanus and Pan also bid him relinquish his love. And Callus answered that it would be pleasant to join the shepherds and live a life of delightful ease, but war, with "maddening lust", holds him* and Lycoris, far from home, looks on Alpine snows and the frozen Rhine• Here ( w . 50-61) he seems to change in favor of shepherd life and song, only to realize (v.63) that he le com­ pelled to follow Love, for "Love conquers oil; we too must yield to ^ove*.’!

Since Callus is mentioned under his own name and so is a real person, although he is placed in pastoral setting, it seems probable that the story of his "love" may contain alle­ gory. Some critics have preferred to believe the story dis­ closed in the poem as a true account of Callus* "disgraceful" love for the ungrateful Lycoris, who has been identified with a certain Volumnla Citheris, a freedwoman, one time mistress (7) of Mark Antony, whom she followed through camps of the north.7

(7) Frank, Tenney, "Vergil, a Biography11 ,p.l20. "The Tenth Eclogue gives Virgil's impression upon reading one of the elegies of Callus which had apparently been written at some lonely army post in Greece after the news of Cytheris* desertion. In his elegy the poet had, it would seem, bemoaned the lot that had drawn him to the East away from his beloved. "Would that he might have been a simple shepherd like the Greeks about his tent, for their loves remained true!* And this is, of course, the very theme which Vergil dramatizes in pastoral form." This he cited as the interpretation of Leo "Hermes" (1902) p.15. Connington, "Vergil! Opera" Vol.I, Eel. X., "this Eclogue shows that Callus had become known as a poet and as a lover."

Herras;ti "Virgilio; Su Muhdo, Su Obra y Sus Ideas" from "Homenaje Do Mexico al Poeta Vifgilio en El Segundo Milenario de Bu Naeimiento,f" p.Ql. "La decima pastoral es, en fin, una celebre elegia que laments el desgraclado amor de Cayo Cornelio Galo por la ingrata Licoris, que se le ha huido a la Germania en el sequito militar de Marco Vipsanio Agripa, abnndonando a Galo en la Arcadia, segun el texto de la p a s t o r a l * This is a clear example of the extent to which allegorical reading from the text may go. - 7-

However it is unlikely that Virgil is closing his Eclogues with an insult to one whom all accounts agree was a close friend. A more likely solution of the allegory, if there is any, is.that connected with the poetic art in which it was (8) known Gallus was proficient— particularly in elegale verse.

There is nothing in the poem which compels us to believe that

Lycoris is o real person. May she not allegorically allude to his elegaic verse? This art of his may be indicated by verses

13-15, "ilium etinm lauri, ctiara.flevere myrioae, pinifer ilium etiara sola sub rupe iacentern Kaenalus, et gelidi fleverunt saxa lycaelV" The following lines, then would be an appeal to him to attempt pastoral poetry, for his style of elegaic poetry is the result only of that inspiration which i a received amid the hardships of army life, v/hpn urged to attempt pastoral poetry, he replies "0 that I had been counted one of youl ^ and continues, if that were granted him he might even attempt the elegaic pastoral ( w .42-45), but that too is outside his sphere. The type of elegaic he writes must be the result of inspiration derived from hardships of war, since he is driven into the "brunt of battle and is compelled to serve ’maddening war’s lust'”. It is known that Callus did serve in the army in the north. Finally, although he is lured by the suggestion 8

(8) Servius, on.Eel. X. says that Callus had written four books chiefly addressed to his mistress Lycoris. Hand, ’’Magical Art of Virgil;"-/ p.158; TThe present poem is a tribute to the sincerity of x’alius' feeling-— to the abid­ ing excellence of his elegaic poetry.” — 8'

that he write pastoral, he realizes his inability to do so and reverts to his former lore (v«69). .

That there is some kind of allegory here seems evident, yet it is all of a literary nature. Virgil, assuming the (9) character of a goatherd, speaks in his own person, and Callus, though not a shepherd, yet is presented in pastoral atmosphere and— if we consider the above allegorical interpretation— his style•of writing is made the subject of allegory. The allegory, then, in the very last of Virgil’s-Eclogues to he written is shown to be of a literary nature only.

. Virgilian scholars from the time of Quintilian until today have centered their allegorical interpretations in the first and ninth Eclogues, for hero appears what seems to be. a clear reference to a well-known political situation of 39 B.C.— viz: the eviction of Mantuan and Cremonian landowners, to comply with a decree of Antony and Octavian that such lands were to be meted out to the veterans who had supported them in the battle of Philippi. Because of their supposed connection with such events these Eclogues have been more or less definitely ' dated, and are generally conceded to belong to the later period of Virgil's pastoral art, possibly just before tlie composition of X. That these Eclogues are less strictly Theocritean than ’ others he has written would add to this assumption.

The discovery of a possible allegorical allusion to" an

(9) Hamblin,p.53 — 9—

actual historical event led inquisitive readers from that time on to search for hidden allusions elsewhere in the Ec­ logues; and to such extent did their fancies run that it would have taken a superhuman mind to have concocted such

Intricate and detailed facts as have since been declared hid­ den in the Eclogues. Certainly not even the Augustans would have had the patience to unweave them.

As has been pointed out by Frank, Hamblin, Prescott, and others, confusion in the allegorical study of these two

Eclogues (I,IX) which are universally granted to contain some allegory is to be avoided by an utter disregard of the opinions of the early commentators, by reliance only upon the Eclogues themselves and the evident allegory contained therein.

- Eclogue IX is a dialogue between two shepherds, Lycidas and !-.foeris, who meet on the way to town, l.'ocris informs Ly— cidas of the tragic loss of the land which belonged to Menal~ ecs and himself. ’’Strange holders of our farm say 'This is

' . ■ • . - - mine; begone, yo farmers oldl,M. Lycidas in surprised, for he has been told that their lend had been saved by Kenalcas' songs, but Moeris assures him it was but a false report and that affairs were in such a condition that neither Menalcas nor he would bo alive had not a raven from a hollow oak warned them. Lycidas then is moved to praise the skill of Henalcas in poetry and song. ” If we had lost you, Ecnalcaa," he says,

"who then should sing of the Nymphsv bho strew the ground with flowers? Eho clothe the founts with green shade?" As a 10-

tribute, A^oeris and lycidas each offer songs learned from

Menaleas. Lycidas first repeats what in reality is a Latin version of a passage of;TheocrltusV Third Idyll. Eoeris answers with an "unfinished song" to Varus promising to . glorify his name in music if he but save Mantua, "Mantua, to lost Cremona, ahl too near'.’! Lycidas forthwith.imparts a bit of information about himself, after the manner of Simi- chidas in Theocritus * Seventh Idyll. "The Muses made me, too a singer; yea, I too have songs and shepherds call me. bard.

I trust them not. For I, methinketh, utter nought as yet worthy of Varius or of Cinna’s muse; I gabble gooselike ’mid . (10) ■ , those swans of song.” Eoeris recalls another song which, too, is after the Theocritan manner and Lycidas in turn, sings a song to Daphnis bidding him put faith in Dionaean,Caesar1s star, at whose rising fields and hills burst forth in fruit and vintage. This 1c an allusion to the comet supposed to have made its appearance after the death of Julius Caesar.

Moeris vents his longing for the lost voice and forgotten songs of his youthful days. Lycidas, spurred by these ef­ forts would like to rest awhile and pass the time in song, or else, if a storm threatens, to sing as they hasten on, and he will relieve Moeris of his load; but Eoeris insists it is 10

(10) Conington, "Translation of Virgil*sKclogues!" Theocritus, Idyll VII. "For I, too, am a mouthpiece el­ oquent/ of the dear Muses; and all men esteem,/ and call me minstrel good— not that I deem/ not I, by Earthl Phil etas I surpass,/ nor the famed Samian bard, Siclidas,/ A frog compared with locusts, I beguile/ the time with songV’ Trans, by J. Banks. - H r

best to attend to present business and wait for Menaloas1 coming to bring better songs.

Just how much of Virgil’s personal experiences are de­ picted by allusion in this Eclogue is a matter of dispute.

Menaloas, who is not present but whose songs arc praised and sung, is generally identified with Virgil himself. Evidence (11) within the Eclogue which has led some to associate the shep­ herd singer with Virgil may be found in w .19-20, which recall v.40 of Eclogue V where the words are put into the mouth of Mopsus, but may be thought of as a part of the whole poem composed by Menalcas. The passage here is construed as one analagous to that of Eclogue V, w . 86-87, which refer to (12) Menaloas as author of II and III. Secondly, inferences have been drawn from vv.27-30, which contain an appeal to Varus to save Mantua, and which passage all critics agree is an ex- US) pression of Virgil’s own sentiments. And again, w . 46-50 131112

(11) Hamblin, pp.55-56.

(12) Conington, on Eel.IX.▼.19. "The allusion is seemingly to 5.20.40, where the song •is that of Mopsus, not that of Menaloas; but Menaloas is apparently regarded as the poet who rehearses his friend’s song as well as his own, just as he there de­ clares himself the poet of Eel.Ill— -in other words he is Virgil.”

(13) ; Dewitt, "Litteraria Blographia", pil28, with refer­ ence to Eclogue V, assumes that Menaloas may be Virgil, because his "apotheosis” of Caesar is so characteristic of Virgil’s sentiments expressed elsewhere. Rand,’’The Magical Art of Virgil” ,p.134; "Menaloas, like Virgil, writes pastorals of two varieties, Theoc- ritean and Roman; he also worships Julius Caesar as the shepherd's god.". - 12-

contain a tribute to Julius Caesar, characteristic of Vir­ gil* s feelings 8xpressed in his other works. While the first of these passages may seem to offer seme proof that

Menaleas is Virgil it is at most an insecure supposition.

Virgil has elsewhere repeated himself without concealed in­ tentions. As for the second and third, need Virgil identify himself with a character in order to express his sentiments through him? When, in the Sixth Book of the Aeneid (w.791-

795), Anchises is made to extoll Augustus, could he be said (14) to represent Virgil en masque?

Two other points derived from the reading of the Eclogue which might influence scholars in the belief that Menaleas (15) . ' is Virgil, are given by Rand : that &enalcas, like Virgil writes pastorals of two varieties, Theocritean and Roman, and he appears here as a leader among a group of poets*

■ ■ . • ' ' . * '■ ■ . , As for the first of these, Virgil has, throughout his Eclogues put into the mouths of his shepherds Theocritean verses as well as his own thoughts, and they cannot all be said to renresont Virgil. The last of these two statements Professor (16) Rand himself confutes. * 151614

(14) Hamblin, p.54, n. 114.

(15) Rand, pp.134-5.

(16) MHe (Virgil) is evidently the leader among a little group of poets, but in the Fifth, though Menaloas there comes near to being Virgil, the master-poet is appar­ ently Amyntas. Virgil might adopt a series of pastor­ al names; but he would hardly change M s part, now -13

<

The theories that Menalcas here represents Virgil— be-'

cause he is pictured as having experiences similar to those of

Virgil in connection with the Mantmn disturbance— are all

/based on stories of Virgil's life by early comentators‘who derived their information largely from the Eclogues. There­

fore the supposed references to Virgil's loss of his farm

(vv.2-5), his reported deliverance of his farm from peril

by virtue of his poetry (v.10), and of his narrow escape from (17) death (v.16) may be disregarded. 17

appearing as chief singer and now as subordinate. Furthermore, the role of chief singer is not one that he.•would voluntarily select— certainly he would not devote a whole eclogue to praising himself.”

(17) Hamblin holds this view, as do Frank, Hand, and Prescott. Conway, ”The Vergillan Age,” p.28, quotes CuintIl­ ian ’’Inst. Or. VIII 6.4?,'that the lines 7-10 are strictly true except that Menalcas is Virgil. Frank, pp.127-8, believes the land described repre­ sents Mantua,, rather than Virgil's estate. Suetonius, Domtus, Probus, and Servius give sim­ ilar accounts of Virgil's loss and recovery of hie property^ though Servius perhaps has had the greatest influence, inasmuch as he has not only used the in­ formation of earlier commentators but has made additions of his own invention. On Eclogue IX.11, he has "Car- mi na” autem nonnulli quibus sibi Polllonem interces- sorem a pud Augustum c-cnciliaverat aociplunt: quo fu- gato, rursus de praediis suisfuerat Vergilius expul­ sus” . The danger which threatened Moeris and Menalcas (IX.14-16), has been extended into a well worked-out tale wherein Virgil's life is threatened by the sol­ dier usurper of his farm, whose name has been variously suggested as Arrius, Claudius, or Toro, and to evade his menacing pursuit, Virgil is forced to dive into the river Minoius. And Servius suggests that an evident reference to this may be found in III.95, where an old ram is pictured drying his fleece, after an acci­ dental- ducking in the stream. That Menalcas is Virgil, in accordance with early - 14-

Hamblln states as his strongest point in favor of

Menaleas as Virgil the fact that Catalepton VIII relates the story of the poet and his father with the family taking refuge in the home of Siro, presumably having been driven (18) from their home. This indeed would be an interesting point, if we could be absolutely sure that Virgil wrote the Catal­ epton (as critics are rather unanimous in believing), and that it dates after the battle of Phlllipi. As it stands, the most that can be said is that it suggests the Mantuan disturbance. »Ve have no way of knowing whether Virgil and (19) his father actually had access to Siro’s villa.

The only conclusion that can be drawn from the above discussion is that there is nothing in the Eclogue itself which proves undoubtedly that Menalcas is Virgil. On the other hand, neither, is there anything which disproves it.

Yet it is not safe.to assume an identification on such un­ stable grounds. Rand has suggested,that the character, Ly- cidas, has more of the Virgilian temperament; "he is young,

commentators is accepted by Dewitt (p.128), where he says, "To the name Menalcas one can attach no stable value, yet in the ninth it seems to denote the poet " since the slave Lycidas tells of his master’s eseape from peril and _of the loss of part of his farm, which it was said he had saved by merit of his poetry." Others who rely on ancient critics are: Conway, who quotes fulntilian, Servius, Scholiasta Bernensis, and Probus; Conington, Saenz, Royds, and Wendel. (.18) x Catalepton VIII: -

Villula, quae Slronis eras, et pauper agelie, verum 1111 domino tu quoque divitiae me tlbi et hos una mecum, quos semper amavi, si quid do patria tristius audiero, • -15

(20 ) and enthusiastic and nodost.'i Lines 52-30 display the X • ... ' sentiments of Simichidas in Theocritus1 Seventh Idyll where

Sinichidas represents Theocritus himself. On the basis of this, one might be led to believe that here LycIdas repre­ sents Virgil. However, it is significant that Virgil puts . the words hero into the mouth of Lyc Idas, who in Theocritus* poem was the rival poet.

Whether L'enalcas does or does not represent Virgil, we do get a decided suggestion in the poem of the evictions of Cremona and h'antua. The song to Varus (27-25) entreating for the safety of Kantun strengthens the suggestion. The fact that the theme of a shepherd driven from his home by a usurping soldier is found in two Eclogues convinces one

that it must be a reference to an actual event. .Herein then, lies the allegory: The farmers of I'antua, who are expelled from their lands by the veterans of Philippi are represented as shepherds having the same experiences. Virgil may be

said to have transferred somo of his sentiments to the

shepherd Kenaleas. Nevertheless the shepherd cannot be said to be Virgil. Personal allegory then, in this Eclogue, may20* 19

commendo, in prlnisque patreia. tu nunc eris 1111, Mantua quod fuerat quodque Cremona prius.

(19) Rand, p.44.

(20) Ibid, p.135. 16-

(21) be disregarded.

Eclogue I, is a poem of contrasts. ‘I'ityrus, happy and contented, is lazily reclining under a spreading beech and playing sylvan songs about his love, Amaryllis, when

Meliboeus, distressed and sorrowful, wearily approaches, driving his hungry flock. Meliboeus expresses his amaze­ ment at T1tyres* content, at a time when all the country is thrown into turmoil and he is forced to leave his father's lands. Tityrus replies that a god, ”for he will always be a god to me',’? gave him this peace. Meliboeus is interested.

Who can this god be? But Tityrus postpones the answer. At once he begins to extol the city of Rome.

"And wherefore this greot longing to see Rome?” asks > ' - - . . - ■ Meliboeus. For Freedom, Tityrus tells hita, a freedom which was late in coming, because his former lovo, Galatea (pre­ sumably of extravagant tastes) prevented him from saving

(81) Verse 36, ”argutos...aloresl’l This passage has been declared by Servius to contain a reference to a con­ temporary poet of Virgil, by the name of Anser, whose poor verse Virgil has thus ridiculed by a punned use of his name. The poet Anser has-been mentioned by Ov. Trist. 8.435 along with Clnna, and by Cic. thru Phil. 8.101 as a friend of Antony. Dewitt says the Oecavians apparently called themselves "Swans", as opposed to the group of poets in the circle of Antony, and so lines 35-36 include Varius and Ginna in the circle of the Swans, and discloses the poet himself as a goose among the swans. Would Virgil, who is known to have no respect for Antonyy he apt to declare himself a mem­ ber of Antony's circle, for the sake of gaining personal favor's, especially since such a motive seems utterly foreign to his nature? And Martyn (quoted by Boyds) says that Virgil "does not seem to have a genius capa­ ble of stooping so low as a pun',’- . So it is probable that T&nser" here, neither refers to Virgil, nor to a 17

1 . Mpecu1iumM with which to purchase his liberty. nI wondered why fair Amaryll was crying so sadly to the gods1,'! says

Meliboeus, ”the very pines, the founts, and shrubs were cal­ ling youV’t Tityrus* next speech indicates that he went to

Rome for two purposes, one to secure his freed an and the other to receive assurance* that his property would be safe .

"There * R’eliboeus’," he says, "did I see that youth for whom twelve days each year mine altars smoke• There he gave speedy answer to my prayer: *Feed still, ray boys; your kihe; still rear your bulls I ^ellboeus1 next speech shows that Tityrus actually did receive aid for the security of his farm, for he says, "Happy old man! Thy. farm is still thine own?" Then follows the famous passage expressing the beauties and Joys of pastoral life, inspiring '^ityrus to exclaim that the features of that y^uth shall never fade from his memory4 There follows the contrasting picture of desolation, in which he- liboeus describes with striking imagery the probable result of a rude; barbarous soldier’s fanning of his land. "Shall

I ever long years hence behold my own dear hone?” and, 11 shall -X brutalsoldiery possess ray tilth'so newly ploughed?" "See to what depths of Misery we are come through civil strife! " At this he urges dn his goats, lamenting that he no more will have "the pleasure of watching his flock on a distant crag while he confortably rests in a shady grotto. ...The, peaceful scene again returns in the final words of Tityrus, inviting *

poet by the name, "Anser", but Is simply a "goose" and nothing more. • - 18-

Meliboeua to rest with him for the night, for "the topmost

roofs of distant huts are smoking, and longer shadows fall from the high hills:".

■As the poem stands, it is a pure and simple pastoral

picture. So considered, no passages remain obscure and in

need of explanation. Here there is no mention of contem­

porary, poets or friends of Virgil (as in IX) nor any def­

inite descriptive lines to Indicate an actual locality. To a Roman familiar with the story of the Mantuan evict!ons, a

possible suggestion of such events might bo contained herein.

To search for allegory^beyond that, merely confuses the pic­

ture. Surely no reader of the Eclogue would have received a

suggestion of personal allegory had he not been familiar with the story of Virgil's connection with the disasters of Cis­ alpine Gaul, as given by the early lives and commentaries, a story which is seemingly the result of an allegorical,inter­ pretation of the Eclogues. (22) io assume that Tityrus is Virgil leaves too many ques­ tions to be explained: Why is Tityrus described as "senex"?

'Why is he said to have sought "libertas"? What is the sig­ nificance of "peculium" in this instance? Conington believes the slave, Tityrus, symbolizes Vergil, but that there is a confusion between the symbol and the thing symbolized since *1

(22) Conway accepts the common story, as given by Donatus and Servius. tie tells us the t "while a multitude of unhappy people are being expelled from their lands round Cremona and Mantua, Vergil has received from a young ruler in Rome a promise that he shall not be dis- 1 turbed’. V - 19-

certain statements nade could not possibly fit Virgil. Nor, he adds, is Terse 46 applicable to the slave, since slaves could not oun property. ’•Libertas,1'’ he says may be equal to

"the confirmation of the poet in his property5.1! ■ "This con­ clusion he probably reached after reading Sorvius on 1.32, and Philargyrlus' on' 1.32 and 1.26, which hold "llbertas"" equal to "receptio agrorun.': Thus he receives suggestions from unreliable sources. As for 1.46 being inconsistent with the picture of the slave, Tenney Frank says that, al­ though slaves could not legally own property, they were "encouraged to accumulate possessions in the hope that they might some day buy their freedom, and with freedom Would naturally come citizenship and the full ownership of their (23) accumulations.'". • (24) Dewitt ways Tityrus represents the province of Mantua, which had grown "grey" while waiting for "freedom" (annex­ ation). That "annexation" meant "freedom" is demonstrated by the fact that Varus took charge of the province without legions. He thinks Virgil quite evidently meant Antony,24 23

(23) . Frank, p.128.

Hamblin, p.58.n.!24, cites Leo (Herm. XXXVIII (1903) 6f.) who in turn had quoted from the Digest to show "that the slave's ,peculiurat was regarded as if it were his own property, that a slave sometimes occupied land ’'quasi colonus in agio’ , and that on being manu­ mitted a slave retained his ’peculium’ unless the con­ trary were spec if ledJ"".

(24) Dewitt, p.146. - 20-

where in w . 27-32, he speaks of Galatea, for the province could not hope for liberty as long as the Antonians were in control. The objection to this interpretation is that it fails to account for tlie ejected and wretched Meliboeus. who could ho bet , 1

Hanblin quotes-Leo, who insists Tityrus is not Virgil, but an old slave who goes to Rome to secure freedom and as­ surance that his lands will be safe from confiscations. He adds that the position of Eclogue I in the Eclogues would indicate that Virgil meant by it to demonstrate his gratitude to Octavian, thus assuming that the MdeusM of vv.- 6 and 7 refers to Octavian. Yet Virgil does not say It is Octavian, nor does he give unmistakable signs that it is he. In fact, he is careful .to avoid the question of l/cllboeus: M^ho is that god?” The assumption that "dcus" is Octavian, seems to be based on the statements that he is represented as a

"god" .(6-7), that rites of worship were to be offered to him, which were offered only to gods or deified persons (8,

43), that he is a youth (42), and that he has the power to offer protection to the slave* s farm (44-46) . However Oc­ tavian had not yet been deified, and his position as a mem­ ber of the Caesar family: was hardly sufficient to present him as the object of rorshlp after the manner of a god.

Furthermore v.7 implies that the person honored was not generally considered a god, for Tityrus is made to say -21

,fhe will always be a god to ae;v therefore the rites of worship, and the term "dens" have probably-no significance. That he is presented as a youth who.has the power to offer protection might suggest Octavian, and yet Antonv was the (25) real; power in Rome at this time.. If the "dens" refers, to any person, perhaps it is as likely to be Octavian as any­ one. Though Tityrus fails to answer I'eliboeus’ question

(v.10), he immediately begins a eulogy to'Rome, suggesting Virgil's practice in his later works of praising Rome and

Augustus in almost the same breath. At least to him they always" seemed to be inseparably united. Did Tltyrus fall to answer the question because Virgil felt it was unneces­ sary', since it was obvious whom he meant? Or did he think • open praise of. Octavian at this time would fail to bring desired results? If, moreover, the ftdeus" is Octavian, would he be likely to make such promises to n mere tenant-farmer, a slave, who in the first place would not have had the power of gaining access to so great a youth? If we conclude that

’’deus” is Octavian, then would it not be necessary to assume that Tltyrus is someone o f more importance than a slave-— perhaps Virgil himself? But, as we have seen, Tltyrus cannot be Virgil. Servius says that Tltyrus is not Virgil everywhere

”sed tanturn ubl exiglt ratioi” end Hamblin thinks that the position of Eclogue I in the Eclogues— with its praise to Octavian— makes it seem likely ttet^irgil is giving thanks25

(25) Conway, p.33, quotes Servius on Eel.IX.il, and Bernese — 23—

to the youth for the retention of his own farm, so he con­ cludes that Virgil Is expressing himself through Tltyrus at times bpt not everywhere. And this gives rise to the question ”How far does Virgil Identify himself with ^Ityrus?"

^his Is a question which seems Impossible of solution.

However, Hamblin bases his argument (T - v) on the assump­ tion that the "deus" is Octavian, and that the Mantuan trou"- ' hie .is the subject of ..the Sclogue. The .fac.tv that Virgil may have meant to suggest tills event, does not imply that he is actually picturing it. There is no indication, here, as in IX, that the evictions of Mantua are meant. The most i that can be said is that the tone of the Eclogue suggests this. From which the best solution seems to be that Tityrus

Is not Virgil, nor the "deus", Octavian, but the story of

Tityrus is offered merely as contrast in order that the tragic situation of Meliboeus may be all the more effectivei.And in reality the case of Meliboeus is much the more vivid of the two. ■ "

The poem, itself, though in no way an imitation of

Theocritus is perfectly satisfying as a cure pastoral and (26) offers no perplexities needing the solution of allegory.

Eclogue I, then, though it seems similar to IX In some res­ pects, offers even less in the way of allegorical explanation for an understanding of the poem. Ihe attempt to associate

Scholiast, Preface to Eel. IX, that In spite of Oetav- ian’s ruling Virgil was in the end expelled. This de­ duction was probably made in order to harmonize the statement of I and IX. - 23-

Tityrus with Virgil has only led to confusion. And this association, once accepted, led to attempted allegorical explanations of other characters in the Eclogues, and this in turn instigated a search for hidden meanings in every conceivable word or phrase. Even Servius, upon whom fell the blame for a large part of later attempts at allegorical explanations of the Eclogues, admitted the need of sane (27) limitation. Yet in spite of his avowed conservatism, Coxn- paretti rightly feels that he oversteps it in places, for, after saying Tityrus is Virgil "not indeed everywhere, but only where the passage reasonably admits it',7 he proceeds to explain "sub tegmine fagi" as being the poet’s allegor­ ical way of indicating his lands that were a source of live­ lihood to him. He says "Tagus" comes from a Greek word mean- (28) ing "to eat'.7 282627

(26) Prescott, "The Development of Virgil’s Art,"p.113.

(27) Introduction to Servian commentary on the Eclogues p .2,14-22, Thilo, quoted by Hamblin, p.31. "Intentlo pootac haec est, ut imitetur Theocritum Syracuse num --et allquibus locis per allegorlam agat gratias au­ gust o vei allls nobillbus, quorum favorc emlssum agrum recepit. In qua re tantum dissentit a Theocrito: ille enim ubique simplex est, hie necessitate compulsus allquibus locis miscet figures, cues perite plerunque etiam ex Theocriti versibus facti, quos ab illo dictos constat esse simpliciter", and again on III.20 "Befu- tandae sunt allegoriae in bucolico carmine, nisi cum, ut supra diximus, ox aliqua agrorum perditorum neces­ sitate descendant*7

(28) He also later explains the passage "ipsae te, Tlt%- re, pinus, ipsi te fontes, ipsa haec arbusta vocabant thus: ‘^ityrus =,Virgil; the pines = Rome; the "fontes’" -= poets or senators; and tho shrubs, the grammarians. 24-

Considering then the limited extent of allegory in these Fidogues which offer the-greatest opportunity for such a search, it is very unlikely that the other poems, particularly those which are so obviously modelled after the simple pastoral of Theocritus, contain to any marked degree, hidden references to Virgil, his contemporaries, or his times.

The Fifth Eclogue is quite generally conceded to con­ tain allegory. The starting points for such speculation are:

1. Virgil’s description of the apotheosis of Daphnis, and

2. the seeming reference to Eclogues_il and III, as a product of Menaleas’ art. Though ancient commentaries disagreed on

, Allegorical explanations of this Eclogue (I) are numerous;. A few other better known ones may be briefly stated. Phllargyrius, who believes Tltyrus is Virgil, says that "senex” of v.46 refers to the future and also considers "libertas11 to equal ’’receptio agrorum'iv 'His allegory is quite complete. He does not even.exclude the ’’wide-spreading beech,r, which he says represents Caesar. Burmann (1746) has Tltyrus represent Virgil’s father. Fhillimore (Pastoral and Allegory) thinks so too, for he says: ’’The pathetic verses about his father’s eviction, besides their grateful piety, imply that it was his old home at Mantua, not his actual domicile, that was lostAlso, he says, none of the ’Lives’ .say Virgil went back to Mantua, therefore the verses must refer to his old home at Mantua, from whence came his supplies. Voss (1.14 f.— quoted by Hamblin p.59) has: Tityrus equals Virgil’s slave, and Heyne, that he is a slave of Octavian. : Tityrus1 two partners of v.30 have offered difficul­ ties to some: La.Cerda and Catrou (Conington, Intro, to Vol.I) say they stand for Rome and Mantua. Trapp thinks the change of partners indicated a change of parties on .the part of "Virgil, that is, from the republicans to the triumvirs. — 25**

the identification of Daphnis, the theory which has been ‘ most widely accepted associates the shepherd hero with Julius Caesar. This assumption has been based upon the fact that the apotheosis — which Is" a decided departure from the Daphnis elegy of Theocritus-ris put into the mouth of Menalcas who ( w . 85-86) has declared himself to be Vir- ' gil, the author of II and III, and the fact that this apothe- (29) osis fits the poet's Caesarian sentiments elsewhere expressed. (30) The prodigies concurrent with the death of Daphnis . Sue- (31) tonius tells us, were connected also with the death of Caesar; (32) and the rites, of worship accorded to Daphnis , by their very association with the celebration of Apollo, suggest to some 32293031

(29) Dewitt, p.128. " v 1 (30) Ibid.p.139. However Dewitt also believes Daphnis might represent a tribute of devotion to Ootavianus, who was reported killed at Phlllipi, and this, he thinks, is indicated by line 64, ndeus, dens ills, Menalcas!" which v/ords forecast the First Eclogue, in which he says, "we know that he means Ootavianus."

(31) Boyds,on Eclogue V, v.26. "Suetonius says ttet just before Caesar's death the herds of horsbs which he had consecrated to the gods and set free at his passage of the Rubicon robstinately abstained from food and wept copiously'." (32) Saenz, on Eclogue "V, p.521 (Homenaje de Mexico al Foeta Virgilio en cl Secundo Milenario de Su Hacimiento), "The character Daphnis fits Caesar better, because it was written in those days on which the games and sacrifices in honor of Julius Caesar were being celebrated." Rand, p.94,— Julius Caesar's birthday fell on July 13, a day included in the period given up to the celebration of the "Ludi Apollinares". —2 6

that Julius Caesar must have been meant.

The fact that there are passages which in no way can be said to harmonize with the theory that Daphnis Is Julius

Caesar has caused confusion even from the times of the earliest commentators; line 23, for instance, in which the grieving u.-

- ■ - . mother embraces her dead son; line 52, "amavit noa quoque

Daphnis,v hardly applicable to Julius Caesar since it Is not known that Virgil and Caesar were intimately acquainted; line

54 ’’et puer ipse frit cantari dignxis", in which "puer" is in­

consistent with the picture of Julius Caesar, and 61,, "anat

bonus otia Daphnis.v The latter is a statement unsuited to

the character of Julius Caesar as we know it. Concluding,

then, that there are some very decided indications that Daph­

nis is not Julius Caesar, and no convincing proof that he

is, and also that there is nothing in the poem which can be

considered incongruous with the shepherd hero and pastoral atmosphere, it seems best to conclude that no allegorical •

allusion is here meantl3334) -k most interesting contribution to the study of this Eclogue, is given by Eervius Danlolensis (on Eclogue V,20),

who tells that in the myth tale Dauhnls1 father Mercury car- (34) • ‘• (35) ried him to heaven, and this is accepted by Herrasti. Surely

(33) Evidence is even less in favor of Flaccus, brother of Virgil, as suggested by Suetonius and Donatua, or Cornlficius. friend of Virgil, who had been executed os a traitor. (See Tenney Frank: "Virgil”, pp.116,117). .

(34) "Qui cum in caelum eripult et in eo loco fontem - 27-

ve Eiay accept this story from Serrlus. Though a scholar may assume exaggerated allegory in the Eclogues themselves

it is quite another matter to invent an entirely new story to suit his purpose. But, whether or not such a myth was known at the time, it seems quite natural, as Hamblin points out, for Virgil to make the second singer outdo the first, and place his hero in heaven, especially since the first singer had praised Daphnis as beloved of nymphs and gods.*^

Verses 86-07, suggest allegory, in that they seem to refer to Menaloas as the author of Eclogues II mid III, and so Eenalcas there would seem to be Virgil. Since elsewhere in the poem there is no indication that he is Virgil we may conclude that the allegory, if any, is incomplete. Finally, except for a suggestion in vv.06-87, there is no allegory in Eclogue V. " . - V . . ' . / : The Ulxth, too, offers a mere touch of allegory (vv.1-5) and this before the actual pastoral story begins, so is in no way connected with the pastoral proper. The shepherd Tityrus is, no doubt, Virgil, for he too first composes the35 36

elicuit, qul Daphnis vocatur, apud.quem quotannis Siculi sacrifice nt.V

(35) . Herrasti, (Romena je do Mexico al I’oeta Virgilio en el Seguiivo Milenacio de Su Nacimiento), p.77, where he says: "contaba la fabula que una nayade a quien Dafnis le fue inflel, le saco los ojos; y que ya su pair® Hermes llevoselo al cielo. la apoteosis de Dafnis la sugaria, pues, la propia fabula.” -

(36) Hamblin, p.60. —28—

verses of Oioily, and has an ambition to write epic. It is

(rzrp) unlikely that Silenus is Sire-,v as believed by coin®. The part of the•poem in which he appears is purely pastoral in setting and there is no necessity for believing that Virgil - meant to indicate Siro, even though there is much of Epicurean teaching in Silenus1 song. In other Eclogues when Virgil wishes to mention an actual person he uses the true , and not a shepherd, name. The story of Silenus, Servius says, was

taken from the historian Theopompus, whose story was that of

two shepherds assailing a drunkard;god woh bursts into a

song of the nature of that .of Silenus, but of a different i ' . . (58) : content. (39) (40) (41) (42) •Eclogues II, III, VII, and VIII are now* 3937

(37) Frank, pp. 98-99, thinks Servius' onihibn likelv when he says that Silenum is Siro. "Then Virgil is trying tc remind his schoolmate (Varus)of Siro1s philosophical themes by desigmting each of them by means of an ap­ propriate myth; "lapldae Pyrrhae" {v.41) refer to the creation of man, 'Saturala regna1 is in Epicurean lore the primitive life of the early savages, ’furturn Promethei1 (v.42) must refer to Epicurus' explanation of how fire came from clashing trees," etc. (50) Rand, p.141. : •

(39) Eclogue II. Servius and .Donatos have a story, also referred to by Martial (8.56ff) and Apuleius.(quoted by Hamblin p.2B ) that Alexis is intended for Alexander, a youth belonging to Folllo (Martial says Maecenas, who can hardly have been then acquainted with the poet). Cp. Conington on Eclogue II.

Dewitt, pp.132-133:""The hopeless love of Corydon is only the hopeless longing of the poet for his irre­ coverable fields. The feminine Lydia is concealed under the masculine Alexis.” '

• Plessis, Ed. 1913 , (Quoted by Hamblin , p.63, n.137.) - 29- s

alisost universally agreed to contain no allegory. They are

all simple Bucolic poems, after the manner of Theocritus, and offerxno perplexing situations which impel one to search

for hidden explanations. Eclogue 17, of all 7 irgiVa Eclogues, is farthest re­

moved from actual pastoral, and yet it seems almost imposr42 4041

thinks that the poem is based on Virgil^ experience with the education of a young man, transformed here into an adventure of passion. -

(40) Eclogue -III. Phillimor®, "Pastoral and Allegory", believes lines 94-65, picturing the ram drying his wool, is a reference to Vlrgll*s encounter with a certain Arrius, believed to be the usurper of bis farm, and from whom he, fled and was forced to dive into the Minc'ius, "arias", being a pun for Arrius; however it is the "aries*1 In the Eclogue who receives the ducking. (This he ‘got from Servius}. Servius on v.93 (Quoted by Hamblin pp.40-41), has "pu'eri"2 Mantuans, "anguls"* armed soldiers; v.96, Tityrus= Kantua, the rivere friends of Caesar through whom Virgil had recovered his land, "fons"= Caesar, and' Damoetas = Virgil. Berne Scholia (Quoted by Rand) has: Damoetas = Virgil, Menalcas = Oornificus, and Falaemon * Octavian.

(41) Eclogue VII. Early critics say Corydon is Virgil, or a friend of Virgil, Thyrsis is a rival, Mellboctus and Daphnis patrons of the poet if not the ^>et himself, and some hold Daphnis to be Julius Caesar. > Saenz (Homenaje de Mexico al Poeta Virgilio en el Segundo Milenario d© Su Eac imlento), p.535: Corydon is Callus or Pollio, Thyrsis is one of Virgil’s imitators Daphnis is Maecenas or some other friend of Virgil, Callus and Pollio, and Meliboeus is Virgil. "Without doubt all of the persons of, this Eclogue were men of elevated position Judging from the votive ‘offerings and statues of gold and ivory."

(42) Eclogue VIII. Dewitt, p.149, "The nymph Elsa, who is given over in marriage to the unlovely Mopsus is only his own Lydiaj or his lands, passing into the possession of the brutal veteran. The key to this lies in v.5Q, "Omnia vel medium fiant mare: vlvlte Silva®." - 30-

sible to ferret out any actual allegory. If the child In

whose lifetime the golden age was to be realized Is a real

child, as verse 10 ”casta fave Lucina 26f, '’’at .-slmul heroum

laudes et facta narentes lam legere et quae sit poterls "

cognoscere virtus," and 60-63, indicate,thenuthero in no : . (43) . : ...... - V allegory. Because there Is a decided relation between the - ' . ' . : _ . : , ' : '(44);: development of the new age and the growth of the child, others

believe the child is the symbol of the Golden Age. If this

'.•is'Virgil1 s" meaning, then the child cannot be said to be so

much an allegorical one, as to have entered the realms of • symbolism. Thereforethe Fourth Eclogue either contains

hb allegory or demonstrates a higher form of allusion, namely

symbolism'.'"" ' ' ' ; '

A summary-of evidence of allegory in Virgil's Eclogues l

discloses references, first, of a literary nature, found in r Eclogue X, where Virgil, assuming’the character of a goatherd

sings of the love of his friend Gallus, w&o is presented under 4344

(43) Dewitt believes the child to be Oetsvian, as did Hamblin when he first wrote his dissertation on "The Development of Allegory in Classical Pastoral," They base their selection on the fact that w.17, 26, 49 are too strong to be applied to the son of Follio, and also that Octavian Is called a "deus" in Eclogue _I. Rand; pp .100-113; believes , on the.strength ’.of-all/the most competent ancient authorities, that the ohila la the son of Pollio. He denies that any ancient critic ever supported the theory that the child was that of Octavian. (44) Frank and Hamblin, whose view was changed upon reading Horden's "Geburt des Kindes". - 31-

hls own name; In Eclogue V (86-87) ehere Menalcas is pre­ sumably. Virgil, because he is to refer to Eclogues II and III as though he were the author, and VI (1-Ej), in which'

Virgil is identified with Tityrus to whom he has given ex­ periences and feelings of his own. Secondly^ there is a possibility of historical allegory in I and IX where seeming reference is made to the Mantuan disturbance of. 39 B.C. And, finally in the Fourth Eclogue there is either no allegory at all, if the child pictured is a real one, or if he is an allegorical representation.of the new age, the allusion is. of a higher nature. \\-\

Eclogues II, III, VII and VIII.;are simple, pastorals-and contain no allegory. * '

Since there is little more.... - f allegory% - ...in Virgil?s - ■ V Eclogues ■ ' than in those of Theocritus, and since his Eclogues later became the subject of so much allegorical controversy, the- • cause must be sought, Hamblin believes, in misinterpreted statements concerning Virgil's work, made by early Latin authors succeeding Virgil. Propertius (50 B.C. . 15 B.C.)- for instance, who was but a generation younger than Virgil; in a certain passage (II 34.67-76) represents Virgil beneath the pines of Galaesus singing about Thyrsis and Daphnis, and refers to Tityrus as a lover and to Corydon as the lover of

Alexis in such, a way as to suggest to the reader that he was identifying Virgil with a shepherd who sings of Thyrsis am Daphnis, end with Corydon as the lover of Alexis. However, Hamblin {pp.25-27) shows that W a t is really meant is that .

Virgil is the author of certain poems about Thyrsis and

Baphnis, Tityrus, Corydon and Alexis.

During the first century, A.D. Calpurnius, in Eclogue (45) IV, 62ff and 158ff, associates Tityrus with Virgil# Martial (46) .(45-104A.D.) in VIII, 56.7ff also identifies Tityrus with

Virgil, although he presents him in an experience which in,

; ' ' ■ , ' • • ... : , Virgil's Eclogue I was that of Mellboeus. In the .same poem

there is mention of Galatea and Thestylis which might lead

the confused reader to believe they were sweethearta of -

Virgil when in reality, the.following lines show that it was

the Eclogues, as compositions of Virgil, that were meant.

Martial, though, indicates that Corydon in Eplogue II is 4645

(45) Eclogue TV, 62ff. wTityrus hano habult% cecinlt qui primus in istis montibus Hyblaea carmen modulatus arena. (Mel.) tegna i»tis, Corydon, si Tityrus esse laborss. Ill© fuit vatea saeer et qui posset avena praesonuisse ohelyn, blandae cui saepe canenti adlusere. ferae, cui substitit advena querous.h 158ff: nEer, Meliboee, deo mea carmine: m m tibi fas est sacra Palatini penetralia visere Phoebi. Turn mill! tails eris, quails qui dulce sonantem Tityron e silvis domlnam deduxit,in urbem ostenditque dels et ’spreto* dixit 'ovili, Tityre, rura prius sed post contabimus area1. (Quoted from Hamblin, p.28.n.l2.)

(46) Martial, VIII, 56.7ff.

Sint Maecenates, non derunt, Flacce, Maronee, Vergilluaque tibi vel tua rura dabunt. lugera perdiderat miserae vicina Cremonae, flebat et obductas Tityrus aeger oves: risit tuscus eques paupertatemque mlignam reppulit et celeri iuesit abire fuga. 17ff. Excidit attonito pinguis Galatea poetae Thestylis et rubras cessibus usta genas. Protinus Italian conceplt et arms virumque, Qui mode vlx Culicem fleverat ore rudi. Virgil, and Alexis a beautiful slave with whom. Virgil was in love, and whose master is Maecenas. Quintilian (55-100 A.D.) said Menaloas in IX (7-10)is Virgil. ; Suetonius (75-150 A.D.) allegorically interprets Eclogue IX, about the farm. Eclogue

II, in respect to the main characters, and attempts to extend the allegory- to Eclogue V. Apuleius (125-200) interprets

Eclogue II, but says Pollio is the slave boy's master.

Thus the way was opened for Probus, who like the later

Philargyrlus and the Scholia Bernensla, finds allegory in all the Eclogues, for Donates, who formed the basis for the Servian commentary of Servlus, who added to the information derived from Donates, the results of the imagination of himself and others, for Servius Danielensis, which seems to be a somewhat abridged form of the Servian Commentary, for Philargyrlus and the Scholia Bernensla. whose allegorical interpretations are worked out to the most minute details.

Exaggerated misinterpretations of Virgil's Eclogues offered suggestions to later writers of pastoral as to the extent to which its artificial nature fitted it for concealed allusion, and when', in the more or less chaotic centuries which followed the Augustan age, literature came to be regard­ ed not so much from the artistic standpoint as from the - standpoint of expediency, it was only natural that later

Bucolic poetry should show an increased development of allegory.

An ever-growing emphasis upon the practical purpose, of such verse, which gradually drew in more and more of the historical. 34-

political, and religious Interests of the day, m s paralleled by an equally diminishing amount of pastoral scenery and sub­

ject matter, until finally the idyllic setting became but a mere framework for a variety of topics utterly foreign to

the life of a shepherd, and in some ,cases the foreign infil­

tration became so extended that the poem could be recognized as pastoral only by the label•

But this development m s gradual. In the first bucolic

poems (extant) which aa?e known to have followed Virgil, there

is much of the pastoral and little of the allegorical element.

Calpurnius, of the first century was a follower of Virgil in

the Eclogue tradition and, although he makes a wider use of

allegory than his famed predecessor, yet pure pastoral poetry

as an art in itself still holds charm for him. Out of the

seven Eclogues attributed to Calpurnius that have come down

to us, three only (I,TV, VII) can be said to contain allegory. The references in these eclogues to a renowned emperor of (47) - . . . the Julian house, to a coming golden age, and to the mag­

nificent games, all indicate that these three eclogues were written to celebrate Kero. The First Eclogue,.a somewhat

after the manner of Virgil's Fourth, discloses a prophecy,47

(47) 1.44 "iuvenemque beata sequuntur/ saecula maternis causam qui vlclt lulls." VII.82 "Conspeximus ipsum/ longius ac, nisi me visus deceplt. in uno/ et martis vultus et Xpollinis esse putatur. Quoted: Summers, "The Silver Age of Latin Literature,’’p.90,n.4. - 35-

which two brothers, evading the intense heat of the day, find in a cave in which they have taken refuge. Since the cave is sacred to Baunus, it is concluded that he must be the author of the verses. The prophecy announces the advent of a golden age, return of Justice under a. youth who "became a pleader in (48) his mother's arms,’? the cessation of civil war, and har­ mony in official circles, which predictions will be confirmed by the appearance of a meteor in a clear sky. The brothers decide to record the prophetic verses on the chance that (49) . Meliboeus may relate them to the great emperor. In this eclogue, Calpurnius cannot be definitely identified with either Ornitus or his brother Corydon, though perhaps, Ornitus would seem to have more claim to that honor, since he is the one who suggests that Meliboeus may carry these verses to

Augustus. Meliboeus, however, quite evidently is not a shep­ herd, since he has access to the great court. Though his identity is unknown, he is a man of some importance, in the guise of a herdsman. Eclogue IV, seemingly refers to the same Meliboeus, and here he, no doubt, is the poet's patron.

In this Eclogue, Corydon informs Meliboeus when they meet of his desire to sing the praises of Caesar. Meliboeus reminds 4849

(48) Conington, "Vergili Opera", Vol. I.p.110. "Haupt associates this with the early forensic efforts of Nero."

(49) Some say Meliboeus Is Seneca. Haupt thinks, C. Cal­ purnius Piso. Sec Conington, p.lll. 56-

him that he has often warned his brother against such an : - • ' - - occupation, and Corydon admits it, but he says "now times are changed, and Heaven*8 more gracious grown. Hope smiles now on me, and I need not seek hedge berries wild or with green (50) mallows eke mine hunger out. And this to thee I owe."

Corydon then says he is singing with the pipe given to him by lollas, which had been the property of Tityrus. Meliboeus

seems to think his aim too high, but Corydon offers to present him with a sample of his singing, and with his brother who has just arrived sings in amoeboean fashion their praises

to Augustus. At the expression of pleasure on the part of

Meliboeus, Corydon requests that he carry the song to the

"god", for he will then be like the one who conducted Tityrus

to the queen city and introduced him to the gods. Here, be­

side the identification of Meliboeus as the poet’s patron,

the poet appears himself in the guise of a shepherd, Corydon, and Tityrus no doubt Is Virgil, for he -is represented as a great poet, the one who first sang Sicilian songs in those mountains, and who was introduced to the gods at Rome. This

last is an obvious reference to Virgil's First Eclogue in which

Tityrus tells of his journey to Rome. Therefore Calpurnius without doubt understood the Tityrus of Virgil's First Ec­

logue to be Virgil himself. Eclogue VII presents Corydon

recently returned from Rome, where be went to see the sights. 50

(50) Summers, pp.92-93. - 37-

This he did in preference to staying home and entering a poetic contest in which he would have been winner. He praises the amphitheatre and the marvels he has seen there, and when asked about the emperor "deus", he flatters him in a few short verses which end abruptly as though the song were left un­ finished, or some lines lost. Here Corydcn, the skilled shepherd-poet is again Calpurnius, and his praises here sung, are obviously for the purpose of bettering his position at court. The imperial diety is of course Hero and this poem, as the two succeeding ones, arc what Hamblin terms "court pastorals” , because they celebrate the ruling powers of the time in conjunction with the glories of a golden age, the re­ sults of the wisdom and justice of the great ruler..

And so we see that while Calpurnius does not entirely devote himself to the use of allegory in his pastoral compo­ sition, he does so express himself in the First, Fourth, and Seventh, where the praises of Hero are sung by shepherds.

One of these, Corydon, in the IV and VII is quite evidently the poet himself, as is'probably also the Corydon of the First. In addition to the representation of himself in shepherd1s garb, Calpurnius also introduces his patron in like manner.

Finally he presents Virgil as Tityrus, and refers, to his poems as songs of the shepherd Tityrus. Beside a greater use of allegory in the Eclogues of Calpurnius and a recognition of such verse as the medium wherein one's patron'and one's emperor may be extolled, we find a decided tendency to - 58-

introduce actual scenes of the day set apart from the pas­

toral background. We also find an obvious attempt to employ

the panegyric for the purpose of furthering the poet’s own

ehds. - - - . , , . •.

- '* ' . • . There are two other Eclogue.extant, the Carmine Ein-

siedlensla, that are supposed to have been composed in Nero’s , - time. Both are used to compliment the emperor, particularly

his skill with the harp. In. the first he is compared with.

Jupiter and Apollo, in the second is referred to as Apollo.

The herdsmen are seemingly mouthpieces for the poets. Other

allegory may possibly be seen in II.5ff. MGlyoeranus: Jbr- -

sitanimposuit pecori lupus. Mystes: Baud timet host^s/

turba canum vigils ns. Git Vigilea quoque sonmus obumbrat.” and

- in 11.22, ’’Et negat huio aevo stolidum pecus aurea regna

The first of these passage's, Hamblin suggests "is no doubt

a reference to the welfare of the empire and to it,s faithful protectors*; the other *to the people who did not recognize : (51) ' and rejoice in the blessings of the new age.";

Nemesianus, who lived at the end of the third century A. D., was such a close imitator of Calpurnius, thet his Eclogues were for centuries linked with those of Calpurnius •

in the same volume and were by many considered to belong to

the earlier poet. In his poems there is no allegory beyond

that found in Calpurnius, so to describe them here would be

of no avail. - 51

(51) Hamblin, p.71. - 39-

Toward. the end of the fourth or in the beginning of the fifth century there appears in a pastoral poem, ”De ^ortibus

Bourn", a: vivid description of a plague which swept over

Europe and wiped out cattle by the droves. The Eclogue pre­ sents two shepherds discussing the dread disease and its dire results, when one of them suddenly notices that the flock of

Tityrus is still healthy. Upon being asked the reason for this, Tityrus replies that he has marked his cattle with the : ; , (52) - / Sign of the Cross. Bucolus at once pledges his faith to the new religion, and as he starts on the pilgrimage with

Tityrus to the "temple of the Supreme God" Aegon desires to

join them, for no doubt a Sign which will protect cattle will be of benefit to man. Although there is no true al- legory, the poem is symbolical in that the effect of the .

Sign of the Cross on the cattle herd is used to symbolize the 52

(52) "Mark which men hallow, of God's crucifixion. Who in great cities God alone Is worshipped, Christ, everlasting glory of the Father, Only-begotten. .

. This Sign in centre of the forehead printed, Of all my oxen was the sure salvation; . Thus God most truly by this Name all-powerful Saviour is blessed. Straight the dire sickness fled from out my sheepfold. All ill escaping. Thou too, an thou wiliest, Hayest pray this Lord God; faith alone thou needest To aid thy seeking.

No blood our altars sacrificial steepeth, Nor kill we victims for diseases's healing; Only by simple spirit's purifying Cometh a blessing."

(Quoted from Duckett, "Latin Writers of the Fifth Century", pp.94-95.) — 40—

(53) effect of the faith on man and the rest of the world. The pastoral atmosphere has here no significance for its own

sake. It is merely used as a medium for the exposition of

Christian belief, and secondarily for the description of a tragic event of the time.

In the early part of the Ninth Century for the first

time appeared an open admission by an author of allegorical

content in his work. Hodoln, who wrote under the name of .

Naso, produced two Eclogues after the manner of Calpurnius,

in praise of the ruling Emperor. Emperor Charles VIII is referred to under the various names of Charles, David, Caesar, and probably Palaemon (a shepherd).: In addition .to this,

the Second Eclogue gives a symbolical representation of the ruler under the guise of the sun, which sends out its uncloud­ ed rays through all the world, and brings back a golden age

to man. In addition to allegorical and symbolical represen­

tation of the emperor, the poems Introduce the poet himself (Eclogue I) and prominent men of the time as shepherds. The old shepherd of Eclogue I,seems to be a prominent poet at

court. Micon and Meliboeus of Eclogue II are no doubt

influential men of the time, the first because he has taught beasts (which probably represent human beings) the ways of

peace v/ith one another, end the latter because he has access (54) to the court where he is to bear the author's songs. Here53 54

(53) Hamblin, p.73.

(54) A summary of Hamblin, pp.74-75. 41-

again the pastoral has lost its significance as a picture of simple shepherd life, and has been utilized as a tool to win favors for the poet from prominent men and possibly from the emperor himself. Incidentally the poem is made to present contemporary men and events through allusion.

In an eclogue, supposedly of 826 A.D., written by Radbert of Corbie, and appended to tils Life of Adalhard, Abbot of

Corbie, there is again found acknowledgment by tho author . of allegory contained in his poem. The t m shepherds arei,to represent respectively the old monastery of Corbie and the new monastery of Corbie founded by Adalhard in Germany. The song they sing is after the manner of Virgil’s "Dephnis"

Eclogue, and celebrates the dead Abbot, who himself, though not given a shepherd name save in one instance (V.152, where he is called Menalcha), yet is pictured as a guardian of a flock. The blessings of Heaven are allegorically described as pleasures of pasture and fields. Although the pastoral atmos­ phere is maintained throughout, the poetic mode is quite evidently made use of merely in the interests of religion. Two other Eclogues of the century which Hamblin mentions (pp. 77-78) may be briefly cited, not for their allegory

(for they contain none) but that one may see to what extent

the pastoral was used as a medium for setting forth the 55

(55) Hamblin, p.76. -42

interests and events of th® time. MDe imagine Tetriei* opens and closes with pastoral description. Beyond this there is no further reference to pastoral life. The main part of the poem is devoted alternately to casting abuses at Theodoric the Goth, and praising the reigning Emperor, Lud­ wig. "Gesta Apollon!i reris Tyri''in is, as its name suggest®, a story of the deeds of the king, Apollonius of Tyre. A pas­ toral scene opens the story. The conclusion of the poem is lost. Here the shepherd life is but a thin framework which could easily be dispensed with, without detracting In any way from the actual content of the poem.

In the middle of the ninth Century there appeared an eclogue by one Theodulus, or. Godesoaley which eclogue was patterned after the typical singing contest of ancient pas­ toral. Here the shepherds are allegorical representations of abstract ideas, Fseustis being Falsehood, who offers pagan myths in competition with Christian stories presented by

Alithia, or Truth. Fronesis (Reason) is the judge in the contest, which of course is so obviously onesided that

Pseustis, without waiting for the judge s decision admits himself defeated. Here we find an advance from the shepherd

personal allegory of earlier Eclogues to a representation of

abstract ideas as shepherds with shepherd names. The pastoral

setting in itself is of no importance. It is a mere back­

ground for extolling the superiority of Christianity over Paganism. , r - r - — - 43-

The same lack of personal allegory Is evident in the

"Synodicus", which appeared in the Eleventh Century, as the composition of Yfarnerius of Basel. Here again the shepherds represent abstract ideas; Thlepsis being meant to indicate the Old order tells stories from the Old Testament, and

Neocosmus (the New) answers with excerpts from the New Testa­ ment also giving accounts of later events. There is no con­ test, and no conclusion is reached as to the respective values of the two orders. The pastoral merely pictures one of the interests of the time. There is no more emphasis here upon the eclogue as a form of literature than could be found in the poem of Theodulus.

A summary of post-Virgilian pastoral from Calpurnius to the Renaissance, shows a marked allegorical development as well as a decided change in the conception of the purpose of

Bucolic poetry. In Calpurnius the poet's patron as well as; the poet, himself was represented as a shepherd. Tbis affords the only actual allegory. However the use of the pastoral,

is-extended. Here is found a tendency to introduce actual

scenes of the day, set apart from the pastoral background.

Also, for the first time, a pastoral poet is concerned with

the furthering of his own interests, when he offers praise

to his patron or to his emperor. In another Eclogue of the

time of Nero, there seems to be an allegorical representation of a class of people as "stolidum peons'1. For the first

time pastoral is used in the interests of religion in the - 44' later Fourth or early Fifth Century, in the poem nDe Hortibus

Bourn1’” where the effect of the Sign of the Cross is made to symbolize its larger effect on the whole of mankind. Naso, of the early Ninth Century, like Calpurnius, is conoerned with his own advancement in his eulogistic poems to Emperor Charles

VIII. Here the object of veneration, the emperor himself, is presented under a number of different names and in one Instance is symbolically described as the sun. Beside the emperor and the poet himself, prominent men of the time are introduced as shepherds. In the.Eclogue of Radbert of Corbie of the

Ninth Century, the use of allegory amounts to personification, shepherds being made to stand for monasteries. Here a use is made of the Eclogue to express an historical interest with which the poet was concerned. In "Be imagine TetrieiM of the same century, the pastoral scene has become mere framework, and the poem is made use of in hurling abuses as well as in praising the ruler, Ludwig. "Gesta Apollonll regia Tirii" is confined to a biographical sketch. Finally the Eclogue of Theodulus of the Ninth Century as well as -

"Synodicus" of the Eleventh, extends the use of allegory so

that shepherds are made to represent abstract ideas. The purpose of the first poem is to show the superiority of

Christianity over Paganism. The latter, too, on a religious

theme discusses the differences between the Old Order, and the New. - II. A COMPARISON OF RENAISSANCE LATIN ECLOGUES WITH THE

ECLOGUES OF VIRGIL

The Renaissance reawakened interest in the Classics, in their emphasis upon men and life, freed man from the laby­ rinth of mediaeval abstractions and centered his attention again upon himself and the life about him. Yet the restora­ tion, of Classicism created no conflict with existing Christian

"beliefs." Rather was there a fusion of the two. The simplicity and purity of ancient culture was quit© in harmony with the teachings of the Bible. The individual received recognition, yet he was an individual whose life was judged upon the basis of Christian teachings.

Considering these facts, it is only natural that litera­ ture of this period should show a corresponding observanceu v : of both worlds of thought . Hence-in the pastoral:of the ' Renaissance we may expect to find a more;extended personal element, emphasis upon the life and interests of the individ­ ual, and in addition a continuation of the Mediaeval interest

. . " ' . ■ " ;"'.v in the Christian religion. :

It would also be quite natural to suppose that the newly awakened Interest in ancient literature of all kinds would not be without its influence on pastoral poetry, which by Its very artificial nature was open to every kind of subject. The epic, the satire, and the epigram were of particular in­ terest to the Renaissance classical student. In the last . — 4:6 —

named style of writing, the attempt was made to write epigrams which had the air of antiquity. So we may expect to find a varied content in Benaissanoe pastoral. The pastoral, then, in turn, as the outer interests creep in, cannot but become

& mere form in which the poet expresses his interests, and the interests of-those about him.

• On the other hand, the new interest in the ancient pas­ toral may be thought to have a very different effect. Surely the poetic beauty of Virgil’s Eclogues would have Inspired an earnest classical student to attempt a more or less purely pastoral poem, in which the interest lies,not in the pres­ entation of personal affairs of the poet, nor even in the picture of actual events of the time, but in the artistry of the pastoral itself.

1'ediaeval Pastoral v/e found is concerned largely with . abstract religious allegory, and while personal allegory is evident, it Is confined to the presentation of the ambitious poet as a shepherd "whose one interest is the praise of his ruler. Little of the Mediaeval poet’s actual life is pictured in his Eclogues.

i'hile allegory was well adapted to Mediaeval modes of

thought, its suggestive force had something to offer Renais­

sance writers, who were reticent about expressing outwardly

certain of their opinions and desires. Pastoral allegory

clothed the designs of the pension hunter in a less sordid

garb than everyday conversation. So with a greater emphasis - 47-

upcn tho life of the individual, one zr-ay expect to find in

Renaissance pastoral a wider use of personal allegory in that poetry which continues the mediaeval fashion. Yet in any poem modelled directly after the ancient prototype and con­ cerned with beauty of expression, one need not look for ex­ tensive allegory.

Pastoral of the Renaissance, then, may be of two classes; that which follows the real Virgil, and has as its -ilm, artis­ tic perfection, and that which is the result of development during the centuries intervening between Virgil and the successors of Petrarch, and which is purely didactic and informative in purpose. lelhmatua ivndp#llnua

Fubllua Faustus Androlinus was b o m at Porli in 1462e He wag educated at Bologna and at Ronb, whore ho was later crowned poet by ttie Roman Academy, 1483. There he enjoyed the patron­ age of Bishop of Mantua, Indovioo Gonzaga. In 1488, he went to

France, just throe years after Girolamo Balbi of whom ho spooks (1) in his Eclogues. H© took with him letters of introduction to

Bishop. Gonsaga1 a nieoo, wife of the G orate -dauphin of Auvergne.

In 1489 he was made a lecturer at the University of Paris, loft there in 1491 to teach In Toulouse and lator wont to Poitiers, (2) only to return again in the ond to Paris. Later he received from the king, naturalization papers (1502} and a canonry at the church of Bayexix (1505). For ten years or loss ho had been holding the „ (3) title of “rogtua poeta*1, which the poet Regnler said meant*lo foil do Rod*. During hia first years in Paris, ho was caused much trouble by tho jealous Italian scholar, Girolamo Balbi. In this affair Androlinus was given support by lobt.Gagain, a dis­ tinguished loader in humanistic circles of Paris, and by the brothers Charles and Joan Fernand. Ho also counted among hi#2 341

(1) Tilley, 0Dawn of tho French Renaissance®,p.206. (2) Mustard, Intro.p.ll.

(3) Delaruollo, "Guillaume Buds*, p.22.n.S. : Guy, Henry “Hiatoire do La Poesie Franoaiso au XVI SiocleH p.37.n.4?,say3 ho was given the title Bregluc poeta" in 1 4 % . (4) mistard. Intro* p. 15. -49 patrons eminent people of the time, among whom were four chancel­ lors of FranceV Erasmus was his friend, referring to him csnvotus congerro mens;", and spoke of M s as one"who deserved to live for­ ts) evert" However, a little later in a letter addressed to vivos he remarks that neither Andrelinus1 looming nor his morals were (6) up to standard for a Professor of the University of Paris* Al- ' - ' ' . ■ ' ' ' ' - '(7) though Andrelinus has had his share of flattering oritleiom,during his lifetime, he had since come to he regarded as little more than (8) a”third-rate humanist’." Dolaruelle, (p*22) calls him the "type parfait de l|huoaniste a la fois prosomtueux et.mediocre*"Tilley

(p.85) classes him with his arch-onomy,Balbia- as an Italian ad- venturer, and mays they were "two humanists of a very inferior 5678

(5) Mustard, Intro,pp*12-13* ,

(6 ) Erasmi Opera J H Ep.4893quoted Tilley,"Dawn of the French Renaissans®"*p*209j”I have long wondered,"says Erasmus,"at the slqplleity and eourtesy of the University of Paris,in tolerating Fauatus for so many years,.*.His name must recall to your mind many things which I should not like to put in a lot tor. How imprudently ho used to rage against the Theo­ logical Faculty. How indecent were his lectures I And every­ body knew what sort of a life he led. Bit the French conconed all these failings on account of his learning. Yet that was never mere than mediocre

(7) Guy* Henry,p.37,n.47, saya:,,After the flight of Balhus,tho public voice placed Andrelinus above the root of the human­ ists; his Latin versos seen and heard, were reputed exqui­ site, in saoh a way that Erasmus was able to say,"Diu reg- navit Lutetiao*" , Itegalussi. Bartolomeo (quoted Mustard, Intro.p.l6),in a ' 1 Venice edition of the “Amoreo" 0 ailed the author^principem poetarum nostri tcmporlst^ Mazzuchelli (quoted mstard Datro.p.16)says that Simon Gar- pontarius in the dedication of an edition of Plautus to Andrelinus, called him "eorum ox numero qui vtvunt erudl- po@tar; 7

(8 ) Ttlleysp.212, * - — 50—

Stamp, pushing, m i a , quarrolsomo and llcontlous” • That ho was highly sntertainlag la his olaasoa may bo soon from a state­ ment made many years lator by one of hlo student a, who nay a Fauo- tus was not an M e a l teacher: ^defttnotorte profltebatur, loots

qulbuadam^magls featlvla quam dootls plausum radium audltorum oaptans", and Erasmus said hia lectures “sometimes made the (11) judioloue grlem* • Nevertheless he seems to have felt himself i '■ ' . - . - - competent to write “Do morallbua et intolleotunlibus virtutlbus"

(1496) and “Eplatolae proverblales et moralea“ (1507)or earlier).

Other marks in addition to hlo Eclogues are; “Livia sou Amorea" r

for which he was offered the poet's crown at Romo, “Hicatodietiehoa"

. - . . . , ' ' ' ' ' .'.V ' ■ (before 1500) and some-elegies written in the nineties.

The Eclogues of Andrellnue carry on the tradition of Petrarch,

vis 5 that the pastoral is just a frame of certain ideas and sen­

timents , and the shepherds, courtiers en masque, Allegory much

as it is# is almost wholly confined to the author*s personal eac-

, . ■■■■■■■ . ■■ . - : perlenoe# or those of his friends and eontemporarlos, Pastoral

(9) Tilley, p ,593, “Gagutn,, Le Fevero d*Etspies. Bade and Bedims led exanplary lives; they -were honoreble, honored good cit­ izens and true Christians, In marked contrast to them were the Italian adventurers Balbi and Andrelinl, who having ob­ tained a footing In the University of Paris lost by the scandal of their lives whatever reputation they.had gained , from their showy bat superficial scholarship, lid), from an Epistle to Charles V, by Beatus Bhenanua, June I, 1540, quoted', Mlstard^ Int^* p*15,

(ll)“lutetlae lioult Fausto profiteri quoalibet poetaa usque ad naenias Prlapeas, Mque m r e (ne quid aliud d i e m ) Faue- tlno",.

# - 51-

to Andrelinua is but a form in which ho makes himself known to the world. His herdsman are no longer more herdsmen, and the pastoral

scenery is so insignificant as to be passed over unnoticed* The

Eclogue stylo is supposed to idealize reality, but Andrelinua is

so eonoemed. with the presentation of his allegorical vision that

his imagination fails to function in the regions of idyllic nature*

His complaints are made no less sordid by thoir bucolic garb* In

the Eclogues of Andrelinua it is not 8® mush the quality as the

extent of allegory that is to ho noted*

Eclogue I of Andrelinua is modelled after the First Eclogue

of Virgil* The discontented shepherd, Faustulus, leaving for a

land "where the winding Sequana circles cultivated fields" encoun­

ters Lygdus who is contentedly reclining in tho shade of an elm,

and relates to him his own grievancese Faustulue begins his story

with his journey to the groat god Pen, which, he says, ho was urged

to make by his father, who kept him supplied with money as long as -

his fortune lasted* Ho learned from Pan to play on the hemlock

pip©* and so proficient did ho become that ho was mode bard by

the rural Apollo and was crowned with ivy and laurel* After the

loss of his father* s fortune he was compelled'to servo on ungrate­

ful master until "four crops had been harvested in the golden

field", and at last he has determined to seek his fortune elsewhere*

A friend Amyntas has t o M him of a "dcuo" v/ho la wise and kind and

will not di^mln him flute of melodious rood* He has a song al­

ready prepared by which he hopes to win the favours of the groat

god, and at Lygdus* request .he sings it, after which, Lygdus praise eo M s maioal ability and offers his blessings to his departing friend*

Fanstuluo is without question Andrelinus in masquerade. The

story of tho shepherd clearly parallels the lifo of Andrelinus*

This, becomes slear when wo consider certain -passages In the Ec­ logue, Verses 32-43 ’’Ipso ego rural! sum factus Apolline vatos/ serpenteaque mois hedoraa lauruaque virentem/ orinibua. imposuit” no doubt refer to the presentation of tho poet * o crown to And­ ie linuo at Romo in 1483, Verses 30-48, whieh tell of tho servitude

~ , • which Faustulus had to endure for four* years may be paralleled with Andrelinus1 experienceo with the patron Bishop Gonzaga of

Mantua, who,, it scorns from the Eclogue v/as none too generous*

When Andrelinus went to France In 1483, he may have had a poem of entreaty prepared to win his hoped-for patron*s faver, but ho also had with him letters of introduction to hi a former patron* a (12) niece and her husband, Coate-d&uphln d*Auvergne, Further . evidence that Faustulus is Andrelinus may bo soon in w , 28-30, where Faustulus not only compares hinaolf to Tityrus, as a shep­ herd bard, but even claims to excel him, Tityrus here is quite clearly Virgil, and the passage "qua sun fagineis sub frondibus (13) otia luait” is a roforonco to Virgil*s first Eclogue• Andre-

(12) Tiieae letters woro published by ajRenier, w3iom, aior, d,Lett. Ital•,XXX (1892) 191, They are dated Sept, 22, 1488, In one of tiiem Andrelinus is called "laureate poet a faoun- dissimo et oratore disertissimo”; quoted. Bastard, Intro, P ,ll ,n,3,

(13) Vergil,!, w,l-2, "Tityre, tu patulao rooubana sub tegmine fagl/ ailvestrem tonui musam meditaris avena", -53 lims> then, - feels M m e l f superior to Virgil in tiho art of writing pastoral poetry# .

Though, there ia littlo of actual pastoral soonory, tho pas-

. . toral illusion la held throughout* It is not a pastoral in whieh some, allegory ia inserted but the whole poem itself is allegory*

Tho experiences of Fauatulus represent an autobiographic si sketch of a certain period of Andrelinua1 life* Ho other person is pre­ sented allegorically unless An^ntas bo considered some friend of

Andrelinua-. However he is merely mentioned and has no definite characteristics which enable on© to place him* Lygdus is just a pai* of the pastOMl machinery* His part in the ill-sustalnod dialogue convention la confined to praises of Andrelinus* Tityrus of line 28 Is* of ocmrse Virgil, and the *d«M* referred to.* is probably a hoped-for patron, whose attributes are wisdom, kindness, and beneficence to poets* Allegory, then, in Mils Eclogue is wholly confined to Andrelinua1 personal representation as a shep­ herd and M s experiences as experiences in tho life of a shepherd, and to a mention of Virgil under the name of Tityrus*

The Eclogue form ie used in the interests of tho poet himself, i " ' who hopes to gain a patron1 a favors by means of hia poems. In his efforts to present his ease through pastoral allegory, Andrelinus completely ignores the idyllic beauty of shepherd life. Hero the pastoral is but a convention. .

Eclogue VI la on the same theme as Eclogue I, and in some res­ pects seems to have been the first written. Allegory hero is much more intricate and more carefully worked out*

Fremeus, a young shepherd is taking a tamed deer to his mis­ tress. An older shepherd, Gallus, chides him for spending so amich - 54-

time on the card of the d e a r, which shine a from mnoh brushing and. polishing and which bears on its neck a bulla, giving forth music­ al sounds and bearing on its surface a carved likeness of a nynph*

It would have been better, says Galium* to have employed this time in a more lucrative pursuit* francum* next two speeches hint that he expects his seemingly fruitless labor toi bring him greater re­ ward In the end* Galius objects that there is too much chance involved in M s undertaking and he may find himself fooled by .

"time itself0« P r a n e u s explains tho situation: that the lovely nymph, the object of M s affections had risen from tho lako of

Mantua * which feeds the singing swans, but oho was now living in union with the Auvergnlan chief, a warrior of renown* ’’But0, says Galiusperchance she will laugh at your love and close her do'orc to you and your gifts will lie neglected.” But Francus assures him that this sprout Is sprung from such a tree as that which embraces the weary wanderer with sweet shade, ”nor” , ho gays,”is there any part of the world where a more fruitful tree will producej That la known to my palate, while maddening him- ; ger torments me.” Gallus still cautions him that everything tas­ tes good to a hungry man* Francus compares his love to the honey of the Daedalian bee, and for this nectar* he vows he would ahxm even celestial ambrosia* All of which reminds him that Phyllis has a dinner of cabbage* bacon* and sinciput ready for them* and so the conversation eenses*

The nymph of line 39 is the niece of Gonsaga* Bishop of Man­ tua, for she was originally from Mantua, and after her marriage

to Gilbert de Montpensler, comte-dauphin of Auvex^ne, lived in - 55-

(14) ; ■ : \ This is farther pro%#& by w . 48-49, ”elarumquo decon- tla factum/ nomina conveniunt aaorato irapoata lavaoro” * The name of Gonaaga's niece was Ohiara or Clara Gonzaga. Prancus, then ia quite evidently Andrelinus who has been given letters of introduc­ tion to Ohiara, who Is now the wife of Gilbert de MontpetisSsre

All of this becomes clearer itiien we read w *58-61, where Prancus * asserts his confidence that the nymph will not close hor doors to him, for "hoc tali n&tum eat ex arbore germen/ quae laosum dulco x - venientem ampleotitur umbra,/ nec namdi pars ulla iacet qua mitlor arbor/ fructificat* nostro lam nota eat ilia palate*.

The gift, then, probably refers to a poem addressed to the lady in question, which Andrelinus has carefully prepared with (15) the purpose of securing her favours. The words "oerpifcua somaas", v.9, suggest a poem, and v ,10 “Caelataque gerons m i l l sub imagine nunphan^1 indicates that it was addressed to "the nymph11 (Ohiara),

Vv*28-31 which express Prancus1 e^eotatlon of future profit from his gift. Indicate the rewards Andrelinus hopes to reap from the patronage of so prominent a person.

Here, then, we find a well worked out allegory woven into a shepherd*s conversation. Actual description of Arcadian scenery is lacking, yet the pastoral illusion is held throughout* Ob- vlously though the pastoral form has been chosen, not for its own . ■ " ■ ' •• sake, but as a medium for presentation of the poet* a allegorical • ' * » • ; _ -

(14) lEstar^, p*7b *n.50. ” "" !

(15) The Eclogue appears to have been written in "Mantua as lino 40 inplies, evidently previous to Andrelinus9 departure for 1 Prance in 1488, : —56— . vision. There is however, a disorepanoy in the shepherd ohar- aeter of Praneus. It is no ordlnaiy shepherd who will carry

love Gifts to the wife of an Auvergnian ehief. He is a typical eeartler-shepherd* ,

Allegory in this Eclogue consists in a representation of Andre-

llnus as a shepherd, of the niece of Gonzoga, his hoped-for patron,

. . . _ ■ as, a nyi^ph (his love), of the Mantuan origin of Ghiara as an (16) ascension from a Mantuan lake frequented by singing swans, and

finally there is symbolism shown in the favours which Andrellnus

enjoyed under Bishop rGonzaga*3 patronage and those which he hopes

to receive from the niece of his former patron described as fruits

of a tree with which he is familiar. The tree which ”embraces

the weary wanderer with sweet shaden is his patron of Mantua, and

the sprout of' the same kind of tree, is, of course, the Bishop*s

niece. Andrellnus * desire# for the favors of his hoped-for patron

are referred to as a maddening banger for the fruits of this tree*

This Eclogue shows a widening of the scope of allegory never

before known in one Eclogue* Yet it is wholly of a personal

nature. Again Andrellnus seizes the opportunity of presenting him­

self end his interests to the world* The evident flattery in the

poem, not only of his former patron but especially of the niece,

indicates the predominant purpose of the poem, vis., a desire

on the part of the author to win favors from a hoped-for patron*

Eclogue II, continues the autobiographical story of Eclogue I*

(16) The lake which feeds the slngibg swans is, of course, Mantulu the home of poets* -57

The shepherd 9 Jnnulua, returning from the great city is met by

[email protected], another shepherd v/ho* la ombitioua to try his fortune in

the city, JamU.ua urges him to bo content with M o lot and then

enters upon a lengthy discourse after the manner of the Roman

satirists, on the Curia, and the trials endured by an honest

client. In such a selfioh grasping crowd, only tho trickster can

profit, and the promises of the great •Caesar" are not to be de­

pended upon, Vihon Lollius reminds him that he seems to have fared

well ho admits that at last after throe years of uncertainty,

during which he presented the "dous” with kids from M s flock, tie

is rewarded by the ruler of the Gallic fields, v;tio in turn urges

him to leave his rustic cottage and seek "an august palace amid

neglected v/ooda”, for there fortune awaits him. Yet, though, the

ruier,a v/ords are in this case, of weight, he is most exacting

and rules with a firm hand,

Lollius answers this speech with a caution that he guard hia

fortune well, for truly “hard earned wealth mast be controlled by a provident mind".

Here, the tiiepherd Jamlus is,no doubt, AndreIdnus, who has

been seeking favors from a patron in a large city, probably Parts, ; " _ _ __ _ ... This becomes evident ^ien we observe that J amlus has been three

years seeking favors of a Gallic ruler, and at last is urged to try

hia fortune in a fresh field. All of this seems quite clearly to

refer to Andrelinue* first years in France, which we see from an

account of his Ilfs, were none too smooth. He arrived in France

. in the fall of 1488, one. year later v/as made lecturer in the

University of Paris, and in 1491, three years after his arrival in

France, M s fortunes being still uncertain, he went to Toulouse • -58- to try hi a luck as teacher there i This, the Eclogue tells us, was a step advised by his patron to whom ho had presented some poems* The patronj Bastard suggestsj would be Guillaume de Rocho- (17) fort; to tibom Andrelizms had dedicated his "Amores” .in Paris,1490*

In this eclogue; pastoral allegory again is confined to And­ rei inuo and his experienoee* It Is purely autobiographical * In addition to the allegorical representation of Andrelinus as a

shepherd; further allusion may bo found in v*68» where Andrelinus* poems are roforrod to as "kids"; v#74^ which describes Fortune as a "molodious bird”; and v*76;.whose "palace amid neglected woods”

indicates Toulouse, where Andrelinus was to further search for fortune;

In a greater part of the poem the pastoral element is com­ pletely lost sight of, and satire holds the prominent place* Here

is reflection of a common tendency of the tlmo* to criticise the

artificiality and futility of court life* This moralising quality,

though patterned after Roman Satire, shows the stamp of mediaeval Christian preaching; V.15-18, praising simple living express

an essentially mediaeval thought; that had, been suggested in its

turn by certain of the ancient Latin didactic poems#

Another Renaissance characteristic, a result of the renewed

interest In the Classics, is here shown, viz., that of epigram­

matic phraseology, example s of which may be seen in w * 85-86,

“Hard-earned wealth must be controlled by .a provident mind*, and

vv*43-44, "Rare as the white-winged blackbird la he upon whom Fortune

(17) Mustard, p*69*n.on w*64-72* 59-

teeathos v/ifch benisa breath*”

Kelogue VIZ follow3 the theme of Eologuo II* Her non op­

presses his opinions aonoerning the curia* B* offers hla

advice to his follow shepherd to scorn ambition and follow .

the simple life* He complains of his own trials with the

Guria* Instead of fortune which he* inexperienced had ex­

pected he finds himself more poverty strikon than evor* though

he has been falsely reported to have received a small farm

through the power of Caesar* Ho fears that ho may have to re­

turn to Italy In tatters whereas he had hoped to be able to maintain his aged parents*

This Is another episode In the life of Andrellnus* Harmoa

Is Andrellnus* The poet* 1 1 W Haimon* Is from Italy and has

sought for favours among the Curia of Gaul} he too speaks of . .(18) his "parents In Italy" and he too is a poet of pastorals* In

addition w , 41-42* "A cane deluso doeumenta sequonda dabahtur/

Ho poterem oertis vanam pro-earolbuo umbram" seem to refer to

the advice given in VI*33-36* "Baud motu crcdenda lev! ost, nisi

eauaa llquesoat/ Hota pnius j dubia depezklet sorte ftiturum./votls

gsepe suls ot tempore fallitur ipso/ Grodula mens honlnum" ,whieh

Is put into the mouth of Callus* and addressed to Francus* who

is Andrellnus in disguise*

(18). /- Publii Fausti AnHrel in'i ad- Robertum Gaguinum epistola, (Mustard / Appendix" A. p.114), where referring to the calumny .of Balbus, Andrellnus says: f,Hib enim me' et a Christiana “ fide- devlantem et $a"c in urbe, totd spectante populo, exus- - tuiti'fulsse simulavit, atque adult'erinis littorls falsum ’ * r mentitumque crimen -ner universaii fere' Itallam publicavit. . . Ad solahdos parentes meers- fidissimum servum non sine maxima impensa mittere sum coactus." Andrelima employs the pastoral for purely neroonary

reasons# Sd doUbt he expects a pension as w , 71-74 indicate.

There h e ' laments the necessity of jpemrting to labor. His

flair for preaching may bo seen throughout. The topic of his

sermon la the same 9.8 that of Eclogue II, "The quest of'..glory

or of gain does but entail misery; only the poor m m Is happy— (19) he lives tranquilly and.long;n ha in II, Andrellnue makes uao

of moral maxims: "How .distant are actual facts from whispered

rumor;"/"Seek not empty shadow for sure flesh,/ "Praia® the huge

palace, but live in the bumble but,"

In alternate verse, Mopauo, and Lycldaa sing of their

troubles (III), Lycidas mourns the death of a famous German

shepherd poet while Hopsus complains of the jealous,attacks of

two of his rivals.

Her® Andrellnue parades under the name of Mopsus, Vv,95-

\0 ® i the details of which are those connected with the Balbua

affair, and which are more extensively described in a letter ad- ' . ■ -. ■ . / ■ '.. •. . - dressed by Andrellnue to his friend, Robt, Gaguin. The story

of the Eclogue la that he (Mopsus) was slandered by one "of evil

(19) Huizinga, "The Waning of the Middle Ages;" p,H9,

(20) Publii Pauati Andrelini ad Robertum Gaguinum epistola, (Mustard, Appendix,A, p,114) "Hie enim mo ot a Christiana fide deviantam et hae in urbe, tote speetante populo, exus- tum fuisse slmulavit, atque adulterinia litteris faisum mentltumque erimen per univeraam fere Italian! publioavit. Quae serpentina lingua, quod inauditua ^idaoiua, qua© Punlca perfidla hulc tarn aporto mondaoio conj^orri potest? Kihil tam flagitlocum est quod alienac laudls dotractori probum esse non videatur. Ad solandos parentes moos fidla- slsam eervum non sine maxima imponaa mittero. sum coactuo," - 61- tongue”, #10 formed base plots against him and reported that he had aoorned the Ohriatian religioti and had been burned on ' V a pyre by the Parisians for his infamy* As a result ef this slander his lands were seised and his little chapel where

“once tho feeble life of my aged parents tiad been sustained6.’I

To pz'Ove his innocence he was.‘forced to send lieliboeus to

Ausonia at a great expense and so to bring comfort to his parents and afflicted family*

Mopsus* story is told more or less directly* There is little of pastoral make-believe, hence little actual allegory*

. . ■ - ■ - - AMrelinus identifies himself with the shepherd, 'Mopsue, reform •• " • to his first enemy and his friends as Mshepherds*” Kio own : poems and those of his rival are represented as songs nlsyed (21) on a shepherd<3 pipe, and in w * 119-18 2 , his incantation song before the altar la probably a reference* as Mustard sag- (22) gests to an unpublished work of which he speaks In his dedica­ tion of his elegies to Thos. Ward (Paris 1494) ’’laboriooissiraum lllud opus •De Vera R o l t g i m e U i m e r t p t w ” Balbua is not spec­ ifically designated as a ahephex*d, though the first rival (vv.

81-90) la so represented* However tho identity.of the first is unknown* Whether Lye Idas and the mourned Gorman shepherd- poet, Menaldas, are real persons in shepherd garb it is difficult to say* They probably are, although their Identity cannot bo

solved*- . - - - . .

(21) Kciogue III * w * 119-122, 66 Sola bone, sols hyoida' p.nn-) festa Palllia fmaant,/Ad sacra quot dedorim bifores altaria oantus,/ Sets opus assilrgens verae quod pandit , opertua/ Keligionis iter*"

(22) Mustard, p*71,n.l21. - 62-

Allegory, then, in this Ealogue, oonaista moroly In a presentation of Andrellmia and hla oontomporarlea as oli»pherd« poefcg, and their poems aa ahepherd»aonga« 1'hla la due to the

fact that the poem Is confined to a more or loss direct aooount

of the affair between Andrellmia and Balbus«

Andx'Qllnus1 ople purpose In writing the poem is to bring

to light, the source of slander directed against himself#

Another side of the poet*a character is revealed in w#110-

118 where bye Idas proclaims his faith in the Christian teaching

that God is just, and that .the evil will be revealed at last#

Again he resorts to maxims: "Bo evil contagion of so groat a

disease will last, but, inwardly convulsed, will rush to des­

truction, as snow loosened by mild warmth rushes down from high

mountains , 7 "No lie of a vain tongue can long lie hidden.V These

are put into the mouth of Lye Idas, and as Eclogue XI reveals,

arc prophetic#

Eclogue XI is a sequel to Eclogue m . Mopsus (Androlimoj

continues his story of the former poem# Meeting Lycidas, while

out for an early morning walk,' he praises the prophetic powers

of his friend, and reports the fulfillment of his former state-

ment that evil will be made manifest and dark lies become clear#

B&lbiean treachery, he says, is at last revealed. After* making (23? (24) use of some-stolen songs he (Balbus) changed his name assuming

(23) Balbus was accused by Andralinus, in a letter to R#Gaguia, of trying to pass off as his own, some poems of Ottavio Gleofllo and Tito Btroasi (Appendix A.p.113) Op. a letter of Chas. Fernand to Arnold de Bast; "ceterua si ex Tago, - 63-

the falg® oognomn of fcho gona Baiba, No crime vraa too great fbr hlm^ declared Mopsua, He was a gambler, a thief, a glutton, a profligate • Mopaua dwells at length on M a faults#

Moreover ho was profane, scorned Christian rites of worship, belioved the fates supreme, that heaven Is movod by bo arulor, laughed at holy feast days and Sabbath, failed to worship God, etc# However* Mopsua adds* he was caught, and was about to be burned In a kettle full of boiling oil by when he "base coward", escaped Into Britain#

He was the cause, continues Mopsus* of the estrangement of a belovod friond, Candidas, who, when the truth of the matter

was finally disclosed, again renewed his friendship# Witnesses •* - for' Mopsus were Corydon* who heals children with Palaemon*®

art* Mallboeua and Idas, who attract stupefied groves with their

singing instruments#

Pacuolo' atqua Meandro colicoturTtibi vis aurum buimilaro B£il- bicos perlege codioilloaj llllo onlm auri rapti plurimom, propril invenles parumv" (quoted ttistard, p#ai n#21»22e, which in turn Is quoted from Le Thuasne, 1.93. ' ,, , ",

(24) Mustard, Appendix A.p.113. "Delndo ex Baiba nobill qutdem ac lllusfcri faallla Bolbum albi ip si cognomen turn usurpavlt, cum ex domo Acoelini @t ob souris abioctisque parent thus ortum esse constat#"

(25) Latter of Andrelinus to Robt# Gaguin, Mustard, Appendix A# p.114, "Eeoe nequlaaimus ipse Balbuain haeretloa ns solo qua seota et oxseorando illo vltlo deprehensuia eat ob quod Palostlnae clvltates in sulphursos attrltosqu® ctneres con­ verses sunt# N1 velooisslmaa fugam in Britannlam Malorem Praooipitasset, publlee indendio meritae tandem poenas por- solvlsset# Tam foedm, tarn tnfamem fugam buoolico carmine praeludendam censul, ut non tarn Balblcum scoluo quan Fannt- inum candorem, falsa quidem Infamia notatum, ot praosentlbus et. pbsterls patefaolam#” - 64-

After masseating that tho villain be foiled by the ax

as a poisonous oak, he resorts to Christian faith that "offence#

of an impious brain never flourish unpunished0; "whether sooner

or later his penalty follows the wrongdoer'^ and "from auspic­

ious powers some unremitting rewards of a ohasto life'.?

Mopsu®. of oourao, is Andrellnus. The shepherd Candidua (26) M s been identified with Robt* Qaguin, Gorydon may be Gull-

laume Tardif, Professor In tho University of Paris who had had (27) differences with Bslbus, and Mellboeus and Idas, l&istaM sug­

gests, aro possibly Charles and Jean Feraiewl, whb were court misloIans, ' - . '■ - . ■

T M pastoral setting opens and closes the poem# Beyond

this there is no further use of shepherd description. The lit-

erary mode is employed simply for setting fbrth personal griev­

ances and for casting abuses at Balbus* Mopsua of oourse la

supposedly a shepherd, and tho friends of Andrelinus are given

shepherd names* There is no allegory beyond this*

, In Eclogue VIII, Gorydon complains of his continued 111-

guooesse But, then, Tltyrun, too, had had trouble— -he liad os-

eaped the drawn sword of an angry soldier by diving in the

river and had lamented the goat drying his drenched wool# After­

wards he had sung a carefree song and had erected an altar to

the youth who had restored his farm* Gorydon, hero saya, he

(26) "huno Balbus noster primus (ut arftltror) nautato m m l n l C andidum apellavit, quod videlicet ut vest© sic quoque morlbus Ipse candidum ease vldeatur" (£^om a letter of Joan Fernand, quoted by Mustard, p *82#a*98-100)

(27) Mustard, p,82,n# on linos 111-113# - 65-

Maaeli’, too, sang of youthful love a, but no-,7 business is not so good. Though he Is just thirty-five years old# his temples are greying heesuse of anxiety# He has labored hard and covered the bark of every tree with his songs and yet it profits him nothing, while a imoh lesser poet has been praised and rewarded, Qulrlnus suggests that he return to Rome and try the gods there as Tityrus did, but Corydon says it would bo hopeless to do so, for the gods there now have their Interest in the pursuit of gold,

Gorydon is Andralinua, If, as l i m a 3 0 - S indicate, And­ re llnus was thirty-five years old when the Eclogue was written, then this mist havo been one of the last,for the first eleven

Eclogues of Andrelinns were printed in Paris in 1496, Sine® in

Eclogue IX, ho admits that he has been successful in various pieces in Italy and Prance, then the distress pictured in this

Eclogue cannot be n continuation of that attendant upon Andreli- nus • first arrival in Prance, The comparison of M s lot \vith that of Tityrus (vv,12-18) shows that this must be the case,

Tityrus is again Virgil# The passages concerning Tityrus show that Andrelinus was no dembt familiar with and had accepted cer­ tain allegorical interpretations of Virgil* a Eclogues made by ancient ponmentators. Linos 3 and 18 indicate that ho, too be­ lieved Virgil was singing of his own youthful, loves, when ho had his Tityrus tell of Amaryllis and Galatea, Furthermore, Andre­ linus accepts the story of Virgil's loss of his farm (1,4), his encounter with the angry veteran and his leep into the river, to — 66—

which Aridrellniut holievca Virgil himself referred in his

Third Eclogue* when ho describes the ram drying his wet wool after a ducking in the river* Finally Andrelinua bolievea

Virgil was restored tiovhis farm and consequently made the

"youthful god" who favored him* an object of worship*'

Edlogue VIII, then, is wholly confined to an allegorical presentation of Andrelinua and hi a troubles * and to the Inci­ dental story of Virgil, ^10 is designated as Tityrus, Pastoral pretense is more or less successfully upheld throughout the

eclogue *

Although lolas of Eclogue IX complains of his lowly lot, yet he la not so depressed as the principal shepherds of pre­ vious Eclogues* He recalls his youthful success in Italy, and

France* He cannot W t be grateful * t

Bailie fields has been conquered* And his ambition is undimin­

ished. He decides to try for a big fish or bo lost in the at­

tempt * He is very confident that him powers of profound thought

will bring desired results* Besides he has one good "god" who

will bind all other gods in hia vows*

Andre Unite here assumes the name of lollas. Though he still

is concerned over his ill fortune, the tone of the eclogue is

less x^sslmlstic. Affairs must be brightening. The god to whom

he refers In v.60 may bo Robert Brioonnet, archbishop of Rheims

(1493) and chancellor of France (1495-1497)• The Eclogue is

written after the affair with Balbus, as indicated by v*36 "Hosts

tamen domibo solorvT This trouble, tho letter of Robert Gaguin - 67-

%o Andrellnus shows, caist have taken place about the year 1494*

Although Andrelinus endeavors to-Uceep the pastoral atmos­

phere, yet the story h© tells-is more or loss direct, and

allegory is confined to a representation of himself na a shepherd

whose experiences and desire a are coincident with his own, Vilien

lollas speaks of going to the "great city" (v*17) and of his plan

to seek "wide straits and either be dragged Into deep waters

or catch a huge fish (49-50)s, 7 AMrelinus may be indicating his

intention of presenting his poems to the king, which event la * _ disclosed in Eclogue X«

Eclogue X continues the story of Andrclinus* attempt to

secure notice of his poetic skill. The shepherd lolas, who has

just returned from his visit to the king, is met by a shepherd

friend who.,tells him of a presumptions rival shepherd, Idas,

?/ho has usurped his place during his. absence, lolas answers that lb is the competition of a rival which keeps his own verso

fx»om growing stale. Bo sides he is in a position now to look

desm on the ”garrulous m r m r s of the conceited plebs'l 7 Ihen

his mind was overwhelmed with care he could produce nothing of _

note* Tityrus, when in the same, condition, could scarcely be­

wail the little Gulex on M s shepherd*s pipe* However, now that poverty has been driven away, lollas adds, his poetry is

truly great. His subject matter "the triple power" demands

genius and art* "There is a Qo6,n, he continues," the greatest

in all RhoIras* who has moistened the royal brow with scored

olive sent from the thrones of the goda.n Through his power Gallic land had been entrusted to Caesar♦ There was another

11 denis11 who had been mad® community advocate. 11 Of course says lollas,11 each had oonpaasion for needy old age, and bore'

. ' . ' .• • : ^y name to august ears#" Then that Jupiter incited him to sing in the inner theatre, and on bended knee he sang the aaked-fer '; ■ ... - . / 1 . • . ■ ■ ■. songs, vly, about Jupiter*a war with * renowned P&rthenop©,” and his return to his father*s fields as victor# For M s songs,

Zolas was given a purse of gold and a yearly pension. Cautioned by Corydon, lollas assures him that h e •shall always bo humble, though Fortune smile on him#' Though he would like to say more,

. . . . ‘ ' ■ - ' ■ ■ ■ . he must compose a song to celebrate a child, born to the great;,

Thunderer# Corydon prophesies chat his glories will reach an even greater height when he is made a priest of the temple# Hots*., ever, lollas concludes, though he has been granted a pleasing fortune, other troubles present themselves, for favored servants seek benefits#

Tho shepherd poet, lollas, is Andrelinus, and the poem is ' ■ • • • . • ' ■ • . ' devoted to a more or less straight-forward account of Andrelinus< recognition as a court poet, by Charles VIII, and his subsequent

allotment of a generous pension, after he had sung of the cam­ paign of Charles YIXI against Maples♦ That Jupiter is Charles

VIII, is evident from w . 58-59 in which the "triplex numen"

recalls Eclogue IV, where the King of France was referred to as

a ruler whom a three-fold Gaul serves; from v. 63, which refora (28) to his coronation at Hheima; and finally and most important,

v#92 refers to the victorious return of Charles VIII from hio -69

attack on Maple a. The fir at *d©ua" who presented the c r o m to hi a king, is Robert Brloonaet. The other, "alter" v*71, \ • ' ' ' - : is, as Mustard suggests, probably Pierre Cohardy (Gcmj'thardy) to whom the second edition of the Eclogue was dedicated. Ho had (29) been made royal advocate from( 1486-1497}» The child born t© the great Thunderer (v«121) is the second son of Charles VIII b o m Sept.G,1496 and died in October of the same year* Gory- don*s prophetic utterance (v.127) expresses a hope of Andrelinua ( 30) which was realized in 1505 when he was made canon of Bayeux* ' ^ Allegory in this Eclogue, then, consists in a represents- . * tlon of Andrelinus and his rival as shepherd: poets, of M s king as Jupiter (Jove, TonansJi and of his two patrons as "dei” , The experiences of lollaa belong rather to Andrelinus than to a shepherd poet and so cannot be said to be concealed in pastoral allegory. Though Antirellnus makes an attempt now and then ‘ to maintain the pastoral pretense, this element in the poem is

(28) The "Deus of v.68 is Robert Briconnefc, archbishop of Rheims, and later chancellor of France. (Btstard.p.75, n.67). He accoiqpanled King Charles VIII on lit a expedition against Maples, (Rollings;"Europe in the Renaissance and Reforma­ tion" p.74.

(29.) Dedicatory Epistle, Second' Edition of Eclogues of Andrei inns i "ut to auctore regio stipend© donatus fuerim”.(Mustard.p. 80,n.71.)

(30)Cp. a passage of his "Do Secunda Heapolitana" (1502) "Eat etiam merces longos firmata per a nos/ lam G&rlo oonocssa pio. quin templa dabuntur/ regal! promisea fide". quoted Mustard, p.QO.n.on w . 127-129. 70-

completoly ovorshadowed. by the autobiographicol interests, and as in most of Andrelinus* Eclogues, has lost its signifi­ cance.

The last of the Eclogues to. be written, and by far the most lengthy, by its very title "Aegloga Moraliseima" indicate# the extent to which the moralizing purpose liad gained prece­ dence in these poems of Andrelinus. The title fully describes tho Eclogue,

The shepherd, Corydon, who gives his age as fifty years

(v.218), advises the young and reckless shepherd, Mopaus, con­ cerning life*s pleasures of lasting value* Xn the course of his moral lecture, he.takes occasion to describe a hunting scene and its succeeding celebration, to explain the significance of ' - - "V -■ . (31) •. ' - . Cupid as lie la traditionally described, to extol physical cul­ ture, and finally to give a resume of hio own experiences*

There was a time, he says, liien he too was a reckless young man, but reason at last cam® to M s rescue and he devoted him- - ' ' - : •: : * - ' _ ' self to the cultivation of his land* So proficient did he become that many young men came to learn his methods, and they

(31) Eel. XII.vv.133-143. "Why is it said that Cythorea was born of the salty deep? Because the lover is always .be­ sprinkled with bitter sweat* Why does Love bear a quiver? Because the darts which ha hurls pierce one with sharp pain. Why are his two eyes blindib Idod? Because his deeds are not fit for the seeing eye* Why does he present him­ self unclothed? The stupidity of the mad lover-ia clearly manifest• Why does' the boy approach on var1-colored wings? Because, more light and uncertain than a spring breeze, he cannot stay in any place, and leaves behind him un­ finished words, and has not a steadfast feeling ruling his heart." - 71-

ln turn wore ao successful that envy aroused, tlie heart® of malicious shepherds» However* like a terrifying lion he set­ tled that mattor in brief order# "Caesar” hearing of hie victory presented him with some eows and Caesar9 a v/ifo, Augusta added more to his herd. "But who could win over such great gesds in y o w favor?'* asks L'opsus; Corydon-declares it was that '’famed

Daphnis, known above heaven* and who sustains this heavy weight . of the. French burden# Furthermre* 0orydon saya* lie Is to be given n woodland pasture of hie own* "For truly*” he sayc*ttit

Is difficult to keep the cows * led into anothor * s pa stare s, from becoming tho object of a quarrel* Pleasant it will be to say, ’This is ray shoep* this sy kid*.... end this gy homoj *" The poem closes with a eulogy to the great Caesar and hi a loved wife, and particularly to the great Daphnis*

The title of a Strassburg edition of 1512*15 of this Efclo- (32) gue states that Corydon is Andrellnus# Comparing certain pas­ sages in the Eclogue with known facts of the life of Vindrelinue, this statement seems to be true# In the first place vv#171- (55) 174 may possibly refer to the popularity of Andreiinua* versas (34) and the consequent imitation of them. The story of the cattle

(52) "in qua Corydon senex sub persona Faust! admonat Mopsura iuvonem". ).!ustard,p.83* Intro# to EcleXII#

(55) Vv,171-174. "Malta undique pubes ad mea ceu dens&e vol- itavit toqta colurabae;/ Kt pretiura non vile dedit* quo scilicet aptaic/ Disoeret in tenues tellurea aosoindere glaobas"*

(34);4 letter (1490) from "Prater Xohannes Cordiger Alemenus saorae theologiae professor", addressed to the University of Paris says "oranos solum Faustum in quovie oarmlnis genera iraltari studeant"# quoted ifcistard.Intro.p.14# - 78-

pTOseacod by Caesar and his wife m y refer to a pension or something of the sort presented to the poet by the rulers of ; • ■ . (36) the oountry, seemingly King oouia XII and queen Anne* The answer which Corydon gives to Mopaua* question MYjho could win over such gods in your favor ?* that it is tho great Daphnls who sustains the great weight of tho French burden (w#259- ■ v- ■; ' • • css) • 260) seems to indicate the influenoo which Pierre Cohardy exerted in Andrelinus1 behalf with'Charles VIII in 1496* The • (37) pension then granted was continued by Louis XII* Verses 264*

272 concorning the promised woodland pasture surely refer to a hope realized in 1*ho letters of naturalization presented to

Andrelinus by Louis XII, Jan*17s1502* However this is inconsis­ tent wi t h the possible date of the Eelogue if wo accept the statement made, in w*210-219.that Corydon was fifty years old.

(35) Andrel.inus" v/aa given the fcitle of upoefca rogiua et rsg-" incus*fi An edition of the “Adagia11 (Erasmus), published about 1518, mentions Andrelinus as "poota non solum laureatua verum etiam regius atque etiam sidiis placet, rogineus.” In an undated edition of his Maegloga moral- Is slim/' h§ la called R poet a laiireatus rogiusque ao reg- IneusV’ Baillat of the 18th, Century, in RJugemns dos Bavana iParis ed.,1722 IV 329) calls him ttPoete couronne Poete du Rol (et de la Heine, si l 1on- veut rire avec • jj.rasmo).’’Some have thought Erasmus was jesting when ho referred to Andre linus in his "Adagia'.’V MusbaM,Intro,p ,15, Tilley, p,150, nAnne of Brittany probably had more genuine enthusiasm for art and letters than either of her husbands, Anclrelinus once served as her secretary, M •

(36) Pierre Choardy was nregius advocfttusn 1486 and Hprinais Franc lae praeaoa11 1497. He died in 1505, quoted i-!u.stard, p,12, --

(37) in the King's accounts for 1503 there is an entry,”A Faustus, orateur, 180 llv,* R.de Mauldo, "Chronlques de Louis XII par Je,an d *Auton," 1,388( Paris 1889). quoted Mist aM ,p • 12 ,n , 6 , 73

On .the other hand# if Daphnis is Pierre Oohardy, as seems likely, the poem eould not possibly have been composed after

1505, for vv* 259-60 clearly indicate that he is not only living but is holding a very important positim in the state. Further­ more , since there is no record that Cohardyfs Influential position as Nprimus Franci&e presses'* extended beyond 1498, the year of (56) Charles VIII*3 fatal accident on the tennis court, one would be inclined to think the composition of the poem dated no later (39) than that year, and L.Thnasne says it appeared in 1490, This date, of course, corresponds v;lth certain major facts disclosed in the Eclogue, for it .places the composition of. the poem after-, the pension had been granted and before the desired naturaliza­ tion had been realised. The fact that the pension was granted originally by Charles VIII would lead one to believe that Caesar of v.186 refers to him and Indeed Queen Anne was the wife of

Charles VIII until his"death, when she became the wife of his successor. However, Mustard says that the poem was addressed to Louis XII, If this is true, "Caesar* la no doubt he. Verse

290, suggests an older man than Charles VIII who was almost a generation younger than Louis XII. In'this case, then, the poem ' ' ■ i possibly belongs to the period between 1498, the date of the

(38) Hollings: p.79. However, inasmuch as Louis XII continued many of the policies of his predecessor and as we have soon accepted the pension arrangement between Charles VIII and Andrellnus, it is altogether likely that he continued to maintain the services of so valuable a statesman as Cohardy, which in any case would not have lasted beyond the year 1505,

(39) Quoted, Mistard, Intro.p.16.n.32. It is not included in the Paris editions of 1501 and 1506* It was printed at strass- burg in 1512. Mile. Pelleohet, 1.154, Includes an undated edition of it in the list of F r .Incunabula, - 74- »

death of Charles VIII and 1502 wtien naturalization papers were granted and-likely belongs to the yoar 1498 when 0©hardy*a

Influenoe-was still strong*

The fact that Corydon represents himself as an old man of fifty years should not be considered too seriously* Elsewhere

Andrellnus has presented himself as an aged shepherd; in Eclogue

I*w*42«J43, for instance °dum sustinet aetas,/ Sunt alibi mis* eris quaoronda viatica canlsn and X*76 "Scilicet eat inopem . (40) misersctus uterque senact am. T . .

The result of this aecumulation of facts is that Gorydon doubtless represents Andrellnus and Is relating facts concern­ ing his life previous to the granting of naturalization papers

(1502)*

Allegory then in this Eclogue consists in a representation of Andrellnus as a ahepheid, of his skill in writing as the agrioultural skill of a farmer* of his pupils as farmers and of their studies as tolls of the soil, of his influential friend

Robt* G ohardy as Daplmis, a renowned shepherd, of him enemies

as shepherds, of his pension (or-other bounty) as cattle, gf ;

the, ruler as Gaesar, and M s wife as Augiata* and of hia pro­

mised naturalisation as a woodland pasture which be might call

his homo * In short, pastoral allegory is here complete* The

Siiegorlbal description of this episode of Andreilima * life

(40) This is doubtless a result of the Tityrus-Vlrgil tradi­ tion, which throughout the Middle Ages identified the aged shepherd slave of Virgil*s Eel.I, with the poet himsolf• - 75-

dooa not rest solely upon a representation of Andrelinug and his oontemporarloa as shepherds, but everything, oven the lessor details are presented in accord with the bucolic con­ vention* Although the poem closes with an ovation to the ruler, his wife and Robert Cohardy, and is addressed to Louis XII, yet the true object of the poem is moral exhortation* Examples of the maxima in whieh he delights are: ,w ,81-82, ”$he reward, which yesterday's light denied, tomorrow*a will bring with doubled interest,” w . 200-201, nHo whoso mind Is provident, sloops not* like the hibernating door-mouso, when his richos have been procured, ’t and vv» 229-230, "He doos not prattle fool­

ishly whom long experience of many deeds has taught."

In the remaining two eclogues, there is no hint of alle­

gory. Eclogue IV is a renewal of the "court pastoral,'^ popular

in the times of Hero, and later of Emperor Charles the Eighth,

and observed in the poem of Walohfrid Strabo of thd middle Ninth

Century, which praises Emperor Ludwig. In an amoeboean contest

following a shepherd*a quarrel, Cedrus and Laurus each sing a

song in praise of Charles VIII of France. Cedrus tells of his birth and his boyhood years until the death of his father, when

he assumed the helm. Laurus continues with a glorification of

his recent marriage (which probably inspired the writing of the

poem), and the golden age of peace and prosperity which the

ruler has brought to M s people. The quarrel between Cedrus

and Laurus which constitutes over half of the poem is pure pas- - 76-

tdrol's However tho pastoral pretence in tho final half of the poem given over to praise of Charles VIII is limited to a description of the rejoicing at the birth of Charles, in typical "wlldwood" fashion# Both of the shepherds are mouth­ pieces for the sentiments of Andrelinus, hut neither possesses any personal traits that enable one to identify him with the author. - • , ' ' ■ ■■./ ■■■ . .

Eclogue V» though written in the dialogs# form and is titled BEologa”, yet la patterned rather after the Georgies and is a didactic poem# Virgil*a "Georgies" were quite a favorite among Renaissance humanists, and there wore many• imi­ tations# Andrelinus has probably written this poem as a mere literary exercise, and not because he was vitally Interested in the life of the farmer or the cultivation of the vino#

The Eclogues of Andrelinus, as we see, arc devoted for the most part to a description of various events in the poet*a o m life. At times the allegorical picture is successfully up­ held throughout the poem as In VI and XII# At other times it

so degenerates that the only attest made at pastoral allusion

Is found in reference to persons under shepherd names, as in

III X* and XI# In the latter instances, lack of alleges?y is

due not to a pure pastoral content, but rather to the other ex­ treme-- a complete logs, on the part of the-authgr, wf the con­

ception of an Eclogue as a picture of shepherd life# In tho so poems dealing with topics concerning which Abdrellmu# w i * e s nc miminderstandlng, vis., the Balbus affair (III, IX), and his own success in gaining court fhvor (X), the story is more or less directly told*

In additive to pro mating himself as a shepherd in all save two of his Eclogues (IV, V) Andrellnus also presents his contem­ poraries (friends and enemies) in that garb (III, XI, X, X U ) ,

Patrons are generally referred to am "del", and the King is var­ iously called "Caesar", "Jupiter", "Jove", "Tonanm** Queen Anne is "Augusta", Further personal allegory may be seen in VI, where

Chiara Gonsaga Is called a "nymph" and in. XII where Andrellnus9 pupils are presented as"farmers? Poems are variously allegorised

as shepherd songs (I, III), and as "Elds" (II), while a parti­ cular work of andrellnus (De Vera Religion©) Is called an Incan­

tation song* In some instances allegory extends from an identi­

fication of Andrellnus as a shepherd and his experiences as ex­

periences in the lifo of a shepherd to very minor details. For

instance, in VI, the Mantuan origin of Chiara, is described as

an ascension from the "lake which feeds the singing swans5," the lake being Mantua and the "singing swans” her native poets* Like­

wise, in IX, Andrellnus expresses his intention of going to the

city and seeking the favor of the King, as an attempt to seek

wide straits and either be dragged Into deep water or catch a

huge fish. In II, Fortune is represented as a "melodious bird" and Toulouse as a "palace in neglected woods'." In XII, Andre- ' \ - linus refers to his skill in writing as the agricultural, skill

of a farmer, of his pension as "cattle" and of his promised

naturalization as a promised "woodland pasture*" Finally an exacyle of aymboliam la found In VI, whoro tho favours which

Andre 11 m s enjoyed under Bishop Qonzaga's patronage and those ' which he hoped to receive from tho Bishop*s niece are described as fruits of a tree with which he is familiar*

As m y be seen from the foregoing summary, Andrellms re­ presents the greatest extent which allegory has reached in

Renaissance poetry* Furthermore the nature of the allegory

- " ‘ ' • ' ' ' ' ■ ' i ' is wholly different from that in the Mediaeval Eclogue, That was. largely concerned with a topic of national interest* the description of a nation-wide plague# the praise of a ruler, and glorification of the Christian religion, and when dealing with the last named, it entered the realms of tho abstract*

Andrelinus, on the other hand adapts pastoral allegory to M s own personal needs* Here .the eclogue is used as a medium for autobiography*

Although tho allegory in Andrelinus is more extensive than that of the early Middle Ages# it is by no moans a riddle *

Hor is the poet consistent in maintaining tho allegorical pre­ tense • In Eclogue XI, for instance M s allegorical picture is not complete j he himself is a shepherd but his enemy Bolbus, retains M s own name * This is not the only example, for through­ out the Eclogues the bucolic veil is very t M n , and at times is lost entirely* Andrelinus is not so olever as his famous pre­ decessor, Petrarch, in concealing facts under allegory and no key is needed to unlock it* His personages aro more or loss easily recognised under the masks, and M s shepherds h a w lest . ■79- • \ b tm tr Aroadirot ahMPadterlsties# Aa J . Audlau in describing toe mediaeval ^paatorellQ", points out$”Lea borgors ont des occupations bien etrangos ot tiennent do a propoa M e n surpro- (42) manta'.? t. ; " - /. ' ... . . ■.

'Allegory ■ in'-the Eclogues of Virgil ia very alight aa wo have seen# It is illusive* scarcely more than suggested* Even in the first and ninth, those hold to contain the moat alle­ gory "the shepherds arc typical characters made to pass through (43) the typical experiences of times of distress'*” The difference la due of course, to the difference in t W conception of the purpose of pastoral poetry* Androlimts thus shows too influence, not of Virgil, but of those writers of the Empire, of the Middle

Ages, and of the early Renaissance who had developed the Eclogue into a wholly conventional and artificial style of poetry, toe purpose of which was not to give artistic pleasure, but to ap­ peal to a hoped for patron through flattery or excitement ©f compassion, ^

As in the later pastoral poems of the middle ages, the pastoral element in the eclogues of Androlinus has become purely conventional. Pastoral scenery is practically obliterated, but the pastoral pretence is in some ■instances quite success­

fully maintained, Androlinus did not want to describe any

(41) Petrarchs "On the Mature of Pastoral Allegory"-letter to his brother, Gherardo. From Robinson and Rolfe, "Petraroh” p.266.

(42) J. Audiau, nLa Pastourelle," Intro, p.XIX. v . ' . ■■■ , • . , / - . (43) Frank, Tenney, p.128. - 80-

roal pastoral life* * He had no Intention that his readers f >■* «' . ■ aooept hia oliaraotera as real shepherds. There Is in Andre- linns1 Eologuoa llttilo eyidones of a natural lovo of the

©puatry. . His only attempts at nature description may be seen

In the few lines at the boginning of each poomt. whlnh Intro- (44) duoe the soon®, or in the pastoral close 9 a Vergilian conven­ tion observed by /mdrelixsis in Mlngioo I, IIfl III, VI and minor attempts in VII and XI, the boat of vdiich are but iai- (45) tatIona of. the ancient poet*a work* Certain pastoral conven­ tions have given Andrellnua the opportunity of bringing in other references of country life: similes, comparisons, person* ifloatlon (pathetic fallacy), and reversals of nature. In the first of these Andrellnua shows some imitation of Virgil, yet the beat of his similes are his own. Evidence of Virgilian

(44) Eclogue T, in Imitation of Virgil's First, picturing a shepherd at ease beneath a wide-spreading elm, endeavor­ ing to escape the heat of tho “raging sun”, the nearby grove ret-eohoing with crickets and tho weary traveller shepherd, driving on his hungry flock; or loss success­ fully in VI and IX, which briefly state that it is morning and there is dew on the grass/ or VII, with its scorching mid-day sun, its ooM-arohed oavo, and a hillside* * : f • (45) Eclogue I, (Andrellnua^ "A colder air swooping down from high mountains now breathes and draws you from Latin fields’*; Eel.II. "I perceive smoking chimneys and I see my abandoned goats on a rooky cliff” ,' or Eclogue III, “But hastening Hesperus interrupts the root of my story and bids me drive my satisfied cattle to the stalls" * With these compare Virgil's Eclogue I, “And now in the distance tall roofs of farm-houses aro smoking and longer shadows fall from high mountains”; Eclogue VI, (Transla­ tions -Maokail ), “Till bidding him gather the sheep to their ootes and tell their tale, tho evening star came out in the unwilling heaven"; and X, (Translations-Maokail) “Lot us arise; the shade is wont to be heavy on singersi the juniper shade la heavy; zti ode too hurts tho ccrnt Go home, full-fed, the Evening star oomos, go, ny dbe-go&ts“ » - 81-

Influsneo may be seen In Eol.XII. vv.27-30, "Not ao do thirsty meadows love spring water, when the earth Is cracked with

intense heat, as I delight In this mosey soatV’J and the same

Eclogue W e 44-45, “As the myrtl#-tr@e rejoices in the banka, the elms In vines, so did our friendship h a w a naitual love?; and Eclogue XII, 291, nAs much as the lofty pine towers over humble tamarisks, so much dobs he surpass- all others,’’ which recall Vir£llfa Eclogue V.vve32-34, "As the vine adorns her tree, as her grapes the vine; as bulls the herds, as corn the rich fields; so thou art all the ornament of thy people,"

(Trah@lation:»Maekail) or the same Eclogue 46-47, "As sleep to tlie weary on the grass, as quenching of thirst in the heat

from a gushing rivulet of sweet water, such is thy song unto . us^ 0 divine poet," (Translationi-Mackail) and I* 25-23, "But

truly, this Rome raisoa her head as high above other cities as cypress trees are wont to do amid the slow vibuml." Tho

extent of his skill In this art may be seen in Eclogue 11,21-

23, when in speaking of the habits of the Curia, he says: .

"When you think you have your money secure, slippery offerings

flow through your clutched fingers as tho escaping eel through

• ' ' • • . - ' limpid waters glides, when the net in w i n has fallen," or Eclogue III, 65—67, "Invincible Death with his cruel scythe

cuts off every race, just as In the mown meadow lies the new-

cut hay, and in bare fields, the grain felled," or Eclogue VII,

25-26, "Not so easily moved is tho loaf or the topmost silk

of cars of c o m , as the mobile word which the tricky Curia — 82—

uttera,” or VII» 56-68, "Evorything lg changed Into sorrow

in which the ignorant Curia delights as a bird flies toward tee food when ho sees it tossed and eagerly devours it," Eclo­ gue XI> 119-120, *Hia words, lacking corresponding facts, flow outi as spring water about to bo lost, flows from a broken flagon,”

' * ■ ■■■ '■ • - ‘ . .. ■■ ; and Eologw XII,vv.168-163, "I expelled troublesome caroa from my heart ao the rough wooded growth is uprooted from the whoat- v ■■ . ' " ■ " fioldj that it may not destroy tender plants,” and the somo iciogue w*2C®-205, ”that which one has gained flows out as rush­

ing water in a rapid stream if rustics a care he not ever watchful through the year,"

There are other comparisons in Andrellnus which recall the

life of a countryman. In the first speech cf Quirlnus in Eclogue

VIII> the varied songs of Tltyrus are-comparod to a land that is

moro beautiful which brings forte various plants and flowers.

Perhaps the poetical ability of the two poots (Andrellnus and

Virgil) is better seen in the passages in which each compares

the pleasure of hearing his friendfs song to the delights of

natures ; , Andrellnus, Eclogue 1,55-56, ”Your song will be more pleasing to me than winter*o fires or summerfs shade, and moro sweet than fragrant flowors,"

Virgil, Eclogue V •82-84, ”How may I repay the gift of such a song? Neither the whisper of the gathering South, nor tee wav® breaking on tho beach, so delights mo, nor streams that race down amid rocky dells,” (Translation:-l!ackail).

It is really the rustic simile that so radically diotlnguiaies

Andrellnus.from his ancient model• Observe, for instance tho

ludicrous comparison in Eclogue X, of a country bewailing an ibsent poet and forced to listen to a minor# to a frenzied ass who has lost his tail and is pursued by gadflies* Nothing could be less Vii^ilian# nor could the Roman poet have boon so crude as to compare a rival poot to a grating oriekot# a braying ass or a strutting raven, as Andrelirms hasudone in this same > Eclogue, .

Another diaraoteriStic of all pastoral, the sympathy of ■ (46) ' ■ ' ' ' ' ' 1 ' ' " nature# is found but twice in the pooms of Andrei inns# as com­ pared with the no less than six instances in the much shorter - (47) ' ' - : : ' • work of Virgil, In Eclogue I of Andrelirms, is an example of that pathetic fallacy# the “weeping trees," 8bereaved founts" * • . . and "sad streams" grieving for the absent shepherd poet* which la an imitation of Virgil# Eclogue I,38«39:"Tho yory pines, 0

Tityrus, the very springs and orchards here cried for thee*"

The other instance is found in lines 58-60 of Eclogue III. Here ..... s ' . V ■ . y ■' -■ - - is shown the effect of the death of a poot on nature: "No laurel now grows for Phoebus# no *baca* for Minerva# no grain for Geres no.vines for Bacehus and the ’barren fields arc grown up in

(46) In the early 15th. C. this phaso of nature treatment in poetry developed into a vogue, and was used not only in ' Pastorals but in Allegorical Love Poems as well. An ex­ cellent example may be seen in "The Deoir" on Love’s Wound by Francisco Imperial# the story of which is this: At dawn, in an arbour of flowers, amidst the songs of nightingales, the writer hears a voice summoning him to surrender himself its prisoner* Turning M s eyes he beholds a lady bright as the m m with countenance outshining the flowers. She pierces him with her arrow of love. Still pitiless, she unlooses her girdle and in true primeval fashion winds it about M s neck and drags him captive after her through the garden. At hor cruelty the nightingales beat their wings and call for vengeance, the roses wither# the laurel# drop - 84-

weodoetH Kologue III* 59-40* givea an example of simple per­ sonification of nature so did the cliffs of Parnassus regard disturbing Apollo, nor Rodope Orpheus* nor Lyoaeua Pan," a duplicate of Virgil VI, 29-30* "Ror so much does the Farnas-

... • ' . 1 s . slan cliff rejoice in Phoebus nor so much Rhodope and Ismarms marvel at Orpheus*" Again, w.293-296 of Eclogue XII recall .... Virgil V *76-78 in their comparison of the Sjmcrtality of a loved /shepherd to imperishable nature# Finally* the on® ilium- tration of the ”reversal of nature" found in Andrelinus, closes hia book of Eclogues; "Backward turned rivers shall run more swiftly, the flock shall be reft of its wool* and the croaking frog of its m d d y marsh before that pre-eminent Daphnlsr shall fade from my memory." This is in imitation of:Virgil I. 59-63:

"Light-footed deer will feed in the air, and the st2*aits leave fish bare on the shore/ the Parthian exile shall drink of the

Arar, and Germany of the Tigris *ien each has roamed the other’s (48) lands, before his fade shall slip from my memory."

Thus while Andrelinus has made use of certain traditional

methods of rustic description* he has no actual descriptions of

Idyllic pastoral scenery’so in evidence in Virgil. What setting

he gives is of the conventional pastoral sort utterly lacking

in originality. Virgil*s scenes are a mixture of Arcadian*

-rtheir foliage, and the water loses,its sweetness; (Post/ Ghahdler Rathfon, ‘’Mediaeval Spanish Allegory, p. 149.)

(47) Virgil 1.58-39; V.27; :Vi62-65; VI. 10 - H *VII*#; X.13-15*

(48) Another instance in Virgil may ho found in VIII, 55-55• - 85-

Sla Ilian and Mantuan* No one would daro to say Virgil was wholly art 1 fielal in his pictures of an imaginative Golden

Ago* Beautiful a# his picture a arc in their artistry, they no less show a simplicity and truth to nature, such as only a lover of the country could portray. “Virgil was a landscape- lover as well as.a •lord of language* in Tennyson's phrase#

Saint-Beuv© finds in the Bucolics a •continuous and perfect observation of rural details> faithful portraiture of nature, • • (49) and a delicate and expressive art.*" ,

There is nothing of the beauty of nature, nothing of the gaiety of life ‘in the poems of AMrelinus. Rather do hi a ec­ logues strike that note of dejection which seems to have become a characteristic of .many Renaissance pastorals. Poems of this nature as a rule took on the color of the conventional "lover*• (50) complaint-." Not so those of Andrelinua. His complaints are those of ill-suscess, of an empty purse (I,VII, VIII, IX, and part of II; and X)| or of injuries inflicted by slanderous ene­ mies (III and XI). In Eclogues I and VII he presents himself

as a poverty-atriken shepherd driving a sick, scraggy, emaciated

. flock. In the latter promises given by the "Curia" had proved

vain "empty words". In VIII, some "inferior" rival poet has re­

ceived favors while he, who has covered the bark of every troo

(40) Sainte-Beuve "Nouveaun Bundle" XI p.191, quoted Band,p.165* : ■ ■ ’ ' . . . ' ' ' : ■ r ' (50) Particularly is this true of the Spanish and French Eclo­ gues of the 16th. Century* with M s songs. Is l©ft uimoticed« In IX he ..laments, a poor countryman^ state and would change It for wealth in tho city.

This assumption of poverty (which may have h#d Its origin in the Mediaeval scholiasts conception of the purpose of Virgil*s first Eclogue, that is, to excite compassion in the ruling powers for tho wretched condition of Mantuan farmers) had be­ come a convention in later bucolic poo try. It had its place in the fulfillment of the purpose of Renaissance Eclogue a con- (51) o e m o d with the winning of favors from tlm great. This was the des Ire in Andrellma * mind when he wrote his complaints as well as when he devoted himself to the praises of the desired patron.

Pension seeking was the aim of the Middle Age and Renaissance panegyrist. For this reason they lacked the true epic spirit,

and' sower© unable to rise to the heights of their model, the

Fourth or. Messianic Eclogue - of Virgil. -There" is .in -the, poem of Virgil the hope and vision of the glorious destiny of the Roman nation. It is the same exalted patriotism evident in the Geor­

gies and the Aoneid, It warn due to the scholiast® of the Empire

who in their own narrow light misinterpreted the fourth Eclogue (52) as a "bread and butter poem* eulogising the son of an influen- ' " ' . ' * tlal Roman in payment for past favours, that the Mediaeval and

Renaissance panegyrics developed into the conventional court

(51) Burchkardt, J , "La Civilisation en Italic an Temps do la Renaissance,H Vol.I,p.274,n.I;"Il he faut pas oublier qu’ll se prodult des plalntes nombreuses ®t constantos ®ir l ,insig- nlflance de la protection aeoordee par las princes aux lettres et sur 1 1indifference d*un grand nombre d*entre aux a I ’egard de la gloli*#,8

(52) Frank, Tenney p.128. - 87-

pastorol of flatfcery# There is none of the exalted vision of Virgil,3 poem in Arairelinua1 Fourth, which Is primarily devoted to praise of Charles VIII, as the prlrme of Ha golden peace and safe tranquillity* (V7*124»125), although ho too in­ vokes the Muses to aid him in singing a greater song than that of the slender reed (v#T7)# and he too sings of a child at whose birth all nature will rejoice* It is typical of Androlinus* bad taste that the eulogy should be sung by two vile-mouthed shop- herds who have just had a violent quarrel* This * is the only

Eclogue of Andrelinus devoted to panegyric, though there are here and there lines given to praise of some benefactor and * ■ ; 1 gratitude for hi a beneficence* The patrons are variously re­

ferred to as Cae3arawdeusn, Tonans, and Jupiter, sometimes with

amusing results as when, for instance, in Eclogue X, he des­

cribes a short, thick-set Jupiter, clothed in Tyrian purple and weighed down with jewelry#

Androlinus could be utterly pessimistic concerning the

shepherd’s lot (Eclogue VIII) or he could turn it to his own

ends and so praise simple life, as desirable above the insin- ■ (65) cerlty of the Court (II and VII)* In so doing he presents his

case as a moral sermon, though M s underlying -meaning Is none

the less clear* However in other Eclogues M s moralising ten- (54) dency is seemingly more sincere* Throughout, M s manner of *

(53) Here is seen the influence of the Latin satirists, Juvenal in particular* ...

(54) Eclogue X U is devoted to moral exhortation * - 88-

expresalon io largely proverbial, and In almost every Eclogue may be found maxima or terse phrases of wisdom* Of the enelent pastoral bards, Theocritus has made some use of proverbs, but

Virgil had no inclination in this reppeot* Andrellnus was likely influenced by the Silver Age satirists, and by Christian (55) teachings*

This didactic tendency of Andrellnus led him to introduce into the Eclogue other subjects entirely foreign to the conven­ tional bucolic. In Eclogue XII, we are given a lengthy descrip­ tion of a hunting scene, and a discussion on the traditional picture of Cupid, introduced into the main theme concerned with an old man’s advice to youth. Eclogue V, a "Georgia", is a didactic treatise on the life of the farmer and tho culture of the vine.

There is little to be said of the structure of Andrellnus’

Eclogues, With the exception of IV and IX, they are all the same. Two shepherds meet in a roadway, pasture or cave sod converse in simple dialogue fashion. The sole example of a singing contest - is represented in Eclogue IV, which after tho manner of Virgil’s Third, presents two unfriendly shepherds, who, after some raillery, resort to contest (with a judge), to.determine who la most skilled in song* Andrellnus is not so reticent as Virgil* His shepherds are much more crude and more violent, aocompaning their taunting remarks with threaten­ ing blows. A fight is averted only by the approach of the good

(55) Tho ethical strain may be seen in the mediaeval "Pastorelle" 89

Plans, who suggests a contest with fair stakes. As in

Virgil, there is a judge and stakes ere put up, and the judge is in the end unable to pronounce a decision. But unlike

Virgil, each competitor sings one long stanza, while in the ancient poet1s Eclogue, the songs are composed of alternate (56) two-verse stanzas.

We see that, in his efforts to depict his own life alle­ gorically arid because of his flair for preaching and incident­ ally lacking a poetic nature, Andreiinus has been led far from the land of Arcadia . There is nothing of the shepherd1s loves and jealousies in his poems, there is nothing of the tradition­ al idyllic scene. And though he makes use of certain bucolic conventions: the dialogue, the contest, the soliloouy, the (57) refrain, shepherd titles, and flocks of sheep, in addition to a number of conventional nature expressions: shepherd, similes, personification of nature, reversals of nature, and the like, and recognizes certain hackneyed products of later development: the court eclogue, the complaint poem, and most important the allegorical strain, Andrelinus* poems can in no way be termed pure pastorals. Yet they help to

(J. Audieu, Intro, p.xiv), although the Mediaeval Eclogue writers seem not to have inserted sermons*into their poems.

(56) Virgil's Fifth Eclogue, a friendly contest is composed of two long songs that come off even. (Cp. also, Theoc­ ritus VI.) (57) Eclogue VIII, but in no way resembles thet of Virgil’s Eighth. 90-

show hew far the scope of the Eclogue has been extended. And regardless of the esteem In which the author .may .have " : ': (58) ( (59) been heby some, 1 he cannot in.any sense be called artistic. *

(58) Delnruelle 11 Guillaume Bide" p.29, n,2, in which 3m cites an article bT R,Reniera, repeating a letter inserted in the "Livia" (Giornale storico della letterat, ital.,t. XIX pp,187-188,) This letter honors Faustus as L ,eduo&teur* of France: “Is enim. , , solus fuit., ,qui Gall lam ex Joiuna saturan, ex inculta tersam, ex sicca virldem, ex barbara latinam fecit," (59) , • . ■: - . Dclaruolle p,29 describes him ttiua: "Esprit vulgaira poete mediocre dont la facilite fait l funique merit©, vorslfi- cateur sans talent qui s|aocommodo do tons los sujects, 11 etait un mauyals exemple pour les lottres d@ son pays d*adoption," 2. loalines Arnolletus

On March, 18, 1524, there appeared a group of four

Eclogues, composed by a certain Jean Arnollet, a professor

of the College of Nevers* They are typical court pastorals,

devoted to patron flattery (I,III), exaggerated grief over

the death of a royal personage (IV), and complaint because

of the departure of a friend (II).

There is nothing new in the treatment of these conven­

tional topics, and the very phraseology itself is borrowed.

Andrelinian influence is evident throughout. As in Andrelin-

us* First Eclogue, Eclogue I treats of a shepherd, Nivernus

(the author himself), who is informed of a "deus” in Nevers,

devoted to the protection and encouragement of all shepherds

who come under his away and who sing shepherd songs designed

to soothe his worthy ears. Forthwith Hivernus decides to

leave his father’s fields and seek his fortune under the guidance of this new ndeus” . He is advised and cautioned by

a.shepherd friend and as Faustulus in Andrelinus* First, re­

peats the prayer-song, with which he hopes to win the favors

of his prospective patron. The poem is like wise closed with

a blessing for the departing friend. .

The plan is closely imitative of Andrelinus1 Eclogue,

the only difference being that the passages devoted to the

. Nhoped-for patron” are much more expansive in their flattery

and are placed in the mouth of the great god, Pan, as an -SB-

added inducement.

The pastoral pretence is of little importance and com­ prises c number of hackneyed expressions associated with an eclogue of this sort. The departing shepherd is "pushing on his sheep" when he encounters a friend, who pleads with him to stay, extolling his native land, and reminding him • of the grief he will bring upon his fellow shepherds by for­ saking them, and of the lamentation that the very founts themselves will display when he leaves,.he urges him to at least rest awhile, and sing one last song before he goes. ;

Following the song is the expected compllmnet, and the poem is closed with a brief reference to the passage of time, and a hurried farewell.

There is no intricate pastoral allegory. The author and perhaps a friend ere represented as shepherds. The recipient of the flattery, is Jean Parent "secretaries regiusi;” . who

' ' ' : c:-- ' ■ (1) had an important part In the founding of the College of Meyers. He is presented under his own name (v.38), and is termed "deus"”, and the "guardian of the Castellan fountain.u

Kith all the insincerity of the humanist -religious pre­

tender, Arncllet titles his Eclogue "Faith", and introduces

Pan in the opening speech, advising Nivernus in the ways of .

true faith to Christ and the proper show of reverence. Ec­

logue II is titled "Hope" and the shepherd, Fiscalis, after

a lengthy demonstration of his intense grief over the depar-

(1 ) Hustard, VJ." ?. , "The "clogueo of Faxistus Andrelinus end loannes Arnolletus", p.107. - 93-

ture of his friend, Nivernus, expresses his ,,hope,; that the

"dens’1 will look upon him and lighten his sorrow. In Eclogue

III (’’Charity” ) is extolled again the "charity” of Parent, who,

"above all others observes the worship of Christ" (v.55).

Eclogue II, "a complaint", follows a more or less set theme of the "dialogue complaint". A weeping shepherd is re­ quested by a friend to disclose the cause of his sorrow. Al­ though ho at first obiects that an attempt to recall his troubles will augment his pain the more, after much persuasion on the part of his friend, interspersed periodically with his own walling lamentations, he at last consents. There is no allegory beyond that of Eclogue I and no pastoral scenery.

In Eclogue III, B’iscalis joins his friend at Mevers, that he too may receive the favors of the gracious "tieus". He tells in pastoral terms of the grief and trouble that had beset him upon the departure of his friend, and of his toilsome trip to that happy land whose fertility and whose flocks of sheep were a source of wonder to him. Nivernus replies with an eulogy to the "god", Fiscalis joins in his praises, and is then conducted to the aweseme threshold, where he meets the famed "holy power’1, and where he humbly begs a place among

the fortunate clients. Allegory in this eclogue is concerned with the author and a friend who'appear as shepherds. The

"pestilence" which had beset the sheepfold of Fiscalis (v.lB) may perhaps be suggestive of financial reversals which the

friend had suffered and for which he hoped recompense through - 94-

the aid of Arnollet*s patron. Parent. There is no pastoral setting and the references to shepherd life in the course of the conversation are purely incidental. Patron flattery is the sole object of the author.

Eclogue IV is an elegalc pastoral, in memoriam for Charles

II of Nevers, whoso death occurred in 1521. The pastoral back­ ground is imitative of the Third Eclogue of Andrellnus. A shepherd; Franous, comes upon a grieving friend, Nivernus, and requests a disclosure of the cause of his sorrow. Nivernus refuses saying it will only make M s pein greater to recount it. Francus declares that a sorrow once too had beset his heart but he drove it out with song. Nivernus then is per­ suaded to tell of his grief, and Francus answers with one of similar vein, and after a renewed lamentation on the part of

Nivernus, he replies in the words of "Mopsus" of Andrellnus1

Third poem, and Nivernus assumes the verse of "Lycidas”

(Andrellnus, III.73) which follows. The allegory here is the same as in Eclogue I. Nivernus is the poet himself who (verse

16 tells us) is now back in his native country. Francus does not appear to be a friend in disguise but a simple shepherd whose part it is primarily to provide the dialogue and in­ cidentally to set forth the author's patriotic sentiments.

Charles II of Nevers is called a shepherd ( w . 3, 147), but his position is not disguised. There is no pastoral setting and very little mention of shepherd life. By far the greater part of the poem is given to a philosophical treatise on -95

the topic of "Ifeath”.. He laments the ruthleasness of Iteath which joins the far-famed king with the poor b b h ^ end lays

hold upon the crown which in her presence has no protection (2 ) for its owner,. He describes Death personified, and ©numerates

the moral lessons which the thought of Death offers to the

wicked. There follows a list of the famed heroes who have

suffered death, and from this the author digresses into a

carefully catalogued account of the labors of Hercules, The

speech of Pan offers a touch of court flattery in its praise of Franc!sens, son of Charles II, and the shepherds are given

the joyful news that a golden age is soon to come, due to

the hearty cooperation of God and the Fates in presenting

them with such a noble ruler.

Thus the Eclogues of Arnollet are very characteristic . of the Renaissance superficial vers®. They are court pas­

torals which follow the trend, of the times. They abound in

patron flattery, and are coated with a thin layer of religion,

neither of which show any trace of sincerity. The religion

displayed is an unbiased mixture of paganism and Christianity.

The poems show recognition of the Renaissance practice of

employing the bucolic literary form for long and tedious

discussions on subjects not in harmony with shepherd life. 2

(2) Op. a dirge of Sfrirley: ' : - >

The glories of our blood and state, Are shadows, not substantial things; There is no armour against fate, Death lays his icy hand on kings: Sceptre and crown Must tumble down — 96*”

There ia an attempt at allegorical disguise in the representa­ tion of the author and contemporaries as shepherds, and In on©

Instance there is a possible veiled reference to the financial reversals of a contemporary. Pastoral scenery is almost wholly disregarded, and one finds but one attempt to follow an "idyllic (3) pastoral" convention. Finally, Arnollet is an ardent imitator of Andrelinus, and like him is concerned solely with the ex­ pediency of his verse for the selfish purpose he.has in mind, that of winning favors from the great. 3

And in the dust be equal made With the poor crooked scythe and spade.

(3) In I and IV may be seen examples of "the sympathy of Nature". m : .Jacopo Sannazaro

Andrelinua was a typical oxalic of those eclogiio writers of the Renaissance, who, although they were influ­

enced by the ancient models yet for the moot part continued

and increased the practice of the Middle Ages in extending

to the highest degree the scope of the pastoral form#

At the same time there was a group of classic enthusi­

asts who clung devoutly to the early writers. Theocritus

and Virgil, end allowed little of the foreign elomont to

creep into their eclogues. Jacopo Sannazaro, famed as the

first writer of a pastoral romance so popular throughout the

early Renaissance, was one of these. Whether or not he was

influenced by Virgil *s association with his own native bay

of Naples and the nearby tomb of the ancient poet at classic

Parthenope, and so learned to love the older Eclogues for

their pure artistry, there is no question that he minutely , ' ' — copied their forms and stylo in his own writings of like (1 ) ■■ nature,.

Sannazaro was b o m at Naples of Spanish ancestry, in .

1458. Dante liad spoken of the family as one of high nobility. 12

(1) Rennert, Hugo a ,”Spanish Pastoral Romances" p.13, "Sohor- illo says that the true master of Sannazaro was Virgil."

(2) Convivlo IV, 29,20. quoted by Mustard, Intro.p.ll.n.l. "The Piscatory Eclogues of Jacopo Sannazaro", Be received a thorough education in hi a youth and later became a raember of the Abcademlc Pontaniona, sponsored by

one who had become a bloso friond, Gioviano Fontano. The

love of his youth for Garmoalna Bonifacia, concorning whom he wrote his "Arcadia" , was ohorishod in his memory through­

out hie life* Ho was Intimately connected with Federico II

of the House of Aragon, end with hie king suffered exile for

a number of years In France, until after the death of the ex­

pelled Neapolitan ruler* Returning to Naples ho lived in the , ■ ' - ' ; ■' • ' ' - ■ ■ • , . beautiful villa, given him by Federlee, on the height of Mor- ; . • " - ' . ■ . . ' gllline, and here devoted himself to writing until M s death (3) . (4) in 1530* His tomb lies close to Virgil’s at Parthonope. "Ho

,was never married," Florence Trail telle us, and appraisingly

adds "and left the record of a blameless life.**

The latter half of the name given him early In life,

"Actius Synceros" had been said by some to refer to the poet’s

noble character, the first being an indication of the nature

of his poetry. That he was highly respected as a man no loss . than as a post may be seen in the poem written of him by a contemporary$ Acti* but slnplex peperit faeundia nomen * Sinoeri et vitae Candida slmplieitaa, (5)5 43

(3) Garnetti "Italian Literature" p,122, says his death took place at the home of Cassandra, Marchess Caatriota, whom he had vainly defended against her husband’s attempts to repudiate her,

(4) Trail, Florence, "History of Italian literature".p.84*

(5) Mustard, Intro*p,13, who quotes Crispo* - 99- v/Mle tihe historian Volpl saya hla narao was Sync ©m s sin© fuo© et fallaciis vltam agorotv.fI

Although the Piscatory Eologues were widely acclaimed and In number of imitators may successfully ho compared with the Eclogues of Virgil, yet Sanmusaro*s name has boon preser­ ved in literary history chiefly because of his pastoral ro- (7) mane© "Arcadia*” Tloknor ' calls the nArcadia* a "genuine pastoral romne®* and its author, "the true father of the modem prose pastoral. T Writers of Spanish pastoral romance were the most greatly indebted of all to Sannazaro. The "Diana* of Monte-mayor, "Galatea* of Cervantes, the "Arcadia" of Lope de Vega have each received suggestions from the Neapolitan

- ( 8 ) " ■- v . : ■ ■■ - - author. The "Arcadia*1 was considered by Sannazaro* s contem­ poraries as the "purest and most perfwt expression possible of this idyllte aim in poetryi" . :

Th® Eclogues wore first published in 1526 along with another wark,"De P&rtu Virginia ; and from the first were

(6) .. fi&tsiard,- p.12.

(7) History of Spanish Literature. Boston 1888 Vol.III p.93.

(8) However the Spanish prose pastorals are more closely link­ ed with the court and lack the beauty and simplicity of Sannazaro *s "Arcadia" . Their characters . are not true shep­ herds in any sense of the term. Lope do Vega explains in the Prologo to his "Arcadia" that his shepherds "are not so rude that they may not at times rise from shepherds to courtiers, and from rustics to philosophers-1 (Rennert, "Spanish Pastoral Romances", p.146.)

(9) Do Sanctiss "History of Italian Literature;n p.426.

9S50S - 100-

pralsed and copied by admirers. In 1528 Erasmus spoke of thorn thU8$Rneo sine causa tantopors placuit, mlhi corto magna cum animi voluptatd porleotum eat'opus ufcrumquo, nam ot Eelo- (10) ges soripsit pisoatoriss. n A hi^ily complimentary verse is found in a poem of Joatinoa Pierlus Valorianua addressed to Sannazax^i

Tu vero, nostrilux o clarissiraa saocli, . qui possum aovi hulas non sinia ire deous, Aim oanis h u m n a divinum in Virgin© foe turn, divinos partus progeniemqu© novam, dum rapidura mcdiis ignom expisoarls in undis, sive tibi Ghloris seu Galatea placet, etc, (11)

Hieronyms Oarbo has written of them!

me rapis interdum rooinens,* Synoere, sub umbra mystics Virgin®! sacra puorpcrii, ©t pecus ct sylvas, piscosi et nuraina ponti, et qua® littoribus fsrt Sinusssa suisj (12)

The greatest honor bestowed upon him seems to be his classi­ fication with Virgil, This is found in a verse by M,Antonias

Plaminus:

Quantum Virgilio debebit ailva Moroni et pastor, donee Musa Maronis erit, tantum paene tibi debent pisoator et acta. Act!, divlno proxim® Virgilio* (13) and one by J ,Matthaeus Toscanuss

sic ilium piscator amat, sic acta romgit, ut peoorls euatos silvaque Virglllium, (14) 11*

(10) Mustard, p, 16.

(11) Ibid, P.17,

(12) Ibid, p.16.

(13) Ibid, p.17,

(14) Ibid, p,18. JeCeSoaliger (Poetice VI) says of him:nIn oarmlno quoque ' ' ' - _ - ■ . . . BSstormli solus legl dignus omnium qui post VIrgilium scrlp- (15) (16) soro” • and'Joachim du Bollay ranks him second only to Theocritus and Virgil,

The adverse criticism given Stmnasaro is based not u p m the Eclogues, but upon the age-old conception of the ocean as an obstacle inspiring fear and indissolubly connected with hard labor and misery* Pontenolie,objected to the change from the pasture to the sea on the ground that the true fisherman*8 lot was a hard one and oysters were not so delightful a gift (17) as the fruits and flowers of tho pastoral Eclogue* a similar • . ' . . criticism is found in a copy of the "Guardian’’ for April 1^3,

(16) Ibld.p.19.

(16) "Deffence et illustration de la langue fraheoyse"; quot­ ed by Bastard* p*l@*,

(17) "Sannasar n*a introduit quo dos pechorus dans sos eglogues ej; j ’y,; sens, tou jours ique . l* idee de leur :travail: dUr- ^ v me bless©* Je no sals quello finesse 11 a entonduo a mettre dec peoheura au lieu dos bergers qui etalent on . possessi

(IB) wWhen I am speaking of Italians, it would be unpardonable to pass by Sannazarius* Be hath changed tho scene in this kind of poetry from woods and lawns, to the barren beach and boundless ocean; Introduces aoa-oalvos in the room of kids and lambs, aoa-mews for tho lark and tho liimot, and presents his mistress tibh oysters Instead of fruits and flowers* How good soever his style and thoughts may bo, yet who can pardon him for his arbitrary —102

(18) 1713* Also in 1783 we have a like sentiment e^ressed by

Hu#i Blair in his nLectures on Rhetoric and Belles LottreeV” (19) XKKIX, and a ^ i n by William Hosooe in his "Life and Ponti­ ficate of Leo the Tenth', 7 in which he deems the pasture ”111 exchanged for the uniformity of the watery element, and the miserable and savage employment of dragging from its depths (20) its unfortunate inhabitantsi° It is very true that a realistic * - • • ' picture of sea-life in all its aspects would hardly bo doomed idyllic, but neither would the actual pasture with Its rough (21) shepherds and filthy sheep* But Sannazaro9 a characters are ; . . .

■ ------— - .. . ■ change of the sweet manners and pleasing objects of the country for what in their own nature are uncomfortable and dreadful? I think he hath few or no followers, or, if any, such as knew little of his beauties, and only copied his faults, and so are lost and forgotten*11 (1313- tard,p*22*)

(19) “the modem writers of pastorals have generally contented themselves with copying or imitating the descriptions and sentiments of the ancient poets* Sannazdrills, indeed, a famous Latin poet, in the age of Loo X , .attempted a bold' innovation* He composed Piscatory Eclogues, changing tee scene from woods to the sea, and from the life of shepherds to that of fishermen. But the innovation was so;;unhappy, that he has gained no followers* For the life of fisher­ men is obviously much more hard and toilsome than that of shepherds and presents to the fancy much less agreeable images* Flocks, and trees, and flowers, are objects of. greater beauty, and more generally relished by men, than fishes and marine productions*0 (Mustard,p*25*)

(20) Ibid.25-26.

(21) Cervantes, “Colloquy of the Bogs” , speaks as followsinIn the silence and solitude of my siestas, it occurred to me among other things that there could be no truth in what I had heard tell of the life of shepherds,— of those at least about whom my master * s lady used to read when I went toher house, in certain books all treating of shepherds - 103-

no mare true fishermen than are the shepherds of the exag­ gerated Spanish pastoral real shepherds, and there Is nothing of the sordltles of the fisherman's toll depicted in them.

...... - . • : , ( 22 ) They are imaginative fishermen of an Ideal marine life.

v‘"

and shepherdesses; and telling how they passed their ’ whole life in singing and playing upon pipes, reeds, re­ becks, and other strange instruments, I heard her rood hov/ the shepherd Anfri so sang divinely in praise of the peerless Beliaarda, and that there was not a tree on all the mountains of Arcadia upon whoso trunk ho had not sat and sung from the moment Sol quitted the arms of Aurora, till he threw himself into those of Thetl#, and that oven after black night had spread its sable wings over the face of the earth, he did not cease his well-sung and bettor- wept complaints.,•.All these things enabled me to see more clearly the difference between the habits and occupations ’ of my masters and the rest of the shepherds in that quarter, and those shepherds of whom I had heard read in books • For if mine sang, it was not tuneful and flnely-oocposed , strains, but a ^Ware the Wolf" and 11 She re goes Jenny', 7. and other similar dities, and not to the accompaniment of hautboys, rebecks or pipes, but the knocking of one . crook against another, or of bits of tile jingled between the fingers and sung with voices not melodious and tender, but so coarse and out of tune, that whether singly or in chorus they seemed to be howling or grunting. They passed the greater part of the day in hunting up their fleas or mending their brogues; nor wore there any Lieardos,Leusos, Jaointos or Risoloa but all were' Antones, Domingan, Pablos or Lorentes. And from this I concluded shat I tidnk all must believe, that all those books are only fictions in­ geniously written for the amaeaent of the idle.” (Rennert, p.120-121).

(22) A. ds- Greverret ’’LMtalie au XVI Sieole", Paris. 1877, pt.1,338, quoted Mustard,p.28,- thinks they are "borrowed names8 representing men of letters or of the court aimng whom Saanazaro lived"* 7 However there is little actual allegory in Sann&saro u*id his fishermn have no distin­ guishing characteristics which enable one to connect them with actual people. - 104-

Theae derogatory otateaenta have been successfully con­

futed by John Rooke (1726)8 in a Preface to M s "Select Trans­

lations from the Works of Sazmasariua, HeGrotlua, Bapt,Amal-

theus, etc.", and in 1750 by mono other than Dr.Samuel Johnson, who upheld Sannaaaro1a right to choose whatsoever images ho wished# However ho felt that the sea has much less variety (23) then the land, and its scanty imagery is soon exhausted. He

©numerates the few examples of sea life which might be pictor-

ially presented, all of which as Huotard suggests are quite

different from Hanimzaro*s actual scones#

Regardless of comments to the contrary, there is record

of imitations of Hannazaro's Eclogues beginning soon after their • ' ' ... • ' publication# First, there appeared in the Eclogues of Baoil-

ius Zanchius' a number of instances of more or less direct imi­

tation. Then appeared in the "Araori" of Bernardo Tasso a

purely piscatory eclogue# In 1549, there is evidence in France

of Piscatory, Eclogues. The poet Hubues Solel, a friend of Iiiarot

had composed an "Kglogue< marine" in wliioh he pictured the poets

Mellin de Sairit-Selays, and Victor B^de a u lamenting the pre­

mature death of Francois de Valois, dauphin de Vlennois. eldest (24) son of Francis I# Other imitators are Berardino Roto (1533),

whose borrowings show a great indebtedness to Bannas&ro, Luigi

Tansillo (1566), Pietro Angolio Bargeo, Antcmio 0ngaro (1581),

(23) Mustard,24.

(24) MU3tard,p,19,n.34# 105-

Bomardlno Baldl, G.C •Cappaoolo (1598), Nicolaus Partihenius

Giannettaslus, who wrote thirteen piscatory Eclogues follow- - ing Virgil and Saimazaro, Giuseppe Parini, the Spaniards:

Garcilaao de la Vega, and Lope do Vega; the Portuguese: Sa 4©

Miranda, Lula de C&moee, who ©os^inos tiiephoitis and fishermen,

Antonio Ferralm, who does the same, P, Lotlohius Seem^ug,

Franc1sous Medium Brugensis, Remy Bellean, whose "Bergerlo" contains imitations of Sannasaro, and in England: Lyly, whoso nLovoMetamorphoaia” shows some trace of Sazmaearo,s Latin

Eologuos, 3 ohn.Donne, whose adaptations .of Marlowo* a 2x mou» pastoral is changed to piscatory* Phinoas Fletcher, whoso

!*Piscatorl© EcloguesH lmve borrowed freely from the Italian writer, Joannes Leoohaeus Sootus, who has written both pastoral and piscatory Eclogues, W* Diaper, whose Tenth Eclogue in the

"Nereides” reflects Sannasaro and finally Moses Browne whose (25) "Piscatory EcloguesB wer® published in 1729.

Sannasaro *s Eclogues are adaptations of certain of Virgil's pastorals, and the conventional subjects, the dirge, the lover's complaint, and singing-match, etc, are earofully observed* Each of the Ecloguos of Sannasaro is an imitation of a definite Ec­ logue of Virgil. Sannasaro allows his originality to play on change of scene • From the sunny pasture lands of the ancient

Eclogues we are carried to the so a, the environs of which have

(25) Mustard,-pp.26-53. - 106-

been de30ribad. by Ssnnazaro v/itli no loss- beauty, and -sweetness

than the Arcadia of the ancient prototype. In the Piscatory

Eclogues, wo©a-ny@phs have been changed to nympho of the sea,

heavenly powers to sea-gods and goddesses, shepherds to fish­ ermen, flocks of sheep to fldhes and sea calves, and the fish­ ing pole supplants. the shepherd f.s ;crook.

Iclogu® I of Sarmazaro Is an Imitation of Virgil*o Fifth, Twdt' flshormen, Lycldao and LIycon lament the death of Phyllis

who was to have boon the bride of Lyeldas, In almost every

passage one may see traces of the model. vThe strange actions

of sea animals in Lyeldas* first speech recall Virgil Eclogue

V ,25-26, In Milch herds arc said to have refused to eat and

drink and Libyan lions mourned because of the death of Daphnis

Verses 29-30 ^Sedtu, si quid babes veteran quod lugsst igneo, ■ ,,ineipe", may be paralleled by w , 10-11 of the Daphnis Ec­

logue “Incipe...si quoa aut Phyllidis Ignis...inoipe*, by

Virgil III, 52, "quin age, si quid hobos" and III.55 "diclte, quandoquldem in molli consedlmua horba/efc mine omnes ager nunc

omnia parturit arbo#.V

. "Immo haeo quae cineri m p e r properate par abas/ earmlna*

of vv. 53-34 follows th® general form of Virgil V. 13— n 1m m

haoo in virldl nuper quae oorttce f agl/ earmlna descrlpai...

esqieriar®. Verses 36-3^ "lu conlferas ad busta cuprosaua/ Sparge manu et vlridi tumulum super Intego myrto" Is a re­

writing of Virgil V. \ o "Spargtta huaum foil la, induoito fon-

tlbus umbras;? , -107

The iinos following this passage (38-78) depleting the personal grlof of the fisherman. Lye Idas, and his desire to

abandon the lands one® frequented by his lore, and to seek

solaee as a fish in the waters of the soa, are a deviation ,

■from the model. These lines are wholly 8annazaro*o. : ... ■ ' ' ; " • Then In w.79-83, Ly®Id&a deolares his intention of build­

ing so yen altars to the memory of his love. Upon them he will

slay so von shaggy sea oalves, and will adorn them with oyster

shells and colored pebbles. This, of course, la an Imitation . (26} ef Virgil y,65-73. Aa In the ease of Virgilf a Daplmia, an apotheosis of Phyllis la here celebrated, and in much the (27) aamo manner as that of the early eclogue%mpha and god­

desses of the deep assemble to sing the praises of Phyllis. (20) . , m verses 09-100 Phyllis la represented as a goddess of the . f ' . - ' ' ' - " - son to %hom boatmen' victors will pour libations, as In

(26) . Virgil *s Eclogue V.65-73. uen quattuor araa:/ ecoe duos tlbl, Daphni, duos altarla Phoobo./pocula biha novo spma- antia laoto quotannis/ cratorasquc duo statuam tibi‘ pin- quls olivl,/at m l to in prlmis hllarana eon vi via Baccho, /ante focum, si frlgus erit, si mesaio. In umbr^f rliuE novum fund am oalathia Arlusia nootor ,M

(27) Sannazaro, Eel.1.84-87. RHlo tlbl Misaea bt flavos re­ solute capillos/ Gymodoco mltiaque pia cum matre Palae- mon/ Et Panope et Sloull custom Galatea profundi/ Sol- lemneiL'h^cetent choreas et carmine die®Bt.*V Virgil V.73ff. "Cantabunt mlhi Damoetas et Lyctius lAegon;. saltantes Satyros imitabltur Alphasibocus."

(28) Samasaro, Bel.1.99-100 *ut liymphis Hereoque ut flavi- oomae Anphitritae/, sic tlbl vie trices fundent libamina * . ey***", .■ . . - 108-

Vlrgll1 s oologu©» tho farmra dld^to Daphnis after his dei­ fication (Virgil, Eol*V.79 ff,). Also as-in Virgil there is an inscription on th® to**

Finally w * 106-108 of Sannazaro "Dulce. sonant, Lyoidas, tun oarmlna neo mlhi malim/ Aloyomm laments aut udo in gra- mine rupae/ Propter aquam dulces oyonorum audire querolasS", follow the theme of Virgil V.45 "tale tuum cannon nobis divine posts/, # & l c sopor fe as Is In gramine quale per aestu/ dulola aquae aaliente sitlm restinguore rivo", and w , 109 ff. recall

Virgil V.81-84, "qua® tibl, quae tali reddam pro carmine dona/ nem neque mo ten turn venientis aibiluo Austro/ nec percuasa invent fluctai tarn lit ora, neo quae/ saxoaaa inter docurrunt flumina valllo1T

The purpose of this lengthy comparison is to show the extent to which Sannazaro relied upon the Eclogue of the an­ cient poet. However there are two major differences in tho two poems. Each of them may bo traced to Renaissance influ­ ence. The first of-th@a® is the marked erotic element in the

Eclogue of Sannazaro, which'ia not evident in Virgil1 s Eclo­ gue. The second is the nature of the grief* In Virgil1 s poem the grief is universal; Mopsus does not describe his o m per­ sonal sorrow, Wiloh to Lyoidas in Sannazaro fa poem is far the moot Important. .

(20) Virgil V*79 ff. "ut Bacoho Cererique, tibl sic vote quo- tannls/ agrioolao facionV”, -109-

In an Eclogue ao obviously modelled after the ancient there is little likelihood of-allegory. Although Sannazaro had a passionate love for Oarmoaina Bonifacio who supposedly died at an early age, there ia no quality of Phyllis mentioned in the eclogue which enables one to" identify the two*

Though Ecloguo II is not so. directly an imitation of Vir­ gil as is Eclogue I, it is k-lament of a fisherman over his loved one' s indifference, which was the t h e m of Virgil1 s

Bocond Eclogue. Oorydon of Virgil’s Eclogue trails his love through the scorching heat of midday# Lyoon mourns his in a silent cave at night. Goryden’s complaints last until sun­ down, Lycon’s until dawn. Liko Gcrydon, Lyoon bogs for notice of hie songs of entreaty, mentions his other loves, boasts. of his wealth and powers, offers gifts, one of which was present­ ed to him by an older poet, and which the singer vows he is keeping for. the one he loves, mentions a rival love and refers to his lowly habitation. Finally after the manner of Gallus in Virgil*8 Tenth Eclogue, Lyoon complains of the dominance of love. ‘ 1 '

- Although SWmnasaro’s poem is a single pastoral as Virgil’s

II, it does contain a suggestion of allegory. In v#23, Hyale “ ■ ■ ‘ - * " - - - ' • , # • ■ < - ■ , - of renowned Spanish ancestry, who, it seems had much power

(v#24). Mustard suggests is Cost ansa d ’Avalos, duchess of (30) Francavllla. In 1503 she hold tho fortress of Ischia for four months against the blockade of the French fleet, Meliaaeus -

(30) Mustard, p.80,n.23. -HO-

of V,42, Miatard says is Gloviano Pontano, as in Pontnno*s o m Eclogue "Moliseus"* Yet Mustard is not convinced that (31) Lyeon is Sannasaro* His argument is that the passage is too much liko tho parallel passage from Virgil to be seriously considered as allegorical* Then since Helisaeus is identieitl with Damoetas in the ancient eclogue is it likely that he Is more than an imitationt However, if the suggestivo name,

Melisaeus, and the fact that the "pastor” is represented as an old man ore sufficient to prove that Pontano is here meant, then Lyoon is surely Sannazaro, whose poems have received tho (32) notice of Pontano, Nevertheless tho poem is so obviously patterned after Virgil II, that it is unlikely Lycon is San- nasaro everyvhero. His experiences, his loves, etc*, aro all paralleled in the poem of the early writer* To infer, as Volpi seems to have done that w*42~45 allude to Sannazaro,a "pis­ catory Eclogue#1;? would, as Mustard suggests, presuppose earlier poems of the same nature written before the death of Pontano

(1503), whereas the present ones seem to have been composed ho earlier than 1504. -The likelihood of earlier piscatory poems (no longer extant) .is seemingly put to rout by Sannazaro '□ own statement that his Eclogues wore written after he had begun

(31) Ibid. Intro*p.lS*

(32) Sannazaro came to be an intimate friend of Pontano and was a member of the :Accademia Pontaniana* (Mustard, Intro* p,H*) Ill-

"Do Partis Vlrglnls" which was published tho same year as

tho Eclogues. Also a friend of the poet, Summonte (1507) (35) spoke of them as "novas illas pisoatorlo genere eclogaa^

Henoe' in Eclogue II we may say thebe is only a suggest­

ion ofLalle^ory. In any case it does not extend beyond a rep­ resentation of the poet himself as a fisherman, his patron

friend as a shepherd and the duohoss of Franoavilla, who praised the podt^ verse, as Hyalo, one of Lyeon*s loves.

Eclogue III is modelled after Virgil's Eclogue VII.,

aid is a typical example of the conventional alnglng-oeutest.

Nevertheless it is not a direct imitation. The content of

the songs is for the most part unlike that of the songs of

Virgil's Corydon and Thyrsis. Hence, as one would expect there appear references to events outside tho sphere of pas­

toral. There may be a suggestion of allegory in the charac­

ter of the shepherd, Ghromio, w»13ff., in which Ohromis re­ calls the ill-fated exile of the king, who with his youthful

followers passed up the river Rhone, etc..The story may in­

dicate to the reader that Ghromls is Sannasero referring to his o m part in the exile, when he attended Federico of

Maples as a voluntary companion.

In w . 62-55, Wiere is again mention of Hyalo, who, the reference to PithBcusa (Ischia) indicates is tho same as Hyal®

(33) Mustard, Intro. 15* -112-

N . of II, Furthermore w .72-73 vAenarlae .ppr.tua Hyale dum pul- ohra tenehlt,/ Neo Samoa Aenarlam vlnoot neo maxima Lemnos*" - refer to her defense of Isohia (1503).

"v • However- we •'eannbt- say Chromls la Sannazaro merely because ho mentions two situations with which the poet wasi familiar.

We can only say that Chromls is the author's mouthpiece. In­ disputable allegory then* in^this Eclogue, is found only in the character of Hyale. .

Here for the first time In the Eclogues of Sannazaro do we find more than a mere suggestion of contemporary events* Ten lines (13-23) in the introductory song of Mopsus are given to the story of Federico's exile, and two linos (72-73) are devoted to the allegory of Hyale.

The Fourth Eclogue of Sannazaro is a careful imitation of

Vergil's Vlfch. Two fishermen returning in the night from

Oapri hear Proteus soothing his sea-calves with a song which after the manner of the song of Sllenus in Virgil's-Sixth

Eclogue, relates legends connected with the bay of Maples.

Sannazaro even follows Virgil's method of passing from one subject to another, as in w.29-40 which may be compared to

Virgil VI. 31-40, ” n&inqu® oanebat uti * . .ut” ; as in 41-42, following Virgil's VI 41-42, "huio refart"; 43, following

Vli^il VI 43, *his adlunglt0; 59, a repetition of Virgil VI,

61, "turn c m i t 63-66 of Sannazaro *duelt, attollit, aequat, protendlt, dat” verbs which describe the singer as doing that

(34) See also vv.84-85. -113-

N - (34) , which he desoriboa as done,, follov/ing Virgil VI.4G ’’SolaturV” to, •oiiHiumdatv^GS, "origlt"; and 69 “turn canit....ut” as in

Virgil's VI.64. Though the poem proper imitates Virgil's Sixth pastoral

very closely the introduction may be compared to the Intro- ■ ' - (36) duotion of Virgil's Eighth, Sologne which lines in Virgil's

poem it la known referred to a person to whom the poem was

addressed. So In the Eclogue of Sannazaro does the author

address him poem to a youth, pride of his race, who, the con­

text shows, was Ferrento, son o r Federico n . He lived a life ■ . . ■ (37) ..... / ■ ' V - . of exile in Spain.

In w . 17-20 “nunc lltoream no despice IMsom/ quam tibl

post silvas, pO#t horrida lustra Lyoaei/ (Si quid id est)

salsasdoduxl primus ad undas/ Auaus inexperta tentaro pori-

©ula eymba" Is found a reference to Sannasaro's pastorals and to his "Arcadia0 (18). Tho Ecloguos, line 19 suggests, were

ah innovatim on tiie part of Sannazaro. However there is no

olle^ry in any of this. -

(36) Sannazaro,IV.7*16, "Tu vero, patriae Juvenle deeus, edits 0Ml©,/Spes generis tanti, seu te nisiboaa Pyrene/ Pro duloi Latio, pro nostrls detlnot arvia,/Seu vagus object® munimine olaudit Iberu3,/Rumpe moras, nec te latio His- panls regnis/Allioiat atirpisve tuae prlmordia ot ill©/ Oentis honos, licet effuso Tagus impleat auro/ Et pater Oceanus opumanti perluat unda."

(36) Virgil,VIII 6-15. *Tu mihl seu magal superas iam aaxa Timavi, siv© oram Illyrici legis aeauorisenorit umquaiV llle dies, mihl cum liceat tu& dicer© faota?/on orit ut liceat totum mihl ferre per orbera/ sola Sophieleo tua -—H A - .•

: . ■ ' ' ' .i ' : - In w « 69rr. la found the only allegory In the poem,

Mellaaeus is Qloviano Pontano whose poems "Urania" and "Met- ' • . ' ' ■ (38) ■ ' : ■ , ' ■ . • / - ©ora" are allied to in 73-74» Corydon is Virgil and refer­ ences are made to his Second and Eighth Eclogues.

Lines 81 ff. again are given over to an historical event of the time, viz*, the death of Federico and his burial in

.mm# # . , . . ' ' . . . / • The only allegory, tW n , in this eclogue is that con­ cerned with Pontano and his ancient instructor, Virgil# But there arc two lengthy passages given to contemporary history, both of them in imitation of Virgil# The first addresses

Ferranto >who is In Spain,in much the same way as Virgil fs

VIII (6-13) addresses his friend (thoughtsto be Pollio). The

last passage follows a list of logendary tales in the song

of Proteus, as in the Sixth Kologde of Virgil, praise of

Gallua concludes the narration of Siletma#

Sannaaaro^s Fiftii Eclogue is modelled strictly after

Virgil1 s Eighth. In both poems a lover complains of a mis­

tress. who has abandoned him, and in both, a girl tries to win

back an unfaithful lover by magic art. As in Virgil, each

earaina digna coturno?/ a te prlnolplum, tibi deelnaas acolp®^iussla oarmina ooepta tula, atquo 'hanc sine tompora oircum/ inter viotrioia hederam tibi serpere lauros,"

(37) Rollings: "Europe in the Renaissance"#p.91.

(58) S&nnasai^>, TV. 69-74# "turn oantt ut Corydon a eacro Mollsaeua in antr©/ VMerit et oalamos labrls admoverlt ■>115”

song In Sannazaro’g poem is divided by a refrain into stanzas

-of different lengths. Like Virgil* the first seven stanzas

ef the second song equal the length of the first seven stanzas

of the first. As in the case of Damon and Alphesiboeus of

Virgil*# Eclogue* do do Dorylas and Thelgon hore sing, not of

their own loves but of the misfortunes of some fictionary char-

actors. Unlike the poem of Virgil* it is the girl*3 story

which is first presented in Ssnnazaro * a Eclogue * The descrip­

tion of the girl enchantress is net found in Virgil fs Eclogw,

but there is mentiem in the Aenoid IV#509 of a priestess of

loose-flowing hair “crinos offusa aaeerdos", and 518; with one (39) foot froo, “unum oxuta pedem vinclls” * In v.30* Horpylia wish­

ots to lay a fire-spell on her unfaithful lover* as the girl

in Virgil* a VIII.66-67 attests to do.

The powers of Thessalian arts 34-35, which can stay the

rain, drive storm clouds front tho sky and lead forth fright­

ened fishes from the waves, may be compared to tho might of

songs which In Virgil *o Eclogue * vv.69ff. draw down the moon

audax/ Forma mm quibua ille olim oantarat Alexin,/ Dlamrat et rauaam Damonis et Alphesiboei,/ Q,ueis frotus,- die tan to Dea, tot sidera nobl%&^^id®rlt, tantas caeli patefecerit dras.”

(39) Ovid,*Metamerphosea" VII. 183, speaks of Medea as ”nuda pedem, imdos user Is InfUaa capilloan.

(40) Sannazaro,V.28”M,,”Pone aram et vivos hanri de flumine roree/ Canaque vicino deoerpo absinthia oampo,/ Ilium ilium magic 1»- eonabor adurero sacrls/ Qui miseram tot# spollatam^wmnt# reliqp.it." Virgil VIII. ^-68, “offer aquam, et molli oinge ■-ns-

from heaven, transform the crew of Ulysses or drive the

cold snake from the mendowo. Verses 57-39 nAlga tibi haee p r i n m tnaiidi purgmnina pontl/ Spargitur et rapid!o absum-

itur arlda fLammis; Sie mlhl, sic, Haeon, uraris adusque

medullas0 are in imitation of Virgil VIII 82 ff. °sparge

molam, et fragile a inoende bitumine . laurus,/ paphnis me

malms tirit, ego hano in Daphnlde laurma0 ; and v«42 "Ure sinul >euaf qu@ ♦his1 dio1 vise era Maeonis uro1,'* 7 follows Virgil

. VIII 78, nnoote# Amarylli modo et “Veneris* die 'Vincula

.ttseteV*?- The poisonous lep#r which Aegle broight from

Eastern waters may be compared to the herbs of Virgil VIII

95, which, gathered in Pontus, Moor is had presented. In w .

69 and 73 the refrain undergoes a change, as does that in

Virgil VIII,110, Finally the author in both poems-."inserts two (41) versos between the songs. Thus the song of Doryias closely

adheres to the form of Virgil's °Song of Alpheslboeus.7 :

However the s m g of to»lgm, while on the same theme as that of Damon, yet oontains little in the way of Imitative passages

haee altaria vitta,/verbenasque adole pinguoa et mascula tura,/ ^niugis ut magic is sanoa avertere sacris/ exper- iar sensus; nihil hio nisi oarmlna desunt,0

(41) Baimazar: “Haotenus ille; quid hinc subjunxerlt ordine Thelgon/Aooipej non omnea urns dolor anglt amantos*! Virgil,VIII.63-64,nhaeo Damon; vos,. quae respmderlt Alphoslboeus,/ dioito, Plerides; non omnia possums omnea

(42) Gp# r.101 °moa fclaenaliis pendot jam fistula silvls0 with Virgil VH.B4, Mhic arguta sacra pendebit fistula plnu?" -117-

The Introductory linos of tho poem aro addressed to

Oaseandra torahose, a lady In t7alting to Queen Giovanna at Maples* It was she in whose home Sannazaro died many years after the puhlieation of the Eclogues* Although

Cassandra is here presented in her own name, she is descri­ bed as an associate of dryads, nymphs, etc*, and so may bo considered allegorically one of them.

Verse 101, Mustard says, is an allusion to Sannazaro*s pastoral romance "Arcadia”* If this is true the passage

contains allegory* (43) Further allegory may be suggested by w . 113-116, whore

the fisherman who has tried the shores of Llgur and Gaul and

Yftio has fished in the Var and Arar and even to the seas of

Britain recalls Sannazaro1s exile in France*.

Allegory to Kelogue. Vr then, is limited to a representa­

tion of Cassandra as an associate of dryads, to a presenta­

tion of Sannazaro*a art which produced the "Arcadia" as a

"fistula" hanging in Monalian forests, and to a picture of

Sannazaro himself, who was exiled in France, as a fisherman

who has tried many shores*

Finally in a fragmentary Eclogue of some 40 lines, there

is an allegorical reference to one Francesco Poderico (v.10)

(43) Sannazaro, V *113-116. "Me Ligurmn durae rapes, me Gallics norunt/ Lito ra, piscantem pariter me Varus et ingens/ Senait Arar* senaere marls fora monstra Britanni** • u a - / '

( 44 ) a m o b s 2? of the Neapolitan Aondeny, Federico is represented

as a seaman whoa the author bids g iv e sail to the raft idileh

he himself has pished from the shore»

A sunmuLry of tho allegory found in Sannnsaro discloses

poet himself in two small passages (II,V) presented as a

fiSherman• Gonten^orary persons, in equally small space are

mentioned under shepherd names: Pontano (II,IV) Is given the

name Melisaeus and in IV his poems are referred to as pro­

ducts of & shepherd’s pipe5 the Duo ho os of Francovilla is

presented as "Hyale”, and in II, as the loved one of Lyeus

and in III of Ohromia; and finally Federico (critic) of the ; \ ■ ' . i Neapolitan Aoadwiy is a seaman whose hoped for aid to Ganna-

mare is depicted as the service of a fsetlw-^aatta in pishing

hi a boat from the shore* Thus we find & very limited alle­

gory in the Eclogues of Sann&saro,

In addition to allegorical references, deviations from

the eclogue proper may be seen In the comparatively long

passages given to contemporary history* In III and IV tho

exll® of Prederlco and his death in France arc mentioned, and

in IV, Ferrante, son of Federico is pictured in Spain* Hero

are the only examples found in -Sannazaro1 a Eclogues of what

(44) n Sannazaro submitWd the ‘Do Partu Virginia^ to M s criticism* qucted Mustard p*62,n,10. n @ -

haa boon termed the pastoral panegyric. And here Sannazaro shows the influonce of Virgil rather than of the middle agea ard early Renaisaanee» These are not the court panegyrics (45) of the pension hunter nor are they thanks poems for favors received, They show rather the sincere esteem of the author for those whom he regarded as heroes, Sannazaro as. well as

Virgil was inspired by the patriotic spirit, albeit the latter gives greater evidence of this in his "Georgies** and

“Aencid* than In his Eclogues, To Professor Rand it was

Virgil’s inclination toward hero-worship which inspired the mention in the Eclogues of Polllo, Varus, Galina, and Octa- vion. No one Eclogue of Virgil’s is confined,entirely to panegyric, unless one conclude the Fourth a tribute to a real child end the son of a prominent Roman of the time.

Praise of contemporaries la oonfined to dedicatory introduc­ tions or Incidental allusion in the o our so of tfao pastoral tiieme. This is true also of Sannazaro, although he Is not

,so happy in blending his verses of contemporary heroes and history with his background of the so a, as Virgil is when ho harmonizes all extraneous subjects with the pastoral scene, ,

When Sannazaro mentions real persons or events they are kept

' ' •• ' . ■ ; ' . ' . - . . ■ apart largely from the fisherman’s story. They arc not thom-

(46) Sannazaro has made no effort to follow tho post-Vorgil- lan oonvention of court pastoral Y/hich paint s a golden age under tarn glorious reign of some ruler. selves bueolic with the possible exception of the reference

to Pontano as a shopheid poet in Eclogue IV, or minor refer­

ences to Byale and others as allegorical personages* The event

of the exile and death of Frederlco and the eulogy to his

son are clearly given without conventional setting*, Compare

on the other hand the manner in which Virgil has treated of

Gallua and his poetic art in Eclogue X, the mention of Varus

In the introduction to VI, who was to incite all the forest

and tamarisks to song* the reference to Pollio as a shepherd

poet in III* 84-87, etc. And so successful is he in adapting

the supposed historical theme of I and IX to the - pastoral at­

mosphere that one cannot with surety say that he actually

refers to the confiscations of *49, but only that M e poems

suggest this incident*

It is interesting to note that Sannazaro, in adopting

Virgil's method of presenting contemporaries incidentally or

as the subject of the poem's dedication* makes but one attempt

to address the person of honor in his own name, this being in

the fragmentary Eclogue, v*10 where is mentioned Federico, a

member of the Neapolitan Academy* Virgil* on the other hand*

has made a practice of referring to his friends under their

own names, as when h& mentions Pollio ln~IV and III, Varus in

VI and DC, or Galius in VI and X*

While Sannazaro does make some use of #llegory and does

utilize some space in the interests of contemporary events

, and personal reference, yet these passages are always obvious - 181-

f»s@rtlons and by no means usurp the place of the conven­ tional theme and piscatory scene. In choosing Eclogues for

Imitation,:Sanhszaro' has chiefly been attracted by. : ^v the more purely pastoral poems of Virgil, the elegy, the lover1! complaint:,' the singing contest; end these were stock themes of pastoral writers in all countries during the Renai­ ssance* Romantic love is the principal theme of Sannasarofs poems, and throughout It strikes the note, so prevalent In the languishing lovo poems of the time, of resigned melan­ choly* Eclogue I, as elegaie poem on the death of a mistress, although following the lines of the Daphnls eclogue of Virgil, egresses the personal griof of LycIdas as contrasted With the universal lamentation in the ancient poem. And unlike the dirge of Daphnls, the tone of supreme dejection is dis- clo sed in the opening speech and la he Id throughout the poem,

Lyoidas exaggerated sorrow at the death of Phyllis receives no alleviation from the time ho in melodramatic fashion, re­ calls her funeral rites. In the opening lines, until his last dripping surrender to the grief which holds M m at her tomb (46) as the poem closes. There is nothing of glad joyousness at

(46) Some conception of the exaggerated melancholy of the poem may be seen by observing the use the author makes of words indicating grief or dejection; v,5,"tristia*, "flebillbus*, "querells" , v,9, "deflevimus", v,10 "mleerl", "trlstes", v.15, "querell gemerent laorimabllo", v.17 "gomw i t u # , v*21, “infelix11, ^dolor improbue*, v,29, “lugeat", v.48, "miser", v,52, "miser", v.54,"infelix", v,62,"dolor", "aeteamus ludtus", v.68, "fraatrantur", ” miser as", V. 69, the suggested apo thee alt's a t Phyllis aush ao ia found when

IMplmia is exaltod to heavon. Sannasaro has not in his poom attemptod tho blending of. grief %nd cheer as Virgil so suc­ cessfully hag done, and which later became a regular feature of pastoral elegye Sanna&aro$s Second Eclogue is an example of "lover's com­ plaint^ . It carefully follows all the conventions of a poem of this sort* the wail of an unrequited lover, the contrast

of his restlessness with the peace about him* mention of his other loves, promise of gifts to the loved one, an expression of relish for the wilds of nature where man does not come, etc* Again the lover of . Sann&saro1 a poem, Lyoon, is much more ex­

aggerated in M s emotions than Corydon in the Eclogue of Vir­ gil* There is nothing of romantic sentimentality in the

Eclogue of the Roman poet* On the contrary there is actually

a protest against sentimentality in the close of Gerydon'a

lament (69ff.), Oorydon truly exults in nature, and to such

an extent that his soliloquy at times assumes an epic tone*

Lyoon, on the other hand cannot be called more than melodramatic.

The traditional singing contest is illustr&tM in #a h m -

zero's Third, in w M c h two shepherds in alternate verses sing

of their mistresses* Poliowing the general method of Virgil's Seventh, the singers first invoke their favorite gods. Virgil's

"miaerum" v.90,nluotus amaroa” , v*107, "laments", 1.108, "querelas", v*ll6, "exhaustaa genno maduore", "dolor", "sicoas fauces8 , v*117, *slngultlbus", v.118, "anMlantem anlnuun" , "aogre vox*" -123-

tiiepherds ask for aid In singing that each may prove hia miperiority over the other. It is charaeteriatio of the

Benaissame and it a bewailing lovers, the.t the invocations of Sanna%aro*s fishermen should, entreat aid in recalling unresponsive loved ones. Lave is the Incentive for each

song in Sannasaro*® Eclogue. In Virgil1 s poem, though kovo is mntioned, it plays a minor role.

Eclogue v of Sennasaro is composed of two songs, contain­

ing a number of stanzas interspersed periodically with a ro- . . _ ■ un ■ ■ ■:. frain, after the raammr of Virgil VIII. One presents a jilted girl attempting to win back her lover by magic rite's. In the other an unsxiooessful lover grieves over the loss of hia mis­

tress. The song of Dorylaa while bearing many Imitations of

Virgil’s song, of Alphasiboeus, yet differs in one respects

it lacks the final ray of hope, which concludes the song of

the enchantreas of Virgil’s poem. Although the song of Thelgon

Is on the same theme as that of Damon in the Eighth Eclogue

of Virgil there are no passages of direct Imitation. Follow­

ing the Renaissance buoolic fashion, Theglon has his grieving

lover recall the haunting vision of hie loved one, and worship ■ ■ ' ; ; - ■ ■ ■ • the places once fr^quent^ by her. Here too the boasting lover

is to be. contrasted with the Maorous description whioh the (48) lover in Virgil’s Eclogue gives of himself.

(47) In this Bologue of Virgil and In his Tenth Is found the closest approach to "romantic love" of anything in his works. . . ".:V. ' : Tims we see that Sannazaro has blended the purest and m a t simple of the anolent pastoral forms with the Renals- (49) sonoe exaggerated and artifielal treatment of roznontlo love.

Like Segrals, ho folt drawn to tho beauty and simplicity of the anolent eclogues, ^et^was forced no doubt to cater to til® taste of the time#

Eclogues I,II,III, and V, all primarily orotic In theme, were conventional pastoral shbjeet* derived originally from

Theocritus, Eologuo IV makes use of a different kind of subject matter. The local legends which comprise the poem belong rather to narrative or epic than to the pastoral. As in Its precursor, the Sixth Eclogue of Virgil, tho setting is maintained, tut the interest lies not in tho picture off

.■ ' ■ ' - Proteus soothing M o aea-calvoa with song, but in tho refer- ■■■' . • - . ' - ■ ' : . - . one©a to local legends. Here is Sannazarofa nearest approach

(48) w . 33-36.*o dlgno conlunota vlro, dum doapicis onmos,/ dumquo tlbi oat odio mea fistula dumquo oapellao M r a u - tumqu® sapercilium promiss&quo barba"; - . -

(49) Ohambers, "Intro. W Eng.Pastorals11 p.xxv> sees the precursor of tho ”romantic love" element in Sannasaro, Monte-mayor and Sidney in "Dapbais and Chloo" of tho Fifth Century. .

(50) Segralo says of M s Eclogues "La plupart des ponsees qut ocmiposent mes ©glogues sent plus amoureusoa quo champstros. Jo ne l ,ai fait qu,apres avoir remarqu© quo le gout de men sioclo s ’y portait ot qu*olios plaisalent davantage do oefcte sort©, aux domes ot nux gens de oour. Bn cela je lour al fait un sacrifice voluntaire do mes propro sentiments, ot j *avouo quo de moi-meme. jo me porterais M e n plus volontier a uno entier® imitation do oho so® antiques comma a la regie la plus juste qu*on puiaao choisir", (Faquot, E.nHig- toiro do la Poeaie Francaise de la Renats, au Romantis- m®*.p.227.) -125-

to tho opic spirit of Virgil• Sannasaro departs even fur­ ther from the Eologue proper when he utilizea ton lines in the introduction aa a tribute to Forranto, and climaxes his poem with a commemoration of hio beloved and exiled ruler,

Frederic©,

The scenic descriptions of Sannasaro^s Eclogues are no mero background for non-bucolic subjects, as is the case with the poems of Andrellnus, Mantuamis, and others of the Renais- sanco. On tho contrary it was tho poot*s aim to depict with as perfect artistry as possible the beauties of his own coun­ try about Naples, Within him there seems to have been happily combined, a taste for picturesque beauty, an artistic temperament, and a keen sense of rhythm, resulting in a more profound appreciation of the true value of Virgil’s Eclogues than had been evident in the writers of bucolic poetry from the Silver Age to his day, Hio transference of Virgil’s pas­ toral themes to the sea, has deprived them of no part of their beauty, while M s selection of actual scenes for his background gives M s pictures a greater degree of reality than that found in the ancient poet ’s descriptions• The mountains, crags, cliffs and grottoes, w M e h Sannazaro has derived from

Virgil’ s pastorals and w M e h have brought so nneh distress to the Roman poet’s commentators in their efforts to find a country familiar to Virgil and at the same time consistent with the dosoriptlons of the Eclogues, are all quite suited (51) to Neapolitan surroundings. Although Virgil mentions the

stream Mineius, in VII.13, and Mantua and Cremona in IX,27« 28, there la notiiing to indicate that his scones are all laid

in that vicinity. In Sannazaro*a Eclogues there are no un­

identified scone a, all are definitely named by the author.

Once collected together, all the place a named by Sannazaro

In M s Eclogues give a quite complete picture of his beloved bay arid its neighboring points of interest. He tolls us of

poailipo (I,II,IV) and the deep waters that lie about it(II),

of Hergllline high above, the sea (n) at the east end of

Fosilipe, the site of M s own villa— near whoso rooky cliffs

oysters and sea-urchins are gathered (I), of the clear water#

of Buploea (II)— at the 8.17. end of Posilipo. Ifesida is men­

tioned, its waters abounding in fish (I)— and the rooks of

Stable# (IV) (Oastellanmare)$ M o o n (I) gathers sea-shells

on the Island of Hegarla; the jutting cliff of the island of

Prooida, "yonder crag" (III), is four times presented (1,(11,

IV, V), and the author speaks also of that bane of anxious

sailors, the island of Capri (IV), its no$ixa ^eleboum11 (IV)

and tho son just off its coast by the same name (V). "I look

out at Capri", he has Thelgon sing in his deserted lover's

complaint (V), "and the lands in the distance which preserve

the name of Siren; in another direction Vesuviua from its

burned summit has set its seal on the old ruins of Heroulan- eunr'iV In Iv, there ta another reference to veauvlua, it a

"roaring fire" and the "cities left desolate round about

In Eclogue I, Lye Idas sings of the Sets the, a stream that takes its rise from the lands of the Siren (I), and flows into the sea atVIapleo, and Proteus (IV) sings of the Sarno

(which flows near Pompeii),1 and its fertile plains# To the northwest, Ssnnasaro describes the sea dashing against the pier of Po b s u o H (V), and the island of Ischia is four times referred to, twice under the name of Aenaria (II, IV), once as Inarimen (III) and again as Pithecusa (III). Twice the poet speaks of the curved shore of Cajefca (Gaeta) ( H , III), end compares the sunset behind it, to the same scene observed across the rippling waters of Lako Lucrini (III), (near Bala), and finally he tolls of oaves in tho cliffs of Baulis (III) end the oregs of Hercules (H I ), environs. of Bala# These numerous references to his home land would prevent any reader from doubting the authenticity of Sannazaro*s scenes.

The reality of the pictures may prevent them from rising to the heights of idyllic beauty found in certain passages of

Virgilfs Eclogues, but it does not deprive them of their vividness. Consider his description in III, of a calm sea.

(61) This very harmony between Virgil's painted scenery of the Eclogues and Naples has led Tenney, Frank (p.113) to believe that the poet must have been sojourning there at the time tho eclogues were composed. - 128-'

with its surface waves gently upcurled by Kephyrus, and Its contrasting picture In the same eclogue, of a raging tempest and a wind-tossed ocean beating against the crags. They are (52) very clear* Virgil’s passages contrasting summer and winter

VII, 45-46, and 46-60, contain the beautiful and oft quoted simile “oorano molllor herba”, and la Imbued with the spirit of luxurious content, an essential of the pastoral mode lack- (53) ing in Sannazarow Lacking Virgil’s genius, Sannazaro paints his pictures for the eye alone. He helps one to seo the Neapo­ litan sea in all Its aspects, at midday with the sun boating darn upon It as he skims over the water with full-flown sail

(IV), or motionless and soothed by the soft breezes of night

(II). For us he pictures fishermen driven in by the storm,

their implements piled on the shore about them; their wicker baskets, fish-poles, lines, hooka, fish baskets and osier,

the fragile bark high on tho rocks and nets hung up to dry on (54) long oars (III), Wo get the Image of Baian Mllcon unfurling

(52) Prom which Sannazar probably received hts suggestion, (63) Virgil, 45-46:nM03sod springs and grass softer than sleep, and green arbutus that covers you with thin shade.” Ibid.49-501®Here- is the hearth and resinous billets; here the fire' ever burns hl#i and the doorposts are black with constant soot.” (Tran8lation,Mackall.)

(54) Op. Theocritus, X— I, 8-12,11 near them were lying tho Im­ plements of their handicraft, the wicker baskets, the rods, the hooks, and tho gum datum* covered by seaweed, fishing- lines, and wheels, and bow-nebs of rushes, cords, and two oars, and an old beat on its rollers.” (Translatloa^Banlcs.) -129-

his nets to the sun and colling his dripping linos (I), or

the fishermen on a high cliff wrapping hi a lino about his

slender rod (I). We are given a view of the sun shining

through the clouds across the water of Lake Luorlnl (III),

or hear Lyoon from a cave on high Mergilltne describe a silent night, with its sea monsters all asleep, seals stretched

; ' ' ■ " ' . ' - : . . ■ ' ■ ' : ‘ ■ voiceless on the shore, Zephyrua lulled and the sea calmed,

and the very stars in heaven blinking their eyes with sleep,

411 this Lyoon observes while his comrades aro larboring at

the fish-laden nets before the flaming fires that light up

the waters round about. This passage of Sannazaro compares

very favorably with parallel; passage in virgll II, picturing

the scorching heat of midday, the copses ringing with crickets,

cattle seeking the cool shade and even green lizards hiding

in the thorn-brakes, and Thestylis mixing garlic and w i M

thyme and other herbs for the mowers wearied with the fierce heat. . - :

Nothing would be farther from the truth than to declare (55) the scenes of Virgil1s Eclogues lacking in reality. Even, in

the second Cologne which is more closely imitative of Theo-

(55) Hor are all the scenes in Sannazaro based on reality. Eel*I, 90-96 presents an excellent example of the idyllic and artificial picture: v Aether you live happily in high heaven or now among Elyslan souls and reverenced hosts ^ you follow Lethaen fl#em through limpid pools, or , with your lovely hand, pick never-fading flowers, narcissus and crocus, and lasting amaranth and mix soft sea-weed with pale violets, eto., ■ ; ' 13&.

oritus btem any, thoro aro paaaagea which show the poefc»s

true love of nature: VveS0-30, ®o tan turn llbeat meoma tibl

sordid* rura/ atquo humllba habitare cases, at flgere cer-

vos,/haedorumque grogem virldl compellere hlbioco j ? and 45-

50, "tlbd lilla plonlo/ eoce ferunt Nymphao calathia; tibl

Candida Hals, pallenteo violas et suinma papavera carpens,/ naroissum et florem lungit bene olentia anothi/; turn casia

atque aliis intexeno suavibus herbis/ mollia luteola pingit

vaccinia caltha", and 64-55, ”et vos, o lauri, oarpam et te, (5< proxlma rnyrte,/sic positae quonima auaves misoetia odorea.”

In Eclogue II, 55-57, is the tribute to springtime: "Sing as

we sit here on the tender grass. And now each field, each

tree young life begets. How forests burgeon, now is the year (67) most fair'," end in VII is the definite scene laid near the

banks of the Mincius which are "fringed with soft rushes, and

the swarming bees murmur out of the holy oak;" That famous V' -., : ■ : ■ . ' : ; . : (68) ■ passage of Arcadian scenery in I, 46-59, which Rand has said - ■: . . . ■ . • - : ■■ - "shows the quintessence of pastoral joy in nature" is a true

example of an idealized picture painted by a poetic spirit in

love with true nature itself: "Fortunate old man, her© amid

known streams and sacred springs you will find the cooling

(56) Op. Milton:"Yet onco more, 0 ye laurels, and once more/ Ye ntyrtlea brown with ivy never sere."

(57) Translation by Rand •

(58)Randj "The jmglcal Art of Virgll"p./Vf -131—

ahM@* Here neath a high cliff the vine dreaaor will sing

So the breeze a; nor will the n o l % plgWBs, your delight, or the turtle dove In the lofty elm cease plaintive song,” flhila passage depiots a type of imagination and poetic feel­ ing which the Renaissance Latin paatoralists could not hope to equal. ■ - ^ ' " " ' ' ' " ' ' ■

% r h a p s the most realistic touches in all the Vergilian

Eclogues may be found In the examples of the calm pastoral close, evident in every eclogue; save the IVth.; VHfch., and

VIIIth*^ Observe the illustration of this In I, wThe roofs of

farm houses aro smoking and longer shadows fall from high mountains^ II, ’’See, the bullocks return with the plough tilted from the yoke and the sinking sun doubles the length­

ening shadowsv*? and H I ; "Shut off-the rivulets now, my children, the meadows have drunk their fill1.'I Sannasaro makes

some attenpt to follow this convention in I, "Since your ex­ ulting friends hero and there on the shore await you and demand your strength at the net, come, let' us rise,....Thy fish baskets

weigh less are floating about;" in II; "The morning star, at

last from its distant rising shone forth and sprinkled the sea

with roseate glowy ^ and IV> "Luna little by little has begun

to pour forth her light and the powers of the deep have return­ ed to their crystal thrones#”

Sannazaro has made little use of certain bucolic eonvon- tiona dealing with nature treatment: personification of nature, reversals of nature, sympathy of nature, shepherd similes, and the like. The song of Tholgon in V, loses In eharm; because the author failed to observe the effective nature reversals of the song upon which it was based in

Virgil VIII* The sympathy of nature is illustrated in the

opening versa a of Eclogue I, in which the death of Phyllis

is bemoaned by sea-birds, with doleful plaints, the dolphins had deserted the sea, the divers were bewailing their grief3

in v.5G, of the same eologue, another effect of the absence of Phyllis is seen in the nthirsting shrubs and deserted shores'." $23® power of song which in Virgil's Eighth (1-4) caused the ’‘wondering heifer to forget the grass, the lynx

to stand breathless, and streams to change their courses and

cease to flowi" is Imitated in Sannazaro, V*4-6, where the

curved diore, sea-bordering Platambn and the sacred cave of

the Seraphs arc described as leaping forth to join the nymphs

of fcuntaln and sea, at the #0% of Dorylas andtThelgon, The

shepherd simile of Virgil V,45ff-in which Menaloao compares

the joy of Waring the song of Stopaus to the pleasure of sleep on the grass to the weary, or the quenching of thirst in the

heat from a gushing rivulet of sweet watery" is paralleled in

' ' ' " ' ; V ■ ' . ’ V- ' . Sannazaro I,106ff., in which Mlcon declares he would not

■rather choose the lament of Alcyone, or on the dripping grass

of the bank near the river listen to the swan's sweet plaintive

notes'! than hear the songs of Lyoldao, In Eclogue III, 54-58 -133-

Qhromls eoB$»upes M s life when Ghlorls loved M m to the carefree sport of youth In the fishing boats f,when surface waves of the tranquil sea are gently upcurled b y .Zephyrua'. 9

In the same Eclogue, lolas likens a wrathful tempest to in­ dignant Hlsa. Finally the lovely simile In Virgil1s Seventh

Eclogue, *gress softer than sleep', ? which had been suggested by the Theocriteon nwool softer than slumber" (v*51) Is re­ flected In Sannazaro 11.41, "wool softer than the foam of the seal? ;■ .

Thus we see that while Sannazaro makes some use of con- ventlonal nature expressions, they by no means hold so impor­ tant a place with him as with other pastoral tats of his time, nor as with the aiusi mt po et himself.

Simplicity of expression shares largely in the charm of

Sannazaro * s Eclogues, His accuracy in the selection of epi­ thets and his extensive use of such determines the clarity (59) of his pictures, Sannazaro has also a keen eye for color.

(69) Lope de Yoga, "Poesias Liricaa" Vol.2, Intro.p.28* n.l, says: "Aqui (en una pasaje do Sanasaro quo cita): pone el Sanazaro altos y espaclosos arboles. horridoa montes, oultlvados plant os, Aoc tas manoa y adornados • jordinesl !Do manero quo cast hay tantos epithotos como palabras, etc," The most noteworthy word imates of Eclogue I are: •ourvus dolphin", "piscosam Kesida", "fumosa antra", "tonttl vimine”, "tdolles. haronaa”, "coniferas cuprosous", "spmaantia marmora" , "prooelloms undas", " informs hor» rent! oorpore phoeas*, "vltuloa hirtos", "teneras algaa" "tenui arundine", "rtq>o patent!", "vellforas oar inis"; - 134-

*0«ruleua” la used to describe not only the sea, but the

god Triton

of the fair Britons (XU)* The color of gold is seen in

reference tp the sunny earth (I), to the biasing sun, (IV),

the golden sands of the Tagus (IV), and descriptions of sea

goddesses and nymphs as golden-haired (I« 84,99)(IV), Fire

lights up the night scene described by Sannasaro in II, and

in the close of the same poem, the sea is sprinkled with the

•roseate* glow of rising Lucifer# In the space of four linos

(37-40) of Eclogue I, there are as many colors expressed: (60) green myrtle* cerulean sea, purple shells and coral. The

colors in the Eclogues of Virgil arc not so varied nor so

in Eclogue II •lato pelago*,M3opito caelo” , Mvitrel3 undis", "nodosa retia", "tumidarum aquarum", "rapids# h a r e m s *5 in H I , "fragllem phaselumV . "oiotae leves", "madidaa harsnas", *ocean! refluentls", “tranqulllo aequore", "iratae prooellao", "pugnaoes ventos", "re- sonls rupibus*, "ventoel ponti*, "nodosa oorallla"; in IV, "veils majoribus , "nimbosa Pyrene"* "vagus Iberus , ra",- jugis nivosis", "liquidoa fontes", "cava moenaTa". "spuaaatem Llgerim", and in V, "scopill pendentis* , "aequoreus Platamon", "fluctlvagi ballaenis*

(60) The important place Sannqzaro gives to color in his descriptions is excellently illustrated in his "Arcadia" Proaa V, a description of the evening sky,"It was the hour when sunset embroidered all the west with a thousand varieties of clouds; some violet, some darkly blue, and certain crimson; others between yellow and black and a few so burning with the fire of backward-beaten rays that they seemed as though of polished and finest gold", (Simonds,"Renaissance in Italy", "Italian Literature", Vol.II.pp.203-210.) contrasting QS -tlioae in Sannazar.oJa poems, yet the harmony disolosod' in his settings of a green and golden haze with occasional touches of red and purple, no doubt would moke a greater appeal to the eye of the artist. -

Sannazaro^ language Is simple and smooth, and his versi­ fication harmonious. These qualities unite him with Virgil.

His sliyle for the most port follows simple pastoral lines.

An attest at the heroic may be seen, however, in 111,13-23, and In IV, which is patterned from Virgilfa non-bueolic Vlth.

Surely nothing in the stately song of Silenus can surpass Sannazaro's Fourth,63-68|

Turn liquid©a fontes subter cava moeniaducit Atollitque arces et culmina moatlbus aequat Te@t«rua, vastas protendit in aequora moles Euploeamquo procul trepldis dat oemer© nautis Atque Pharon; jungit soopulos praemiptaque saxa Teleboum Sarnique a m e s et plnguia cult a.

or (73-74):

Queis fretua, dictante Deai tot oidera nobis ProdMer it, taut a a caeli pafcefecerit eras.

while the tribute to his former king (vir-Sl), an utter departure

from the Vergillam BGle#w, forms a forceful and appealing

climax to the song of Proteus, all in the grand style.

The examples of epic style found in Sannazaro are always

kept apart from the Idyllic scenes. In Virgil, on the other

hand the epic element and the pastoral aro inseparably ming's—

lei?. Witness Virgil*3 Second Eclogue, one of the most purely

pastoral of his poems, and yet it is suffused with the epic

spirit. The song of Cory&on is not the melodramatic lover*s 136-

wail found in the typically Renaissance Lycon of Sahnanaro13

Second* Hor ia the song of Damon in Virgil VIII, nearly so simple asvthafc of Thelgon (Sannazaro V)* It too bears the stamp' ©f Virgil fa epic touch. The very opening verse of

Damon* 3 song indicates that it is to be something more than

& simple lover,a complaint:nRise, Morning star, and herald (61) in the gracious day,"and in hia next stanza:nMaenalua ever keeps his vocal forost and talking pines; ever he hoars the the loves of shepherds and Pan who of yore would not let the

.■ ' ■' ' ■ . : ■■■ roods lie idle1,7 or when lie rails at Love and disclaims it:

•On iron flints of Tmarlos or Rhodope or the' utmost Garamante is he born, no child of our kin or blood-7 The picture in

^snnazaro*s poem of the lover*s first meeting is as the rest of the song, of a languishing love honor:"Here she met me first at my asking; here that fair one stretched forth her snowy hand and fixed her silent eye s upon me'. 7 Virgil * a picture on the other hand is pathetically beautiful: "in our ertiiard-olose, I saw thee, a little girl with her mother,—

I guided you both— gathering apples wet with dew: the next year after eleven bad just received me; I could just reach (62) the brittle branches from the ground. n

(61) The following passages from Virgil’s Eclogues are token from laekall1s translation.

(62) Voltaire and Macaulay declare the lines about the first meeting as children the finest lines in all the poet’s work* (Sldgwick,p* J

. Thuo wo find, a depth of feollng and an exaltation of spirit, in the poems of Virgil, not evident in Saunazaro*a

Selogaea of simple pastoral theme. Although the Vorgilian . ' - ■ Eologuos are apt to be more artificial and literary than those upon which they vrere based> yet they are m e h more natural t h m the pastorals vrhich followed them. In the Re­ naissance was reached the height of this artificiality. San- nazarofs shepherds are not personalities in any sense of the

term, and the feelings he expresses through them are "of the

imagination rather than of the heart1.’/ The diepherds of

Virgil *s Eclogues on the other hand are much more realistic, and they are more or less individualized. lityrus and Men-

alcus,in Eclogue I,each have distinct personalities, the one,

happy, eon tented and optimistic, is oontrasted with his

watched and forlorn companion. In Virgil's Seventh, which

Sannazaro indltatos in his Third, the different natures of the

two contestants are evidenced by their speeches. Gorydon

offers an humble prayer (21-24); Thyrsia answers in a boast­

ful manner (26-28). Gorydon jropresents himself as Miaon (BB­

SS) idien he mates his offering in humble manner. Thyrais

answers witti a bargain offering (33-36), etc. If there is any

difference at all in the characters Ohronls and I d a s of San-

nasaro 's Eclogue, it is in toe slight indle&tion in the., open-

(63) Demogeot, J.^Hist, dee Litter&tures Etrangerem".p.86, who adds:nmais son language eat remarquable par la grace - 138-

Ing speeches of a less pessimistic outlook on the part of

OhrmlSe . ... : . - . ■" : , : v - : : ::: - ; : It Is the seeming reality In the speeches of the dejected . • ^ mnalcas In Virgil * a First which Influences the reader In the

belief that the poet Is expressing his own feelings of sym­

pathy for the ejected Mantuan landowners* The emotions ex­

pressed by the shepherds of Sannasaro"a poems are always of

til® artificial and melodramatic type (that is of course except­

ing those passages in which he departs from the conventional

models This is all a reflection of the court dramas of the

■period* • . /. s'..-1. . . : ■ - . ■■ .. ■ ■ , ,

The structure of Sannazarots Eclogues is more or less

closely modelled on that of Virgil^s poems upon which they

are based*. Eclogues, I, III, and V represent examples of the

emoeboean form* Eclogue I, however, while an. imitation of

Virgil*s Fifth* la not a contest as the latter,, but represents in simple dialogue form two shepherds bemoaning the death of

. ' . " ' ' ' Phillis* One shepherd confines himself to the song of Phyllis,

the other's place seems to be to offer gifts and encouragement

fa* the prolongation of the song* In Virgil * s Fifth, each ^,

singer sings one song of twenty-lines. Mopsus sings a funeral

et harmonic* Ges quelites le rapproohent quelquefois de Vergil# pres do la tombe duquol il devalt .moiu*ir, eomne pour placer aa gloire a 1 'ombre du grand poete*” -139-

song In honor of Bapimis# Menaloas matches it by a cor­ responding song of Daphnls1 apotheosis, they praise each fither and exchange gifts. Though In contest form, there Is no judge, no hostile rivalry#

Eclogue1111, modelled on Virgll*8 Seventh is a typical singing contest, which, after the manner of the ancient poet, is related by a third shepherd who had witnessed It. Follow­ ing the example of Virgil, the contesting zhepherdo sing alteroataly six stanzas of four lines each. In accordance

With the custom of such a contest, the first singer In each instance sets the theme, which the second singer attempts to outdo, either by answering In like manner or In contrast, tolls Mopsue (Sannazaro) like Heliboeus in the Eclogue of

Virgil, is not the contest judge, he does express M s opinion

as to the relative merits of the two singers. Mbpsus declares

- them of equal ability and presents each with a prize. Mell- boeus on the other hand decides in favor of Gerydon.

The amoboean structuw of V, is in very close Imitation

of Virgil *s Eighth. In each |K>em the poet speaks to ua directly

there is no challenge to sing, no contests the songs have no

formal connection, though baffled love is the theme of both.

Rather they are brought into contrast with one another. It is

like the Daphnls Eclogue of Virgil in one respect. It consists

not of a number of short efforts, as in Sannazaro III, and

Virgil VII, but of two continuous strains of equal lengths^ - 140-

The difference lies In the manner of presentation. Hero each song is divided into parts of a more or less definite pattern, each part followed by a refrain. As In the Eighth of Virgil, the two songs of Sannazaro*s Fifth, are divided

Into ten stanzas* the lines of each in one song, being equal in number to the lines of those in the other, though the stanzas differ slightly in location, The poems of Virgil m d

Sannazaro may be compared thus (the numbers representing the lines in each stanza): Virgil: Song of Damon:4 5 3 2 4 5/ 3 4 5 3 Alphosiboeus :4 3 3 2 5 6/. 3 5 3 4

Sannazaro: Song of Dorylao:4 33245/4353 Thelgon:4 3 3 2 4 5/ 3 5 3 4

The number of lines in both songs ia the same, and in every stanza except the seventh, eighth, ninth ami tenth. As in

Virgil, the stanzas are divided by a refrain, m the Roman poet1® Eclogues this intercalary verso changes but once* following the final stanza of each song. In Sannazaro the intercalary verse following the even numbered stanzas is changed in form from that succeeding the odd, v/hile the versos in Sannazaro 69 (repeated in 73 in changed form), and in v.116

(changed in 120) follow the Vergilian method in the closing refrain of each song, and assumo a different tone:

Virgil: Song of Damon; repeated refrain, every stanza save last: "ineipe Maenalioa meoum, mea tibia, versos!" last stanza refrain: "desine Maenalloa, iam desine, tibia, versus," - 141-

Song of Alpha repeated refrain every stanza save lasts "duoit© ah urbe dommu, mea Qaralna#du©lte last stanza refrains Daphnla.” “parsite, ah urbe vault, lam parcite, carmlna * Daphnia.*

Sannazaro: Song of Dorylas: refrain^ stanzas 1,3,5,7: . "Volvite praeeipitom jam nunc, nea licla rhombum' .n refrain, stanzas 2,4,6,8: ”Volvlto praeoipite.i, men licla, volvite rhonfomn' »’T

Concluding refrain, 9: "Sistite praeeipitom Jam nunc, mea licla rhombum*' Concluding r8frain,10s "Slatit© praeslpitem, jam sistite, lioia, rhombum1

Song of Tholgons refrain, stanzas 1,3,5,7: "Ezsere caeruleos, Triton, do gurglte vultnyi' refrain, stanzas 2 ,4,6,8i “Bxsere caeruleos, Triton pater, exsere v u l t W Concluding refrain,9: wObru@ aaemlcos, Triton, sub gurgit© vultua sM Concluding refrain, 10s "Obrue caeruleos, Triton pater, obrue vultus *."

Eclogues II and 17 are not amoboean In structure« The

Second Is like Virgil*s Second in shepherd*s love complaint in the form of a soliloquy. And like Virgil*s Ecloguo VI, the Fourth of Sannazaro presents the poet speaking and telling the story in which a god sings of non-bucolic subjects*

The Eclogues of Sannazaro, then, we find ore very care­ fully modelled on the Pastorals of Virgil* Influenced by his famous predecessor and in contrast to the other Eclogue writers of his own age, Sannazaro makes little use of allegory* Although - 142-

in his poems more apace is sacrificed in the interests of famed contemporaries than is evidenced in the ancient poet*8

Eclogues, this is always kept apart from the story proper and ia no way detracts from the beauties of the piscatory scene*

The predominant theme of Sannasaro’s poems is romantic love, which is treated in the highly sentimental and artificial fashion of the Renaissance * This Sannazaro adapts to the conventional thomes: the dirge, tho lover1s complaint, the contest, etc., which ho had found In Virgil, and which were

Incidentally the most purely pastoral of the Augustan poet*s work* In contrast with the Arcadian scenery of Vlrgil*s Ec­ logues, Sannazaro has transferred his to the sea, and describes familiar surroundings near the bay of Naples, Although Sanna­ zaro 1 a genius is not equal to that of Vergil, hin pictures are very clear and very colorful, v/hlle the simplicity and purity of his language and the smoothness of his rhythm disclose a true artistic temperament* In both the simple pastoral and in the grand style (IV) Sannazaro approaches the perfection of

M s master's eclogues* There is a greater degree of artifi­ ciality in M s Eclogues than that found In Virgil, due to the exaggerated erotic element* Love in Virgil's poems plays a . minor role. The highly sentimental emotions expressed by -

Sannazaro*a shepherds reflect the Renaissance melodramas. The

fishermen theoaelves have no individual characteristics* They

are all alike* Virgil's shepherds on the other hand have a - 143-

aeciblano® of reality* Finally, ths stmetur® of Sannasarofs tolog^iea is olosely fashioned after the Vergil lam patterns#

There is one example of the soliloquy, one of simple amoboean, one of the typical singing contest in which the shepherds contest alternately in stanzas of four lines each, and in wliioh there are prizes offered and a judgement given, and there is one illustration of amoeboenn consisting of two long contrasting songs# of ten stanzas each, separated periodically by an intercalary verse.

Thus Sannaznro has united the romantic character of the

Renaissance with the correctness and beauty of the ancients#

The Idealisation of Arcady in Virgil* s poems is no more delight­

ful than the enchanting scenes which Sannazaro pictures of

the bay of Naples* As Virgil nechoes’Theocritus yet sets M s

echoes to new harmonies In the poets own music" (Rand), so too does Sannazaro echo Virgil and Theocritus and yet, through M s

own s k i n achieves the effect of novelty* His poems are arti­ ficial but none the less enchanting* To condemn them just be-

cause they are artificial is to condemn the whole school of

pastoral poetry* "The artificiality of the Eclogue is an easent- (64) ial of the genre.? Sannazarots Eclogues successfully fulfill the requirements set forth by Boileau in his "Art Poetique" and

Repin in M s "Disoours sur la. Pastorale": they have the "simpli­

city of thought and expression, the delicacy and neatness of the (65) pastoral.?

(64) Lope do Voga "Poesias Liricas", Vol*8,Intro.p*15*

(66) Bright, "French Glassiciom" p.142* 4« Honrlcme Cayado

The little that is known of the lifo of Cayado has been largely deduced from statements found in his own writ­

ings# Ho was a native of Portugal, and son of a certain ■ (1) Alvaro Cayado, whose brave defence of his country no doubt

aided Hermlous in receiving recognition at Court# The fact

that the King, himself seems to have been interested in his

education (2) gives some indication of his social status# Ho

studied first at Lisbon under Goncalo Rombo and Cataldo Par-

iaio Siculo# Drawn to Italy by his desire to study under the (3) famous Angelo Polisiano, he devoted himself to the study

of literary art, in spite of admonitions of his sovereign as

woll as of his own cousin, who wished him to study law#(4 )

Following the death of Polisiano, (1496), he attended the

(1) Cayado, Kplgr. 11*105, "Pro patria gossit fortla bolla pater #/Au#lclls due tuque suo termque marique/ Inviota stafcuit millo trophaea mam,"

(2) Kplgr# H #67, "Sod iussu Regie, eui non paroro nofaa est,/ Romani cogor discore iura fori— /."

(3) Kol#II#KL-34«"Feeulea sod enim audierat sub rape canentea Pulitium torrae cultus vitamque beatom, Illiue extremum voces perduxit ad axem Nuntia praeclpiti go st o m a Fama volatu,"

(4) Epigr# I.5,"Discoro me cogls, Honi, civilla iura, Et donare lubes lorn mo a plectra rude#" -145- ;

(5) locturoo of Filippo Berotxldo at Bologna#

Among hi a many patrons may be numbered Anton Galeaszo

Bontlvogllo towhom his Sixth Eclogue la in part dodloatcd, lino Rossi, the "Dictator” of the city of Bologna, whoso country homo was used for a performance of aomo,of Cayado’o

Eologuoo, Robert Langton, of England, Archdeacon of Dorset

and nephew of Thomas Langton, Bishop of Winchester, to whom

the Sixth la addressed, Eroolo Strossl, with whom ho seems ' ' .. . • ■ (6) . -■ ■ , • . . • • : ■ to havo been aomeWhat Intimato, Pandolfo Collommcoio, Antonio

Tebaldeoi Cello Calcagnini, Piotro Antonio Azarioli, and

Filippo Boroaldo the Younger, who has thus oomciendod his ..

Bpigramss

(5) From a letter addressed to one of his professors at Flor­ ence, Marcello Vlrgllle Adrian!, "soncnlam tandem aospos access! periturus oranino In altia nivosisquo Alpibus, nisi per coeli quondam so renit atea venire ocsitigiaset# Phillp- p w " Berooldum, virum

(6 ) Epigr# 11,54: ”Salvo, Stroea, deous PierMum, gloria Apol- linia,/Quo nil oplendidiuo, nil melius posteritae oolet#/ Salue^ Strozladum progenies inolyta, nobllla/ .Patrlo farm Titi, vatequ® n

Blanohino, 0 vorteinm viromm imago, Dioam, quao mihi opinio, roganti. Do Caidi opigramaton lib©Ilia* Et Phoebus pater, ofc novem aorores, . Pallas aobria, ot obriua Lyaous Debent M i © homini aatis super quo. Gum sit tea pirns omnium sacordoa, , Et Phoebi furor, .et posts verus.

Other oontemporariea who have favorably mentioned his

poems are: Ludovieus Tosaira, who to honored in Eclogue VII,

Antonio TebaMeo, who speaks of hia writings in this manner:

qui leget hunc, tree lllo logo15 logot ille Gatullum, S ulm, tuua vatea, Mantua olara, tuum# Gloria nl traheret, titulum Hermlouo abdero librl Debuerat; dempto nomine, prisons erlt,

end Erasms, who In hia "Gioeronianua", has indicated a certain

admiration of the Epigrams:

Et lAiaitanoo aliquot e m d i to a novi qui vulgaverint .. ingenii sul specimen; neminom novi praetor Hermicum quon­ dam in eplgrammatibua felioom, in ©ration© solute prornp- tum ao felieem, ad arguaentandum dexterrimao dioaoltatis#

The date of his deatii is disputed• Baillot ’’Jugemons dos gavans® (Tom.IV, p.304) says he died in 1508, at Rome, while

•Barbosa Machado says that he returned to his own country, and (7) lived in retirement near Lisbon until his death.®

In the Eclogues of Cayado again, as In those of Andi*elinus, we find a less obvious imitation of the Vorglllan pastorals and

(7) The above account is a summary of the Introduction to Mus­ tard*^ edition of the Eclogues, in consequence, as in the Eclogues of Andrelinuo, we notice" a decreased interest in Arcadian scenery and a lack of con­ ception of the true nature of bucolic poetry, There is there­ fore a more pronounced impulse toward allegory, and tho purpose of tho pastoral is extended to moot tho customary requirements of Mediaeval and Renaissance Eclogues, Tho appeal to the sense of the beautiful Is completely overshadowed by the author *s evident desire to honor patrons,

■‘Each Eclogue is definitely addressed to a friend and patron who is often presented as one of the conversing aiopherds of the poem.

Eclogue II, addressed to Rodrigo de Pina, patron at the

Portuguese Court, presents two Italian shepherds singing the praises of an absent poet (Bermious), who recently had loft tho

Spanish peninsula and Its fertile fields to look upon the lands tilled by the Italian plough. The famed shepherd-singer, Pul-

Itiuo, Thorn he had heard singing beneath a cliff at Fie sole had offered the Inducement which influenced Hermioua to leave his native lend, Simllus then praises the poetic talent of tho

Iberian shepherd, and repeats a few lines of one of his famed poems, which (incidentally) are taken from Virgil*a Third

Georgia# Battus answers with an account of Hormicus* arrival in local pastures, of his greeting to the shepherds and finally of M s swim in a near-by pool, whloh oamo very near ending dia- : ' ■ " ; . - / ■ ■ '■ ' . . astroualy. He closes hi a song with an eulogy to the medical i - ' ' • skill of Cassius, through whoso aid the drowning man was restored to health* Stmilius oloaes the poem with a tribute to his friend and in the conventional pastoral raannor calls attention to the approaching shadows of night, which bide them depart*

the allegory in this poem is net intricate, al though the pastoral pretenee is more or lose carefully upheld through­ out* The absent poet (Hermlous) is Cayado, himself, who takes thie opportunity to toll of his coming to Italy (20-22, 37-38), to study under Poliziano (33-34), and of his unfortunate expori- ence while bathing in a fish-pond near the city of Florence

(63-95). This is explained in the introductory opisfelo ad- (8 ) (9) dressed to the honored patron, Rodrigo dc Pina* Hemious is presented as a typioal shepherd-poet* He plays the reed, and feeds his lambs and kids, and the charm of his songs draws forth the Nymphs and Paunl (w,5ff). His departure from Spain and subsequent arrival in Italy are described as a forsaking of the "fertile fields" (23) of his father lend, for the "lands and pastures" (22) of Italy, that he might see "Italioi cultus*

,*aratriw (38). Upon his arrival in Italy he is said to be greeted by the "local shepherds* at a time when "the sun was

(8 ) ttustard, p.7Q "Aeglogara itaquo ad to mittimus do Lusltaniae nostrne fertilitate do adventu moo in Itallam, deque infor- tunio quod mihi advorsa fortune obieoit dum in pisoium vi- varlo natarem, etc."

(9) Cayado oonanonly refers to M ms o l f as Hermlous in his poetry, Bistard, Intro.p.ll. 149-

shining midway in hla oourso and with opposing light was making short shadows, at a timo, too, vAien thd flooks happily wore aooustomod to relieve their thirst at the stream and shepherds to seek shelter in cool grottoes, etc," The noted scholar, Pollslsno, is presented as a shepherd singing be­ neath the oliff at Fiesole, and Hermious* desire to study under him is described as a desire to hear the songs of the shepherd singer (33-34). The shepherds, Similus and Bnttua, who tell the story aro not allegorical figures.

Allegory in this eclogue, then is concerned with a re­ presentation of the author and a contemporary scholar as shepherd-poets of the desires of the author transformed into the desires of a shepherd, and of certain events of his life presented as events in the life of a shepherd.

In Eclogue III, an older shepherd, Tirrhus, meets a young

Shepherd tending hla flock in the glaring heat of the mummer sun, and bids him come to a shady spot where he may protect his fair akin and also hear the songs of the celebrated bard,

Pacheco. Lyoidas answers -that ho is not so effeminate as to desire protection of his beauty, but would prefer to remain at his task and be a good shepherd. However he would like to hear .the verses of the new bard. Tirrhus answers praise of the youth, referring to him as an offspring of the gods, a gift from heaven, and so on. He then discourses briefly cm the results of fame, the treachery of envy, following which • 150-

hB mmmvdm tha youth, who follows the pr#e#pta of hla £brs- fathorn, Tim chief purpose of the poem is disclosed in the next twonty-fivo or so lines of Tlrrhus* speech given to praise of the poet, Pacheco# He pictures Pacheco as a native of •Parnassus, tho thrones of the Muses0 , and quotes a song supposedly belonging to the poet, in which tho poet Is made to say that ho, a herdsman, had boon lod by ambition to at*., tempt a greater undertaking than falls to the lot of a shep­ herd# He had concerned himself with •visiting the innermost sanctuaries of tho sacred mountains and mounting the Aonlan cliffs" but it had profited him noticing # He had left the sure for the unsure and hence faced the burden cf poverty. Lye Idas concludes the poem with praise for the poet could sing such a aong, Tho gold-bearing Tagus, which flows through the native land of the new bard, he compares to the Hindus in its honor of producing such a poot# The poem Is addressd to tibe illegitimate son of King

John II, and Its purpose, according to tho Introductory epis­ tle, is that of moral exhortation# The author hopes that tho young prince will be Industrious and at tho same time liberal (10) in his encouragement. of the arts, Lycidas would soom to bo

(10) "Igltur Aeglogam no at ram, inter alias quas fee ictus quasqu® facturl stums terfciam, tibi offerima, ut Her- aloi tul memlneris inter legeadum, ct ad poetarum imita- tionem enltaris, ut omnibus item bonorum ortium studlosis oppldo faveas, et llberalisoime opltulerls#” Intro# epis­ tle , Eol. III. mstard, p.73). -151'

tho prime In shepherd, garb. Line 40* addressing Lycidaa as ml offspring of the gods and of heavdnly origin indicates that he is of noble birth. If Lycidaa is tho prince, M s interest in caring for hi® sheep then probably indicates al­ legorically his pursuit of learning, in w M o h he seems to have (11) been very earnest. The author*s didactic purpose is re­ vealed in the speeches ef the shepherd* Tirrhus, yet there is no description, or other mark of identification which enables us to definitely declare him an allegorical present­ ation of the author* Although the absent poet, Pacheco la not specifically designated a shepherd-poet by Tirrhus, w .

72ff., supposedly taken, from a song of M s , present him as a

guardian of the herd. His pursuit of tho poetic art is re­

presented as aM venture into the sanctuaries of the sacred

mountains, and an ascension of the Aonian cliffs1*"

The extent of allegory in Eclogue III* them is seen in

an apimrent presentation of a young contemporary and patron

of the author as a shepherd, whose devotion to the ©are of

his sheep is an allegorical way of expressing his earnest

application to his studies* and the reference to a contem­

porary poet as a herdsman, and to M s poetic endeavors as a

venture into tho sanctuaries of the sacred mountains and an

ascension of the Aonian eltffb*11

(11) Intro .epistle* Eol.III. L’uatard,p.73,,,Guades ontm plur- imum litterariis oxorcltationibus, ot Latinae linguae mirifiae dedltus os, et bone omnino moritus do sermonis elegantla.u -152-

Ths real pirpoae of the poom. In aplte of the edifying asMtion declared in tim epistle, la the introduction of the new poet, Paoheo© to the young noble in the hopo Of securing (12) his beneficence for the impoverished young bard. The verses devoted to this subject, and those given to elderly advice, comprise the bulk of the poom.

The pastoral story of Eclogue V presents the shepherd,

Lantonus, who, returning from a religious festival, perceives the young Harynthon lying dejectedly beneath a jutting crag.

He bids tho youth disclose to him the eause of his suffering and offers aid such as he had given Hermicus when the latter was found wandering disconsolately through wooded by-path# and crying cut hia troubles to the air. MI\- book the poet, a guest, safely Into my home? he says, "I gave him great com­ fort and I am going to give him even greater if he should ever come to visit my ancestral home." Harynthon confesses he has committed no wrong. He has not set fire to his neigh­ bor1 s stables or cornfields, nor has he poisoned streams with

oi^r drug. On the contrary he believes that such a criminal

should and will suffer a deserved penalty, for "evil cannot

• long lie hidden’;? Lantonus Is thus incited to praise tho

simple life of the good old days and to regret that men are not so virtuous as they used to be. Harynthon chides him for

his pessimism and bids him remembor his famed uncle "whose

temples recently the fillet bound',7 and who had added a third

(12) Vv.72r95. - 153-

reoard to M s deserving deeds'.v Following this digression,

Lontomm sails Emr^mthon back to the cpestion at hand, and the latter confesses that ho has fallen in lovo. Ho tells of meeting a maiden of ontatonding beauty v/hilo ho was search­ ing for a lost M H e Harynthon again wanders £vom the subject

Into a discussion of the poison and treachery of Love, and this Is answered by lantonus in axiomatic style giving the causes and results of the flame of lovo# Finally Lantonus urges Harynfchon to return to the beloved fields of M s father's farm, and extols wour little island11 as a happy shepherd coxmtry# Bto praises its security, its military strength, and its beloved ruler. He would go further but night falls and they are forced to depart.

The poem is dedicated, to Robert Langton, a fellow-student and patron of the author. He is depleted in the Eclogue as the shepherd Lantonus, and M s kindness to Cayado is disclosed in vv,35-41, wherein he is described as coming to the rescue of the sorrow-stricken Heraieus, whowwas wandering aimlessly in . (13) . V ' the woodlands. Former proof of the identity of Lantonus as

Langton is f

..;..'.11 . . ... ' ..... ■ ...... 1 "".1 ".rTk".:"r,ITrr.r.~ r r 'mr m .jr[^.Iri ..- r..^...r‘'m .*.. ... 11. (13) Vv,^-41, ^Errabat opacis/ Hermicua in sylvis quondam, perque avia lustra/ Audit as null! iaotabat in aera voces/, Gumqu© locum miscrio quereretur deesse Camoenis,/Hospitlo tutmn vatem in mea tecta rocepi,/ Otia magna dedi, cui sum maiora daturus,/ si patrioa umquam oontinget visere fines,” - 154-

to occur* the favors of Langton (v t , 54ff). This purpose is further aided by the author1 a praises of Harynthoa in (15) tbe letter of introduction#

A summary of the allegory of Eclogue V discloses the author and two contemporaries disguised as shepherdsa the troubles In the life of students (aspiring young poots) da awribed as typical shepherd sorrows, and the patron1 s aid as the kindness of a fellow-shepherd, who takes his sorrow­ ing friend into his homo.

Two lengthy passages are concerned .with moral philo­ sophy, yet the authorfo true purpose in writing the poem seems to bo the same as that of Eclogue III, vis., patron­ hunting for a friend, while at the same time he takes the the opportunity of expressing his gratitude for kindnesses received.

Eclogue V H presents three brothers (countrymen), of

(14) 11 Hum memor es patrui olnxit oul tempora nuper/ Infula qua® meritis acoesslt tertla meroes?/ Dotibus immeneis animique et corporis una/ Praestat et antique, null! pro- bit a to aeoundus,/ Estque senseta virens, est et vener-

abilis 1111/ Canities, rugaeque aedent in fronts decora®1. ^3 : . The "tertla meroes" la explained by the introductory epistle (Mustard, p.80): "To nepote ex fratr® laetatur nimium Pont if ex Vintoniensia, qui ter Episoopus ob ogregia facinora declaratus ad maiores dignitates ewotus est,"

(15) Mustard, p.80, "Baudot te studiorum socio et oontubernali Guiolmus no star Harynthon, cuius orga te amorem et fldem miltis argumentis exploratem habes, Te amieo gloriatur Joannes eius frater, vir luris oonsultissimus, cuius oonsilio aerenlssimi Regia veetrl mater, augusta virago, nonnumquam utitur; tanta est viri illius prudentia." - 155-

nar# wealth than their neighbors (v*51) in eenversation#

The worries of the © Meat who, slnoo the death of their parents has taken th® part of a father te the two youngest brothers, have given his brothers sono concern, and the youngest attempts to draw from him the cause of hla grief,

Lygdamus (the oldest), after some rwaonstrance, confesses tlm loss of a golden-fleeoed ram and the destruction of an old oak planted by M s father* a hand. Ho also, it seems, is concerned over the absence of a friend, Alphoaibeus closes tho poem with a bit of philosophy, concerning everchanging fortune and the requisite attitude for meeting whatever fate may bring,

Th© poem is addressed to Alvaro Teixelra, second son of the Lord Chancellor of King John II of Portugal, and repre­ sents under the shepherd names Lygdamus, Alphaalbeuc, arti

Thyrsus the three brothers, sons of the Lord Chancellm?, who (16) are mentioned as studying in Florence in August, 1489, In the introductory letter Gayado explains that the shepherds mentioned are the ones to whom the poem is addressed and M s two brothers. Thyrsi#, he says is Tristanus the younger brother. The older brother, v/hot sine® the death of the parents had been a father to M s brothers (v,2). Is Lygdamus in tho

Eclogue . The worry with w M o h Lygdamus is bo sot concerning the slaughter of the golden-fleeoed ram that had suddenly made

(16) Mustard, p.86. 166

Its appearance In his hard and had subsequently been slain by a rabid wolf ( w # 72-84), and his regrot at the felling of a huge oak once planted by their father’s hand and the souroe of food for their swine ( w . 90-93), possibly Indi- eate an unsuooessful business investment of financial rever­ sals of some sort, whioh involved a part of their pstemsl inherltanoe* The absent ”Janua’1 (v» llOff,) is an honored friend (unidentifiable) of the brothers#

The pastoral pretenoo is seen in 63ff * in which the speakers are represented as countrymen owning pastures, many sheep and lands which are each year rented out in exchange for a;portion of the crops* In his speech (69ff) Lygdamus presents himself as a shepherd counting his sheep* The alle­ gory of the golden-fleeced ram is successfully carried out*

The shepherd hopes from this source to raise a shining flock which will bring him profits from its wool and milk* But a savage wolf, raging through the shcepfold killed the ram* The friend, Janus, is pictured as a shepherd who;pastures his sheep on the Etruscan shores and frequents rugged lands, and

in w*13lff*'he is bidden to change to better pastures*

Allegory, then in Eclogue VII consists in a representa­

tion of contemporaries of the author as "countrymen", of an

absent friend as a *shepherd", of presumably financial rever­ sals as the slaughter of a golden-fleeced ram, and of the loss

of a paternal fortune as the felling of a huge oak planted

by the father’s hand* - 157-

Ihe poem Is written for the purpose of lionorlns tt* throe sons of the Lord Ghaneellor of King John II of Por­ tugal, However the author cannot resist fa little didac­ ticism* and closes his poem with the comparatively lengthy speech of Alphealbeug on the' perversity .of fortune.

Eclogue V H I opens with'.a picture of the aged shepherd.

Bait)adieus* sitting on a lofty rock overlooking the Po, and counting his flocks and kids. The shepherd Cantarenus, of famed'ancestorg approaches and 'begins conversation, urging his friend to relinquish the cares which beset him and to concern himself only with the flock. Thus he will so in­ crease his estate that he will be venerated by hi a grand­ children for his industry and for the results he has achie­ ved, Gantarenus closes M s speech with an account of his own happy life* his .wife and children* B&rbadlcua answers ' - . - ' ■ with a little sermon on the folly of putting one13 faith in fortune. One should be "mindful whence he was borne to high places and so temper all M s life that no tempest with sudden. disaster might sweep down upon M m unexpectedly,"

Enemies are ever ready to bring destruction to your farm­ lands unless provident virtue stand firm. Finally ha offers a prophecy of honors to come for his friend, Gantarenus*

"I see twin doves flying and they confirm my prediction1,7 he says, "for the Idalian birds are not far distant, that favorite fgens1 of fair Venus," The poem closes with a - 158**

tribute to the aged shepherd poet*a song, following which

' : : .. ' ■ ' , - . . . ' ' ' #BeaperU3 pluagea down from high heaven, dark night inter- venea, and hoMing back the lands embraces them with black wings." : ’ The two shepherds presented are Zaoharia Oontarini, the

Venetian governor of the Poles!ne, and Agostlno Barbarigo, the Seventy-fourtih Doge of Veniee. Though described aa shep­ herds they parade under their own n a m e s T h e worries of the aged Barbarigo are disguised ( w . 16-18) as fears for the loss of sheep or the destruction of his fields by rapacious wolves or an hostile enemy* In v*59, Oantarenus refers to his heritage as a “herd* for which he furnishes pleasant pasturage and water from cool fountains* The prophecy of future distinction for cm Oantarenus in the speech of Baibadiouo, vv. 111-115 may indi­ cate the mission of Oantarini to France in 1401 as Venetian (18) Ambassador, to congratulate Charles VIII on his marriage,

However, though presented figuratively, this cannot be classed aa pastoral allegory*

Here, then, two ooatsmporariea of the author masquerade as shepherd-poets, their worries and fears are those that belong to a shepherd, concerned with the care of M s flock and pastures and finally the inherited estate of one is termed

(17) Vv* 111-113, 11 geminas video ire columbas/ Atque omen fiitnare neum, neo enlm procul mb sunt/ Idaliae volucres, pulchr@8;-jg®ns grata Dlonae*”

(18) Mustard, p.89^cl.VIII. •ass-

& *h0M R whose protection is the shepherd’s constant tnate#

The poem is addressed to Kaoharia Gontarlni, and honors

"both him and the aged Doge of Venice,, Agostino Barbariso,

The ethical aim is evident in the song of each shepherd* 0on- tar onus enumerates the fruits of industry* Barbaricus con­ demns the folly of trusting in fortune and urges the cultiva­ tion o f prudence *

Beyond the bare suggestion of allegory in Eclogue IV* there is no further evidence of pastoral disguise in the

Eclogues of Gay ado. This carefully phrased poem devoted to praise of the tranquil joys of country life, and its reflec­

tion of that "golden age of Saturn”, is said to be the song

of a shepherd, Beraldus (v.103), who is pictured as singing

from a lofty eliff* Beraldus is the author’s teacher, Filippo

Mroaldo, the Elder, to whom the poem is addressed.

Eclogue I, la concerned with an historical event of the time, n&molfr, the consequences of the French invasion on the

farmers of the vicinity of Florence •

The Sixth Eclogue dwells on the same historical subject,

and is in praise o f the sons of Giovanni II Bcntivoglio, one

©f whom was instrumental in spreading the report of Charles

VIII1s retreat from Baple#* •

A typical example of the nantiphone1 singing contest*

is found in the Ninth Eclogue, where1m two shepherds alter­

nately sing of the powers of Apollo and Aleides• In the -160.

final dealsion giving pre-eminence to Hercules, is contained a veiled tribute to a patron of the author. Erode I, reign­ ing Duke of Ferrara,: honored in the poem*s dedicatory epistle.

Summarizing the allegory in these Eclogues, we find the author himself presented as a shepherd poet in II, V, contemporaries similarly disguised in H , III, IV, V, V H , mad VIII, or as wealthy countrymen In VIIj in VIII, the in­ herited estate of a comten#@rary is termed a "herd", whose protection ia the alm#LGrd*s task; in II, events in the life

©f the author are depicted as events in the life of a shep­ herd; seeming reversals and the loss of a paternal inheri­ tance (VH) are described as:the slaughter of a golden, fleeced ram, and less of a,giant oak-tree planted by the father*s h m d ; student worries, desiros and aspirations give rise to allegory in a m u * e r of instances; the author as a student, in II, expresses his desire of study under a famous teacher as a desire to hear a famous poet sing; a contemporary's zeal in the pursuit of his studies is descri­ bed as devoted care of sheep (III), poetic endeavors are a

•venture into the sanctuaries of the sacred mount a Ins, e t c ; and troubles in the life of a student are presented in V as a typical pastoral lover's.complaint. Finally, the benifi- oence of a patron in V, becomes the kindness of a fellow- shepherd, who finds his distressed friend wandering in the woodlands and takes him into M s home* Thus, while Oayade does not ranks the oxtomslve use of allegory evident; in the poems of M s contemporary, Andrell-

»ue, end in the allegorical paaaagee attempts to uphold tho pastoral pretence more carefully, there la no Indication of a true artistic interest in idyllic scenery, nor of a less pronounced conception of the,bucolic type of poetry as a con­ ventional 11 genus* Ideally fitted for oovert allusion. Thar®

Is no example In Oayado*s poems of either political oi* re­ ligious allegory* It is all pers^ial, relating to the author or his friends and contemporaries. He la also a patron seeker, though usually In the interests of some aspiring young poet, rather than for himself. ' On his own part, the letters of

introduction seem to disclose a desire to express gratitude

for former favors.

With the exception of the passages devoted to allegory,

the subject-matter of Cayado*a Eclogues is largely non-pas­

toral. Shepherds converse, and in a pastoral setting, but the

'subject of their discussion often deviates from bucolic themes,

fluid in the resulting passages is demon at rated the author’s-

familiarity not only with Virgil, but also with Seneca, Ovid,

Horace and others of the early Latin writers* $Vhen making

use of Virgil, the author shows as much the influence of the

Aeneld and Georgies as of the Eclogues,

There is no originality In Oayadoj whatever M s own - 162-

thoughts or feelings, ho makes no attempt to express them*

Hia skill, such as It is, is due only to an ahility to

TOOoessftilly weave together ideas ond phrases gleaned from classical literature* In Kelogue I, for tostanoe, there is the same tone of dejection in the speech of Faustulus as in the song of Kelihoeus of Vizgil^s First Eclogue, end the cause of grief is the same5 the shepherds lands are menaced by.hostile 3 oldlers. However the re is little actual imitation of the Virgillan Eclogue* In Eclogue I, ftr instance, there

is the samo tone of dejection in the speech of Faustulus ns

in the song of Kelihoeus of Virgil*s First Eclogue, and1the cause of grief ia the seme; the shepherds lands are menaced by hostile trildlera. How e w r tiiere is little actual imltaticn /

of the Virgillan Eclogue* Ihen Faustulus begins the poem proper in verse 19, his opening speech then gh but seven lines in (20) (21) length, shows traces of the Aoneid III,II and I , of Virgil's (22) ' ' ' ' ■ .... . : , ^ V; BEclogue XM, and Ovid's MEpistolae Heroldum'1, and ”Meta- 7 (23) . . :■ . ' : ■; morphoses." Philemon's answering speech digresses into a

(19) In this respect he may be classed as a: typical -''•.'../writer of his time/ Speaking of the late Honaissance humanist, D@ Sanctis,. p*373, says; "The.writers no longer said what they thought or Imagined, or felt, because they were no longer faced by.an image, but by a phrase from Horace, or Virgil. 'People searched the ancients for fora."

(20) Gayado, I.v.20j "duoimus invlsi vitam dlls omnibus." Cp. Virgil, Aen. III.515 "vitam. . .duoo"; 11.647,"In- visua dlvls inutills annos demoror*

(21) Gayedo, I.VX22 "Foelices 0 saepe quibna mars con- -3163-

dtoscrlption of the earth1 a gemsls, amd. herein Is mingled.

mythologioal tradition and Lucretiansscience. The conception

df Chaos proceeding the world's creation as one of firs may

be found in Virgil Bclcgue VI, 31ff, and in the Aeneid VI,

764ff. There is also In the song of Silenus, mention of •

f^rrha and Nereus, though not in the same connection as here 4

The picture of the Deluge resembles in part the passage in ■ : , { • . ' ' . Virgil's "GeorgiasR wherein the Po Is described In flood# C ■ • . ' ■ ' : (24) The reference to the fires of Phaeton Is taken from Ovid - y'.'.' : . / . \ ^ y:(25) as is also the plirase in verse 34, "volitabat* , .favllla" - . y ... . / . ■ : (26) and verse 56, "saecula. . .Pynhae, * .contraria flammis*" .

Paustulus presents the dinrand horror of war vv.53-64 in l :. - . ■ ■ (27)■■ .■ , a manner recalling Virgil's "Aeneid” IT,301. The pastoral ■ ■ ■: (28) scene following, is seemingly based on a passage from Seneca,

tigit, et quam/ Poellcesl" Op# A@n* 1,94, "o terque qpaa- terque beat!, quia. . .coatigit oppetere# 1

" ■' ■ : y. . - ' ’ ■ ■ ■ • " v ■ a - ^ : •- (22) V#23, "Horum lam molliter ossa quieseunt* Gp* Virgil, Eel. X.33, Bquam molliter ossa quiescent v#24, "in cineres olim versl^nil talia oupantt’1 Gp. Virgil, Eel, X.20, "Amor non tails curat," . ?

: ' v ' : ' ' ' ' ■ ■ . ' ■. ,| (23) v,24, Gp. Ov. H.I.24, "versa eat in cinercs,'. *Trola ; Met.2.215, "inoendia terras in elnerem vertimt."

(24) v.32, "post Phaetontheos i g n e s O p . O v i d , Met.4.246, "post Phaethonteos. . .ignes.1*

(25) Ovid, Mob, 13.613 "favilla volat.”

(26) Ovid, Met. 2#580, "contraria flunina flammia."

(27) w . 53-54, "Armorum crepitus strepitusqie horrorquo furentera/ Ingurit." Op. Virgil, Aen. 2.301, "daremount sonitus armorumque ingruit horror." 164

(29) while v«66, resembles Ovld.fs ”Metamorphose3 5.628. The (30) name, Luolsca was probably suggested by Virgil, Eologue III.18.

These few references suffice to indloato Gayado*s in­ debtedness to the ancient Latin authors, the extent of his borrowings and the variety of his sources. Hence, in an imitative poetry so little dependent upon pastoral models, it is not surprising to discover a lack of consistency in the pastoral story, and a consequent Introduction of non-pas­ toral subjects which, after the fashion of the time have been placed in the mouths of shepherds. The shepherds themselves, being not real shepherds, but amtempor&rles in disguise are allowed to expand their conversations accordingly. Thus

0ayado, not c cnoerned with the suitableness of his material to the nature of the poetry he has elected to write, puts into the mouths of his shepherds conventional literary topics of the day: a little praise now and then for a patron (II,III, (31) V,VI,VII, VIII), or friend, or more expansively perhaps a few

(28) w . 56-59, "Umbrosae nocti vix lux sueoesserat alma,/ Sparserat et gelid© vix ooelum gramina rore,/ Emlsl pecus et rupta modo fronte. iuvencos./ Ut melius vacuae repararent ubera matrea, etc.* Gp. Seneca, H.P.417 "pastor golids cana pruina grege dimiaso pabula carpit; ludlt prato liber aperto nondum rupta fronte iuvenous; vacuae reparant ubera metres.” (29) v.66, "leporem. . .quern men doprendit latitantem vepr§ Luolsca, Op. Ovid. Met. 5.628, *leper1 qal vepre latens. - , (30) Virgil, Eel. III.18, "multum latrante Lyolsoa."

The above parallel passages are from Mustard notes on Eclogue I. lines devoted to patriotic 'panegyric in honor of hia native land (II), the land of hia adoption (I), or the country of a patron and friend (V); a few references to contemporary hlitory (I,II,VI); but most important of all he makes wide use of the humanistic habit of ethical dissertation. In

the last named, he la no more sincere than other moralists

of his time, all of whom were interested in diction rather (32) than in thought. His didactic themes are those hackneyed

by the use of the day. He praises simple life as the only

means of true content and happiness (VI), a conventional

mediaeval subject derived originally'from classical litera­ ls) ture,, and observed by Andrelinus in his Eclogues II, V,

and XII. Cayado devotes M s Fourth Eclogue which is the most

carefully prepared of all, to this topic. It is not a pastoral

poem, as pointed out in w . 1-2, but an attempt at something

higher, nevertheless its content and phraseology present

nothing new. One is forcefully struck by its resemblance to

Virgil *s "Georgia" II.457ff. There are also obvious Imitations (34) of Horace, Seneca, Ovid and the Renaissance Follzlano.

(31) There is no one Eclogue among those of Gayado devoted to Court Panegyric•

(32) Thatcher and Schwill, "Europe in the Middle Ages” ,— The Italian Renaissance, p.t.^r*

■ ■ , ■ _ (33) Huizinga, 11 The Waning of the Middle Ages , p./

(34) Mustard, pp.76-79. .166-

In Eclogue VIII la found a lengthy discourse on the necessity of and the rewards of labor, also reflecting the Georgloo of Virgil, and also made use of In Andrellnus* Fifth and

Iwelvth Eclogues* There Is the conventional reference to the Inconstancy of Love and Its causes and effects (V.111-129), which Andrellnus treats in his description of Cupid, Eel. XII, to the cycle of fortune (I, VII, and VIII), and the necessity of developing the virtue of providence (briefly mentioned in

Andrellnus I), to the futility of crime, because of its ultimate disclosure (V) (And.Ill), and to tho evils of envy which follow upon fame (III and VIII) (Cp. And. Ill and XI).

Vvhen Andrellnus deals with the above mentioned subjects he applys . them - to: certain events in his own-life, Oh the' other hand. Cay ado, when possible, resorts to mythology for his illustrations* As in I, for instance, when attempting to prove tb his disconsolate friend that misfortune, according

- . ' . ■ .. . ■ to the cycle of things, is sure to change, Philemon cites the legend of the world*s destruction by Phaeton*s flames and

Its recovery, the creation of the earth from fiery chaos, and the age of Pyrrha, which produced a new race of man after Mar­ cus had invaded the lands. In the Fifth Eclogue wishing to show that every secret comes to light at last, Harynthon quotes the story of King Midas * "Ass* a Ears;'! In the same

Eclogue, Harynthon, discussing the treachery of love, cites tragic examples from mythology: the fate of Pyraraus, and of unhappy Iphis, before the day of the Parcae^ of.Myrrha, of. -167

tilblla, and Orpheus who were strangely affected by the dart of GupId, and closes his dieaeration with the myth simile:

“Cerberus ejects a not more deadly froth from his mouth when unwillingly he tastes of upper air, than .that drug with which Cupid sprinkles the hearts of the wretched.11

And in VIII, the aged Barbadieus caution# his friend to put

, . " ' ' ■■ . ' no faith in temporary good fortune, for all things change; thus, he said, was Polyphemus, the richest in Trlnacrian fields, vanquished, when Ulysses, who was greater in plotting and greater in craft, robbed him of his “forehead1s light.M

Hot only in these /passages, but throughout the Eclogues

Gayado is very liberal in his u w of mythology. In every poem may be found one or. more references to familiar legends; to the story of Medea, of .the cruelty of Atreus, of the death of Agamemnon and Orestes* murder of Glytemnestra (all mentioned in I), to Hercules* encounter with Geryon, the three-bodied shepherd from whom he had captured the divine cattle and his consequent destruction of Caeus who tried to steal the herd (II), to Pegasus Mid the fouhts which sprung up where his feet first touched earth(III), to- Geres who first taught man cultivation of the aoil(IV), to Bellerophon, master of Pegasus, who made the first beginnings of the Aonian foun­ tain (VII)a Citation of mythological characters and places is noted repeatedly: mention of Jove (I/£I,III,VIII), of

Apollo (II,VI, VII; IX), of Polyphemus (III, VII, VIII), -168

Venus (V), Gupld(V), Tennlnus (IV), the Parcae (II), Tar­ tarus and the Elyslan fields (III), Parnassus (III,IV), and so on. The climax of this element in Cayado’s Eclogues cor.es

In the Ninth poem, which is entirely devoted to praise of

Alcides and of Apollo, enumerating in detail their powers,

' and mighty achievements. Thus the Eclogues of Cayado present a rather exaggerated illustration of the literary tendency of the late Renaissance to titllise pagan mythology, this

Indicative of course, not only of the intensity of reawakened

classic influence, but also of the growing disinterest in matters of religion. Hence the ethical passages of his poems

may be said to be inspired by pagan morality, rather than by Christian teaching. Not so those of Andrelinus, who very

clearly wishes his reader to understand his belief in God,

the Father Allpowerful, maker of all things (IV), the just

avenger of all crime (III, XI). He refers to his book on the

nWay of True. Religion" (III). To him the greatest sin any

man can commit is that of profanity (XI), or contempt for the laws of the Church, and the beliefs of Christianity (III,

XI), and in the Eleventh Eclogue he confesses: MI shall

always follow the sacred way of Christ."

Unlike the ancient pastoral poets, then, Cayado, as his

contemporary, Andrelinus shows no interest in the pastoral

story for its own sake. He belongs to that class of pas­

toral poets who, continuing and enlarging upon the practice of - 169-

the Eclogue writers of the Empire, Middle Ages and early

Renaissance, have lost sight of the true purpose of such poetry as an idealised picture of a fictitious golden age, and have come to recognise it as a literary form suitable as a background for allegory, history, allusion, didactic discourse, or any subject which occurs to the mind of the author, who himself is intent only upon pleasing a patron by display of his skill in artistic expression. Thus Cayado has Introduced into his "Eclogues" in addition to allegorical allusion, topics on ethical dissertation, stories from mythology, references to contemporary history, praise of contemporaries and pat­ riotic panegyric, and in no case is there an indication of (35) a sincere interest.in the subject matter treated.

Regardless of the fact that Cayado has shown little concern for the pastoral element, as such, he does manage to present a more complete pastoral setting in some of his eclogues than Andrellnus has done, and he too has made use of several pastoral conventions. Of the five attempts at painting a pastoral background for the atopy (I,III,V,VI,VIII), three (I,III, VI) are quite complete, comprising as nearly as

(35) His poems in this respect well belong to that class of pastoral poetry of which Demogeot speaks in his "Hiatoire de Lltteratures Etrangeres", p.148, nLa poesie n ’etalt plus qu’uh bruit mesure, une oomblnaisop de par­ oles egalement denueea de passion et de pensee. 170-

possible all the hackneyed descriptions associated with the

artificial bucolic: the glaring sun of midday from which

the shepherd seek refuge in a cavern or grotto (I,III,and Vi),

and because of which cattle shun the fields, frogs hide in

the pool and sheep under leafy branches (VI); the dry, parched (36) earth split open with the heat (III, VI); shade of "wide­

spread ing beeches’1 (III) offering peaceful rest; a nearby

wood, (III,VI); and a cool stream flowing close at hand (III),

and so on. All this conforms to the conventional custom

of associating pastoral content with the sensation of cool­

ness, as contrasted'with the discomforts of heat. This

Virgil observes throughout his Eclogues, as note Eclogue I.

v,53, frigus captabia opacum,*! II, 8, "pecudes umbras et frigora

cap bant,'! y.25, ’’pasboa ill is egere diebus frigida, Daphni, boves ed flumlna1» " 47, wquale per aestum/ dulcls aquae salient® sitin’, restinguere rivoj’' VII.57-60, ‘‘aret ager; vitio morions sitit neris herba;/ Liber pampineas invidlt collibus umbras,’? and X.42, "hie gelidi fontes, hie mollia prata, Lycori, hie it nemus. Shepherd similes found in the eclogues of Gayado are not modelled on those of Virgil. However they are not extraor­ dinary in their originality, and show no evidence of actual

(30) Op. also, VII.v.99, “I'erraque Phoebeo diffinditur usta calore." -171

nature observation. Note, for Instance, 11%.12-15, “as green grass la often turned into aahes by fire and so turned van­ ishes on swift winds, so does the dazzling Milton®as of youth consuned by the soorching heat pass away," or VI.61-63, "As the cluster-bearing vine weavea ltd trunk and branches in r slanting colls with tenacloss winding, thus have you fettered iny heart in constant bonds." Perhaps the best of Cayado1 s similes Is that of VIII.86-90, in which he likens the fate which is apt to befall a fortune carefully hoarded to an . . . ' age-old trunk of an oak tree: "For you often see an oak of age-old trunk fall prone,be fore the powers of the north wind, though once she had driven her roots deeply and long-contend­ ing, a victor in the lengthy struggle, she had stood firm . stretching her arms to the sky of her Father."

Nature personification of Gayado1s Eclogues illustrated (3?) (33) (39) in VI.4-6 , : VIII.10-13, VIII.79-82, shows the In­ fluence of Virgil VI.28, VIII.1-4, as do the two examples of

(57) while you sing they say the listening oaks rustle their tops, birds forsake their high nests and cherished loved ones, and goats are unmindful of the willows, nay, indeed, the Satyrs and the Pauni and Nymphs stand About v/ibh listening ears."

(33) VIIIilO-13, "The forests kept.silence and the tops of the hard oak trees bowed at his words and father Kridnnus, his hair bound in reed, smiled and amazed held back the waters motionless."

(39) VIII.79-82, "You would have seen wild beasts run­ ning up, and leafy mountains with oak trees shaking their heads, all those things which forthwith stood amazed. -172—

(40) nature contraries, found in V **81-83, and VI,64-70.

In six of his nine eclogues, Cayado observes the con­ ventional pastoral ending, in each of which it is the ap­ proach of night which brings the song to. a close. There is nothing of. poetic beauty, nothing of idyllic serenity in these passages of Cayado. In most instances he does little ■ ( 41) more than mention the approach of night. The close of (42) Eclogue VIII is an attempt at something better, yet what should have been a tranqll and natural scene Is here destroyed by the word "praecipitat”, and the figurative descriptlot oof approaching night. Virgil’s closing scenes are in vivid con- (43) trast to these.

Virgil VI.28, "Then thou slightest see Fauns and wild creatures snorting in measure, the massy oaks swaying their tops. (Translation, Mackail).

Virgil VIII, 104, "the Muse of the shepherds Damon and Alpheaiboeus at whose strife the wondering heifer forgot the grass, at whose song the lynx stood breathless and the streams changed their current and were still." (Trans. Maekail.)

(40) Cayado: V.81-83,. "They hunt for tigers in the ocean, stags in the air, they strive to produce honey from hard marble, and hope for Lyeum in the midst of the torrent."

VI.64-70, "Sooner will fishes leave the sea, and waves the fishes, sooner will the healthy herd loatho tender grass, sooner will nature deny the light of day to the world, and night will know not the fiery star— • darkness preventing and Phoebe and her brother will lose splendor, than beloved Mopaus will pass from my heart or our love vanish in thin air."

Virgil, I.53-56."Sooner shall light stags feed in the sky and the sea-channels leave the fishes naked on the beach; sooner, over-wandering both their boundaries, shall the exiled Parthian drink of Arar, or Germany of 173-

Thus while Gayado ree ognieea ,the oonventloaal.scenery in the setting and close of his Eclogues, and observes the typical nature expressions, shepherd similes, nature personi­ fication and nature reversal, he offers nothing' original, (44) and shows no evidence of a natural love of the country.

Ills scenic descriptions are a mere background for non-bucolic subjects.

in four of Gayado1s Eclogues (I,V, VII and VIII) may be found that characteristic note of dejection without which the court-pastorals of the Renaissance were not complete, In each poem is pictured a disconsolate shepherdxand a comforting

friend. The cause of complaint in no Instance conforms to

a studied plan of the author as was the case of Andrelinns, whose sole purpose was to appeal to the sympathy of a hoped-for

the Tigris, than his countenance shall fade from our heart.” (Trans. Mackail)•

(41) Eclogue I. "Mow come, since night approaches the earth," II, "Now the dusk of night comes upon us and clouds darkening the sky impede our progress," IV, |t "The care of my cattle arouses mej see Evening comes, and V. "Might is falling and our friends are far away." 1! - (42) VIII. But Hesperus plunges dmi from high heaven, dark night intervenes and holding back the lands embraces them with black wings."

(43) Virgil, I. "Already, afar, the farm roofs smoke, and the shadows fall larger from the high.hills.” II, "See, the bullocks return with the ploughs tilted from the yoke and the sinking.sun doubles the lengthening shadows." - 174-

(45) patron. 'fhe aasumptlon of poverty, that popular ^enals- aance theme Is Illustrated In Eologue I, In v/hleh a distressed shepherd bewails the destruction of his lands by Invading soldiers, a complaint suggested as has been said, by the song of Kellboous In ylrgll*s First Eclogue. Eclogues VII and VIII describe contemporaries In shepherd disguise, disconsolate over financial reversals or some other unde scribed misfortune.

Eclogue V contains the only example in Gayado’s Eclogues of the unrequited lover’s complaint. However there Is in it nothing of the passionate lover1s wall, illustrated so well - . - ■ by Sannazaro. Gayado’s shepherds converse learnedly bn the philosophy of love and pedantically cite Instances from an* clent mythology to prove their statements. Thus while Jayado • follows the eologue custom of Introducing the "complaint" In his poems, he does not suit It to a designed purpose as does

Andrelinus, nor does he carefully Imitate the practice of his predecessors. To him it is just an incidental characteristic

of pastoral poetry which convention has made indispensable.

(44) His only attempts at realistic description of nature may be seen in Eclogue IV where he presents the life of the husbandman each season of the year, and even here his ideas are obviously borrowed. Although there is mention of the Arno (1.61) of Piesole (11.33), and of the Po (VIII.1) no indication is shown of an attempt to keep up the local coloring.

(45) In the Rrepeated*1 song of a poet friend by Tirrhus of Eclogue III is a Mpatron appeal** indirectly expressed by the picture of the financially distressed bard. - 175'

Desire to display learning and to achieve a certain

elegancy of expression, the latter in conformity with the

taste.of his time, are the influencing factors which deter­

mine the style of Cayado. When dealing with the pastoral

story proper, the expression assumes the form of ordinary

conversation, or in the case of I, VII, and VIII, simple nar­

ration. However when any extraneous subject is introduced

the author has endeavored to imitate as nearly as possible

the style as well as the content of his models. Observe,

for instance, Kclogue IV, in which Cayado has carefully

assumed the very phraseology of Virgil’s "Georgies", or

Kclogue IX, which,clearly reminds the reader of Ovid’s

"Metamorphoses". When dealing with ethical topics, on th®.

other hand, he becomes proverbial, i.e. in VIII, I53ff. he

expresses himself thus: "He who is wise is unwilling.to trust

in joyous things. It is necessary to hope for the better in scarcity. ,1’lmes change, favoring fortune v/ithdraws, nothing

is ever steadfast, nothing lasts for any length of time, or m Vl.llOff. "Past time has learned not to turn back. What was

can never be; prudence has fixed in the remembering heart

the deeds already done," and so on. Thus, Gayado*a style

.varies in accordance with his subject and herein, as in all

other respects, he is a careful imitator of those v/hose works ho has read. . - 176-

Tho structure of Cayado$a Eclogues has little in coni-' men with the Eclogues of Virgil. Usually the shepherds meet in a cave, under a jutting crag, or in a meadow or roadway from which they retire to a grotto for song, and converse in simple dialogue fashion. In Eclogue V, one shepherd answers the other with a few verses on the same theme, begun by his friend, but there is no indication of a contest. The greater part of Eclogue VI is devoted to an exchange of courtesies in which-each shepherd seems to be trying to outdo the other .

However there is no mention of a contest, and though a third shepherd joins the group, ho does not act as judge, but him­ self enters the conversation. There is ono poem composed of two long songs (VIII). However, unlike Virgil1 a ^ifth, it is not a contest, and each singer is introduced by the author; who also concludes the poem. Eclogue IX represents the only

example of the singing contest found in Cayado‘s poems. Two

shepherds contest in alternate four verse stanzas, there is

no judge, no stakes are pit up, and there are no prizes; in the

end one shepherd acknowledges himself defeated. Tills resem­

bles no Eclogue of Virgil. Finally there is one Illustration

of a poem composed of one long song (IV), one however which

cannot be classed as a pastoral. Thus while Cayado recog­

nises the amoeboean structure in all of his eclogues save one

and In one eclogue describes a singing contest, he is not - 177-

consclentions in following the variety of the amoeboean in the ancient eclogues, nor is he careful to pattern his singing contest after any known model. The reason is, of course, that he is not concerned so much with writing a per­ fect eclogue, as with displaying his erudition in all branches of classical literature.

The Eclogues of Gayado as those of Andrelinua show no evidence of a direct influence of the ancient prototypes, the common traits which they hold with these being relics only of pastoral tradition, vim., the dialogue forai, the singing contest, pastoral setting.and serene close, nature similes, personification of nature, nature contraries and the like.

Later pastoral characteristics,' many of which, - themselves by c distant use, have become conventions are illustrated in these eclogues* Allegorical allusion, patron flattery, desire to display a wide field of learning have Usurped the place of idyllic scenery in the interest of the author. The pastoral settings, comprised of hackneyed descriptions are no' more than a conventional framework for non-bucolic themes.

The allegorical function of this kind of poetry is realized

in Cayado as in Andrelinua through personal allusion, this

in contrast with the religious and political disguises of mediaeval allegory. However, within its own sphere, Cayado1s

allegory is quite varied and complete, and Indicates the un­ 178-

limited extent to which pastoral poetry was, in the Renais­

sance considered its medium. The erudite shepherds of

Oayado’a poems conform to the Renaissance bucolic pattern; they are not shepherds but contemporaries in disguise who converse learnedly on subjects ill-adapted to the Arcadian

scene. Certain specific Renaissance pastoral conventions,

the "complaint" and the "assumption of poverty" are also

followed by Cayado. A number of humanistic traits may be observed in his eclogues, a favorable attitude toward Pagan­

ism, a flair for ethical dissertation backed by mythological ' - (4 6 ) examples, and imitative of the ancient Latin moralists, an interest in diction rather than thought, in "accuracy and „ (47) .elegancy of style, imitative of the classics, and a super­

ficial display of- learning, lacking sincerity or depth of

feeling. Motivated only by his desire to honor patrons, and

to display his classical learning. Inspired by no poetic

impulse, intent upon a careful imitation of his ancient models,

and conventional in his treatment of nature, Cayado shows no

trace of a natural wit or originality. His pastorals belong

•(46) "The humanists of the Renaissance emphasized the third of three moral currents which were then powerful: the tradition of the Church, the return to primitive Christianity in the Reformation, and the non-Christian or Pagan morality." bright, "French Classicism, p.51.

(47) Thatcher and Schwill, p.&a.-)"". ~ 179~

to the same class as those spoken of in the Introduction of

Lope de Vega's Lyrics (p.18): they wore always society verses made to treat of friends, of the desire of patrons or lords, etc,. When they pleased these people they served the purpose for which they were written. 5. Antonio Geraldini

In the Eclogues of Andrelinus and of Cayado was illus­

trated the tendency of Renaissance pastoral writers to dis­

regard pastoral scenery in behalf of varied other topics which were not in themselves bucolic. They did not, however,

fail to show some recognition of pastoral convention, and

though the shepherd atmosphere was decidedly relegated to

the background, there was at least an attempt at pastoral pretense.

The Eclogues of Gerald ini, on the other hand, give but a flash now and then of theconventional pastoral;". They

are in no sense pastoral poems, in some instances the title

only being Indicative of the author’s chosen form of ex­ pression.

These Eclogues were written hurriedly, and conform

with the author*s purpose of presenting in popular form, for school use, the New Testament stories of the Life of Christ.

They ore narrative in style, and in consequence show a

greater reliance upon Ovidlan phraseology than upon that of

any other ancient author.

Their author is n native of Italy. He was born in

Umbria about the year 1449. In his early twenties, he be­

came connected, through the influence of an uncle, Angelo

Geraldini (Italian ambassador to Spain) with the Court of

Spain. There he served King John II of Aragon, as secretary, -isl­

and as diplomatic messenger to the courts of France end England, and Sicily, in the latter place receiving, in recog­ nition of hie poetical ability, the poet’s crown, this from Ferdinand and Isabella, who were at that time King and

Queen of farther Sicily. In an epigram appended to the first edition of his Eclogues (1485), he tells us: .

Tree mihi dent nomen terrae, tres laudibus orno, OenotriamV Hesperiam Trinacriamaue, plegas. • Ilia tulit, fovet haeo retinendo, tertia paacit; Sic genius, sic ars, sic mihi fluxit honos. Stirpe Geraldine duoens Antonius ortum, Temporibus lucem principibusque deal; _ Nam lustrtivi orbem regum legetus, et horum Descripsi variis gesta decusque modlsl ' Haec mihi ter denos intra sore oontigit annos. Box sacer ad sacras res nee vota tuli; Manque clego fastoa, lyricls sed versibun hyr,nos, Heroico cecini mystlca sacra pede. .Fernando felixvlxi sub principe, sub quo Maurorum Europae cessit ab erbe genus.

I'hile in Sicily he is thought to have become secular priest, and the "tertia pascit" of the above epigram is said to refer to him as nCommendotafioM of the monastery of Sant’ Angelo di Brolo. His brother, Alessandro Geraldini, was the first bis­ hop of Santo Domingo. His uncle, Angelo Geraldini, was

Bishop of Suessa. •

When Ferdlnand became King of Spain, Geraldini was made his ambassador, first to Florence, and later to Roma. In 1486, he delivered an oration before Pope Innocent VIII, in which he said: "Ego enlm, licet nation# aim Italus, tamen Riepenus sum education#, quippe qui a teneris annis in Hiapania Hia- panorumque regum obsequio versatus'.T - 182-

The date of the death of Geraldinl is unknown. He Is thought to have lived until 1488-or 1489.

There Is evidence of Geraldlnl's connection with several prominent men both in Italy and In Spain. He is said to have aided Christopher Columbus through his influence at the Court of Spain: KIbi ab Antonio Geraldino, fratre xaeo, Pontlficio

Legato et homlne olariasimo, qui paulo ante e publics ad

Innocentium Octavum, Pont. Max., legarione redierat, vehem- (1) entiesime adiutus est." One of his odes is addressed to

Pompon!o Leto, noted R o m n scholar. His Eclogues are pre­ faced by a dedicatory epistle, addressed to Alfonso, Arch­ bishop of Saragossa, and "Regis Hispanorum filiue'.'! His odes are addressed to various Cardinals and dedicated to

Pope Paul II4 Another book of odes is dedicated to the

Princess Joanna of Aragon, others to Cardinal Mencoza.

In addition to his Eclogues, others of his works still in existence are: three books of odes, a book of Bpodes, dedicated to Queen Isabella of Spain, which contains nine

Latin paraphrases of the Psalms and six Latin hymns, and an (2 ) eclogue extolling the Geraldinl family. - 1

(1) ”Itinerarlum ad regiones sub aequlnoctlall plage consti­ tutes Alesandri GeraIdinf;? lib.14, Rome ed., 1631. quoted by Mustard, Intro, p.13.

(2) The above account of the life of Geraldinl is a summary of Mustard*s Introduction to his edition of the"Eclogues of Geraldinl." —183-

Save in one or two minor instances, allegory of contem­ poraries hasbeen disregarded in the Eclogues of Geraldlni.

In Eclogue I, for instance, the poet presents himself as a shepherd-poet, LyeIdas, who is seated with a shepherd-friend, on the cold ground one frosty morning, and is after a show of reluctance persuaded to sing of the prodigies foretelling the birth of Christ. The friend, Mopsus, is Alfonso, "Regis

Hispanorum filiusj’l and archbishop of Saragossa to whom the poems are dedicated. In the concluding Eclogue (XII), Ger­ aldlni again appears in the guise of a shepherd-poet, e nd assumes the name of Lynoeus. Here, after having turned his flock into pasture, he passes his time with a farmer friend,

Lyons, "guardian of the Heaperides and cultivator of Arino, who is pictured as plowing a hard new soil for future use.

Lycus is some official of Arino whose identity is unknown, and to whom evidently the poet offers a veiled"tribute in the lines 19-20, spoken by Lycus, himself:"validas dum scindo

novelss/ Venturisque paro Cerealia messibus urva . . . ."

In this poem, as in I, the pastoral shepherd pretense is merely an introduction to. the real sub ject, which in this

case the author has termed MDe Vita Beata'.r

The remainder of the eclogues are devoted strictly to

stories of the life of Christ, no further mention beind made

of the poet or of his contemporaries. Christ is everywhere,

of course, presented as the shepherd of his flock, in some instances, however,being burdened with a name derived from 184-

the artificial pastoral, es, for instance. In VII MDe Passion®

Sal-ratoriaV’ where He is called Dap^nis, or in IV, VIII, end

IX, in which the mines, Jollas. Acanthus, and Athenetus, are

applied to Hir.. itery Magdalene also, in Eclogue VIII, is

given a shepherd name, Aegle, and the three Wise Men (Caspar,

Baltasar, Melchior) of II, are called respectively, Granlcus,

Battus, and Micon. Satan is "Charon" in one instance (IV), and twice (VI, XI) is described as the wolf which ravaged

the sheepfold. The "Inst Judgement" (XI) is allegorically

termed a segregation of the flock by the Good Shepherd, who

culls the loathesome kids from the snow-white lambs, and in

IX, the "nourishing seed s',» which Cephas (Peter) is bidden

to scatter in all the forests and fields for the benefit of

shepherds and farmers, are symbolic of the teachings of Christ.

Thus, allegory in tho Eclogues of Geraldini, while of little importance, is of two varieties: that resulting from

Renaissance influence, and concerned with the poet and his

contemporaries, and the other derived from the Bible itself.

In the first, the author presents himself as shepherd-poet

(I, XII), and contemporaries: as shepherds (I, XII), end in

one instance alludes to "the efforts of a contemporary in

behalf of his country as the conscientious toil of a farmer;

further. Biblical characters In tho story proper are given

shepherd names derived from the artificial pastoral. Allegory IBS-

taken directly from the Bible or suggested by it may be seen in references to Christ as the Good Shepherd, and his Apostles as his "flock,” to his teachings es "nourishing seeds,? to

Satan as a ferocious wolf a menace to the sheepfold, andto the Last Judgment as a segregation of the undesirable kids from the lambs.

In but four instances in Geraldlni’s Eclogues is an attempt made to paint a pastoral setting for the story. The scenes of Eclogues I-and XII have been mentioned above. Ecl­ ogue, V perhaps more nearly approaches the conventional pas­ toral than any of the poems.- It is, in the first place, a singing contest with judge and stakes, though the songs are in themselves non-pastoral. A scene is set characteristically in the opening lines, and is a more or less complete picture: it is springtime, the sky is clear, the earth in flower, the cornfields glistening, trees are bursting in leaf, and the meadows are filled with the songs of birds. There is also an exchange of compliments preceding the contest, and the poem is brought to a close in the conventional manner: approaching night recalls the shepherds to their labors. There is in X a suggestion of a scene offered in vv.8-9, in which we are told "pastorally" that it is midday:"The Sun had dried the grass dripping with the moisture of heaven and the cattle v/ere going from pasture to the streams';?

Of other pastoral conventions, Geraldini seems to have -186—

observed more oommonly that pertalnir^ to mture comparisons.

His similes show no Indication of having been pattersted after

either those of the ancient Eclogues of those of the Renais­

sance. Observe, for instance, 1.7-11: HAs Lucifer proclaims

the awaited day, preceding the rising Sun with his shining

light, so had that fore-runner, clothed in the rough akin

of a shappy camel . . . shown by his appearance the crimes

later shouldered by the lamb,7 or III. 81-83, in which Lynceus

hails that blessed day when the world and all the universe

will be purified with holy fire: "The world, its burden of

sin removed, will grow green and young again, and restored

in the flower of youth will emerge, as the slippery snake,

his skin discarded, grows young again.V There are several

brief similes, those, for instance in which Geraldini com­

pares the purity of the Son of God with the whiteness of

snow (III), or His splendor with the glow of the Sun, or

the brilliance of stars, (III), or when he likens a furious

mob to a raging whirlwind (VII), or a chill-racked body to

a field of cornstalks tossed by strong blasts of wind (V).

And in IV, we find a pure shepherd simile: "He wished to

join old rites with the new as two sheepfolds are sometimes

encompassed by one wall;7

One lovely passage in 1.47-48, presents to us the only

example of nature personification found in the Eologues of

Geraldini: "Night bringing Hesperus drives in his nocturnal

herd, and soon in the broad expanse of heaven will pasture

his scattered stars." - 187-

Thus, while Geraldini has for the most part disregarded what had become for his contemporaries, the essentials of the

pastoral mode, he cannot be said to have utterly overlooked

them. . In four Eclogues (I, V,X, XII) of the twelve, he has made some effort to produce a pastoral setting, he has used

several nature similes, has given us on® example of person­

ification of nature (1} , and, finally, has observed in two

Eclogues (I, V) the calm pastoral close. However, even in

the Eclogues in which these customs have been followed, the

pastoral,element is never more than incidental (with the

possible exception of V), and in no case does it detract the attention from the narrative of the poem. In a number .

of eclogues (II, VI, VIII, IX, and XI)^ there is nothing,

other than the title "Eclogue* or the names of characters

to indicate the classification of the poems.

Perhaps the most striking contrast between Geraldines

Eclogues and those of the ancient authors, is his disregard

of the customary variety of subject matter. Each of his / - - - -- ^ 2 ^ poems is a link in the chain of his story. Eclogue I is

devoted to the prodigies foretelling the birth of the Saviour;

Eclogue II presents the story of the Three Wise Men, and is

titled "De B#gum Adoration©"; this is followed in Eclogue III

(3) This was the practice bf the 16th. C. writers of pas torsi romances which received a widespread popularity throughout Spain. 188-

toy the story of the boy Jesus, lost from his parents and subsequently discovered in the temple conversing with learned doctors; Eclogue IV concerns the -Baptism and Temptation of the

Saviour; Eclogue V enumerates the miracles performed by His hand; Eclogue VI is titled nDo Institutions Sacrament! Eu­ charist iae" ; Eclogue VII,"De Basaione Salvatoris"; Eclogue.

VIII,"De Resurrect lone Salve t oris"; Eclogue DC, "Do Ascen­ sions Salvatoris"; Eclogue X describes the origin of the

"Apostles Creed", as composed on the Day of Pentecost, each

Apostle contributing one Article; Eclogue XI concerns "The

Last Judgmentand Eclogue XII extolls that "Vita Beats" when the world, purified of sin will become a part of the heavenly kingdon. The suggestion for a work of this kind may possibly have been derived from the early religious or liturgical drama of Spain, the "Officium Paatorum»7 which was wholly sacred in character and made no attempt to give (4) a realistic picture of the life of shepherds. As in the

f i i t (4) C*a»'fo'r-d f "Spanish Pastoral DramaThe earliest extant example of the "Officium Pastorum" is the "Hep- ) resentacion del Naoimiento de Ruestro Senor’,7 toy Gomez Manrique, presented at the convent of Calabazanoe on Christmas Eve (between 1467-1481). The Spanish Eclogues of Juan del Encina, which post­ date, those of Geraldini about ten years, and which dis­ close,a unity of theme in religious topics, are declared to be direct descendants of the liturgical drama. (Tick- nor, p. ayr ) Some of the titles of Enoina*s "Eclogues" are: l."Eeloga representsda en la noche de la Natividad de Nuestro Salvador';? 2. "Ecloga representada en la mesma noche de May id ad*; V 3. " Representac ion a la muy bendita pasion y muerte de nuestro precioso Redentor"* end 4."Re- presentacion a la sentisima resurreceion de Christo*. - 189-

roligious drama, Geraldini has Introduced Biblical characters in the dialogue, and in one instance (Eologa IX "De Ascen­ sions Salvatori s” ), a chorus appears whos e part it is to answer the song of the Resurrected - Christ. Gerald!ni has been careful to preserve the accuracy and lucidity of his stories.

In no place does he destroy the unity nor detract from the sacredness of his subject by introducing personal or contem­ porary history, or patron -flattery, nor does he digress, as might hove been exrected, into the-channels of Christian

■ ( 8 ) - philosophy.

(5) Propriety in the later Spanish Pastorals, however, is riot so carefully observed, contemporary allegory and light songs of a "vaudeville"- nature contending with the religious elements ‘ for first place-. In m e of Encina * s Eclogues, for instance, the characters represented in the dialogue are the four Evangelists: St. John plays a part of a dual character. He is the Evangelist, and at the same time, represents allegorically the poet himself. To accord with his allegorical disguise, he is made to sing the praises for himself as a poet, and flattery for the Duke of Alva, his patron. Matthew rebukes him for his vanity and tells him that "all his works are not worth two straws", after which he too joins in praise of the House of Alva. Luke and Mark enter and announce the birth of the Saviour as the latest news, and all join in discussing the great event. The poem closes with a "villancico" or light rustic song. (Ticknor, p.291) The height of this lack of decorum may be seen in the "Auto of the Sibyl Cassandra" by one Gil Vincente of the early loth C. an ardent imitator of Encina. Cassandra . is a -lay prophetess who has had visions concerning the Virgin birth of a saviour. Solomon makes;love to her, and seeks her hand in marriage, but is refused, in spite cf the endeavor of her aunts (the Cumaean, Persian and . Erythraean Sybills) to persuade her by enumerating her lover's good points. Upon her insistent refusal three uncles: Moses", Abraham, and Isaah are summoned, and they with Solomon enter dancing a sort of mad dance, and singing: "She is wild I She is wild!/ Viho shall speak to the child? etc.". . . Cassandra is unmoved in behalf of Solomon. . .The uncles consider her crazy, and enter upon a long theological discussion. 190-

. The Vulgate Bible Is the chief source of Geraldini’s stories, which are for the most part product of a combined version of the accounts given in Matthew, Mark, Luke and

John. Some of his statements are, however, derived from later tradition. In Eel. X. 48, he tells us that, after hi® cruci­ fixion, Christ descended to Tartarus, and freed the Manes of the Holy Fathers, a ’belief which is also mentioned by Dante, (6 ) Inf. 4.52ff. Other interesting traditions mentioned by Ger- aldlniand not found in our version of the Bible ere: the belief that the ox and the ass bowed down in adoration before the Christ-child (Eel.I.125), that the Wise Men were three kings (Eel.II), that Moses had horns ("like those of the fleet- footed Fauni") (Eel.I.57), that the Devil is black, with flashing green eyes, and befouls' the air as he - leaves'(Eel."IV. 20,64), and that the "Apostles’ Creed" was composed of articles contributed one each from the Apostles on the Day of Fente- -■ ■' (7) cost (Eel. X).

following which a curtain rises disclosing the Christ- child in the ranger surrounded by angels singing a hymn. Devotion follows and the poem closes with the entire cast singing arai dancing. (Tioknor, p. 293.)

(6) Mustard. p. 74.

(7) Ibid, p.15. - 191-

The Eclogues of Geraldini, therefore, are composed © f a more or less direct account of the Life of Christ, appended toy- three additional eclogues on "The Apostles Creed", "The Last judgment" and "The Blessed Life", each Eclogue being an in­ dissoluble part of the whole. In the stories themselves no extraneous subjects are introduced, there are no digressions into the conventional topics of the Renaissance Bucolics. The only traces of the artificial pastoral may bo found in the occasional attempts at producing a pastoral background, and even here there is no definite picture of the actual life of a shepherd. There is no blending of the. Biblical Pastoral with the artificial pastoral,save that the biblical chara­ cters are at times given nanos derived frcm the latter.

; GeraIdini’s BUcolics have seemingly not been written for stage presentation. Their, style is chiefly narrative, and out of the twelve, but five are amoeboeun,' in structure. Though they are the product of a classical scholar they show little influence of the Eclogues of Virgil. Geraldini has received suggestions for his stories rather from Ovid’s works, and

Virgil’s "Aeneid". Eclogue V, in which is found somewhat more of a pastoral background than in the others, shows but four passages that indicate the author’s recognition of the ancient ■■■(ay. poet’s Eclogues. Inasmuch as the poem is devoted to enumeration . ■ ’ : • ' ' : " . ' ; - s of the miracles performed by Christ, it offers one of the best

(8) Y.6 ,"alternaque verba serentes", Op. Virgil, Bel. III.59, - 192-

examples of the poet’s narrative stylo, and herein is dis- (9) closed the full influence of Ovid. While there are some passages suggestive of the Aeneid in the Eclogue, they are overwhelmingly outnumbered by those reminiscent of Ovid.

In Eclogue XI, "The Last Judgment", on.the other hand where we find an attempt at the grand style, the "Aeneid" influence is more noticeable than that of Ovid, while there is no sug­ gestion whatever of the Yirgilian Eclogues. Thus the so-called

"Eclogues" of Geraldini show a disregard for the pastoral mods of expression and are written either in the narrative style, imitative of Ovid, or in the grand style, wherein the

. Aeneid has afforded a model.

"alternls dicetis". V.7,"Parthemio, si vis, certemus iudice"; Cp.Virgil, IV. 58, "Arcadia mecum si iudice „ certet" .V.30. "sa turns • . .. cape lias"; Cp. Virgil, Eel. 10.77"Saturae . . . eapellae". V.38 "hilsians . . . con- vivia Bacchus"; Cp. Virgil, Eel.5.69. "hilarana oonvivia Baochio". (Mustard, notes, pp.66-67.)

(9) v.I, ."vere novo"; Cp. Ov.M. 15.202, F.1.551, e l m Virgil G.1.43, "vero nov^";v.2 ,"vermit humus"; Cp.Ov. M.7.284;v.3, "volucres . . . concentibus", Cp. Ov.F.l. 155; "et tepidum volucres concentibus aera muleent". v.22,"pretium . . . sperare"; cp.Ov.M.6.84,"quod pretlum speret"; v.33,"nutu qul temperat omnia"; cp.Ov.M.4.169, "qul temperat omnia luce"; v.34, "bibulo . • . litore", cp.Ov.Am.2.11.14,"bibull litoris", and Bp.16.139, "bl- bulum litus"; v.41, "liquidas undas", cp. Ov.M.8.457, "liquentibus undis V.43, "laoero . . . oorpore"; op.Ov. F.6.744,"lacero corpora", and M.6.562, "lacerum . . . corpus"; v.46,"TJtrlgidis tenues flabris agitantur aris­ tae, concuteret";cp.Ov.A.A.1.553,"horruit ut sterilis agitat quas ventus aristas".v.5§t "in 1mls/ Ossibus hae- sisset", Cp.Ov.H. 4.70, "seer in extremis ossibus haesit"; v.57, "Foedantem vestes", Cp.Ov.M.7.845 "foedantea vestes*; v.62, "etellas iussit spectare micantes", Cp.Or.M.1.85, "oaelumque videre iussit et erectos ad sldera toilers 193-

Though a more sonolentious follower of the Church than the average humanist of his day, Geraldini none the less felt the need of following one very marked humanistic practice, that of substituting pagan paraphrases for Christian words or ideas. The purity of their Latin (one of the humanist's ohief aims) was largely dependent upon the use of mytholo- (10) gioal expressions. Henee it did not seem incongruous to

Geraldini to refer to God as "TonansM (I,IV, VI, VIII, DC,

X# and XI ), to Heaven as "Olympue" (I, II, VIII, IX), to

Christ, after his Ascension as "Fulmineus B&stor (XI), and weilder of the "Flamen" (X) and t6 class together without prejudice the Sibyls, Holy Fathers, and tribal deities as (ll) prophets of the birth of Christ. Moses is compared with" the *11

vultus” ; v.64, ”clausis venter turgesceret undis"; cp.Ov.F.1.215,"sic quibus intmuit suffuse venter ab _unda"; V.79,"oomp08ltam tero*y Cp, 0v*"M;9.513,"toro- que mortua composer"; v.83, "deoursaque tempora vitae", cp.0v.Tr.3.4.33,"spatlum deeurrere vitae"; xr.97,MImperio frenans tumidum oompescuit aequor", Cp.0v.Tr.l.2.87 "Tan- tos compesclte fluctus"; v.114, "coctu asslstente duoruo" Cp. Ov. M .14.235m"numero' oom'itante duorum"; v.129,"genus omne ferarum", Cp.Ov.M.10.705,"genus bmne ferarum", also Virgil G.4.233. ' " (10) Symonds 11.399. ’ -

(11) "God the Father"in Vida's "Christiad" is spoken of as "Superum Pater nlmbipotens and "Regnator Olympl" . . . . Jesus is invariably called "Heros". The machinery whereby the Jews are brought to will the death of Christ is no less ridiculous. Instead of attempting to set religious or ethical motives into play, Vida introduces a gang of Gorgons, Harpies, Centaurs, Hydras, and the like. The bread of the Last Supper appears under the disguise of "sinceram Cererem". The win® mingled with gall offered to our Lord upon the Cross is "corrupt! pocula Bacobi." (Symonds, II, p.399). 194

Fauni, because he has ivory horns (l)* Lazarus is eallsd back from the MJaws of greedy Orous" (VIII), Jesus, at the Last

Supper, announces his approaching betrayal .and death because

"his fates have called him" (VI), and at the hour of the Ascension (EC), Christ speaks to his Disciples, saying,

"After I had broken the otmins of the tomb, after Erebeus had been conquered," and "Tartarus diepolled of the holy

Manes" etc., and again (v.30) he promises that "no Orcue of deadly Jaws will lay hold of him who .has been baptised in his name',", and one of the chief powers he grants his Apostles

(v.35) is that of "banishing the harmful Furies'.? Bread is always "Ceres",, and wine,"Bacchus,n the Sun is "Phoebus . and dawn "golden-haired Aurora.’! Thus Gera Mi n i has proven himself typically humanistic in blending the two worlds of thought, Christian and paganv - . ' . • • ' v - ■ 1 •

: ' ■ ■ ■ . . - : : - Geraldini*s Eclogues do not, for the most pert,.conform to the conventional bucolic structure. In six of the twelve the poet tells the story himself, and there is no suggestion of the dramatic fonn. Five, however, are smoeboean; four being presented in simple dialogue, which follows no decided pattern. The fifth shows recognition of the bucolic conven­ tion of the singing contest. Two shepherds meet on a spring day as did those of Virgil's Third, and decide to contest in . ... ' alternate verse. There is a judge as in the Vergilian kologue and the contest comes out even. Beyond this there is no - 195-

further resemblance. The songs of Goraldlnl's shepherds ere eonparatively Ibng, end of no studied plan, and they follow an exchange of courtesies, as did the songs of Menelcas and

Mopsus of Virgil*s "Dephnls" Eclogue. There Is further.

In the Eclogues of Geraldlnl, one example of a monologue with an answering Chorus, suggestive of the early Spanish liturgical ploys. The structure, then, of Geraldlnl’s pastorals shows little relation to that of the ancient Ec­ logues, save in the use of the simple dialogue in four poems and the recognition of the singing contest as a necessary bucolic convention.

A summary of the Eclogues of Geraldlnl discloses little trace of the artificial pastoral. Devoted to a careful nar­ ration of Biblical stories, they offer no space to the varied themes that had become characteristic of the Renaissance

Pastoral. In contrast also with the ancient bucolics, each

Eclogue follows upon the preceding one, and so produces a unified whole. The pastoral element, whenever observed, is but a framework and has no :part In the subject proper, the characters in one instance only representing simple shepherds.

Geraldlnl has accepted the suggestion offered by the Biblical pastoral, the "choice of the ’ Good Shepherd* as the symbol (12) for the Founder of Christianity." Certain pastoral eon-

(12) Chambers, "English Pastorals,? Intro, p.xxxvi. - 2,96—

ventlons (the singing-contest, pastoral setting, close,

similes, and nature personification) are recognized, but the

use of them is so overshadowed by the narrative es to lose

utterly its significance.

There is a trace of ’'court" allegory in two eclogues

wherein the author and contemporaries are pictured as shep­

herds, and their work as shepherd*s toil, while at the same

time, in the Biblical stories there Is a suggestion at times

of allegory in keeping with ecclesiastical pastoral. However,

the author has for the most part sacrificed the Renaissance

interest in allegory for his purpose of describing accurately

and clearly the stories of the Life of Christ. The most

marked humanistic traits of Gerald!ni are noted in his ten­

dency to use mythological expressions for Christian ideas, and

in his reliance upon the ancient authors for his style of

expression, upon Ovid for the narrative, and the Aeneid for

touches of the grand style. The poems are to a large degree

simple narrative in structure with the author as spokesman.

The only resemblance to the artificial pastoral is found in

the use of simple dialogue of unstudied pattern in four

Eclogues , and the observance of the conventional ainging-

contost, with judge and stakes, in one instance.

In the Eclotues of Gerald ini is represented to the ful­

lest the extent to which an extraneous subject is allowed to

usurp the place of the artificial pastoral. They are not

true pastorals in any sense of the term. But four of the - 197-

poems have any suggestion of a pastoral background, the others having only .their title or the names of their cherac-i ters, to indicate their classification. 6 . Baptists Mantuanua

When the eclogue became transformed into an allegorical poem, the dialogue fora quite naturally came to function as the medium for debates, or discussions on certain non-bucolic topics of interest to the poet and his contemporaries. And finally allegory itself relinquished its place in favor of the foreign element which then stood boldly in relief against the pastoral background without the saving grace of allegorical pretence. The characters, we find, in some Instances then have become mere shepherds again and are no longer learned courtiers in disguise, yet they continue incongruously to maintain the intellect and learning beyond their station.

They are the "erudite” shepherds of whom Rennert speaks in -- • "V • V ; V , (1) . his criticism of Cervantes "Galatea.?

In this class of eclogues may be placed those of Bap­ tiste Mantuanus. While his poems indicate a familiarity with the Eclogues of Virgil and are in some instances modelled on the ancient poems they show a greater influence of the pas­ toral poetry of the intervening years, especially in their author's recognition of the freedom with which he felt en­ titled to deal with the mode.

Through the ingenuity of Mantuanus the eclogue attained 1

(1) Rennert "Spanish Pastoral Romances", p.///. - 199-

a fresh reality and a stimulating piquancy that inspired pastoral poots anew. He found immediate acceptance in England, chiefly because of the spice of his satire, and the ethical tone of his eclogues. As early as 1514 he had found an imita­ tor in Alexander Barclay whose Fourth and Fifth Eclogues are but paraphrases of his own Fifth and Sixth. Though he wrote but five eclogues, Barclay shows an extensive reliance upon

Mantuan in a number of instances; his Fifth contains a long passage that resembles Mantuan VII.9-56, and the close of the same poem is taken from Mantuan’s Second (66-78). The be­ ginning of the Fourth Eclogue of Barclay.has received a com­ bined suggestion from Mantuan’s Ninth and Tenth Eclogues.

Mantuan II.1-16 may be found in Barclay’s Second, and the first lines of the Third are recalled in Barclay's First.

Finally Barclay’s Prologue repeats the riddle disclosed in the dedicatory epistle of the Italian poet’s work-

in 1563 appear the anti-love harangues of Barnabe Googe, which in the earnestness of their moral teachings reflect much of the Mantuan’s pastorals, albeit showing little actual verbal imitation. This is followed four years later by

George Turberville’s translation of nine of Batista’s Eclogues.

The next fifty years offer a more or less widespread recognition of Mantnanus in England. "The Shepherds Calender" attests the esteem with which the new style eclogues were held in Elizabethan circles. Though the aesthetic aim was — £100”

Spenser’s chief concern, certain of his eclogues disclose a real interest in the ethical and satirical rein of the human­ istic. pastorals, and in these poems the model is Mantusnus.

Witness, for instance the July Eclogue, in which Spenser has accepted from Mantuan VIII the suggestion of the debate be­ tween the upland and the lowland shepherd. Here too,.Spenser catalogues a list of hill sanctuaries as did Mentuanus, though he differed from the hunamist in making them allegorical representations of pride and arrogance, while his lowlands were symbolic of humility. The same Eclogue upholds the shep­ herd state as divinely sanctioned, thus reflecting Mantuenus

VII.9-39. The September Eclogue presents. Diggon Davie, who, as Candidus in Mantuanus IX, has driven his flock to a "far countrye" in hope of better pastures and has discovered instead a sad state of affairs. Here is a satire of.the abuses that had crept into the Catholic clergy, while Mantuan Inveighs against the Roman curia at large. Finally the indifference of the rich patron toward poetic art, a topic which was the object of bitter derision in the Fifth Eclogue of Mantuenus, found ’ ' ' (%) its place in Spenser s October Eelbgue. The three Eclogues of Francis sable, entitled "Pan's

(2) Cp. also T. Lodge, "A Pig for Momus" III, "To Roland” : "But now, these frugal patrons, who begin/ To scantie learning with a servile" pay,/ Make Foots count their neg­ ligence no sinne:/ The cold conceit of recompence doth lay/ Their fierie furie when they should begin./ The priest unpaid, can neither sing nor say,/ Hor poets sweetlie write, excepte they meete/ Jlth sound rewards, for sernon- ing so sweete." Mustard, "The Eclogues of Baptiste Mantuanus" Motes: Eel. V. 145ff. 201-

PlpeM (1595) are sin liar to those of Kantuahus' in their real­ ism, their humor, their religious satire, and lengthy dis­ cussions. In addition their are a number df Instances of actual imitation: the First Eclogue of Sable is a combination of borrowed phrases while the Third is e paraphrase of a portion of Mantuan’s Seventh. Other imitative passages rely on: Mantuan’s III.17-24, 103-24, 126-27, and the closing lines;

" - ' ■ . , - ' . . , • . ' II.107-8, 115ff, 63-65, 86, and the first of his Fifth.. The shepherd love story of Sable ’s Eclogues is the story of

Amyntas of Mantuan’s Second and Third Eclogues.

The quotations from Mantuan’s pastorals and the allusions to them are numerous at this time in England. Among those who have repeated phrases from the Italian poet’s Eclogues: may be named: Shakespeare, whose quotation, and eulogy in ' ' ' :: (4) ' . • "Love's labour’s Lost", IV.95 are well known; Drayton, who. acknowledges Mantuan as one of his early studies, quotes him in his "Owl" and hails him In the same poem:

0 moral Mantuan, live thy verses long. Honour attend thee, and thy reverend song! ‘Who seeks for truth (say’st thou) must tread the path Of the sweet private life, ..e. : For adulation, but if search be made. His daily mansion, his most usual trade.

(3) Modern Philology, VII.433-464.

(4) Love's Labour’s Lost, IV.95. Eolofernes quotes the Latin words: "Fhuste, precor, gelIda quando pecus omne sub umbra rumlnat— and so forth, and exclaims: "Ah, good old Mantuan! I may speak of thee as the traveller doth of Venice: Venetia, Venetia, Chi non ti vede non ti pretia. Old Mantuan, old Mantuan! who uhderstandeth thee not, loves thee not." - 202-

Is in the nmnareh*s court, in princes' halls, where goodly zeal he by contempt enthralls, etc.,"

Gabriel Harvey, William Basse, Thomas Hash, Thomas Middleton,

Samuel Hicholson, Stephen Gosson, William Martyn, Bishop Kell, who quotes him in his Sixth Satire and proclaims him a follower of Virgil* Robert Burton, who has quoted him no less than six­ teen times in his "Anatomy of Melancholy,^ and Beaumont and

Fletcher, who have made use of him in "Wit at Several Weapons" and in "Witt's Recreations’,7 among other phrases repeatihg the old familiar "semelinsanivimus omnes" (Mantuanus, 1.118) that was on the tip of every tongue.

A number of allusions have been m d e to the ponular Fourth (5) '/ v Eclogue or "Diatribe against Women" and some concern has been felt over Mantuan's unjust invective. Robert Greene would like to have had the opportunity of persuading Mantuan in V ' . : - (.6) "recompenee of his errour , and Thomas Hashe thinks he has guessed the cause of IMntuan's bitterness:

To this might be added Mantuans invective against them, but that pittie makes me refrains from renewing his worne out complaints, the wounds whereof the former : forepast feminine sexe hath felt. I| but hero the Homer of Women hath forestalled an obiection, saying that Mantuans house-holding of mir Ladia, he was enforced

(5) See Appendix pp.303-308.

(6) ’ Robert Greene, "Mamlllla,? 11.107.

(7) Mr. R.B.McKeriow, Edition of Thos. Hashe, "Anatomie of Absurdltie',7 London, 1904, explains the phrase "Mantuan's house-holding of our Ladle" to mean "his wife having the upper hand of him, and ruling his household." by melancholie Into such vehemencie of speech, and that there be amongst them as amongst men, some good, some badde, etc.n l8)

Thomas Heywood, in his "Challenge for Beautie" has Isabel say: Such as would give ua our full character Must search for Epithets and studie phrase': and this is answered by Lord BonavIda:

Examine but plalne 'Mantuan*, and hee'l tell you what woman is. and Mrs. Shore of Drayton1s "Epistle of Mrs. Shore to Edward IV", is moved to say:

Ilor are we so turn’d Neapolitan, That might incite some foul mouth’d Mantuan To all the world to lay out our defects. And have just cause to rail upon our sex, etc*

Literary histories of this period include Mantuanus among the

foremost pastoral poets. Witness for instance, William Webbe*

"Discourse of English Poetrle" (1586)j in which Mantuan is

classed among pastoral poets with Virgil, and Titus Calpurnius

Francis Meres* "Sketch of English Literature" (1598), recog­

nizes the place Mantuan has achieved among writers of eclogues

and gives him a place by the side of Theocritus, Virgil, and

Sannazar. And in George Puttenham’s "Arte of English Poesie"

(1589) Mantuanus is cited for the "morail discipline" of his

poems,, •

The last named quality of his Eclogues caused yaatuen to

become accepted quite generally as a school book in England.

(8) - Thomas Hashe, "Anatomie of Absurditie" (1589). -204-.

Dean Colet, ns early as 1518, was influential in seourlng Man­

tuan as a fit study for the pupils of St. Paul's School, London,

for he, among certain other authors was valued for his "wys-

dome clene and chest’*, and he was prescribed by statute for (9 ) 'the Free Grammar School of St. Bees in Cumberland (1583).

The Eclogues are cited as used in the King1s School, Durham,

in 1593, and in the Free School of Gt. Helens, c .1635. Charles

Hoole recommends them in his "New Discovery of the Old Art

of Teaching School” (1660), as poems ”both for style and

matter, very familiar and gratefull to children, end therefore

read in most Schooles,” but he restricts the use of them to

those Eclogues ’’that are less offensive than the rest.” The

popularity of Mantuan among children had been attested in l

1579 by Thomas Ledge, who said in his ’’Defence of Poetry1’:

"Miserable were our state.yf we wanted those worthy volumes

of Poetry: could the learned beare the losse of Homer? or our

younglings the wrytings of Mantuan?” The popularity of Mantuan

as a school book in further proclaimed by the censorious

complaints of the lovers of Virgil, who felt too much attention

was being given to the "Heoterlcs Julius Caesar Sceliger

was forced to admit the preference of schoolmasters for Mantuan

above Virgil: "hoc propterea dico, quia in nostro tyrocinlo llterarun trivlalcs cuidan paedogog1 etiam Virgilianis pas- (10) toribus huius hircos praetulere.7 ; .

(9) These two instances may refer to Mantuan’s religious poems rather than his Eclogues. - 205-

; As late as 1656, the influence of Mantuan in England is still seen in the" appeaianco■of a complete translation of the Ten Eclogues by Thomas Harvey. And DY. Samuel Johnson says that "Mantuan was read, at least in some of the inferior schools (ID of this kingdom, to the beginning of the present century.0

Mantuan1s fame in Germany, France and Italy was seemingly as widespread as in England. The commentary of Ascensius is found in many editions in these countries, and a letter written by Thomas V/olf, Jr. to Jacob Wimpheling, February, 1503,

(Strassburg), tells of a thousand copies in one edition of:

Mantuan1s Eclogues for German schoolboys. Among those who quote him in Germany are: Heinrich Bebel, in his ,,AdagiavGei‘- manica” (1508), Johannes Murmellius, In his "Pappe Puerorum* and !TScoparius’r (1513) , Eurlcius Gordus, who pays tribute to him in his second Eclogue, Eobanus , who compares him with;

Virgil in his Third Idyl, and Otho Melender., In whose "loco- seria” may be found eleven quotations, while in one of the Epigrams is found the poet's disapproval of the Italian aut)iorTs tirade against v/omen. *11

(10) Julius Caesar Scaliger, "Poetice", VI.4.

(11) Ambrose Philips, MLives of the Poets.7

(12) Otho MelaRder, Epigram:

Cur male feminco de sexu. Rustice, prefers, et bona quae confert non re.ticenda tacos? 'femineum est servile genus, orudele, superbum?* nobilis et Clemens Virgo huaillsque data est. 'lege, modo, rations caret, rectum abicit, inquis?* at placet hulc rectum, lex, ratio atque modus, 'extremis ea gnudet, als, medlocria vitat?* haec extrema fugit, sed mediocre tenet. ■■SOB*

In France we have two early translations of the Eclogues, by Michel d T Ambolse, 1530, and Laurent do la Grarlere (1558).

BenedIctus Curtlus quotes him In his coian:entary on Martial d*Auvergne*s "Arrets d*Amourl1 Revising Textor quotes and discusses Eclogue IX, and elsewhere makes use of the other eclogues, imitating, In one instance, the satire on women. Finally, Larivey, following Luigi BaequalIgo’s "II Fedele” copies in his own "Le Fidellei". a portion of Mantuanus* Eclogue (13) IV.

By many of his own contemporaries, Mantuanus is held the equal of Virgil. Sebastian Murrho says: "eius me delectatum ingenio (quo concivem smnn Andinum Vergilium Facile oonaequi- tur et aequat).". Trithemius equals him to Virgil as do

Sabadino, Thomas Y.-olf, Jr., Teofllo Folengo, and Filippo

Beroaldo, who considers him as ranking next to Virgil. It is interesting to note in this connection an account given in

*decepit ludaoa virum prolemque Rebecca?* concipit alma virum Virgo paritque Damn. AEva genus nostrum felicibus expulit arvis?* in meliora facit nos ut eamus Are. cur bona femlneo de sexu. Rustics, celes, et mala si qua facit no referenda refers? (13) Larivey, "Le Fidelia", Fortune*s speech:

elles sont de nature superbes, vaines, inconstantes, legeres, malignes, cruellest, ravissantos, moschantes, en- vieuses, incredulles, trompeuses, ambltieusea, fraudu- leuses, desloyalles, ingrattes, impetueuses, audacieuses et desreiglees, faciles a falre place a la haine et a 1 *ire, dures a s*appaiser; ou Giles vont, elies.portent la rebellion et les debats (litigiosa, rebellis); elles sent coustumieres a mal dire, a allumer des noises et a querelles entire les amis (accendlt rixas), et e seroer infamie sur les boss: sont promotes a reprendre les fautes d’autruy et negligentes a oognoistre leura propres vices (exprobrat, excusat tregica sue crimina voco);etc., etc. - 207-

the "Epiatolae Obscuroroa Vlrorum" (Gullhelmus Lamp to Or- tuinus Gratius 0.1517) concerning a visit of a traveller to

Mantua: Met dixit socius neua, hie natua fult Virglllus. res­ pond!, quid euro Ilium paganurn? nos volumus ire ad Carmelites et videre Baptist 1m Mantmnua qui in duplo est melior quam

Virglllus. . . et quando venimus ad Cl&ustrum CarmelItamm, dicebatur nobis quod Baptiste Mantuanus est mortuus; tunc dixi, requiescat in pace.” Finally, he is highly praised by Erasmus, who calls him the "Christianas Karo,and predicts that his (14) fame will not fall far short of his predecessor.

Among the staunch supporters of the ancient bucolic poets,

Mantuanus has found detractors. Ludovicus Vives called him "magis cooiosus et facilis quam tersus et sublimitati argu- mentorum respondens.” LillioGiraldi objects to his comparison

to Virgil, as does Julius Caesar Soaliger, the last named being quite bitter in his denunciation. Be says of Mantuan and his works: "

mollis, languidus, fluxus, inoompositus, sine numeris, plebeius; non sine ingenlo, sed sin© arte, dum modo soribat quod in mentem venerit, edat quod scripserit, eueque deque habet.

And Nicole Berault (1515) would have his students read the ancients in preference to certain "neoterlci•?

(14) Letter from Erasmus to Henricus a Bergis, "Opera

»que invidiam annl detraxerint." - 208—

Mantuanus was descended from Spanitii noblemen. His father, Pietro Spegnolo had played a prominent part In the battle off Gaeta (1435) in which Alfonso V of Aragon was de­ feated by the Genoese, and after being taken to Italy, a prisoner, he seems never to have returned to him homeland, even after his freedom was granted. He moved to Mantua and there became esteemed by the niling power® and was granted citizenship. Baptists was one of a large family of brothers and sisters, several of whom seem to have received recognition for their intellectual ability, and two of whom finally brought disgrace upon the family because of fraudulent practices.

Mantuan1s life was comparatively uneventful. His birth (15) date is given as April, 17, 1448. As a boy he studied under

Gregoiro Tifernate and Georgius Merula, later studying philoe- at Mantua. Following the age of eighteen, at which time he entered a monastery (Mantua), he devoted himself to the

interests of his church. He held various high offices in the

Carmelite order, and finally, a few years before his death he was made General of the entire Carmelite Order. The major portion of his life was spent in the interests of his own

Carmelite Congregation of Mantua, and after five or six years of struggle to.secure for them a church at Romo, ho at last

succeeded in his mission, seemingly through the aid of in-

(15) Tiraboschi gives this date 1 from documents of the Carmelite monastery at Mantua*. Mustard, p.11, n.2. 209

fluentlal friends, Filippo Bayerin, Falcone dof Slnibaldi,

papal treasurer, and Oliviero Carers, Cardinal of Naples.

Mantuan died at Mantua, March 20, 1516. His epitaph

• cites the extent of his learning: "R.P. Magister Jo. Bapt.

Mantuanus, Carmelite Theologus Philosofus Poets Orator

clarissimus latinae graecae et hebralcae linguae peritissimus."

On December 17, 1885 he was beatified, and in the Roman church (16) is now known as the Blessed Battista Spagnoli.

He counted among his friends men prominent in political

and literary circles as well as in the Chupch. Among his

patrons , in addition to those above mentioned, were: the

Gonzagas (the Marquis Francesco, Isabella d TEste and the

Cardinal Siglsmondo), Gio. Baptists Refrigerio and Lodovlco

Foscarari, both of Bologna, Paride Ceresera, Baptlata Fiera,

and Andrea Mantegna, the painter, of Mantua, the novelist

Sabadlno, Count Andrea Bentivoglio, Antonio Fantuzzi, Filippo Beroaldo, Filippo Eaveria, Pomponlus Laetua^ Gio. Gioviano

Pontano, Alessandro Cortese, Petrus Marsus,- Pico della

Mirandola, Angelo Polizlano, Carforo Machiavelll, Bernardo

Bembo, Hermdlaus Barbarus, Georgius Merule, Gio. Pietro

Arrivabene, Pamphilo Sasso, and Thomas Wolf, Jr.

His works were prodigious. He wrote rapidly and with

ease. Among his most important works, aside from the Eclogues

are: the Silvae (eight books) on various subjects, "De suorum

(16) Tilley, "Dawn of the French Renaissance," p.227. —210*

temporwn Calamitatibusn (three books), "Partbenlce" (seven long poems).on the life of the Blessed Virgin, and of a number of revered Saints, a theological poem "Alfonsos, pro rege

Hlspanla de Victoria Granatae" (six books), in which the bulk of the work is confined to Alfbnsus’ Journey through Purgatory and Paradise, "Trophaeum pro Gallia expulsis" (five books),

"Aegelarii" (six books), "De Saoris Diebu

"Apologia pro Canzielitis . and an "Eoistoel contra Galumnla- (17) tores

Mantuan’s Eclogues cannot be classed as escape poetry.

Mantuan is deeply concerned with the life about him and his eclogues are written rather fbr the purpose of expressing his own views about the things that interest him most. He follow®

Petrarch in recognition of the pastoral as a literary form (18) that might be utilized for satire. He refreshes conventional scenes with realistic pictures of shepherd life. He observes the humanistic habit of long discourses, and makes the char­ acteristic rustic banter serve the purpose of modern debate.

(17) The above account of Mantuan’s life, his works, and influence is a summary of the Introduction to Dr. W. P. Mustard’s Edition of "The Eclogues of Baptista L'antuanus".

(18) Herford;, "Spenser’s ’Shepherd’s Calendar',”’ Intro. P-Xxx . ■su­

it is the variety and treatment of his subject matter that attracts the most• He moralizes in serious vein or tells a story flavored with mundane wit. What he lacks in poetic ability, he makes up with human interest. And while he acknowledges the right of allegory, he does not Intrude it

into a topic in which it has ho place nor does he oyer destroy

the interest of his story with extensive personal allusion.

The only eclogue of the ten which seems definitely to re­

flect, "the author*s own experiences, is the Ninth. It is the

story of a shepherd, Paustulus, who entertains a shepherd

friend. Candidus, recently arrived from Kantu®, in his small

hut in a pasture near Rome.- He complains to his shepherd

friend of the barren fields, the lack of pure water., and cool

refreshing shade, that his sheep have had to experience and

which have impoverished him. He contrasts his lean, hungry

flock to a healthy looking herd of cattle in the vicinity

that has devoured everything in sight, even the leaves of

the tall trees, and left.noghing for the poor little sheep.

He compares Rome to a haughty and tricky night-owl who lures

other birds into set traps. He warns Candidus to armor him­

self well and wear heavy clothing before entering the "dark

forest'," else the thorns will tear his oloak, and poisonous

snakes attack him. ^e tells of wild beasts that infest the

place and of the pernicious effect of the poisons in the

atmosphere that cause men to turn into wolves and destroy

their own sheep, to the amusement of their neighbors who have -218

no aversion to suoh horrors. They worship all kinds of an* imals, and disregard the fact that man has been placed by

God above all living beings. Often there comes a plague that destroys the innocent sheep, but which brings no harm to the ravenous wolves, who even profit thereby. He assures his friend that Home is famous because of her past, but now everything is in ruins and there is no moisture for the fields and no pastures. However, he suggests that if his friend can secure the favor of a certain prominent shepherd-poet, who has the power to conciliate Jove, protect the flock, dispel disease, bring water to the-soil, grant pastures, set loose streams, etc, all will be well* Otherwise it were better that he seek pasturage elsewhere*

Candidus describes his disappointments upon reaching the land that had been so highly praised to him by Corydon, of his long trip over the mountains with all his belongings, of the poverty that is besetting him in his hoped-for new country, the emaciated condition of his sheep, the deceptive appearance of the country that had looked so rich and fertile from a distance, and finally that a crow had warned him of the dangers if his desires had not been too ardent. So he longs again for the pleasant fields and cool grottoes near the Po, and the Adige, and the familiar pastures of the

Hindus, and the clear stream of the Addua. Mantuan has here made use of the outline of Virgil's -sis

First Eclogue which has quite commonly been accepted by

Renalssenee pastoral writers as the setting for an allegor­ ical poem concerning an event in the author's own life. Here we have the traditional trip of the shepherd to new pastures, the invitation of the resident shepherd to the wearied wanderer to rest in his hut from the heat, the picture of the dis­ consolate shepherd with his starving sheep, end the warning prodigy. Mantuan has even inserted a scene of idyllic content

( w . 66ff) as did Virgil in his First, verses 51-58, and he compares his famous shepherd-poot of vv. 212ff. to the ndeusw for whom "Tityrus once made the altars smoke for twice six deys". Beyond this there is no further suggestion of the ancient poet's eclogues. Here it is Candidas, the newly arrived shepherd with his scraggy flock who represents the author. The shepherd's visit to Rome in search of better pastures, his disappointment in not securing what he had hoped for, and the germ of encouragement given him by Faus- tulus, who suggests that he try to win the favor of a re­ nowned shepherd poet, who bears the name of a certain bird, all seem to reflect the visit of Mantuanus to Rome about 1484, where, in behalf of his Congregation of Mantua he was endeav­ oring to secure the grant of a church and monastery. He found greet difficulty in gaining a hearing at court, due to the disturbance in the city caused by the two rival factions, the "Orsini” and the "Colonae", but finally the doors were opened to him through the efforts of Fhlcone deT Slnibaldi* (19) papal treasurer. We are further reminded of the Identity of

Candidus through his mention of M s homeland near the Po, the Minelus, the Addua and the Adige. ■

Beyond the personal allegory hero discovered, there may be also noted the symbolical treatment of the subject-matter, a satire of the Roman curia. The city of Rome is a "dark forest,” its greed, treachery, and vice are recorded as destructive thorn bushes and dangerous wild beasts. The werewolves that slaughter their own sheep, are men who have been led astray by the city,s crime element and have turned against their own oeople. The Romani': concern for useless (20) pets amounts to a worship, and they, neglect the people.

The reference to the plagues that beset Rome are described as s pestilence that attacks the flock. The wolves which are not affected by the disease are the rich men, who profit by the wholesale destruction of the poor, who arc represented as innocent sheep. -

We find then in this Eclogue, personal allegory, in which the author himself is disguised as a shepherd, and him hoped-for patron as a renowned shepherd-poet, end the personal experiences of the author typified In the experiences of the shepherd, and in addition we have an example of the typical

(19) Mustard, Introduction, p.14.

(20) Cp. also, Mantuanus, VI.144. ■215 nedioeval style of allegory in the figurative representation of the city of Rome as a "dark forest," the dangers whereof are the worldly sins of the people. Here, too, people are (21) allegorically depicted as animals.

The symbolical figure of the dark forest is again In evidence in Eclogue VII, where it appeara in th® speech of the visionary "Nymph.v The•shadowy forest of pleasant ap­ proach, wherein are the hounts of dangerous boasts, and con­ cealed pitfalls of a thousand varieties, whose powers ohangw men into monsters, and whoso, murky lake is a treacherous maelstrom that whirls its victims into the depths of Tartarus, (22) Is here the "dark forest" of human life, "with its passions, vices, and perplexities of all kinds." The safe mountainous retreat offered by the Nymph as a sanctuary far from the dangers above mentioned, is not allegorically represented, but is openly declared to be lit. Carmel a source of religion for the country round about. Though called a "Nymph/; the vision cannot be said to be on allegorical disguise, for she announces herself in verse 126 as Our lady of Mount Carmel.

In Eclogue VII the religion that cases fran Mt . Carmel is compared to an unceasing fountain that sends its overflowing btreans abroad. In Eclogue X, "De Fratrum Observantlum et lion Observantlum Controverala,this figure is carried out In

(21) Cp. the Eclogue of Modoln (early 9th C), cited by Hamblin, p.75. (22) Cp. Dante, "Inferno", Canto I, and Longfellow*s com­ ment on Canto I, n.l. - 218—

full• Batrachua refers to the old rigid rule as the "fountain* from which all other streams took their rise* He describes the old channel, dried up and barren, and tells of new courses that the stream has taken, thus indicating the old order that had lost Its significance and the new beliefs that had disrupted

the cider. The effect of the new liberal ideas observed In the various divisions, are represented as the effect of various climatic conditions upon the health and wool of the flock*

The bad Influence of the new segment Is a "thorn thicket"

that destroys the wool of the sheepjthe lack of the former

lustre In the wool is caused by the sheep*s changed mode of living. Batrachua, who represents the head of one faction,

tells that while he concerned himself with exploring the

fountain and old channel, Llyrmix, v/ho represents the Ran Ob­

servant es, spent his time hunting for birds1 nests for his

love. By which Mantuan means, of course, that the one occupied himself in searching for the cause of the evils, while the

other, after the manner of light-minded youth cared for nothing

but pleasure. The description of the fountain ami the deep

hole it had made in falling from the high rook probably rep­

resent- the strength and power of the religion. The dense

thorn thicket that enclosed the desolate cavern, the various

kinds of poisonous wild life that lurked about it and in its

waters, the pernicuous forms of crawling, poisonous animals

that threatened his sheepfold, all refer to the abuses that

had crept into and defiled the order. When Batrachua tells - 217-

of the flock divided, and his seeking new pastures with a part of his sheep, along the path of the old channel, he is fig­ uratively describing the division of the old order into the two factions, and his own adherence to the old religion, which he was attempting to lead back Into the old rigid rule. And when he admits to Eyrmix that numbers of his flock still con­ tinued to die, he explains it as being caused by the fact that they had not yet been.able to withdraw far enough away from the diseased sheep, into the forsaken land. By this he means to indicate that, the reason so many of his followers have still continued to be contaminated by the new evil®, is due to their not having yet observed the full significance of the old, rigid form. Finally when Beabus (the judge) urges the shepherds to follow the footprints of the fathers of old through the ancient paths, to call back the flock wandering through vales and rocky cliffs, through haunts of wild beasts, etc., he of course is pleading for the old sect against the new vices that were creeping into the order through the liberals.

Here, then, is a well rounded out allegory, complete in details, that comprises the bulk of the story. It is not a vague and Insecurely woven pretence tiet serves as a background

for non-bucolic topics. Here, two leaders of separate re­

ligious factions are represented as shepherds, and their

followers are sheep. The events that occur in connection with

the. two orders are events in the life of the flock, and the - 218-

character is tics of the two have their separate effects allegorically upon the health of the flock. The religion is symbolized as a fountain, whose two channels represent res­ pectively the old rule and the new mitigated rule, and the changes that have taken place in the stream's course are the changes in the development of the religious belief.

The speaker, Candidas, is here said to be Mantuan, How­ ever he is not presented as a shepherd, and; has no designating characteristics that point to him as the author, unless of course one accept Bentbe as a real person in disguise, and con­ clude that the eulogy to hin from the mouth of Candidus is a compliment offered by the author to Benerdo Bembo,

The character. Umber', mentioned in Eclogue IV,01-82, and

95ff. is,according to a statement attributed to Mantuan hlm- (23) self, Gregorio Tifernate. His travels mentioned here and his translations, as well as his sojourn in Greece ore all outstanding events mentioned in the life of Gregorio Tifernate.

However Gregorio cannot be called an allegorical figure, for he is hot described as a shepherd, although his (so called) opinions concerning the feminine sex are termed ncarminen that he used to play ("psallere") on his lute. Candidus, who is said to be the author, is merely mentioned as one who followed

in the footsteps of Umber.

(23) Thomas Wolf, Jr., in a letter addressed to Jakob Yiimfeling Feb. 24, 1503, says: "Ego, mi Jacobs, sicut multa alia ita hoc praecipue quaesivl, quid ipse in aeg- logis suis intellligi desyderaret per Umbrun, in cuius laudibus esset tarn frequeris ac assiduus. Aiebat ipse a se notari Gregor!urn tiphefnum praeoeptorem suueu" - 219-

Thus we see that while Mantuan has observed the convention of allegory in but three of his ten eologues, he is careful when he does use it to be consistent in his pretence, and he shows by the details to which he carries the allusion the exaggerated limit which he recognizes as the right of allegory in this form of poetry. He makes use of personal allegory in IX, presenting himself and a hoped-for patron as shepherds, and referring to his own experiences as experiences in the life of a shepherd. He offers contemporary events in bucolic garb (X), makes two churchmen,shepherds and their followers, sheep, and the conditions and events connected with them are harmoniously transferred in pastoral disguise to the sheepfold.

Finally, he recognizes not only pastoral allegory, but employs a form of symbolism reminiscent of the Middle Ages (VII, IX and X) and blends the two in a wierd combination of mystery and actuality.

The subject matter of Mantuan*s Eclogues reflects the varied interests of the Renaissance humanists. He has accep­

ted unrestrainedly the suggestion offered him by Petrarch ami

other early Renaissance writers of pastoral poetry, that the

artificiality of the mode has made it adaptable to any theme,

pastoral or otherwise, and the dialogue form, ©specially the

contest, has offered opportunity for long discourses and de- . (24) bates on the foremost questions of.the day. It was the - 220-

moral tone of Mantuan’s dissertations as well as the realistic treatment of familiar matter that led to his immediate ac~ (25) ceptance by his contemporaries. In every eclogue Baptiste’s ethical purpose may be seen. He never tires of offering ad­ vice to the lovelorn. He expresses his views against the love flame in I, II, 111, IV, and VII, in the first of these, stating the evil effects of the disease, and its potency, all of which he continues to enlarge upon in the other®. The climax of his teaching is disclosed in the fatal effect of the drug upon Amyntas, the insane lover of II and III, whose en­ tire story is devoted to the pm*pose of love’s condemnation. Amyntas infatuation is described through its various stages until it finally culminates in death, and even this is not sufficient punishment for his madness. His body must be left without the honor of a grave and devoured by vultures and wild beasts. In M s argument of II and III Mantuan gives preference to the impraetibility of lovo, although he also cites its widespread condemnation, and its place among the forbidden sins, and finally in X, the worst calumny Batrschus can hurl at his adversary is to accuse him of devoting his

time to love Instead of religious, duty.

Eclogue VII, as has been noted above. Inveighs against worldly life through the medium of allegory. This same theme

(24) Mitchie, "Vergil and the English Poets", pp.76-77.

(25) Tilley, "Dawn of the French Renaissance", p.227, feels that it was the "chastity" and general moral ex­ cellence that excited uncritical admiration for Mantuan’s Eclogues. -221

finds expression in IX in which poem it Is Rome who receives

the slander as a prime example of the worst the world has to

offer in the way of deceit, avarice and crime. Worldliness,

superficiality, and all conceivable evils are in VI especially

consigned to the city. Here the satire is pronounced by a

violent and hot headed shepherd who rivals Juvenal in his

invective. He accuses the city of fourflushing, of seeking

luxury by dishonorable means^ of delving In magic, of hoarding,

of shirking labor, of violence, fraud and trickery, in short

of seeking wealth through fair mean# or foul, providing there

is no labor connected "with it , of wasting money and time on worthless animals, of practicing adultery, of homicide, of

sedition, of love of empty glory and: worldly honors. Then

follows a list of foolish types of people, climaxed with a

denunciation of city people as irreligious and concluded by.

. a caustic censure of lawyers, quack doctors, end unfair

magistrates* He expresses a wish for the good old days, '

cites one or two of the foremost tragedies of city life, and

declares they are examples of what happens when.licentiousness

rules instead of law. He continues his virulent satire by

declaring city people the robbers of the farmers, the qon-

taminators of the world, the cause of so many atmospheric

disturbances and disasters imposed by angry gods. He climaxes

his tirade with mythological references to prove that the *

city man is pernicuous trhile the country man. is the world's

saving grace, for Lycaon, he says, came from the city, while -222-

Deucalion and his wife Pyrrha were country people. He pro­ ceeds to prophecy that the world’s destruction by fire will take its rise in some city but is prevented, from saying more by Fulica who feels a preference for observing the lunch hour.

There is no better example in the Eclogues of Mantuan of his skill in satire, although the famous Fourth Eclogue is pos­ sibly its equal.

In the Fourth Eclogue it is woman who receives the brunt of the invective. However Mantuan has had predecessors in this field, so cannot fairly be judged the recipient of all (26) the honors for such a delightful tirade. "hen he rails against women as concerned only with selfish interests, bound by no convention, moderation or reason, and derides her with an- unbelievable number of defamatory epithets, climaxed by some ten well-chosen adjectives denouncing the strength of her unreasoning anger, he may possibly have received sugges- (27) (28) tions from Aeneas Silvlua , from Martinez de Toledo, and (29) Boccaccio.

(26) Mustard, Motes on Eclogue IV, refers the reader to A. Tobler, "Zeitschrift fur romanisohe Philologie'," IX. 288-290; D. Comparetti, "Virgil in the Middle Ages,”, II. 112ff; and C. Pascal, ’’Poesia latina medievele” pp.151- 184, and ’’Letterature latina medievele” pp.107-115.

(27) Aeneas Silvius, ’’Bemedium contra a mo re mi constantia, sine pietate. de his loquor mulieribus quae turpes admittunt amoros.* Letter to Hippolytus of Milan, 1446.

(28) "Corvacho” (1438) Madrid ed., 1901.p.61.

(29) ”Corbaccio” , (Florence ed., 1828, p.199): ’Ora io non t ’ho detto quanto quests perversa moltitudine sia - 223-

After this breath-taking opening of his satire, Mantuan

continues with a declaration of woman*s skill in deceit end her brazen denial of guilt. He quotes examples from mythology and the Bible to prove his right in making such a deduction, and tops them off with the accusation of Eve as the .one who

’’expelled our race from happy lands.” In contrast to these

examples he offers us famous mythological characters of the male sex who have returned from Orcus. a feat that no woman, has been able to accomplish, and adds (undecorously) the name of Jesus Christ as the greatest of those who had been able to

surmount Tartarean bounds. He warns.the shepherd to beware the

enticements of woman, and trust not his own soul to with­ stand her charms. He cites a list of mighty heroes who have

had to bow beneath the feminine yoke. Finally he describes woman’s devotion to the art of beautifying herself and closes

with a denunciation of her immodesty as the greatest of all

One more Eclogue needs to be mentioned among the satires.

Eclogue V presents a censure of the stinginess of rich men who

fail to pay substantial recognition to deserving poets, a (20) popular subject of the Renaissance humanists. Here Can­

didas accuses nobility of interest only in unlawful love,

coarse jokes, notorious deeds etc, and upholds simple life as *IV.

golosa ritrosa e ambiziosa, invidiose accidiosa iracunda e delira, ne quanto ella nel farsi servire sia imperiosa noiosa vezzosa stomacosa e importune, e altre cose nssai,’ etc. . : The above citations are from Mustard’s notes on Eclogue IV. ...

(30) Burokhardt, Jacob, ”Le Civilisation en Italic au - 224-

most dependable•

In utilizing the Eclogue for satire, Mantusnus is only showing his acceptance of a practice that was quite commonly (31) followed in the Renaissance. However, it can be readily seen that he has don® more than merely accept a literary convention. He displays a sure skill in argument and invec­ tive and his tirades are surely the product of a natural talent in that line. His realistic shepherds are made all the more vivid by their sharp tongues and ready wit.

In dealing with the ethical quality of his Eclogues, one should note above all his constant stress on religion. Through­ out the early eclogues we find repeated exhortation to keep faith with God and question not the actions o f ‘Heaven. In

Eclogue VI, the worst crime a citizen commits is to boldly

’’inquire into the secrets of God." In Eclogue III we find the same plea for unquestioning faith,, and In V, Silvanus assures Gandidus that God "divides gifts among all as he sees it will be best." Eclogue VII..extols the life devoted to religion as preferred to the disastrous pitfalls of worldly life, and the Eighth "De Rusticorum Religione” describes

au.Temps de la Renaissance,’! Translation into the French by M. Schmitt. (Paris: 1885, Plon-Hourrit et Clc), p.274, n.l.

(31). Chambers, Edmund K, "English Pastorals,1’ xxxvi , tells of a volume of neo-Latin Eclogues, collected by Oporinus, and published at Basle, in 1546, which were almost wholly satirical.

Herford,, "Spenser's 'Shepherd’s C a l e n d a r t t k Y says "Petrarch was.the' first to discover the value of the pastoral machinery as a vehicle for veiled satire." -225- the worship of the Virgin Mary, praises the devotion of shepherds declaring this the reason for their favor in the sight of God, and finally lists the several religious holi­ days observed in honor of the Virgin. Finally in X, Mantuanus upholds the strict discipline of the old Carmelite belief as the only cure for the abuses that have crept into the order.

Mantuan's subject matter is not, however, devoted entirely to ethical topics, tie have in the beginning of the Eighth

Eclogue the famous debate between the upland and the lowland shepherd, a topic which was later used in the "Shepheards

Calender”. Mantuan is particularly clever in formulating argument and repartee. Candidus in Eclogue VIII leaves out nothing in extolling the mounts in-side as superior to the plain. He first disclaims the lowlands as a boggy piece, full of gnats, fleas and bugs, and then he hurls a series of ques­ tions at his opponent designed to prove the superior treasures of the mountain; as the source of the rivers, of the.greet blocks of marble cut for the building of temples, of gleaming gold, of sail yards, of herbs used in medicines. Here, he says are the chestnuts and acorns, here sweet springs and pastures.

And from here comes the hardy youth, timber for the navy, and for any laborious work needed anywhere, especially in the city.

But most important of all, the passage to heaven is short from the high mountains, and the holy fathers and gods dwell therein.

Alphus contends that he has forgotten to mention the harvest and the vintage, which are the great mainstays of human life. And too, these poor, ragged, emaciated mountaineers, who have to come down to the valley to buy grain, show what the nature of the mountain life must be* But he is unable to go further and suggests haughtily that they spend their time more profitably upon a religious topic.

The story of Amyntas (II) and his submission to the love spell contains some witty counter-argument which should be mentioned here; Vdien Fortunetus, who has come upon the for­ lorn lover in a woodland pasture, ventures to offer fatherly advice, and presents the boy with three good reasons why he should forget his infatuation: first, because it is imprac­ ticable, second, because it is contemned by all races, even the most barbaric, and third, because it is forbidden in the Book of Laws, Amyntas declares that man is "wisdom-mad who thinks

it a sign of higher intellect to deny himself natural pleasures.

Hence, he says, instead of improving his condition, he merely takes away his freedom, and binds himself with a lot of laws

that no one ever has been able to keep, never can and never will and his utter lack of reason is shown by his belief that after death he will go to Heaven and sit on a throne prepared for him. Fortunetus reminds him that the Laws were made by God, and Amyntas explains that.by. saying that God envied nan the pleasures he had given hint and so had to curb them in some way, as a settler binds up the head of his horse with a halter

that he may not turn his step wherever he pleases. Finally,

he adds: Is very honor you so uphold was caused by jealousy. - 227-

vhen man had his own pleasures, he had no desire for those

of another# And so this custom became considered an honor,

and fanaticism made this custom a law; and so it becomes a

sin to covet pleasure, and love is envied." Fortunetus feels

him a hopeless case and withdraws#

Note too the same skill in repartee in Eclogue V. When

the rich shepherd, Silvanus attempted to chide his companion, a poor shepherd poet, who was endeavoring to persuade him to

offer some reward for his songs, and reminded him that "God divides all things among all, as he forsees it will be best,"

Candidas replies: "That is true, you have riches and I song,

-- then, why do you ask for my song?" "But ," answers ^ilvanus,

"I do not wish to steal your song from you, but merely to en­

joy listening to the melody.” "Then it is fair that 1 enjoy your riches,” retorted Candidus. "You can enjoy ny riches by-

being unselfishly happy at my good fortune and by hot envying

me it." "You, too, then," snapped Candidus, "can sufficiently

take pleasure in my songs when not in my presence; let this

joyous interest in ray art be enough for you. If you expect

me to feed your ears, you must feed my mouth. God doesn't

give everything to everyone, because ho wants each man, for

the sake of universal brotherhood to feel himself dependent

upon others. This is the situation that makes all races one."

■^e have also in the eclogues of Ltentuanus one other class

of subject matter in the introduction of.the simple narrative.

In addition to the story of Amyntas, there is the realistic -228-

tale of a shepherd's successful love affair in Eclogue I,

the humorous escapade of Jannus* goat in Eclogue IV, and the account in VI of the early history of social distinction be­

tween the city and the country, the upper and the lower classes. All of these would bear repeating, but for the sake of brevity

let it be sufficient to say that the story of Jannus'' goat

concerns a love-smitten shepherd, whose unfortunate absent- ' mindedness concerning a goat he had tied in the thicket, caused him to become the laughing-stock of the countryside, and in

Eclogue VI, Fulica, in telling the story about the origin of

the distinction between the city man and the country nan,

places the responsibility with God, who in the very beginning

established the different social orders among the children

of Adam end Eve, and that the unfortunate fate of the country

man was caused inadvertently by Eve s attempt to deceive the

Creator. The story of Eclogue I should be given in full since

it illustrates most advantageously the rustic realism that

colors Mantuan's pastorals. Faustus first presents himself

as a love-sick bey for whom there is no rest, no appetite

no interest in former pleasures: music of the pipe, exercise /

of bow or sling, dogs and hunting, nut-craclring, weaving of

fishbaskets, hunting for birds' nests, wrestling, sorting

fruit, or picking wild grapes and strawberries, tells of

his flirtation in the harvest field where the girl with her

mother and married sister had come to glean after the reapers.

- , iie describes the hav;k-like chaperoning of the girl by her -229- rcother and sister, and the girl's sly, encouraging glances from under the edge of her improvised hat of leaves. In des­ cribing the object of his love, he adds that she is one-eyed, but it mokes no difference, for he still thinks her the equal of Diana. When the mother became alarmed over the flirtation and tried to summon Ga11a to her, he says the girl refused to listen and pretended to be intent upon her work, while he made as much noise as he could by singing and urging on the reapers so that the mother and sister might believe Gella had not heard. Finally through the aid of his father he managed to secure the promise of the girl's parents for their marriage, but he still found difficulty in being able to see the girl alone. He made all sorts of excuses to go to her house when he knew the rest of the family were not there, . but even though he succeded in this he could find nothing to talk about but plough handles, ploughshare, yoke-reins, and plow-cleaner. He did everything he could to win the approval of his prospective parents-ln-law, and made them gifts of

- . ■■ ■ • : fish and game he had caught. ”Buti ’ he says, with a twinkle in his eye,"one night in the middle of the night the dog attacked someone they thought to be a thief stealthily ap­ proaching the threshold (truly I had a compact with the maiden) forthwith leaping the high fence, I scarcely escaped those bark

ing jaws." Finally, he continued, Spring came in all its glory, tho trees sprouted, vines burst into leaf, fireflies on glittering little wings flitted about at night, etc. The bridal day arrived, and his wife was brought to him, MButfv he adds, ” Y ?h ot was the need for so many?" He dismisses the -230-

wedding night with Mantuan*a characteristic barnyard wit, and describes the wedding festival of the following day, the widespread tables under a tree, lighted by torches, the slaughtered steer, the customary village souse, whose devotion to Bacchus has made him utterly unruly, and the grotesque contortions of the ruddy-cheeked piper as he makes the music for the dnacers.

A summary of the subject-matter in the Eclogues of Mantuan discloses a series of ethical dissertations including admonition, satire, and religious observance, a few examples of debate, in which the chief interest ,is not ethical, and finelly some . illustration of the simple narrative.. In the treatment, of; ‘ • : the subject matter we have noted thus far & power in invective, and skill in argument and in repartee, a breezy realism, and ' " ' '' - * • - • ‘ . . ' . ": ' a colorful humor, . ■ ■ . 'v; ...... ’ ' The humor of Mantuan may be further noted in his original and realistic treatment of the conventional rustic banter.and in the occasional remarks or spontaneous flashes thet draw;- forth a laugh because of their very unexpectedness. The good-natured raillery of Eclogue IV, between two jo%ly and witty shepherds, while it may possibly have been suggested by

the traditional "rustic banter1’ originating in Theocritus, and (32) in virgil’s Miirdi is thoroughly refreshing in its originality

(32) Page, T. E^,"Virgil's ’Bucolics*", Motes on Eel.Ill, page 52. "This form of poetry was probably extremely pop­ ular in Italy, where improvised songs largely consisting of rude repartees v/erc always a characteristic of village festivities. -231

and particularly vivid in reflecting the reality of the shepherd characters. The levity of the two shepherds is further evident in their invocation to the Muses before be­ ginning their songs. Jannus entreats the aid of the Nymphs of Parnassus in his singing and appends a request that Alphas be assisted in finding the birds1 nests he had promised.

Alphus, in his turn, prays for the favor of the Nymphs of Lib- ethrus, especially Polymnia, who is said to have had the best memory. Even in Eclogue VIII, ”De Rusticorum Religione,'! Man­ tuan cannot resist relieving the seriousness of his topic with a humorous suggestion or two. Here realistic character portrayal is again to be noted in the person of the learned

Cfinclidus who Is constantly apollgizing to his listener for the inaccuracy of his own memory, which as a matter of fact is exceptionally good. Be quotes at length the blessings of the

Virgin as they had been taught him by Pollux, and describes the country man*s offerings at her altar, among which he par­ ticularly notes the wax effigy of Jannus1 goat, end its ac­

companying inscription, and he recites e lengthy prayer, heard once in e temple in an exhausting-and monotonous chant, begging

nrotcction from evorv conceivable pestilence that could beset (35) the farmer, regardless of its insignificance, all of this

(33) Burckhardt, Op. cit.,p.253, in speaking of this eclogue says: ,:La huitiene eglogac de Battista Aentuanus contient entre eutres la priere d ’un paysan a la matione; la Vierge y est invoquee coritne nyotcctrice speciale do tons les interots de In vie champetre. cuelles idees les peuple se faisait-il de la valour de ccrtaines madones dont on implorait le secours? que penser de la - 232-

with only one lapse of meiaory, in which instance he is forced to go back and repeat a few lines to get the swing of it before he can continue. Further humorous touches that help to enliven the.dialogue and &t the same time to vivify the characters may be seen in Eclogue X, in the peevishness of Myrmix who is so overwhelmingly surpassed by his competitor and the intervals of spiteful remarks that: divert the atten­ tion from the serious subject. Here too, Batrachus* hasty exchange of the word "amitarn" for "amatam./' when he sees.the fighting spirit of Myrmix aroused, indicates that he is less bold when it comes to fist-encounters, than when exposing his skill in verbal combat. In the study of characterization in Mantuan's Eclogues there is to be noticed especially the association of the enlightened and learned shepherd with one • whose Intellect is not above the simple pastoral variety.

Eclogues I, II and III present to us the characters, Faustns, and Fortunetus, the latter being inclined to moralize and

instruct though not dogmatic in his religious faith, while the former is a very ordinary country youth, witty and fun— loving, but yet inclined toward superstition and on unques­ tioning feith in divine will. Alphus of Eclogues VII and VIII represents the simple shepherd, while his companion in each eclogue displays a more than pastoral intellect. Finally in the Sixth Eclogue, Gornix the oratorical, demonstrative snep-

devotion de cette Florentine qui offrit a un saint un tonnelet de cire comrco ex-voto, parce cue son ament, un noine, avait pu vider un petit fut de vin sans que le marl absent s'en aperout? n -233

herd ia contrasted with the passive Fulica, who is rather more interested in eating than in listening to his friend's tirade.

While the subject matter in the Eclogues of Virgil is (54) to some extent realistic, and the dialogue in some instances (35) (36) reflects an individualism of characters, as well as humor , they are concerned rather with a delicate, artistic represen­ tation of beauty, and depiction of an idealized Arcadia, far from the sordid realities of everyday life. Mantuan, on the other hand is not writing an escape poetry. The eclogue to him is a means of exposing his feelings about the life of his (37) time. His realism at times amounts to vulgar naturalism.

His shepherds are thoroughly rustic in their manners, and wit, albeit their intellect often surmounts its proper sphere.

Finally, the humor of his Eclogues reflects the worldliness of their author.

In addition to realistic treatment of subject-matter and character drawing, we find in Mantuan certain vivid pictures

(34) The events of Virgil's Eclogues I and IX may well have belonged to the life of a real shepherd.

(35) Observe the contrast between the contented shepherd of Virgil's First Eclogue and his disconsolate companion, or in Eel. VII, the two distinct attitudes toward prayer revealed in the invocations of Corydon and Thyrsis.

(36) Note the rustic banter of Eclogue III (Virgil), and the humorous picture of the drunken Sllenus of VI.

(37) ’’Fontenelle was offended by the passage in Mantuan IV.87-88, and well as by that of 1.45." Mustard, Note on Eclogue I.v.45. -234

of the actual rustic life of his day. Witness, for instance

the description of the flooded town in II, the.wine cellars covered with water and the servants paddling to them in boats, and the laughing boy who slides down to the wine and brings up the obba from its watery hiding place. In the same Eclogue is described the actions of the rough country man at a relig­ ious festival: "After the morning of the festal day has been passed in religious rites, impatient of his inactivity and hunger he feasts and fills his maw. When he hears the piper he hastens to the elm; here he lets himself go, and with the grace of an ox leaps into the air. He commits all the orgies of a day celebrated to Bacchus, bawling out loudly, laughing, leaping about, and draining the cup.” Observe, also, the friendly exchange of drinks in IX, the two shepherds reclining ■ ■ ' in a cool grotto, the eulogy to wine, the instructive verse on the art of drinking declared to be the teaching of "old ,,(38) Oenophilius*. ' the covering of the goblet to guard against flies before beginning song. And in the Fifth is the hospitable hearthside scene in December, the games that are played by furrowing the ashes with a stick, the roasting of chestnuts and covering them with warm ashes,, the refreshing drinks, the laughing girls, and spinning of tales. Eclogue VI describes

(38) Oenophilius is the village "souse" of Eclogue I. The passage which is said to be his teaching is found in vv.27-31: "Fill it again; to drink once is but a taste, the second drink wets the mouth, the third cools the fevered throat, the fourth begins to proclaim arms and war against thirst, the fifth attacks it, victory belongs to the sixth, the seventh exults in triumph." -235- the winter sport of ragged boys with the blown-up bladder of the slain pig, and in a later passage the visit of the shivering

Fulica to the sheepfold, after wading through snow up to his knees, the caution of M s friend to close the cracks with straw if the wall has sprung any openings, an! to see that the door is tightly sealed with manure to keep out the cold.

It is in the Sixth Eclogue, the pastors! scene of which is devoted to winter, that we find the most extended realistic setting in any of Mantuanfs Eclogues: '

Winter is showering down its snow, the north-wind roars, and icicles hang from the roof; his oxen put aside, the ploughman rests; the earth is asleep; the bundled- up shepherd, his sheepfold closed, now has ceased his toil; swarthy Neaera sits before the fireplace and cooks the barley gruel. The one time unbearable summer now is ex­ tolled; winter extolled in summerfs discomfort, now dis­ pleases.

In the setting of his Eclogues Mantuan has for the most part, however, observed the conventional scenes, although he does not always feel a necessity for placing his shepherds in a setting of any kind whatever.

Eclogue I presents two shepherds reclining beneath a tree, while their sheep browse in the shade. There is a nearby corn­ field and a neighbor's vineyard within view. Eclogue VIII gives us the traditional parched and dry fields of midsummer, and lofty mountains are seen in the distance. In Eclogue II, the setting is not given in the opening lines, but we are tola later that it is springtime, the earth is growing green, the 'birds fill the air with song, etc, a very familiar eclogue setting. In IV we are told incidentally that there are nearby sedges, vineyards separated'from the roadside by a ditch, and- pastures stretched along the edge of the grape-farms. Eclogue

X describes another winter setting, after the manner of the .

Sixth. It too is realistic but not as complete as that of the former eclogue.

The most beautiful of Mantuan1s nature scenes are those mentioned in the course of the eclogue and not connected with the setting. In Eclogue IX, there is one lovely passage depicting a scene of idyllic content, with an echo or two of Virgil's First Eclogue (50-59):

0 -sweet is the shade and soft the whispering of the woods, which I remember to have enjoyed with you in the cool shade noar to the moan of the turtle-dove, near to the songs of the swallow and of the nightingale, when trees reecho with the first cioados. A rustling breeze from the East Wind used to blow among the leaves of the woods and the cornel cherry stretched up its jeweled arms. Lying on the ground, I myself watched the sheep in joyful play and the lively kids wrestling with new- growing horns. After my sleep, with my face bent back against the grass close to the ground, I filled my flute with my breath or sand aloud— now flat on m y . chest I picked the reddening strawberries. ' and again:

Kay Is here: the vines are in flower and the lowly broom-plant, now there is tufted corn, now the Cartha­ ginian apple tree is rudey with its many flowers, end the hedge fences are fragrant with white ssbtieo— in my home land, throughout the farmlands of the Fo, and the pastures of the Hindus.

These tv/o passages, put into the mouth of the home-sick Can- didus, are proceeded by an eulogy of Faustulus to his home-:1and and this is couched In imagery that falls little short of - 257-

the lines that follow:

0 wealth of our own region, 0 flowering mecdows, 0 green growing fields, 0 joyous and fertile pastures, never a single tine without their grain, streams running here and there through the farmlands, rivulets through the cultivated lands, through the gardens; here is a healthy flock, and rich fields; under the constellation of Cancer when here and there is sounded the treading of grain, when July glows hot, and tilled lands are in vigorous growth, the fences woven of pliant twigs bear their fruits and plants among the very briar bushes themselves breathe forth fragrance.

The fact that Eclogue IX, in which these lovely passages appear

is seemingly based on Virgil's First Eclogue ray Indicate that

the later Mantuan received his suggestion from the Augustan

poet. The passage in Virgil (1.50-59), one of the most famous

in all his Eclogues, has been extolled not only for its delicate and haunting beauty, but for the deep love of nature which it

discloses. And in this last Mantuanus surely may be said to

equal his master, evon though his lack of a refined poetic

spirit has prevented him from reaching the grace of the ancient . OS) . poet. Before leaving the scenic descriptions of Mantuan, one more passage deserves mention. The herd-boy, Amyntas, of Eclogue

II is pictured with fish line and hook, "reclining near the water of the ciyotal stream (Mincius) where the vine, weaving

its long arms about the thorn brakes in the shallows, o'ertops

(39) Virgil, Eel. 1.50-59, has been quoted elsewhere, but perhaps, for comparison, it should be again repeated:

Fortunate old,man, here amid known streams and sacred springs you will find the cooling shade. Here on n neighboring boundary, the willow hedge, whose flowers have ever been food for Hybla's bees, will lull thee to sleep with its whispering hum. Here, neath the high cliff the vinedresser will sing to the breezes; nor will the noisy pidgeons, your delight, or the turtle dove in the lofty elm cease plaintive song. -238-

the bank with its curving shade.” These last named scenes prove that Mantuanus, even when dealing with Arcadian imagery, is no mere imitator.

Of the traditional, artificial expressions of nature there is little trace in the Eclogues of Mantuanus. In the elegy of Eclogue III is found an example of nature personifi­ cation, in the expression of sympathetic nature revealed by the grieving Po and Mineius who mourn the death of Amyntas.

However, wo. do hove illustrations of certain traditional ex­ pressions that have been more or less realistic from the start. I mean the pastoral close, and nature similes. In six of his ten Eclogues Mantuanus observes the pastoral close.

In three of these it is the fading day that recalls the shep­ herds back to their labors; Eclogue III, "Now evening ap­ proaches and the sun, hiding itself in a-cloud as it sets warns farmers of nearby storms” ; VII, ”The sun is setting and just touches the high peak of Raldo; it is late and we too must depart with the sun (here Mantuan adds a touch of rustic realism); Galbula, I hope it won't trouble you to carry the bundles, the sack is light and so is the cantharus; in the evening it is little work to carry everything; in the morning the burden is heavy but necessary. I shall drive the sheep, that will be ry part of the work?' ; and VIII, "Evening relinquishing the last rays of the sun does not suffer me to repeat more songs." In Eclogue II an approaching rain -239 drives them home: "Do you see how the black clouds are piling up over lofty BaIdo? A hail-storm is brewing." In Eclogue

I, Fortunetus calls FaustusV attention back to their wander­ ing sheep that have strayed into the neighbor's vineyard, and in VI, Fulica indecorously tells his companion to stop talk­ ing for it is lunch time. In none of these examples is there an imitation of Virgil, although.the idea of choosing ap­ proaching evening as an appropriate close had long been a pastoral convention.

Mantuan’s similes too are original. The best of these are: Eclogue 1.27ff:

I mourned as the nightingale returning from her feeding and bearing in her mouth food for her yound, when, under the empty nest, she sees her loved ones lying; or further in the same Eclogue:

I mourned as a lovely heifer who after she has filled the wide meadows with deep bellows for her lost offspring, remaining alone under the green shade, grazes.not on the grass nor drags herself to the warer of the stream; Eclogue V.147:

Kings care as much for our songs as the North wind for the leaves, and the Libs for the sea and hoar-frost for the vineyards;.

Eclogue VI.73-74:

When you cease to live, all things pass away, as daylight departs with the sun.; •

VII.12-13:

The first rough cultivator of fields was savage and cruel like the untouched ground, that is rocky end hostile to the plough, and again:

The first shepherd was gentle like the sheep which know not anger. -240-

VII. 129-30:

Brought down from this height religion comes into your mountains, as rivers from an unceasing fountain; and H , Slff.

When fortune comes again, as vines high up among the shining branches cling to the limbs and tenaciously wrap about the elms so do you seize with your tend what you get that it doesn’t,leave you.

There is in IX,217-218, a suggestion of Virgil 1.24-25; "This shepherd is as much superior to other Latins as the Po is to the Tiber, the Addua to the Maora, the pliant willow to the rush, the rose to the bramble bush, the poplar to seaweed.M

■ Thus we see in the Eclogues of Eantuanxis, an inclination to place his shepherds in a realistic atmosphere reminiscent of his own day, although in the actual pastoral settings of his eclogues he has shown a tendency to follow the well-known conventions, excepting two instances in Eclogues VI and X f: the first of whiph contains one of the most vivid of Mantuan’s realistic pictures. In scenes apart from the setting, the most beautiful are those flat show an understanding and appreciation of the beauties of nature through Arcadian imagery.

In his treatment of nature he has observed certain conventional nodes of expression: the simile and pastoral close, and in his illustrations of these expressions he is for the most part wholly original. He has however accepted the tradition of approaching evening as a suitable close, and in one

instance, a simile is obviously patterned after a passage In

Virgil. Finally, there is one example of the "sympathy of —241~ nature

There Is to be noted throughmit the scenic descriptions and nature settings, constant reference to actual localities.

It is the swoolen waters of the Po that have caused the dis­ tress mentioned in II.3ff. In the same Eclogue Amyntas is said to drive his herd to the Mincius, end later in the same Eclogue he meets his fate at Solferino. There is also mention of Lake nenactua, and the mountain that overlooks it,

DaIdo. The idyllic scenes described in IX are declared to he in the vicinity of the Po, the I/inclus, the Addua, and the

Adige. Here and there throughout the poems we are reminded that the shepherds are inhabitants of the country around

Lake Benacum, and the Po, and Hindus and Mt. Baldo are fre­ quently mentioned. ‘ .

Certain typical pastoral topics, the lover1s.complaint, the elegy, and the panegyric, that have held-their place as a necessary part of the pastoral theme since the time of

Theocritus and Virgil, hove not been ignored by Hantuanus.

In Eclogue 1% the forlorn condition of the languishing lover,

Amyntas, is first disclosed in verses 103ff. The wail of the unrequited lover is fashioned, as the Illustration in Sen­

na zaro after the melodrama of the Renaissance, rather than

in the heroic style of Virgil’s Second Eclogue. The picture

is complete. The mad lover is haunted by the vision of his

loved one. He pictures himself dying in her arms, and her -242-

iaxnentntion after his death. Ho calls xipon the Dryads end

Hyr/phs, end up-cn Sllvanus to protect their flowers from the flock so that they nay be saved for the grave of his loved one. He pictures the scene about the grave of his love; calls for mourners to sprinkle her mound with flowers ana fragrant garlands, anti entreats tho Muses to sing a requiem, end com­ pose an epitaph. Here is the traditional promise of gifts and sacrifice, the expression of hope, and doubt, end finally of hopelessness and tho longing tc seek the wilds where man does not come, all of which arc derived from Virgil*s Second' and Tenth Eclogues. Thera Is much of the conventional ."dirge" in the story, noted In the death of Amyntss, the panegyric to the dead shepherd, the universal mourning and finally the promise.of.annual services nt his grave, end offerings of in­ cense and songs, nil originally o pert of the flaphnis Eclogue of Virgil. There is here, however, no apotheosis, as in the ancient eclogue.. %hlle there is much' of the typical postorel dirge in the story, it is perhaps more exaggerated than the average, end Amyatas* fate is concluded by one fine! touch of horror, quits foreign to the Idyll.

Tho panegyric of Hologue III is the only one of four in­ stances in the Eclogues of Mantuenus that extols a fictitious character, and it is e typical pastoral panegyric. The dead shepherd is remembered for his remarkable skill in song, is declared worthy of the ivy and the Parnassian laurel, and is hailed as the glory of his country. In Eclogue -i, we have —243—

another conventional panegyric in the lines addressed to the chosen judge, Bembe, who may be receiving a eulogy meant for Benardo Bembo of Venice, to whom Mantuan dedicated the (40) "Second Parthenice.'? Here the shepherd is declared to have drunk of Pierian waters and have seen the Muses and to . have been decorated by Apollo himself. In Eclogue IV, 95ff.

Gregorio Tifernat'e is praised under the name of Umber, for his true accomplishments, for his learning, his wide travels and his translations. In the aforementioned panegyrics there is no indication of the author’s intent to flatter for mercenary reasons. In the lengthy passage of IX.212ff, devoted to

Falcone de* Sinlbaldi, however, the purpose is the same as that of most Renaissance panegyrists, via., patron seeking:.

Here is a strange medley of Biblical and mythological ref­ erences, and of the traditional pastoral panegyric and the court flattery poem. Falcone is declared the equal of

Orpheus in song, and is hailed as superior to other Latins.

He is compared to the "deus” for whom "Tityrus once made the altars smoke for twice six days" (Virgil.1.43). In his shepherd qualities he is classed with Argus, Baphnis, Admetus,

Solomon, and "that ancient father who was shepherd of the

Assyrian flock. ,f His powers of protection are then cited and finally his favor in the sight of Jove.

(40) Mustard, Note on Eclogue X.v.l. -244-

Thus we notice in MantuanTs poems a recognition of the typical lover1s complaint the treatment of which combines ideas gleaned from ancient models as well as from the melo­ dramatic wails of the Renaissance, and that it is, in the same rpoem, combined with the traditional elegy < the latter of which is of u more exaggerated nature than the ancient pastorals on the same theme. V& have noted also the observance of the panegyric, three of which are pastoral in nature (III, IX, X),three of which honor contemporaries (TV,

IX, %), and only one of which (IX) is a typical flattery poem written for the purpose of winning favors from a patron.

It may be well to notice here another style of complaint poem, preyicusly noted in ttbe Eclogues of Andrelinus, the . complaint of an empty purse. This as has been said was a stock theme of Renaissance writers, and possibly in Mantuan

V, docs not indicate the author’s complaint of his own penury, as did the poems of Andrelinus. In Eclogue IX, how­ ever, the assumption of poverty is to excite compassion among the ruling powers to the end that Mantuan may receive recog­ nition at court for the purpose of pleading in behalf of his church at Mantua.

There is nothing in all the Eclogues of Mantuanus that more clearly indicates the varying modes of thought of

Renaissance ^taly, than the confused melange of Christian religion, paganism and superstition. Often Biblical, legend­ ary and mythological references are mingled together without -245-

distinction. The religious devotion of the country-people displayed in their prayers at the alters (ill, VIII), their torches and wax offerings (III, VI), their live sacrifices from the herd or flock (VII, VIII), their priestly chants and incense (III), all are offered indiscriinately to God, the Virgin Kory or simply "gods" in general. The transfer of the pagan nodes of religious observance to Christian worship is declared in VIII, in which the country people are urged to present their wax offerings to the Virgin Mary instead of entreating the aid of Pen and other rural deities (41) as their fathers ted done. Legendary and mythological references share honors with these from the Bible. Among the women listed in' the Fourth Eclogue as leaving destruction in their wake are: Tcrpeia, Medea, Helen, Scylla, who cut off her father's purple hair, Byolis, Myrrha, Semiranis, the

Belides, the Cocones who slew Orpheus, Phaedra , the Judaean

Rebecca, the wife of Hercules, nippodaciic, Lavlnia, Bfiseis,

Chryseis, and finally Eve, who expelled our race from happy

lands. In the same Eclogue are the heroes who have returned from Orcus: Aeneas, Hercules, Theseus, etc,, climaxed with the

(41). Burckhardt,. Op.cit. pp.253-254, i?. . .les campag- nards italiens avaient conserve bien des pratiques qui accusent un reste de peganisme. Tels sent ces mets qu’on placait sur les tombeaux quatre jours avant la fete de Saint-Pierre ps Liens par consequent le jour des fetes qu'on celebrfcjrt& autrefois en I'honneur de manes (18 fev- rier). Baptists Mantuanus "De sacris diebus?", s'ecrie:

"Ista superstitio, ducens a Manibus orturn Tartareis, sancte de religione facessat Chrlstigenurc! vivis epulos date, sacra sepul- -246-

nam@ of Jesus Christ, while Itevid, Solomon eodSaEson are the

'’mighty heroes” who have had to pass he nee th the feminine yoke.

In VII the preeminence of the shepherd-state is emphasized by the recount of certain famous shepherds: the Assyrians,

Abraham, Lot, and Jacob, and loses are classed with Paris of

Mt. Ida, and the Amphrysian Apollo, while Christ is the greatest of all shepherds for he called himself a shepherd and his followers sheep. Again, in IX, Jesus with Solomon, is recognized as the most honored among famous shepherds, who count among their number: DaphniSjAdmetus, and Argus. Every­ where we find mention of "divi” , or ”super!" as rulers of the earth, and the powers of God and of Jove seem to differ only

in this respect: blessings, are in general conferred by God,

v'~-" - " while catastrophes are caused by the wrath of Jove, and it is

Jove’s favor that must be won in IX, before fortune can come

to the wandering shepherd. Jupiter and Mercury have, power

in V to grant— through the medium of their stars— magistracy and wealth, or poetic gifts respectively to the race of man,

but it is God who determines what man shall have and who

divides the honors. God ( V m ) is responsible for placing

the Virgin in the sky as a constellation. Perhaps the height

of this mixture of classical mythology and Christian belief may

be found in vv. 79ff. of Eclogue VIII, in which Tethys,

Ceres and Aeolus are made servants of the Virgin Pary, who is

declared "Queen of the Gods, and Mother of the Thurderer" and

an associate of the "gods1’ in Olympus (v.180). Elsewhere in -247-

the Seventh and Eighth Eclogues the Virgin is called a - ' - - - - ' " . - . ' MNymph”. Heaven is usually "Olympus” (although in III it is

"high Elysia”) and in VII, it is offered as an incentive to

Pollux, hy none other than the "Nymph” herself as a place in which dwell Hymadryads, Oread maidens and the Napaeas. Finally the Garden of Eden is located in a place "where Titan, who touches the moon with his head, rises from the ocean” (VIII).

The lack of decorum so in evidence in these illustrations

should not be held a reflection of Mantuan*s Christian sincer­

ity, On the other hand it is an illustration of one of the

Jesuits that followed when the Renaissance thinkers attempted

to free the mind of the unhealthy and restricting beliefs that

had crept into the Church of the Middle Ages, and in its place

to adopt an openminded Christian philosophy, deduced from the

study of pagan as well as Christian thought, and based upon ■ :■ ■ . (42) ■ , - , reason, not blind belief. The adoption of pagan paraphrases for Christian ideas was but one method of exposing this new

freedom of thought. When oerried to extremes this liberal­

mindedness attained a levity that amounted almost to Atheism.

The consequent tendency to trifle with serious subjects is

censored by Mantuan in the person of Cornix, of the ~ixth

Eclogue, who repremanda Fulica, after his repetition of the

story of God’s gifts to the children of Eve, for telling such

a "jest” concerning Heavenly Powers. The tale of Fulioa

represents rather clearly the freedom with which, the Renaissance

made light of Biblical stories.

(42) Symonds, "Renaissance in Italy”, 'f&r-l#, JT 248

The Eclogues of Mantuan reflect another popular form of belief imthe early Renaissance, that is, trust in magie or superstition.. Mantuan mentions the porters of magic herbs

(II,IV,VI), end chants (II,III), of witches that flit about in the shadows at night (IX) or vanish in thin air(IV), and are said to carry off children in the dark of the night(VIII), and of. hobgoblins that wander through the crossroads (VIII).

He reflects the common belief in unlucky or unpropitious stars (II, III, V ) , and in Eclogue IX, imitates the pagan rustic's trust in evil omens (this latter is a pastoral com­ monplace and possibly should not be named in this connection).

Finally, when Man-cuan in his Seventh and Ninth Eclogues, describes the changing of men into monsters in the "dark forest,7 he has possibly obtained his imagery from existing

superstitious tales. Mantuan's own opinion of such ignorance

is definitely stated in the Third Eclogue where he declares

it evil to think magic song has the power to call back pale

spirits from Orcus, and in Eclogue VI Candidus contemns a

class of city people who spend their time in magic practice, and think to turn copper, into gold through the potency of:

certain herbs. ....

It is no however to be concluded that,i in this respect

Mantuan is introducing a new element into pastoral poetry,

for in Virgil's Eclogues we have several examples of super­

stition, while the Eighth Virgilian poem is partially devoted

to the practice of magic. Virgil mentions the lightning-struck -249

oak in his First Eclogue, the prodigy of the crow in the

Ninth, and the ’’evil eye” in the Third. However he "does not intrude his own belief into his Eclogues as Mantuan has done.

He is not concerned to moralize but to paint a picture of simple, idyllic shepherd life, and superstition is a neces­ sary part of the ignorant and credulous guardians of sheep.

Thus we see in the Eclogues of Mantuan a use of the Bible, of pagan mythology and legend all heterogeneously mixed together, with preference as a rule given to the Biblical characters. We have noted, too, a rather undecorus application of pagan imagery to Christian theology, and many times a substitution of a pagan paraphrase for its Christian counterpart. In addition, there are found a number of references to super-

■ ■ ■ - ? - . stition, or belief in magic, that must have been rampant in

Mantuan’s day, and which Mantuan as strongly contemns as - he does the Renaissance tendency toward religious indifference.

Mantuan’s style is quite in contrast with that of the ancient eclogues. There is nothing of mystic charm or delicacy in his poems. His mundane mind forbids flights of aery fancy. His substance is solid, his method straight­ forward. What he loses in grace, he gains in strength. His is a ’’manly” style, non-poetic for most part, but swift and tempestuous, with a smooth undercurrent of human understanding and a wholesome humorous outlook on life. He is proverbial at times, and rhetorical at others, or when it suits his -250-

purpose he can tell a simple story in a smooth-flowing narrative style. He has given to the pastoral a varied

style to correspond with its new extended scope of subject matter and so has set the fashion for a new kind of eclogue attractive to a larger class of people, than were the arti­ ficial court eclogues or purely allegorical poems of that time. ' ' . •" /

The structure of Mantuan's Eclogues is, with the excep­

tion of the Tenth, invariably the same. They are all written

in simple dialogue form. Two shepherds meet in the pasture, usually in the environs of Lake Benacum in the warm season, or sit by the hearth fire in the winter time and converse on topics for the most part beyond the range of the unlearned

shepherd class. Sometimes the speakers share the conversation almost equally as in the Fourth and ninth Eclogues,' but for the most part one shepherd does most of the talking, while his companion either agrees with him, or spurs him to greater effort by confuting his statements. Eclogue X is an attempt

to employ the form of the singing contest. A judge is chosen and the contestants are announced by a witness, who with the judge, and the two contestants compose the cast for the poem. The addition of e; fourth actor seems to be an innovation on the pert of K&ntuanus. There is in reality

no contest song. One shepherd does ell the singing, while his opponent merely interrupts to complain of insults or

hurl some spiteful remark. There are no stakes. The part of 251-

tho "witness” seems to be that of o referee. He settles the

disputes and calls them to order. In the end the judge

pronounces a decision.

While Mantuan1s Eclogues are modelled after the Eclogues

of Virgil, and show recognition of certain Vlrgilian traditions,

such,as the dialogue form, the contest-poem, the dirge, the

love complaint, rustic banter, pastoral panegyric, pastoral

similes, the pastoral close, etc., they cannot be in any

sense considered imitations of the ancient poet1s pastorals.

Verbal imitations from Virgil's Eclogues are rare, even

though we examine the most Vlrgilian of all the Eclogues, the

Ninth. The idyllic scene of Verses 67-70 has many echoes

of Virgil. Compere for instanee Virgil*s Eclogue, I. 50-59,

Trigus captabis opacum. . . saepe lev! somnum suadebit inire

susurro. . . nee gemere aeria cessabit turtur ab ulmo?; and

11.13, "resonant arbusta cicadis"; with Mantuan’s IX.67-70,

"0 nemorum dulces umbrae mollesque susurri, quos tecum

memini gelidis carpalsse sub umbris turturls ad gemitus, ad

hirundinis ac philomenae carmina, cum primis resonant arbusta

cicadis." The prodigy of the crow was probably suggested by

Virgil, IX.15,nante sinistra cava monuissetab ilice cornix.”

Instances of verbal imitation may be seen in v.41, "duris. . .

in cotibus' repeated from Urgil 7III.43, "duris in cotibus,”,

v.101, "rapido. . . aestu,” taken from Virgil II.10, "rapido. . . aestu,” and v.214, "pecoris dives,” from Virgil, 3cl.I^.20, -252-

"dives pecoris.” 'Ye have other suggestions of Virgil's

Eclogues in w . 143-5, concerning the cagical transformation of men into wolves, which passage reflects Virgil VIII. 97-99,

"his ego saepe lupum fieri, etc," in v.210, "procul hlnc, procul ite, capelltie" and the similar passage from Virgil's

First, v.75, "ite meae, feliac quondam peous, ite cr.pellae."

Mantuan has shown -in this eclogue as much of a reliance on the

"Georgies" an on the "Eclogues" of Virgil, vie have actual verbal imitations in v.42, "labor improhus", for which see,

Virgil G.1.145, "labor. . . improbus," v.94, "humilesque genistas," from Virgil G.11.434, "humilesque genistae", and v. 142, "mirabile dictu", from Virgil, G. IV.554, "dlctu inirabile." We have also suggestions of passages in the

Georgies in v.52, "presso. . .ore”, referring to a crow, with which compare Virgil, G.x.4io} "presso. . .gutturein which it is.a raven that is described; v.65, "teztae lento de vlmine saepes etc," with which compare Virgil. G. 11.196,

"texendae saepes etism," and Virgil, C. IV.34, "lento. . . alvario vimine texts," v.74, "alacres teneris luctari cornibus agnos," with which compare Virgil, G.II 526, "adversis luc-

tantur cornibus hoedi," v.128, "praedaque sunt omnes veribus

torrenda salignis," with which compere virgil G. 11.396, "In

veribus torrebimus exta colurnis," v.104, "luxuriessque toris

pectus" with which compare Virgil, G. H I . 81, "luxuriatque toris animosum pectus," and finally, v.162, "moritur duro sub pondere taurus,” with which compare Virgil, G. ill.515, "duro

fumans sub vomero taurus/ concidit." There are two instances of -253-

verbal imitation from the Aeneld: V. 147, "talibua auais,” from

Aeneid 11.535, and v.214, "ditissimus agrl", from Aeneld 1.343,

and III.642. Mantuan also in t is eclogue shows traces of

influence of Horace, Ovid, Livy, Juvenal, Calpurnius, Tibullus,

Prudentius, Petrarch and Dante. V/hat one should especially

notice here, Is the remarkable fact that we find no more instances than we do of imitation in a poem so obviously modelled on an ancient prototype, and comprising no less than

two hundred and thirty lines. Thus, if we find so little actual

imitation of Virgil’s Eclogues in the diction of this partic­

ular' poem, we surely may expect to find even less in the other

eclogues no so definitely based on the ancient pastorals.

In comparing the Eclogues of Mantuan with those of

Virgil, we have noted first of all that the Renaissance poet is

riot writing an escape poetry, but is utilizing the pestore!

form for the purpose of expressing his thoughts about the life

surrounding him. Secondly, the purpose of the two poets

differs. Virgil’s aim is pictorial beauty, Mantuan is largely

concerned to moralize. Both are lovers of nature, but to the

ancient poet nature means something deeper than surface beauty.

There is an ethereal quality to Virgil's descriptions which

Mantuan, even in his loveliest scenes cannot approach. There

is realism in Virgil’s Eclogues, as well as in Mantuan’s, yet

it is treated in an heroic style that raises it infinitely above the unadorned naturalism of the later poet’s poems.

Mantuan’s shepherds ere thoroughly rustic in their manners, at

tim.es bordering on vulgarity, end they arc real personalities. — 254.-—

Virgil shows some evidence of characterization yet his shepherds are not always so highly individualized as those of Mantuan1s poems. Mantuan1 s realism is further enhanced by his descriptions of actual life of his day, and of true rus­ tic manners and sports, although these pictures are not so much related to shepherd life as to country life in general. Mantuan makes no effort to keep his poems within the limits appropriate to pure pastoral poetry, as Virgil has dene, and once he gets his dialogue well started he forgets his back­ ground entirely and enters his shepherds upon long discourses thet disclose an intellect far above their station. When he oversteps the bounds of the simple pastoral, Mantuan is show­ ing his acceptance of the suggestions offered him by eclogue writers ttet followed Virgil. He is unconsciously admitting the artificiality of the mode when he adapts it to a variety of subjects utterly foreign to its nature. Eis subject matter reflects the varied interests of the Renaissance: he concerns himself with ethical dissertations, with admonition, with satire, and discussions concerning religious observance; he makes use of debate, a form of controversy which is in it­ self closely related to the pastoral singing contest; or he tells a simple story, at one time realistic and humorous, at another purely pastoral, yet in each instance minutely de­ tailed and presented in a friendly conversational style, all of which ore quite unpestoral. His style may be in general contrasted to.that of Virgil, by virtue of its lack of delicacy and aery grace. Mantuan*s style is proverbial, or - 255-

rhetor ica 1, or when it suits his purpose he can tell a story

in a flowing narrative style. His style is varied as is his

subject matter, yet it is always vigorous and substantial, and

closely allied to the soil as befits the product of a mundane mind.

Of the pastoral conventions that take their rise in the ancient eclogues, Mantuan displays some recognition. He has a number of nature similes and usually observes the pastoral

close, in both of these preferring for the most part to

exercise his own originality. His illustrations of similes and the pastoral close are not only realistic (as were those

of Virgil) but they ere colored often with Mantuan*s own

rustic style of realism. There is one example of nsympathy

of nature” , which is of course a purely artificial pastoral ...

expression. Certain traditional pastoral topics have also

found their place in these Eclogues of Mantuanus. He has :

and example of the "lover's complaint"^ which follows cer­

tain indispensable rules net by the ancient pastorals, and

yet in its exaggeration rises rather to the Renaissance melo­

drama than to the heroic heights of Virgil*s Second Eclogue.

In connection with the "lover s complaint" he also Illustrates

the "elegy", and finally the pastoral panegyric finds expres­

sion in four instances in Mantuan *s poems, illustrating the

typical pastoral panegyric, the modern poem of honor to a

contemporary for his true accomplishments, and finally

"court flattery". The last two named styles of panegyric are -256-

conventiona that originated in the Eclogues following Virgil.

Two ether traditions that resulted from l&ter developments ^ of the pastoral, ray be seen In the ,tcomplaint of an empty purse", tho "assumption of poverty'■ 7 which rose from the practice of patron seeking, and second,through allegory.

Mantuan has given comparatively little space to allegory, i o However, he is consistent, when he does use it, in carrying

it to the most minute details as in the disguise of more

important matters, thus showing his recognition of the unlim­

ited extent which had come to be the right of allegory in

pastoral poetry. He has made use of personal allegory, pre­

senting himself and hie contemporaries as well as events in

their lives in bucolic garb. He veils contemporary church

history in pastoral allegory and finally he employs a form

of symbolism that reflects the poetry of the Middle Ages.- J';. , - ' • ' ; , •; ; The Renaissance habit of mingling pagan mythology with

Christian theology has been carried farther in Mantuan*s

Eclogues than in any of the others studied, and indicates the

extent of pagan influence which could thus effect the writings

of so devout a churchman as Mantuanus. Finally, the structure

in Mantuan’s Eclogues does not vary as does that of Virgil’s

pastorals. We have, with the exception of one instance, in

the later poet s poems, nothing but simple dialogue. In this

one instance however he tries to follow the tradition of the pastoral singing contest. He has two contestants, and a judge

and has added an additional character in the person of a wit­ -257-

ness or perhaps a referee.

The verbal imitation of Virgilfs Eclogues is not frequent, and although there are resemblances to the ancient poems here and there through the peistoicIs. of Mantuan, the vast differences quite overshador the similarities. III. SUMMARY ' " ' ' ' '

Pastoral poetry of the Benalssance: followed two dis­ tinct directions: it either adhered to the ancient eclogues and concerned itself with picturesque representation of idyllic beauty, of a glorious golden age, or it followed the line of development that had been.going on through.the Empire and Middle Ages, and became a.national and a loss artificial poetry, divorced from its pastoral content. These were both closely connected with the Court. The former was an escape poetry, which hy its very delightful.pictures of an innocent and unpretentious shepherd life, showed its disapproval of the extravagance of the Court. The latter style of pastoral was more direct. It did not seek to evade the life.of the times but to vitally concern-itself with the. problems which were the interest of the author or his oontemporaries, or his country. It was a cover under which the author might relieve the thoughts that were uppermost in his mind, or which were the common topics of the day. " ' - ' 1 L , - - - - >• • 1 j* • - - • " - - However, whether he deals with a fantastic, sunlit

Arcadian scene or with contemporary events and his personal affairs, the author of Renaissance pastoral poetry feels the necessity of allegorical allusion. The allegorical interpretation of Virgil’s poems, whleh was so attractive to the mediaeval type of mind, continued unabated in the

Renaissance. While the mediaevalist concerned himself with -259-

personal allusion, his Interests seemed drawn rather to abstract religious allegory. With the humanists, however,

there is a definite turn in the direction of personal and

political concerns. The pension hunter (Illustrated in the

Eclogues of Andrelinus and Cayado In particular) found the veil of allegory especially attractive for his sordid designs.

To others it was a delightful pastime or literary exercise

(Observe, for instance, Sannazaro and Mantuanus, and to a minor degree, Geraldlnl), in which a friend or patron was honored. Still others were concerned with the unselfish

interests of securing aid for a friend (Cayado) or for a worthy institution (Mantuanusj.

It la the extent of allegory in Renaissance Pastoral

poetry that is especially to be noted. The poems of Andre­

linus we find are almost wholly given over to the author's

personal history, and in this practice we find he recognizes

no limitations, however unskilled he may be in weaving his

pretence. Cayado also makes use of a variety in personal

allegory, although his eclogues are not so completely devoted

to this particular phase of the mode. It is in the allegorical

poem of Mantuan (IX) that the true force of this influence

may be seen. He has not only presented himself end a contem­

porary in shepherd guise but bus described their experiences

minutely as those of a shepherd. In one case (X) Mentnanus offers a satire on the abuses that had crept into his Church — 860”

Order, in pastoral disguise, and here is found an intricate web of allegory. However, the most interesting allegory found in Mantuan's Eclogues is that which reflects mediaeval symbolism. Here is the dark forest abounding in wild beasts and horrifying magic, symbolic of worldly life and all its pitfalls, and reminiscent of Dante's "Divine Comedy," Canto I.

Here is the river of pure.water, symbolic of religion, that sends its tributaries abroad. Finally, GeraIdini has ap­ propriately assumed the biblical pastoral pretense in his

Eclogues devoted to stories from the Life of Christ. Christ is the "Good Shepherd',’! and his Apostles are his "flock,7 hie teachings are "nourishing seeds,',’ and the Last Judgment is a "segregation of the undesirable kids from the lambs. ;

When allegory was thus used as a setting for didactic, matter, a new purpose was realized for the Eclogue, and soon the ethical side of pastoral poetry came to he one of its most important phases. To Mantuanua is given the palm?-:or the blame— for the moralizing tendency that later gained,such a strong hold on eclogue writers of Europe. This same in­ clination to sermonize is evident in the Eclogues.of Andrelinus and Cayado, and too, in those of Arnpllet, who follows Andre­ linus. However,the allegorical side of didactic matter was soon dropped, leaving as a perfectly legitimate and conven­ tional subject for shepherd's discourse, lectures on the folly and dangers of love (Ifentuanus, Andrelinus, Cayado), -261-

on unquestioning faith In the Christian religion (Mantuanus,

Andrelinus), etc. It is easy to see how satire gained its entrance into this type of poetty through a channel of this sort. Add to this the influence that must have arisen from the popularity of the ancient Latin moralists in Renaissance

Italy, and we find the shepherd declaiming in the manner of

Juvenal or ridiculing as Horace. Mantuanus is the chief exam­ ple of the pastoral satirist among these Latin Eclogue writers of the Renaissance, and while it is possibly his influence that led other pastoral authors along this line, he must have received some suggestions himself from Petrarch whose

Eclogues were often veiled satires of Church and State.

The suggestion of reference to contemporary history In the Virgilian Eclogues I and IX, which was quite generally accepted by Virgilian commentators of the Empire and later, and imitated throughout the Middle Ages and Renaissance in poems dealing with matter of a like nature, became so enlarged

in later bucolics that any subject connected with history was recognized as a fitting topic for a shepherd song, par­

ticularly if it were connected in some manner with an eulogy

to a reigning sovereign. Even Sennazero, whose sense of

propriety with respect to pastoral poetry is above the normal

for his time, feels it quite fitting to open his Third Eclogue

with on historical reference and to close his Fourth with a

tribute to a beloved ruler. —262—

Another misconception of Virgil's Pastorale led. to a later convention in pastoral poetry. I refer to the "court flattery" poem, written in praise of some noble or ruler who is declared responsible fbr a new reign of peace and pros­ perity like that of the golden age of Saturn. This gained its place in pastoral poetry through certain poems of Cal- purnius and Nemesianus based, in their turn, upon Virgil's

Fourth. The belief of certain Silver Age Virgilian commenta-c tors, and of Calpurnius, that the Fourth Eclogue of Virgil was a "bread and butter" poem, was responsible for the accep­ tance of "patron flattery" or the "court Eclogue" in poetry of this sort. The First Eclogue of Virgil has also had its interpretation as a "bread and butter" poem. Although Tityrus is generally accepted as Virgil, it is the situation of

Meliboeus that is imitated in the Renaissance poems of en­ treaty for the aid of a patron. The assumption of poverty became a conventional theme in the later eclogue, and a i legitimate means whereby to appeal to the compassion of a wealthy patron.

Two other classes of subject matter that have gained a place in these Renaissance Latin Eclogues may be declared a product of Renaissance development itselfi Interest in the simple narrative may be seen especially in the poems of

Mantuanus, in which are found pure examples of the popular tales of the Italian Renaissance haarthside, or in those of -263-

Geraldini , where the New Testament Is the source. This was not a convention in pastoral poetry, but merely one of the extraneous subjects that won their place in this form of dialogue, simply because the gates had by that time been thrown open to any subject which the author wished to introduce.

The other class of subject matter, stories from mythology, seen in the Eclogues of Cayado, is largely based on Ovid, and reflects the Renaissance interest in pagan literature^ and '

their tendency to display wide classical learning whether or not it In' appropriate to the form of poetry they elect to write. ' - ""■'■■■ r: :- ■■ ;

The selection of pagan paraphrases for Christian ideas did become more or less a pastoral convention. All of these writers of Renaissance latin Pastorals observe this practice except Sannazaro, and he has no occasion to use it.

So, with the change in purpose of pastoral poetry, as with its change in subject matter there came a corresponding

change in style. We no longer have two simple shepherds

conversing briefly on pastoral life, or singing light-hearted

songs. The responsibility for the epic style in Sarmazaro’s

Fourth Eclogue may be relegated to Virgil, whose simplest

pastorals sometimes border on the heroic. However, it is

the interest of the Aeneid among the Italian classicists

which has for the most part offered suggestions for such a

style in many passages of the eclogues. The narrative style is usually based on Ovid, while the proverbial manner of —264“

speaking follows the Latin epigrammatists. Finally the forceful rhetoric of Juvenal and the suave wit of Horace may be seen in examples of satire throughout these poems.

When the Renaissance Eclogues became concerned with so many foreign interests, it was only natural that the pastoral scene should show a corresponding decline. Since the purpose of these writers was not to paint a lovely scene, they promptly disposed of the necessary conventions in brief manner. Most of them consider a certain amount of recognition of bucolic.. conventions (the setting, similes, nature personification, the singing contest, or the pastoral close) an absolute requirement, while others, like Gersldini, become so interested in their non-pastoral subjects that they forget the form of poetry they are supposed to be writing, and merely label their poems Eclogues, and give their characters shepherd names and consider that sufficient. Certain traditional pastoral themes, the dirge, and the lover's complaint, have held their place, in spite of the new elements that have sought to wipe them out. In the type of Eclogues which have just been discussed, these themes are seldom granted the major place of interest in the Eclogue, nor are they ever the sole interest, as they were in the ancient eclogues. However, they are fully recog­ nized in that other class of Renaissance pastoral poetry, which forgot the life of the Court, and the worries of the day and basked in a fragrant meadow under a cloudless sky. -265-

^nnazaro’s Eclogues (and incidentally, his "Arcadia") have had the greatest influence in this class of pastoral poetry. This poet, we have seen was not affected by the many.years of pastoral poetry that had intervened between himself and Virgil. He recognized the true value of the ancient poet's works, and his aim, too, Is to paint an ideal scene and to picture ideal fishermen, whose life is one con­ stant song of joy or lamentation, and whose sole concern is an affair of the heart. When Sanaazaro accepts the conventional theme of the dirge or of the lover's complaint he gives it a different treatment from that found in Virgil or even in.

Theocritus. The Henaisc&ncc complaint lyrics and the melo­ drama have had their influence, and so the lover's wail is long and Intense and receives no alleviation; it is-highly exaggerated and without a trace of sincerity. It represents the artificial eclogue at its height. And it is in this;-treat­ ment of conventional topics that Sennazaro's "Eclogues" have had the greatest influence on later poetry. Yet it is the refreshing novelty of his scenes by the sea, that ? is moot attractive, because they are patterned after the best in

Virgil's pure pastorals, and have as their sole aim an appeal to the aesthetic sense, which, after all, is the only legiti­ mate aim of pastoral poetry. The charm of Spenser in England, of Marot in France and of Garcilaso de la Vega in Spain, as well as of Sannazaro in Italy is due to their acceptance of -266-

the purpose which Virgil first established as the domain of

the pastoral poet, an appeal to the sense of the beautiful

through an artistic treatment of nature in graceful and harmonious language; Pope was surely right in the Introduc­

tion to his Pastorals when he said: "Among the moderns, their

success has been greatest who have most endeavored to make

these ancients their pattern." B IBLIOGRA PET “ 268'

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Banka, The Rev. J ., The Idylls of Theocritus , a literal translation, with commentary. London: George Bell and Sons, 1905. ■ - - '•••. . • _ Hamblin, Frank Russell. The Development of Allegory in the Classical Pastoral. Chicago: The University of cETcngo Press, 1925.

Comparettl, Domenico. Vergil in the Middle Ages. a trans­ lation by E.F.M. Beriecke*“Wew York: G.E. Stechert and Co., (Alfred Hefner), 1929.

Conington, John, P. Vergil! Karonls Opera, with a Commentary. London: V/hitta’ker' and Co., 1858.. foi.I.

Conway, Robert Seymour. Tho Vergilian Age, Harvard University Press, 1928. — ~ '

Dewitt, Norman Wentworth, Virgil's Biographia Litteraria, Oxford: Victoria College Press, Toronto, 1923".' : ~

Frank, Tenney, Vergil, a Biography, New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1922. “

Nardl, Bruno, The Youth of Vergil, translated by Belle Palmer Rand♦ The' Harvard University Press, 1930.

Prescott, Henry W, The Development of Vergil's Art. The Uni­ versity of Chicago Press, 1927.

Phillimore, J. S., Pastoral and Allegory. Oxford: Claren­ don Press, 1925.

Rand, Edward Kennard, The Magical Art of Vergil. The Harvard University Press, lb31.

Royds, Thomas Fletcher. Virgil and Isaah, Oxford: B. H. Blackwell, 1918.

Sidgwick, A., Vergill Opera, Cambridge University Press, 1927.

Duckett, Eleanor Shipley, Latin Writers of the Fifth Century. New York: Henry Holt and CO., 1930. Nitchie, Elizabeth, Vergil and the English Poets. New York: Columbia University Press, 1919. -269-

Gudeman, Alfred, lotin Literature of the Empire. New York: Harpers and Bros., 1SW.

Summers, Y/alter Coventry, The Silver Are of Latin Litera­ ture. New York: Frederick A. stokes Company, 1920.

Wright and Sinclair, History of Later Latin.Literature. New York: The Nacmillan Company, 1931.

Herrasti, Don Francisco de P.,"plscursq Fronunciado en I Tombre del Ateneo de Clendas y Artes de Mexico,el dia 27 de octubre de 1930, en connemoracion del Segundo Nilenari o del Nacin lento del Poeta Public Virgllio Naron.'’ Hononaje de Nezlco al Pcota Vlrplllo en el Segundo Nllonario de su I.acirlento.

Saenz, Tirso, "Bucolicas de Public Virgillc Karon,M Ilcrena .1© de Mexico al Poeta Vlrglllo en el Sorundo Nllenarlo de Bu Naclmlento. 1930.

Rollings, Mary A., Europe in the Renaissance and Reformation. London: Methuen and Co., 1909.

Ha11am, Henry, Literary History of Europe. London: J. Murray. 1873. Yol. TI

Huizinga, J ., The Waning of the Middle Agea. London: Edward Arnold and Co., 1927.

Garnett, Richard, Italian Literature. New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1904.

De Sanctis, Francesco, History of Italian Literature. trans­ lated by Joan Redfern. New York: Harcourt Brace and Co., 1931.

Trail, Florence, History of Italian Literature. Toronto: The Copp Clark Co., Ltd. (Richard G. Badger), 1914.

Symonds, John Addington, The Renaissance in Italy. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1888. Part II, The Revival of Learning. Burckhardt, Jacob, La Civilisation’ en Italic au Temps de la Renaissance. Traduction dc U. Schmitt. Baris: Plon- TTourrit et C ^ . , 1885. Robinson, James Harvev, end Rolfe, Henry Winchester, New York and London: G. P. Putnam and Sons, 1914. -270-

Tilley, Arthur, town of the French Renaissance. Cambridge University Press, 1918.

Guy, Henry, Elstolre de La Poeaie Francaise au XVI Slecle. Paris: Libraire Honore Champion, 1926.

Demogeot, J . Hlstolro des Litteratures Etrangeres, Paris: Librairie Hachette ot Cie,

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Wright, C. H. C ., L'rench Classicism. Harvard University Press, 1920.

Audiau, j ., La Pastorelie. Paris: E. tie Boocard, 1923. Introduction.

Ticknor, George, History of Spanish Literature. Boston: Houghton Hifflin and Co., 1891.

Post, Chandler Rathfon, Mediaeval Spanish Allegory. Cambridge Harvard University Press, 1915.

Rennert, Hugo A., Spanish Pastoral Romances. Philadelphia, 1912. -—

Crawford, J . P. Wickersham. The Spanish Pastoral Drama. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1915.

Lope do Vega, Foeslas Liricas, Madrid: Ediclone de "La Lecture", 19ll.

Chambers, Edmund K . . English Pastorals, an anthology; London: Blackie and Son, ltd., Introduction.

Harford, C. H., Shephcards Calendar by Edmund Spenser, London: Macmillan and Co".", 1914. Introduction.

White, Beatrice, Barclay*s Eclogues. Oxford University Press: Humphrey Milford, 1928. Introduction. -271-

Mustard, Viiifred ?., The Eclogues of Eaustus Andrellnus and loaanos Arnolletua. Baltimore: The JohnsHopkins Press, 1918.

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The Eolo&ues of Antonio Gerald ini. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1924.

The Eclogues of Baptiste Kantuanus. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1911. APPENDIX -273-

. APPENDIX

Plough they are not a neoessary part of the thesis, I have felt it might be of interest to the reader to here ap­ pend an English translation of what seems to me to be the most representative poem of each of these Neo-Isitin Eelogue writers.

Jfcustus Andrelinus

: Eclogue XII A Moral Eclogue

Enduring toil surmounts adversity and

ever from humble station mounts to the top.

Mopsus: Whence this herd through joyous fields, grazing upon grassy forage with greedy tooth?

Corydon: Land that is wet with no rain constantly drips,

Mopsus, nor is the lightning which strikes the topmost mountains always seen; after stormy weather the clear sky becomes serene and shines again after clouds have been driven away. ' " '■ ' ' " -

Mopsus: To what purpose are the beginnings of a long verse renewed? . : ^

Corydon: Of course, he whose gourd is full of stored-away seeds inures himself to freezing Boreas and in the spring, anew, he waits for warning Zephyrs, nor doos he yield to an unequal lot. -274- '

Mopsus: But I, following words worn thin through all the villages, think that, the cold first born by the icy wind more wintry than freezing Boreas. With many a drink before great hearth-fires I put to rout the blowing blasts. With me is beautiful Neaera, who subdues mlodious swans with her sweet

singing.

Gorydon: He who falls at the first blow of adverse fortune doen not hope for better to follow at any time; he will shut his wool-bearing flock within its own sheepfold, but he will be an indifferent guardian and throughout his life,-will

pass his time begging for bread. . - -

Mopsus: Thence if I feel a storm coming, bearing hailstones,

I shall remain firmly in the middle of the field and be a

scorner of rainwater, and shall not seek shelter within

doors until the clouds shall have dissolved in the serene sky?

Gorydon: The huntsman, untroubled, views the deer to be

slain by sudden attack; now in the lowest valley, now. amid

rocky by-paths of mountainous forests he tracks his lurking

prey in strenuous pursuit. Meanwhile with a great crash, the

black heavens thunder, and the three-forked lightning ,with

swift fire rushes down. The hunter does not seek a nearby

shelter in trembling fear, because of a big storm, leaving

his work which he has begun, but with great clamor urges on

scenting hounds. Behold a buck with tall branching antlers

appears. One Molossiandog seizes his shoulders, another his

neck, and one his legs. The hunter dashes forward, pantingly --275-

.and his hunting spear of steel, fast in his strong hand,

pierces the mangled deer, and a triumphant victor he laborous-

ly hears back the sought-for prey. All the household, exultant, bursts forth in repeated applause and heaps the high forest

upon glowing fireplaces; licking flames leap up to the

amazed stars; bereft of dripping garments, rubbed down and

refreshed by warm drinks, their (the hunters) bodies glow.

Soon, the deer is skinned and cut into a hundred parts, is washed; some turn the meat, pierced by willow spits, some

are boiling meat in bubbling vessels, while others prepare for

the coming feast various condiments to whet sluggish appetites.

But the mouths of the hunters bear not dull palates, nor do

they require moreturn mixed of varied savour. Neighbors,

invited, are hastening to the magnificent feast; some carry

jars full of old wine, some of new, and some bring smoking

sinciput. And more than this, each joyously brings with him

a friend, as his dinner guest, according to the rural custom*

The tables, constructed, are burdened with the best of food and

eagerly the guests recline at the table. Mellboeus dissolves

past cares with Bacchus. MThese mountains, these lowest hol­

lows of the valley I traversed, at the base of the hill I

pierced the roaming stag whose body was being torn by dogs.”

It is no small pleasure for the veteran to relate; after

arduous deeds, the trials suffered, when they have satisfied

their eager appetites, they bring in dancing choruses and sing festal songs, extolling the sumptuous banquet. When the - 276- flute dropped from weary cheeks, becomes silent, the exhaus­ ted dancers cease, take up full goblets, and plunge themselves

Into a full draught. They fix the deer's antlers fast to the wall before the pillars circled with such a verse as ; this: "These antlers, from the slain deer, Meliboeus, on his return placed here, a lasting evidence of the toil he endured."

Thence they return to their humble homes and upon the humble cot rest their limbs tottering from too much Lyoaeus. .

Mopsus: What if he had found his labor in fain? Would he, after he died, heap impious insults on the gods he has neg­ lected?

Corydon: Hay, his heart ever faithful, solacing himself for his fate, he would say, "0 youth, the reward which yesterday’s . - - light denied, tomorrow's will bring with doubled interest. Ho hopeless misfortune of a hard lot ever comes; if in one year false Ceres has deluded vain hope, in another, more happy,: she will give back tall grain to the gathered heap. The bravest heart , strengthened, by tribulation brought by a sinister fate proves itself masculine not knowing how to succumb.to feminine custom. ,

Mopsus: Fat pork and not strong bacon stimulates my palate.

Then, when the highest praised food is denied me, I remain a courageous;:, table guest amid poor edibles. Intense desire follows greedily what a mad hunger drives it to do. But hostile reason fights back, disapproving as if I, ill, had swallowed bitter aloe. -277

Corydon: Great gluttony, nightly gambling games, and the wanton courtesan impoverish one. Inactive leisure, delight­ ing in soft luxuries, produces these deadly plagues. But on the contrary, a callous hand, oft twisted on hard farm tools, uncovers unknown treasure in the land dug up,; clever diligence • • „ , - - > - # ' i- •• , • - - . " . notes the fixed sign.by which it directs its drawn bow.

Mopsua: Those counsels are befitting old age, with a long life behind it, whose body is bereft of warm ambition and whose only concern is a nearby grave; and those whose bodies glow with youthful vitality care not what late Vesper brings when Olympus has been passed or what tomorrow*s sun, in its rosy dawning, but from the depths of their hearts, they sigh beloved Phyllis.

Corydon; That harmful love which the youth of new growing down seeks, he cuts off with his growing heard. Later age, changed of its former desires puts an end to youthful follies.

I do not deny that I, myself, when in my early years, my blood aroused, burst into flame, mad with blind desire, be­

came reckless and to the very marrow of my bones the fire burned, wretched me, a fire by no skill extinguishable. Not differently was I burned than the harvest, perched in the yellow field when the rising heat from the mad East Wind

rages mightily and is born aloft through all the air. So

great a conflagration cannot be extinguished by a .flood of

rain water. The farmer breaks loose.in bitter tears and in vain

bemoans his irreparable loss. When a better reason turned my — 278—

stupefied mind, I said, "Unfortunate Corydon, what great madness is it, to thus pass useless days and not in your years of strength make use of your youth, and again ask for the hoe laid aside. Be it that the fair Galatea surpasses quivered Diana in her charms, will not that lovely face grow old, as the beautiful rose, which in the goldee dawn grows red, but, when Vesper returns again, sends forth a ranker perfume? Why is it said that Cytherea was born of the salty deep? Because the lover is always besprinkled with bitter sweat. Why does Love bear a quiver? Because the darts which he hurls pierce one with sharp pain. Why,are his two eyes blindfolded? Because his deeds seem not fit for the seeing . > - eye. Why is his body unclothed? The stupidity of the mad lover is clearly manifest. Why does the boy approach on vari-colored wings? Because, more light and uncertain than a spring breeze, he cannot stay in any place, and leaves behind him unfinished words, and has not a steadfast feeling ruling his heart. Nay indeed, seek the numerous wedding ; gifts bountiful Nature pours forth from her laden hand; waste should be a cause of shame to you, since favours out­ poured, fall from propitious stars. Fix your powers on some­ thing certain by means of which old age which is to come may support its weakened self. Change not in the long years to come. Cast away the habits which hold you back for the lazy swine airty sluggishness grunts not for mellow apples. -279-

let the little ant, storing away summer’s grain in his cavernous holes, be a greet example for your future, foolish one, le^t base poverty find you an old beggar in your feeble years. As it is said, there is nothing more sad than needy ol;d age. Unreasoning desire drove prodigal Thyrsls to squander his father s wealth. But soon, driven out, and bare as a cock with feathers plucked, he will wander through the land.

It is a mark of highest wisdom to evade impending disaster by observance of another's example."•

With these words, my mind vzas suffused with deserved shame, and I expelled troublesome cares from my heart as the rough wooded growth is uprooted from the wheatfield, that \ it may not destroy tender plants and that hardy burs with harmful weeds may not run riot through growing crops. Presently

I was on fire with such a great enthusiasm for the cultivation of my fields that I almost perished with excessive eagerness.

No intense cold, no torrid heat held me hack, nor wretched hailstorm or a greater storm loosed by the hot South Wind.

Diligent care, by anxious tell, restored what foolish love had consumed. Many young men, as thick as pigeons, flew to; ray house and paid me a no mean price for which, of course, they learned to properly separate the soil into small clods.

First I taught the farmers who lived, unskilled.in French fields, and now they can, with their master's commendation, contest and surpass foreign colonists in the art they have learned. So great is their skill in this extraordinary -280

horticulture• Some shepherd, I know not whom, began with biting tongue to eat away our fame; cruel envy with livid venom exulted in this malignant ferment. As a terrible lion, spurred on by mad wrath, I hurled back upon that youthful head rash javelins. The bull, who has long dewlap hanging from shaggy jaws, when wearied, implants a deeper footprint.

This famous victory was carried to Caesar's ears. Those breeding cows which you see, of beautiful form, he, {Joyful of countenance, gave me, for there is none other more favourable when he sees a shepherd flourishing in illustrious praise. And his wife Augusta gave me other cattle which Thyrsia drives with reechoing trumpet, through those pastures yonder. There

is no inert genius lying asleep, because great Copia pours

from her plentiful horn unheard of riches; the mind that -

knows not how to be slothful, or to he idle in an unclean .

life, produces greater wealth. Scarcely does our feathered watchman announce the coming day when I am awakened and drag

myself from the warm covers with my accustomed zeal— ^more-

worthy of praise, than my snoring mouth. When joyous Fortune

opens her swollen purse, you should not be idle, your labor

laid aside. He whose mind is provident, sleeps not, like the

hibernating door-mouse, when his riches have been procured;

That which one has gained flows out as rushing water in a rapid

stream, if restless care be not ever watchful through the year.

Mopsus: Since your temples are grown white as the breast of

a swan, why do you endure the great trials of wearisome life? -281-

Corydon: It is a difficult thing for a man who has been fostered in soft feathers to suffer hard labors, Mopsua. To him who has grown callous by long strenuous work, it is great pleasure to have suffered the well-known burden; had life been different I would not have seen so many Decembers. Continuously

it has been my custom to circle my uninterrupted course. .Hard labor drives out poisonous fluids through dripping sweat, and digests uncocked food, sends it to every part and makes an

enduring oak of a strong body. . Although I have now

passed twice five lustrum of my life, I bear a body full of

manly vigor and assailed by few illnesses. Sturdy old age

shows not the idle deeds of past youth. Perhaps I am praising

too much my own glories, as old men are wont to do who extoll

their deeds of past life, and adorn them with loquacious wordds;

but I, as driver, prick this lifeless steed the more, that it

may reach the sweating goalposts when the sends have been

traversed. Prolix license, granted aged men, though lasting

till the middle of the night, offers reckless youth warnings

which should not be contemned. He does not prattle foolish­

ly whom long experience of many deeds has taught.

Mopsus: Thus alternate rest does not ease the body of one

wearied with unceasing toil, so at all hours does, the busy-

salamander live in the midst of the fire.

Corydon: If every year, you put your faith in a harvest from

your plowed land it will become as a mother who has borne many children and its powers exhausted will lament the strength -282-

that is spent. Of course deep sleep wipes away daily fatigue in the pleasant night when it holds the heart forgetful of exacting labor. Nature, provident of all things, impartially grants alternate turns, without which nothing is lasting in earthly things. For what greater pleasure is there than on a festal day to exercise the body in strenuous wrestling and not to yield to one's comrades, or with mighty force to hurl the shining Javelin through the air above, or with one arm to throw a huge rock and to pass beyond the fixed mark, or in high Jump andthe warm course of winged feet to contend.

Either these or sports like these the healthy youth ought to practice and from them bring manly strength. . . .

Mopsue: Now beardless youth yields to gray-haired advice .

Just as the sour sorb-apple which the day Itself matures.

But who could win over such great gods in your favor (as you tell). Surely.at all times this shepherd is worthy of being extolled throughout the public crossroads.

Corydon: It was that famed Daphnis, known above the heavens who sustained this heavy weight .of the French burden. - •

' k . .. - Mopsus: 0 fortunate are you upon whom all heaven smiles, and the earthy too. Upon you, from its lofty star, the white light of nativity shone when it first arose.

Corydon: Then will I be blessed, if there is anyone in all

the world so, when I shall obtain my woodland pasture promised by unconquered Caesar, so that my herd may browse in its own -2(33-

fields. For truly it is difficult work to keepi the cows, led into another’s pasture, from becoming the object of a . mutual quarrel. Gods above,'what._a great pleasure it is to have said, "This is my sheep, this my kid, this my goat, this my fodder, this my cow and this my home, Mopsus."

And when late evening calls my pastured cattle home, not elsewhere will they have looked for pasture. '. -

Mopsus: 17hen in your thirst you would drink the desired, water, do ydu seek other waters of a larger stream? Corydon: Unfortunate is the shepherd whose desire is Insatia­ ble . When he has heaped up in his safe pile as much as is here let him not live in want of a stranger’s money chest; he would not strive for more wealth if he had conquered his love of gain.

Mopsus: What If it should give of its own will, sanething far greater than the things sought after?

Corydon: What great insanity would touch stupid thoughts if they should be neglected. Never ought thankless gifts of greater gods be sent on swift breeze. But it is enough that the promise be given and I yield not with wavering mind; always more firm than solid bronze is that which the royal crown promises and irrevocable words of the high ruler drip from motionless lips.

Mopsus: More rare than a white raven is that Caesar of yours. -204

Corydon: As much as the lofty pine towers over humble tama­ risks, so mueh does he surpass all others In his deeds. As long as there are scaly fishes in the wide sea, and gnashing­ toothed boars upon high mountains, Caesar himself with his loved wife will always be fast in my heart. Hor shall any forgetfulness of great Daphnis ever come to me. Backward t turned rivers shall run more swiftly, the flock shall be reft of its wool, and the croaking frog of its middy marsh before that preeminent Dephhls shall fade from my memory.

Mopsus: May this triple power be ever in your prayers and may it breathe upon you with hoped-for success. Amen. -265-

Jaoopo SannazaTO

Eclogm I ,

Lycidas: Recently 11© roving the nearby shore and, searching small tuna fish for food I was amazed that a raven unwonted there should cry out so often to me, and here and there over wet cliffs and through the caverns of the nesting sea-coot the sad rocks were filled with his doleful plaints, atid .: the curved-back dolphin leaps not new? from the sea nor leads his band through the waves as he used to do. t

Behold, the day is oome on which I buried loved Phyllis . . . . . - - ; . v . _ " , : - ' - - - _ and o'er her mound of earth bewept her gentle shade, ah wretched met . Since then I have, not relinquished the sadness (which envelops nm) and cruel Pylemon is not slow to bring me solace. tSycon: Forsooth, that is what happened to me, roving here and there the night long, for, while I was wandering o'er the coast of Posilipo and, in my swift bark was picking my way about fish-infected Nisida, complaining divers were bewailing

some lamentable grief, I know not what. Phyllis was calling

them to sacrifice, Phyllis was calling them to mourn, 0 Lycidas,

was calling them to worship at her tomb.

Lycidas: Alas, beloved Kyoon, of. such a sight were these

processions (now do I recall it), those hands, those faces,

which with my very eyes 1 saw; with my very eyes, I say, I unhappily looked on these rites; and cruel grief drove me -206-

no t at last upon the crags, upon the rocks, nor did that fiery power upon the self-same pyre consume me, nor, saved from that, did any god drown me in the sea.

Mycon: 0 Lycldas, Lyoidas, do you not think she has met a happier fate than if she bad dwelt in the smoky cave of

Lycota or ’neath shaggy Amynta's roof, and now be searching her own meagre food or mending her torn fish basket with thread-like osier? But you, if you have a song which laments your former love, which invokes as witness her ghost, and loved ashes, begin, since the shore stretches it soft sands for you and mad waves have put aside their thunders." .

Lycldas: Nay, those swift flowing songs which late I sang to her ashes, I shall sing; while from the distant haven of the curved shore I look out and gaze with adoration on the rocks of her snowy sepulchre; do thou, then, with thy hand, ' sprinkle cone-bearing cypress o'er her mound and cover her grave with green myrtle. Mycon: Behold, moss of the cerulean sea and purple shells

I bring to you and coral, sought in the nethermost depths and scarce uprooted from rocks at the bottom; now, do you begin your solemn song. Begin, while Balan MiIcon unfurls his nets to the sun and lays in a coil his dripping lines.

Lyoidas: What rocks, sea-nymph goddesses, what caves do you open to me? What plants of your secret shore, father Glaucus, what grass of monster-bearing power, (because of whose strength you left the land behind you), will you - 287-

show me now, and I, ah wretched mel made anew a dweller of the watery deep shall follow you In the midmost waves with transformed body, and shall strike the foaming sea with bifid tall. For without Phyllis, why should I so wretched long for a life on sunny earth? Or, why, pray, should I deem it sweet when my light has been snatched from me?

What would I have to hope for here? Why should I unfor­ tunate, tarry longer? When I am cast into worthless seaweed, shall I so often see the thirsting shrubs and deserted shores and cry out my words to a thankless sepulchre? Would

I, forsooth, frequent marriage ceremonies, happy weddings?

Does Venus give me the delights of hoped-for union? Does

Lucina grant me wavering fears? Who has taken you from me, who has snatched you away, sweetest Phyllis, you who were once the only comfort and hope of my life ; now there is grief and sorrow everlasting in my heart. It was not per­ mitted me to unite with, you in longed-for sleep, nor to pluck the sweet delights of early youth, nor was it granted me to pass my life with you until old age. Now the hard stone holds you (who would believe it!) and you are no longer mine. Phyllis is no longer of. the earth, but in cruel sleep­ lessness, fancies and shadows make vain long wretched nights.

In what region shall I, wretched, look for you at last, or whither shall I follow? Once I rejoiced in this earth, be­ cause of you, and people and walled cities were pleasing to me; now I long to traverse the tracts of the mighty deep -288-

and m r e freely to rove through tempestuous waves, mingling with the hosts of Triton, and monsters of the cave, and deformed sea-dogs of horrifying bodies, where I shall never see the land. Now, now, that land through so many years tilled by me, farewell; farewell to you, people and towns, farewell to you, beloved shores, and likewise to you, fairest

Phyllis, farewell! For you I shall build seven altars in the watery waves, to you every year as is my wont, I shall slay seven shaggy sea-calves, monsters of the ocean, and oyster shells in seven strands shall be hung up for you, oyster shells varied with pebbles of purple and white. In your honor the Nieeean Cymodoce of flowing golden hair, and gentle Balaemon with his goddess mother and Panope and

Galatea, shepherd of the Sicilian deep will join in solemn chorus and sing the songs which the bard, Proteus, once taught from his divine heart when he wept for the death of : great Achilles and consoled the bitter worrow of Thetis.

But whether you live happily in high heaven, or now among

Elysian souls and reverenced hosts, you follow Lethaen fishes through limpid pools, or, with your lovely hand* pick never-fading flowers, narcissus and crocus, and lasting amaranth and mix soft sea-weed with pale violets, look thee upon me and kindly draw near; thou shalt always be a god­ dess of the water, always an auspicious sign for fishermen.

As to the Nymphs and Nereus, as to golden-haired Amphitrite, so to you will boatsmen victors pour libations. Meanwhile -239

take thou'this last song on your tomb; this song which the fisherman will read and from his high rook will breath® out

sighs, as about his slender rod he wraps hi® line:

IN THE LAP OF LOVED SIRIN PHILLIS LIES FROM THEIR

TWOFOLD SEPULCHRE THOU TAKEST THY RISE HAPPY SEBETHE

Mycon: Your songs sound sweet to me, Lyoidas, nor would I rather choose the lament of Alcyone or, on the dripping

grass of the bank near the water, listen to the swans1 sweet plaintive note. (As neighboring Megaria ever furnishes its many seashe11s,-and nearby Mergllline bears oysters and sea-urchins of rocky cliffs to you), do thou begin again another song for me; since night still spreads its darkened

shades and Sol has not yet crossed the sky; for repeated songs have charm.

Lyoidas: Urge me not, in my wretched state, Mycon. It is

enough that my eyos and wearied cheeks are dripping; see how grief has closed my parched throat, and the depths of

my heart are shaken with mbs, and my painful voice gives

up its gasping soul. And yet these other songs, more per­

chance and better, I shall sing if the Muse be present.

But, be it on the Jutting cliff of Procida or of Misenum,

I shall inscribe these songs to be seen in the future by

sail-bearing ships, and with iron rust I shall draw large

letters which the sailor passing by on high sea may read

and say: "Lyoidas, Lyoidas wrote these verses." But since — 290— your exulting friends here and there on the shore await you, and demand your strength at the net, Gome, let us rise. I shall linger at the grave here, but do thou join thy friends for it Is time to search for food and your empty fish baskets are floating about weightless. -291-

Henrlque Cayado

. Eclogue III

Tirrhus: ^"hy, o boy, do you muse alone in the middle of the plain, exposed to the heat of the summer time, and why do you scorn the shade of the acorn-bearing oak, the branches of the wide-spreading beech and the grotto strewn with brilliant flowers? . Do you not see the harvest growing grey with the too-intense sun, and widening ordeks in the dry earth everywhere, the banks of the streams girded with flying dust and noisy crickets bewailing in dinful complaint?

Comei run into the shady woods, Lycidas, that the intense burning may not injure your fair face, or the lovely color

fade from your rosy lips. As green grass is often turned

into ashes by fire and so turned vehishes on swift winds, so

does the dazzling whiteness of youth consumed by the scorch­

ing heat pass away, and the new form assumes a dusky hue.

Not far from here a grove dense with trees, offers itself

to us, with its long branches furnishing shade, close to

cool founts and the pleasant course of water hastening with

soft murmur into the fields. There you will harmonize verses

on linked reed pipes, and you will hear the celebrated songs

our Pacheco, songs riot heard before. What further? Come,

0 heavenly boy, worthy of the couch of the Nymphs: that which

is consecrated by you remains a shrine most pleasing to the -292

Muses.

Lycldaa: I have never tried, Tirrhus, to preserve by any remedy, the illustrious beauty which generous nature has given me. This effeminate concern does not become a master of flocks. Let the rough shepherd of fearful aspect, watch well his sheep and with force fight off the rapacious wolf; that softness inimical to men, inimical to farmers, weakens the powers of body and mind. Thence always will Polyphemus be dearer to me than soft Amynta, and be held superior to delicate Alexis. This then is the place (for none pleases me more since I am not far from my father’s herds) where we can play together in like. Muse and recall those elevating songs of the new bard, which you so highly praise, which you extoll to.the stars.

Tirrhus: Hardly would I believe you born of mortal stock, fair offspring of the gods, you who, a gift from heaven, pass your life among mortals, who, with your father*s talent foretell a glorious race and facts of future life, if the prophesies do not deceive my senses.

Everything answers to fame, though envy of praise takes away what little there is of it and makes the lesser true which only moderately comments,. For she robs much of the good and extols the glittering, and less often flays the evil with her sharp tongue, and sometimes sends the insig­ nificant crime on the way to Tartarus. ?.'ho would not ad­ mire a boy in the flower of youth, the delight of his father his only hope, his only pledge. It is nothing in the boy 293—

to undertake what life demanda, but he agrees to practice

those habits of mature old men or of his own ancestors, whom a former age gave us to be ever honored and ever held in esteem. 0 pride, splendor, and glory of our age, 0 happy beyond comparison is the father for whom a son prepares

such great joy. That land which caters to such a foster child is more fortunate than the Elysian fields.

But why do you waste time with such unrenowned words,

loquacious Tirrhue? He offers better songs than yours and more powerful by far. Thence begin, if you have anything

to say, and you have more songs which you can sing— -that drip with Castellan dew, the work of a bard who recently came

to upper air (if it is right to believe in such beginnings)

first to lead forth those founts themselves, which the

hoof of the winged horse loosed, from the high peak of

Parnassus— the thrones of the Muses— into his native land,

to the glory of his country and of himself. For example,

those songs of which I speak will become clearly evident if

you give ready ear to these verses, Lycidas.

Whither have you led me, lifeless, at last, Pierides, leaders of hards? What reward is worthy of so great a toil? For often after having sent out my herd into the pleasant meadows, although my care, preferable to that of the cattle, was to pluck the tender grass and bathe the parching gardens with water, I concerned myself with visiting the innermost sanctuaries of the sacred moun­ tains (alas to what purpose was my madness) and mounting the Aonian cliffs, so that the forests and steep rocks might sound with my voice and the all-speaking Echoes with unfamiliar tones. For some the care of their green-growing farm is -294-

no small labor, to others it is toil to repair a tottering dwelling, the fact that it is necessary to shear the sheep drives others, for the merchant stands ready to buy the fleece, his hand laden with money, and he banishes delay and urges on the shearing. Each perfoms his task, no one is eager for rest when he is able to shun the burden of horrifying poverty. I only followed paths diverse from these (and what will it profit me?), driven to expect reward. Meanwhile I shall pass my life without profit, I shall feed on empty winds, on empty air. Expect such fortune, you whosoever leave the sure thing, since you seize the unsure when you think those things are sure to you." Lycidas: How the Tagus will be numbered among Aonian waters, for whom there is no honor so great, no greater glory, al­ though it gives forth golden sands from its rich banks, than that of rejoicing in the fame of a native bard. It will be another Mincius; it will leave Gaetis, most celebrated of western streams, behind it, and will be better known than

Eridanus, king of rivers. Rejoice in the shining Tagus,

Nymphs, rejoice in the poet. Lead forth the chorus, Nymph:- daughters, and dance, banish sad shadows from the sacred river, and let him be placed in honor among men, let the virtue of the poet be known. -295

Antonio Geraldlnl

Hcloguo XI «■ ' ' The Last Judgment

There was a time when from the lofty peak of the high mountains the Shepherd of Lightning inspecting all of his flock, segregated the loathesome kids from the snow-white lambs and led the herds from the broad fields into the city; for that fierce wolf seducing the sheep seized in the name of the Shepherd, now by force, now mere cruelly by cunning, he whose custom it was to mangle the animals surprised in the fields, with speechless slaughter left his mark on the herd, and caused all the region to be filled with plaintive bleatings* :

How a fierce tempest in advance dispatched these horrifying signs to the earth; the sea, raised to forty fathoms and again rolled back to the lowest depths in cofi- vulslve retreat laid bare valleys of slimy filth when the waters had subsided. Ponderous whales and sea-calves and cliff-dwelling monsters sent out doleful lamentations to the farthest shores. The torrid plains burned with many tongued flames and every tree was dripping with bloody sap, every bird joined the sad assembly in the air. Homes fell; soon everywhere the lightning overwhelming with its red fire laid waste the tracts of the air. Stones were hurled together, -296

and a tremor of the gaping earth, with its terrifying motion prostrated all beings. Mountains were equalled with valleys and, snatched up in a whirlwind, clothed the level plains in a sea of dust. Departed from their caves, men spoke mad words, nor could they make answer to one another. In the doorway of the tomb, when the sepulchre was opened stood the bones which were to return into the bodies of their accustomed form. Stars fallen from their places dragged behind them their death-dealing hair and scattered it through all the world; mournfully the walling beasts gathered together. At last all fell, young and old, that they might again return to upper air dwellers of Heaven. And when the old earth had been wiped out with devastating fire, and after the great conflagration, a new world had been con­ structed, every race rising on its former limbs, returned to go before the last tribunal of that fearful judge. . . .

Thence when the loud trumpet gave the sound, forthwith all tribes aroused, came together from diverse shores; those upon which Phoebus, rising, breathes, with his rays of the

East, and those which, setting, he bathes with warm glow, end those that each pole looks upon, those over which Boreas blows, and the South Wind. Every religion, every law, sex, and age, no matter what the order of man, end in whatsoever time he was born, each bearing his wrongs written on the spread of his forehead, each noted with his works and the life he had led, strove to hurry, with various drag-chains, into - 297-

the narrow valley. The Shepherd appearing above them in a flood of light, surrounded by strong followers and a gleaming host, his

body marked by the five holes of the sword thrusts, stood

fierce of countenance, unmoveable. From his hand hung the

balance of justice made of molten bronze, weighing in its two scales right and wrong, merits and injuries, praise­ worthy deeds and crimes.

There is no delay; whom he perceives bent to earth by too.great a.weight of sin, he sends to Tartarus with just penalty forever, that they, exhausted with torture,

may never die, hut that torment without end may oppress

them there where there is sad horror, and harsh groaning,

and toil and pretence of things and Chaos. And those whom,

when the examination has been endured, he sees without sin borne upward on wings into the shining sky, he destines to eternal triumph, the host applauding, here where the holy

host knowing of right, rejoices, happy that the earth has been

passed over, and having the destructive power of the •

Thunderer, which alone above all riches it prefers. -298-

Baptista Bantusnus

Eclogue 17

Concerning the Nature of Wommn

Alphus: Jannus, your goat, I see, is thin. He used to be spirited and went about with his horns held high. Mow, lying dejected on the ground, listless, and ears drooping, he sniffs at the grass and touches the blades with the bare tips of his lips.

Jannus: He in droopy and there's something funny about this droopiness which makes vine laugh every time I think of it. It hasn't been made known yet hut when it is, everyone will be surprised.

Alphus: Jannus, you have a way of telling witty things most cleverly, and with skillful tongue; tell me, then, why your goat is droopy.

Jannus: It is not a lie (God is my witness), but a thing that recently happened. Yet this affair cannot be related cleverly without recompense; what pay may I hope for? What gifts do I get?

Alphus: Jannus, I will show you where the nightingale has built her nest.

Jannus: Who lightly pledges himself, parries with empty promise.

Alphus: Who believes not, lacks faith. But with a pledge, -299-

I will offer you security; draw two arrows from my quiver.

Jannus: I shall begin. Guide thou my voice, 0 Nymphs of Parnassus, and relate to me the dire misfortunes of my goat, and too, — grant Alphas his nightingale nests.

A young guardian of the sheepfold, hired for pay, used to assiduously feed his sheep and goats. The services of this young man were useful to us until he spied a maid who used to come here to fetch water, and then, he just faded into nothing. Driven out of his senses, from that time he began to care for the flock more indifferently and to hold in con­ tempt the sheepcotes, to keep in a whirl his wearied brain.

When he was asleep he would seem to be awake, for he mumbled foolish words; when he was awake, although his body was employed, he was dreaming dreams in his listless mind.

Thus, while playing in the woodland pasture, he bound his goat by the horns with strong twigs in a thicket {that was four days ago) to see whether he (the goat) could break the fetters with his neck and with the strength of his \ rugged forhead. In the meanwhile he himself wanders about the woods looking for nests. The maiden enters his mind, he pictures her loved face, her lips, her curls and those parts of which it is immodest to speak; over and over he meditates upon all. Meanwhile daylight fades; forgetting his goat he returns home. In the middle of the night his memory 300-

re turning, he rises from hie bed, and while he is making his way tremblingly through the darkness, he falls into a pit, which was concealed by willow branches and dry straw for the purpose of trapping wild animals, and which was like a deep well from whose deep recess one could not climb out.

— The goat is In fetters,— the boy is in a trap, and no shepherd is watching the sheep.--Now the third hour dawned.

I am puzzled, I let out the sheep, and count them, and look­ ing for the goat, I am struck dumb; 1 call for the boy; I search the huts. I'm telling you the truth: I was terrified lest he had by ehancexbeen annointed with some magic potion and had vanished in thin air along with his risen goat. For they tell that with such aid, witches flitting about at night are borne from great distances to certain far-off ban­ quet halls. Astounded, I finally drive the flock to pasture, and while feeling my way with my crook, I am entering the grove, behold, through the shadows, behold— in the distance— a goat is bleating in the briar bushes a mV struggling and fighting against his fetters with opposing horns. Not ex­ pecting nor reckoning on such this ghostlike apparition sudden- lystruck terror to me. Finally my courage strengthened, I recognize the animal, and going into the bushes I cut the fetters with my "runca". Returning home late, I see at

some distance across the pasture a crowd, after the manner of inconsiderate youth, convulsed with mirth. When we were al­ —301-

most together and they recognized me, they greeted me and said: "Look here, Jannus, here is your boy, just dragged out of a wolf trap. While he was perambulating about the fields in the night, he fell into the pit." And so— both were found,— the goat and the shepherd. The goat that suffered this misfortune still droops. The imprudent boy is more senseless than the goat. The maiden soon became haughty, when she learned that, she was loved, and thinks it is modest to feign ignorance of the boy s affection, to the end that modesty may add to her charm. She adorns her face and dress and walks with studied dignity, her eyes care­ fully averted; fox-like she handles the affair with an innocent candour. These are the endeavors, these the traps, these the weapons of women. He, hoping sometime to win his

Galatea, his wages scorned, pursues his love. Therefore,;. having laid aside my waggon, my ploughshare and oxen., I return to the duties of a shepherd. Capriciousness of youth controlled by this madness, plagues the whole farm. Alphas: What skill cannot do, chance brings to pass. 0 stupidity, o skillful chance, o story worthy of two-months laughter. Jannus, your trust must be preserved; the night­ ingale toils for you. But that which you relate about the subtle cunning of this girl, brings to my mind those songs that Umber often used to sing concerning feminine wiles.

Jannus: Tell me, if you know anything of Umber's; tell -302-

f me. Practice a little while the words and measures; Umber s song is memorable..

Alphas: It is (as you say) a memorable song, but not free gratis. With what recompense will you reward me? And what pay shall I have?

gannus: Donel I absolve you of your promise and return your arrows.

Alphus: While I go behind these sedges, Jamms, watch my

flock that it doesnrt harm the grapevines. gannus: 0, ram— ram, you who are as black as a demon wi th your crooked horns, you are always getting into the vineyards. You'll not understand wh®t that ditch is for, until I shall have gouged out your eyes from your forehead. The one

hundred pastures stretched along the acres arc not enough unless you ravage the grapefarms also.

Alphus: gannus, I am back, and have remembered, but per-;

haps I shall hot yet tell you many of the things I know. -Xte-" ber knew all things which it was fitting man should' know: the : \ , \ . .■ . . ; ■ ■■■ • , ' ■ ■ A';.::;- heavens, the stars, the earth, winds, sea, rivers, and streams *

He had seen Ifoodope and high Ceraunia and Ossa, the Gallic

realm, the Arar, the Rhone, the Tiber and the Po. He trans­

lated Grecian songs into Roman words,— powerful in each speech, foremost in each tongue. Greece envied us this man, and

so did the Arcadians, themselves, and the forest pasture lands of Thrace, and the Thessalian Tempe. If there is anything -303

that you would by chance, like to know better, Candidus- who always followed his example, is not,far behind him; he'knows these things and will teach us. But now let me try, with my breath, the seven-holed flute. Yet before I begin, I entreat that the Nymphs of Libethrus be present, especially Polymnia, who is said to have had the best memory.

Woman is a "V.servile” class, cruel, haughty, she is lacking in convention, moderation and reason. She disregards proper limits, she delights in extremes, she does everything • according to her rash desire, she either lazily lies around, or excitedly runs about; always woman is winter.and unyield­

ing cold, or a Dog-star that wearies the scorching earth with its presence. She never cares for the temperate, never for the moderate, either she loves you ardently or she utterly despises you. If she is depressed she bewails with mourn-- • ful countenance; when her depression has abated she.is - eager to be considered agreeable. %'lth enticing laughter playfulness breaks out; she becomes gay; and amiability more like that of a courtesan beams from her fickle mouth. She weeps, she laughs, she is wise"; she is unwise, she fears and she dares, she wants and does not want; with her own self inconstant, she inwardly fights opposing desires; she is capricious, uncertain, talkative, vain, two-tongued, imperious, menacing, indignant, cruel, unjust, greedy, grasping, com­

plaining, envious, credulous, mendacious. Impatient, trouble-

acitc, (bitax), inccnclierate, anapplshj vainglorious, gay,

a witch, a seducer, superstitious, idle, voracious, glut­

tonous, of trained appetite, lustful, lascivious, and devoted to wantonness, devoted to flattery, devoted to caring for her beauty. Tenacious of wrath and hatred, in due time she, unfaithful, ungrateful, malignant, impetuous, bold, fierce,

quarrelsome and rebellious, exposes her spirit of revenge.

. She upraids, she makes excuses for her own wrong-doing in tragic voice, she grumbles, she stirs up strife, puts no

weight on an agreement; she laughs at friendships, cares only

for her own comforts; she ridicules, she fawhs, she accuses,

she bites with bitter sarcasm; she sows idle gossip in the

crowd, her tongue augments what she has heard, and from a

lowly mound produces an Olympus. She dissembles, she feigns,

is most skilled in inventing reasons, and in weaving deceits,

and she adapts her face to deception, her face portraying

every false step with ready expression. You cannot evade her

treachery, nor can you conquer her cunning, so greet are her

arts, so greet her skill of wrong-doing. Although with your

quick eyes you see her, she dares to excuse her fault. With

her earnestness of spirit she can delude the senses; there

is nothing which you con believe and there Is nothing which

she does not compel you to believe if she wills.

Examples will add credence to these statements. What -505-

crimes have not been attempted by the hand of woman? Tarpeia lured by a left arm bracelet, gave the citadel to the enemy;

Medea with bloody hands vented her wrath on her sons; Helen

covered Aegean waters with ships; Scylla followed the enemy

after stealing the hair of her father, Byolis married her brother, Myrrha her father and the long-lived old Semiramis her sons. A wife was the cause of the death of the priest Amphlara; the Belides slew men with their arms at night, the Cocones tore the poet Orpheus limb from limb; Phaedra against all shame cruelly dared the wantonness known to

luxury-loving Pa siphaea. The Judaean Rebecca deceived a man and the wife of Hercules after binding her son's throat

with a strip of goat skin, offered the fatal poison to

Hercules. Hippodamia deceived her father. Levinla entang­

led the Trojans in perilous war; Brisels drove Achilles

from the field, and Agamamnon maddened because of Chryseis

hurled his thunderbolt and suffered the wrath of Apollo. Eve expelled our race from happy lands.

Believe me, herdsmen, (I swear by rustic powers) if

you want harmless pasturage for your flocks, if your sheep

are of any concern to you, if at last you would have grati­

fying content, peace, strength, forego frivolous maids, and

let Thestylis, Phyllis, Galatea, Neaera, Lycoris, all be

kept away from you and your sheep. Tell me, what woman has -006

descended to sad Orcus and returned? Eurydlce oould have been conducted back through the shadows by which she des­ cended had she not been foolish. The stolen Proserpina re­ fused to follow her wearied mother. But "plus'1 Aeneas re­ turned, and Orpheus came back, also unsurpassed Hercules, andTheseus and the two brothers, one skilled in horseman­ ship, the other in fighting and wrestling, and our own

God, whence have risen again peace and life. These ere the secrets; herdsmen, which must be attended. Manly souls avoid obscenities, but ill-famed places delight feminine minds.?

Just as the sailor who has been tossed upon the rocks by wind and wave knows to point out perils to reckless sailors, so does the-old man, made more wise by long exper - rlence, remember past misfortunes and disclose the events of future time and point out the perils of life. b

■ "If the coot avoids the eagle, the deer the net, if .. the lamb runs from the wolf, the dee from the dog, why do i you, only, not flee from woman’s charms, so harmful to you;

shepherd? She has the sincerity of a crocodile, the astute­ ness of a hyaena; when she weeps and softly calls you, she has a trick up her sleeve. Shun the glances of women, shep­ herds, they are traps; put no faith in your own soul, your own virtue, nor in any powers of your own, nor even trust in the shield through whose protection Perseus safely beheld the snakes of petrifying Medusa. Many have overcome monsters, have vanquished giants, have overturned cities, have im­ posed their low upon the waves of the sea, upon impetuous waters and rugged mountains; festival games have crowned many; but those who have subdued all things, are in. turn subdued by woman. The king who as shepherd was famed for his sling and his lion skin; and his son, who first built the temple of Zion; and excelling Samson.of invincible strength, all passed neeth the feminine yoke; fire is less of an obstruction, and rock, broadsword, Javelin, even death are less opposing.

Not content with the charm of her natural beauty, woman increases her glory in every manner; she circles her brow with gold, wibn skill sho paints her cheeks, and artfully binds her hair. She runs from her lover and in sport, hides

in the shadows; she wishes to yield, but desirous of seem­

ing guileless and honourable, she denies and struggles; but above all she wishes to be overcome. A woman Is very like

the Caeciaeian wind (a phenomena) which as it forces itself - onward, draws clouds with deceptive blowing. Whosoever you are, (I, experienced, warn you), refuse to try (though it be permitted you) how many vain Joys the fragile sex possesses

She is by nature a sordid creature, but through her own art

she seeks ilegance; this is the toil of the day for her, these arc her dreams at night. She bathes and paints, she

anoints herself ajnd adorns herself, she is all delusion, all -SOU*' ' -

■ ■ " ■ j: •' , . craft, all actor and all poison. ..She does everything in accord with the advice of her mirror; by looking in the glass she learns how to move her lips and to control her features; : ‘ ■ ■ v ' . - K . ^ . - % , : she learns to attract, to laugh, to Jest; she learns to shrug her shoulder, how to move her body. By low-necked dresses she exposes herself. Truly there is nothing, if not this by which that penetrable poison oppresses the senses more, and those stygian flames- seize the heart. These are the rocks, the Syrtes, the Scyllas and Charbydes of youth; these the dire vultures of Biineas, which defile. couches § tables» corssroads, temples, highways . fields, seas, fivers and mountains: these are the monster-mouthed Gorgons which in the uttermost lands of Libya once changed men into rooks with a glance."

Thus cursorily I have recited these verses of the learned timber. If I seer: to have been a little too prolix, remember that it is the fault of the subject, not of the verse. Verse Is not long, the folly of woman is. 6 0 45 s r e ? ’? / ■"PSiS~ ES7H . 1=135 -36 C5 3 ? Z-

E 9 7 9 1 935 38 2 i' : II I WHITE P ^ L A T IN PASTORAL POETRY OF THE I TA i m w o 138(1 I :

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