The View from Europe Analyses of the Crisis of Social Democracy After the 2009 German Federal Elections

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The View from Europe Analyses of the Crisis of Social Democracy After the 2009 German Federal Elections International Policy Analysis Internationale Politikanalyse International Policy Analysis Jan Niklas Engels & Gero Maaß (eds.) The View from Europe Analyses of the Crisis of Social Democracy after the 2009 German Federal Elections Can Social Democracy Survive? By Carl Tham, former Swedish Minister of Education and former Swedish Ambassador to Germany, Sweden. Modernise or Retrench? Dilemmas for Social Democracy in the Year of Electoral Disaster By Ferenc Gyurcsány, former Prime Minister of Hungary, Director of the Mihaly-Táncsics Foundation, Hungary. The SPD and the Debacle of the 2009 German Federal Elections: An Opportunity for Renewal By William Paterson, former Director of the Institute for German Studies at the University of Birmingham, Professor for German and European Politics at the University of Aston and James Sloam, Senior Lecturer in Politics und Co-Director of the Centre for European Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London, Britain. German Social Democracy after the 2009 Parliamentary Elections: A View from France By Jacques-Pierre Gougeon, Professor at the Institute for European Stud- ies of the University of Paris (Paris VIII)/Besançon, France. No Power, No Morale? A Dutch Commentary on the SPD Blues By René Cuperus, Director of International Relations, Wiardi Beckmann Foundation, The Netherlands. JANUARY 2010 International Policy Analysis 1 Content Foreword...............................................................................................................................................2 Can Social Democracy Survive?...........................................................................................................4 Modernise or Retrench: Key Dilemmas for Social Democracy in the Year of Electoral Disaster....8 The SPD and the Debacle of the 2009 German Federal Elections: An Opportunity for Renewal.12 German Social Democracy after the 2009 Parliamentary Elections: A View from France.............17 No Power, No Morale? A Dutch Comment on the SPD Blues .........................................................19 2 Jan Niklas Engels & Gero Maaß The View from Europe Foreword It must make use of the political latitude over its By Jan Niklas Engels and Gero Maaß rivals derived from political culture and the elec- toral system The outcome of the German federal elections on 27 Its track record must demonstrate skilfully im- September 2009 consolidated the five-party system plemented, concrete achievements that it can in Germany. Whereas the two mainstream govern- communicate well to the electorate (or while in ing parties, the CDU and the SPD, suffered major opposition it must be able to demonstrate the losses, the FDP, the Left Party and the Greens all governing party’s inability to do this) achieved results of over ten percent. The greatest It must be able to mobilise strategic partners – loser of the elections was the SPD, which succeeded above all the trade unions – to promote the so- in polling only 9,988,843 of the second votes (23 cial democratic cause percent), representing a loss over the 2005 election In the era of globalisation it must be able to of 6,205,822 votes or 11.2 percentage points. This embed national concerns in a European and in- means that since coming to office in 1998 the SPD ternational strategy. has lost 2,500 votes a day. It is not sufficient, however, just to be well posi- From a European perspective neither the frag- tioned in a few areas. The Swedish social democrats mentation of the party system nor the continuing after all lost the last election despite their socially decline in votes for the social democratic party are and economically successful record, and in a coun- unique phenomena. On the contrary, coalition try where the welfare state enjoys a broad social governments consisting of several parties tend to be consensus. More decisive for political success is a the rule rather than the exception in countries with party’s overall position – in other words, its narra- proportional representation, and it is not unusual tive, its leadership, its political latitude, its track for minor parties to hold seats in parliament. How- record, its partnerships and its European and global ever, whereas less than ten years ago social democ- strategy must fit together to form a complete pic- rat-led governments were in power in a clear major- ture. Currently, however, very few of Europe’s social ity of EU member-states, today, only eight of the democratic parties can claim to have such a posi- leaders of the now 27 member-states are social tion. democrats. In response to the generally decreasing ability of In the wake of the meltdown of financial capital- mainstream parties to retain voter loyalty and the ism and the resulting crisis of confidence, many particularly drastic decline in votes for European people expected the political coordinates in Europe social democracy, the International Policy Analysis to shift to the left. Yet in the European elections – Unit of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung has put together the first big test of the political mood in Europe a set of European contributions to the debate over following the outbreak of the crisis – there was the outcome of the German federal elections and its actually a move to the right. implications for German social democracy. The uncertainty resulting from these develop- We asked political analysts from France, Britain, ments means that if social democracy is once again the Netherlands, Sweden and Hungary who have to become a leading political force in Europe it has particular insights into social democracy in Germany a multitude of tasks to address: and in their own country to analyse the election It must forge a clear social democratic narrative result and the situation of the SPD following the that reflects the values and identities of the elections. We also asked them to outline the possi- party’s social base, while both its goals and the ble consequences of the election for European means to achieve them must be informed by the social democracy and for social democratic politics core principles of social justice and social cohe- in Europe. These five exciting analyses, each reflect- sion ing the author’s own national experience of politics, The party needs a credible and convincing politi- examine different aspects of the election outcome cal leadership supported by a lively and democ- and use these as a basis to make recommendations ratic party organisation – a leadership that is for the future development of social democracy. able to learn from previous terms in office and to renew itself while in office International Policy Analysis 3 Carl Tham, former Swedish Minister of Educa- like »the regulation of the financial markets, exit tion and former Swedish Ambassador to Germany, strategies after the crisis and financing the welfare looks at the SPD’s election »debacle« in a European state«. Citing the experience of France, Professor context and against the background of recent social Gougeon sees the SPD’s political setbacks as a change. Citing the experience of Sweden and Nor- chance for organisational renewal, to sharpen its way, Tham criticises a political approach oriented political profile and to engage in political confi- towards the middle classes and calls for a change of dence-building. strategy to encompass all sectors of society – a René Cuperus, Director for International Rela- strategy capable of convincing middle-earners that a tions of the Wiardi Beckmann Stiftung sees major welfare state that provides for its citizens, a strong parallels between the »catastrophic situation« of social and cultural infrastructure and greater income the SPD and that of the Dutch PvdA. He believes the equality are in their interests as well. chief problem of social democratic mainstream Ferenc Gyurcsány, former Prime Minister of parties lies in the fragmentation of left-wing voters Hungary and Director of the Mihaly-Táncsics Foun- between social-liberal academics and the traditional dation, also attributes the outcome of the elections social democrats allied with the trade unions. He to far-reaching social changes that are practically argues that the middle classes are divided into op- impossible to halt. His recipe for success is for the timists who embrace globalisation, dynamic mar- SPD to evolve a vision of the future in tune with the kets, diversity etc. and those who fear these forces. times and to find a charismatic leader. Ferenc Gy- This divide threatens the whole of society and urcsány believes a shift to the left would for ideo- represents an existential threat for social democracy, logical and tactical reasons have little chance of which is in danger of being squeezed between success. He recommends instead that the SPD take populists and the moderate right. René Cuperus up a strategically important position at the centre of concludes his analysis by listing twelve points for the political spectrum with a view to advancing the how social democracy can find its way out of this cause of progressive politics in coalition govern- dilemma. ments. Although the five authors have very different The two British political scientists William Pater- perspectives and make a wide range of recommen- son and James Sloam begin by analysing the »rise dations, they all agree that social democracy con- and fall of the SPD«. They then broaden their analy- tinues to be needed – both in Germany and in sis to examine the general decline of the major Europe – perhaps more urgently than ever before. It parties and the fall in support for European social is needed not only to formulate policies commensu- democracy, drawing parallels with the New Labour rate with the challenges posed by a globalised project in Britain. In their opinion the demise of the world, but also to seek socially just solutions for the social democrats is actually the result of »failing whole of society. successfully« – of neglecting to address issues im- portant to their voters while in government. Pater- son and Sloam argue that the »missing ingredient« of both the Third Way and the Neue Mitte was »the communitarian aspect of progressive politics«.
Recommended publications
  • University of New South Wales 2005 UNIVERSITY of NEW SOUTH WALES Thesis/Project Report Sheet
    BÜRGERTUM OHNE RAUM: German Liberalism and Imperialism, 1848-1884, 1918-1943. Matthew P Fitzpatrick A thesis submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of New South Wales 2005 UNIVERSITY OF NEW SOUTH WALES Thesis/Project Report Sheet Surname or Family name: Fitzpatrick First name: Matthew Other name/s: Peter Abbreviation for degree as given in the University calendar: PhD. School: History Faculty: Arts Title: Bürgertum Ohne Raum: German Liberalism and Imperialism 1848-1884, 1918-1943. Abstract This thesis situates the emergence of German imperialist theory and praxis during the nineteenth century within the context of the ascendancy of German liberalism. It also contends that imperialism was an integral part of a liberal sense of German national identity. It is divided into an introduction, four parts and a set of conclusions. The introduction is a methodological and theoretical orientation. It offers an historiographical overview and places the thesis within the broader historiographical context. It also discusses the utility of post-colonial theory and various theories of nationalism and nation-building. Part One examines the emergence of expansionism within liberal circles prior to and during the period of 1848/ 49. It examines the consolidation of expansionist theory and political practice, particularly as exemplified in the Frankfurt National Assembly and the works of Friedrich List. Part Two examines the persistence of imperialist theorising and praxis in the post-revolutionary era. It scrutinises the role of liberal associations, civil society, the press and the private sector in maintaining expansionist energies up until the 1884 decision to establish state-protected colonies. Part Three focuses on the cultural transmission of imperialist values through the sciences, media and fiction.
    [Show full text]
  • Coalition Formation and the Regime Divide in Central Europe
    Program on Central & Eastern Europe Working Paper Series #52, j\Tovember 1999 Coalition Formation and the Regime Divide in Central Europe Anna Grzymala-Busse· Weatherhead Center for International Affairs Harvard University Cambridge, lvlA 02138 Abstract The study examines the formation of coalitions in East Central Europe after the democratic transi­ tions of 1989. Existing explanations of coalition formations, which focus on either office-seeking and minimum wmning considerations, or on policy-seeking and spatial ideological convergence. However, they fail to account for the coalition patterns in the new democracies of East Central Europe. Instead, these parties' flrst goal is to develop clear and consistent reputations. To that end, they will form coalitions exclusively within the two camps of the regime divide: that is, amongst par­ ties stemming from the former communist parties, and those with roots in the former opposition to the communist regimes. The two corollaries are that defectors are punished at unusually high rates, and the communist party successors seek, rather than are sought for, coalitions. This model explains 85% of the coalitions that formed in the region after 1989. The study then examines the communist successor parties, and how their efforts illustrate these dynamics . • I would like to thank Grzegorz Ekiert, Gary King, Kenneth Shepsle, Michael Tomz, and the participants ofthe Faculty Workshop at Yale University for their helpful comments. 2 I. Introduction The patterns of coalition fonnation in East Central Europe are as diverse as they are puzzling. Since the ability to fonn stable governing coalitions is a basic precondition of effective democratic governance in multi-party parliamentary systems, several explanations have emerged of how political parties fonn such coalitions.
    [Show full text]
  • The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist a Dissertation Submitted In
    The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair Professor Jason Wittenberg Professor Jacob Citrin Professor Katerina Linos Spring 2015 The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe Copyright 2015 by Kimberly Ann Twist Abstract The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair As long as far-right parties { known chiefly for their vehement opposition to immigration { have competed in contemporary Western Europe, scholars and observers have been concerned about these parties' implications for liberal democracy. Many originally believed that far- right parties would fade away due to a lack of voter support and their isolation by mainstream parties. Since 1994, however, far-right parties have been included in 17 governing coalitions across Western Europe. What explains the switch from exclusion to inclusion in Europe, and what drives mainstream-right parties' decisions to include or exclude the far right from coalitions today? My argument is centered on the cost of far-right exclusion, in terms of both office and policy goals for the mainstream right. I argue, first, that the major mainstream parties of Western Europe initially maintained the exclusion of the far right because it was relatively costless: They could govern and achieve policy goals without the far right.
    [Show full text]
  • Making Power Sharing Work: Kenya's Grand Coalition Cabinet, 2008–2013
    MAKING POWER SHARING WORK: KENYA’S GRAND COALITION CABINET, 2008–2013 SYNOPSIS Leon Schreiber drafted this case Following Kenya’s disputed 2007 presidential election, fighting based on interviews conducted in broke out between supporters of incumbent president Mwai Kibaki Nairobi, Kenya in September 2015. Case published March 2016. and opposition leader Raila Odinga. Triggered by the announcement that Kibaki had retained the presidency, the violence ultimately This series highlights the governance claimed more than 1,200 lives and displaced 350,000 people. A challenges inherent in power sharing February 2008 power-sharing agreement between the two leaders arrangements, profiles adaptations helped restore order, but finding a way to govern together in a new that eased these challenges, and unity cabinet posed a daunting challenge. Under the terms offers ideas about adaptations. negotiated, the country would have both a president and a prime minister until either the dissolution of parliament, a formal withdrawal by either party from the agreement, or the passage of a referendum on a new constitution. The agreement further stipulated that each party would have half the ministerial portfolios. Leaders from the cabinet secretariat and the new prime minister’s office worked to forge policy consensus, coordinate, and encourage ministries to focus on implementation. The leaders introduced a new interagency committee system, teamed ministers of one party with deputy ministers from the other, clarified practices for preparing policy documents, and introduced performance contracts. Independent monitoring, an internationally mediated dialogue to help resolve disputes, and avenues for back-channel communication encouraged compromise between the two sides and eased tensions when discord threatened to derail the work of the executive.
    [Show full text]
  • Taxonomy of Minority Governments
    Indiana Journal of Constitutional Design Volume 3 Article 1 10-17-2018 Taxonomy of Minority Governments Lisa La Fornara [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/ijcd Part of the Administrative Law Commons, American Politics Commons, Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Comparative Politics Commons, Constitutional Law Commons, International Law Commons, Law and Politics Commons, Legislation Commons, Public Law and Legal Theory Commons, Rule of Law Commons, and the State and Local Government Law Commons Recommended Citation La Fornara, Lisa (2018) "Taxonomy of Minority Governments," Indiana Journal of Constitutional Design: Vol. 3 , Article 1. Available at: https://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/ijcd/vol3/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Repository @ Maurer Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Indiana Journal of Constitutional Design by an authorized editor of Digital Repository @ Maurer Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Taxonomy of Minority Governments LISA LA FORNARA INTRODUCTION A minority government in its most basic form is a government in which the party holding the most parliamentary seats still has fewer than half the seats in parliament and therefore cannot pass legislation or advance policy without support from unaffiliated parties.1 Because seats in minority parliaments are more evenly distributed amongst multiple parties, opposition parties have greater opportunity to block legislation. A minority government must therefore negotiate with external parties and adjust its policies to garner the majority of votes required to advance its initiatives.2 This paper serves as a taxonomy of minority governments in recent history and proceeds in three parts.
    [Show full text]
  • Grand Coalitions in German Electionsq
    Electoral Studies 31 (2012) 46–59 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Electoral Studies journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/electstud Coalition type and voter support for parties: Grand coalitions in German electionsq Lee Ann Banaszak a,*, Peter Doerschler b a The Pennsylvania State University, 219 Pond Lab, University Park, PA 16802, USA b Bloomsburg University, Political Science Department, Bloomsburg, PA 17815, USA article info abstract Article history: While scholars have generally acknowledged that coalition governments are less Received 20 May 2011 accountable to voters than single party majorities, surprisingly little differentiation is made Accepted 7 June 2011 among different types of coalition governments. In this paper, we examine voter support for two very different types of coalition governments: those with a single large party and Keywords: a junior partner and grand coalitionsdgoverning coalitions between two large but ideo- Coalitions logically dissimilar parties. We argue that grand coalitions differ from the more typical Germany senior–junior partners in terms of the ability of individual parties to respond to their Elections Voter support constituencies. We test this argument using survey data from four German Election Studies Grand coalition (GES), before and after each of the two German grand coalitions (1965, 1969, 2005, and Institutions 2009), which provide a unique opportunity to compare voter support for grand coalitions Cleavages to those of the more typical senior–junior party model. We find evidence that voters Spatial model responded to grand coalitions by moving away from their traditional voting patterns, and Party system increasing their support for parties outside of the grand coalition, although this effect varies by the number of alternative parties.
    [Show full text]
  • The Grand Coalition and the Party System', German Politics, Vol
    Citation for published version: Lees, C 2010, 'The Grand Coalition and the party system', German Politics, vol. 19, no. 3-4, pp. 312-331. https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2010.515773 DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2010.515773 Publication date: 2010 Document Version Peer reviewed version Link to publication This is an Author's Accepted Manuscript of an article published in Lees, C 2010, 'The Grand Coalition and the party system' German Politics, vol 19, no. 3-4, pp. 312-331, copyright Taylor & Francis, available online at: http://www.tandfonline.com/10.1080/09644008.2010.515773 University of Bath Alternative formats If you require this document in an alternative format, please contact: [email protected] General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 04. Oct. 2021 Lees. Grand Coalition and the Party System. July 2010 The Grand Coalition and the Party System CHARLES LEES, Department of Politics, University of Sheffield (UK) ABSTRACT The article examines the formation of the Grand coalition in the context of the German party system and draws upon a synthetic analytical framework derived from formal coalition theory. It argues that both the SPD and CDU/CSU would have anticipated that the Grand coalition would have generated relatively high levels of inter-party conflict as well as significant electoral costs.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction the Drama of 2005 and the Future of German Politics
    00a-Intro 6/12/06 10:28 AM Page 1 Introduction The Drama of 2005 and the Future of German Politics Eric Langenbacher Government, Georgetown University I recall a conversation from a while back with a colleague. He was disdainful of German politics, stating that they are ponderous, lack- luster, even boring. He prefers to follow Italian politics because of the intrigue, emotion, and, most of all, the drama. Although forced to agree at the time that the contrast between the two countries could not be greater, I was also immediately reminded of the old (apocryphal) Chinese curse, “may you live in interesting times.” My, how times have changed. German political life has witnessed some of the most dramatic events since at least the period of unifica- tion over fifteen years ago, and perhaps since the inception of the Federal Republic. It is this highly important and dramatic 2005 elec- tion to which this special issue of German Politics and Society is dedi- cated. The contributors analyze the results, but also locate current developments in the history and traditions of the Federal Republic. Just as important, they project trends and policies into the future. What will Angela Merkel and her grand coalition achieve? What will become of the German party system? What long-term structural changes are affecting German politics and policy-making? Drama on the Left As with the interpretation of any drama, one must first begin with a plot summary—an overview of the major, attention-grabbing devel- opments. The narrative begins with a string of electoral defeats at the regional level that culminated in the Social Democrats (SPD) los- ing the state election in North Rhine Westphalia in late May 2005.
    [Show full text]
  • The Impact of Multi-Party Government on Parliament-Executive Relations
    Paper for ASPG Conference 2011 The Executive vs. Parliament, who wins? The impact of multi-party government on parliament-executive relations. Examples from abroad. Abstract: Following the 2010 federal election that did not produce a clear majority, Julia Gillard decided to govern with a minority of seats. This was to be supported by confidence and supply agreements with the Green‟s only delegate in the House of Representatives and three independent MPs. Media comments and the public debate precluding and following this decision showed the electorate‟s uneasiness with this model of government which is more common in continental Europe. This was evident in particular by the fear of handing over power to four kingmakers who effectively represent only a very small number of citizens. This paper deals with common concerns about multi-party and minority-governments, in particular that they are unstable, that there is no clear string of delegation, that they may facilitate a dictatorship of the smaller party, and that they limit the parliament‟s scope to take the executive to account. It addresses the effect multi-party government has on parliament-executive relations by looking at examples from the United Kingdom and Germany and takes account of the mechanisms used in these countries for setting up and maintaining multi-party government while analysing, how these impact on executive-parliament relations. In Britain with its Westminster influence, parliamentarians in the devolved assemblies in Scotland and Wales have grown slowly accustomed to coalition and minority government. In contrast, Britain‟s current coalition government on a national level has reignited public concerns about the unsuitability of multi-party government for Westminster systems.
    [Show full text]
  • One Year Into Office, Austria's Grand Coalition Is Under Pressure from The
    One year into office, Austria’s grand coalition is under pressure from the growing popularity of the far-right Freedom Party blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2014/10/14/one-year-into-office-austrias-grand-coalition-is-under-pressure-from- the-growing-popularity-of-the-far-right-freedom-party/ 14/10/2014 Austria held a general election in 2013, with the centre-left SP Ö and centre-right ÖVP ultimately forming a ‘grand coalition’. Philipp Decker assesses the government’s first year in office and where it stands in the context of current public opinion in Austria. He writes that the two mainstream parties are increasingly coming under pressure from the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ), which has effectively positioned itself in opposition to the governing parties on issues such as the military, European integration, and the government’s approach to Islam. One year after the country’s general election, the Austrian ‘grand coalition’, composed of the centre- left Social Democrats (SPÖ) and the centre-right People’s Party (ÖVP), is increasingly under pressure from the far-right Freedom Party (FPÖ). One factor in the latter’s success is its ability to translate polarising and thus emotional transnational issues into its domestic anti-status quo discourse. While the SPÖ seems to adopt a defensive pro-status quo stance, characterised by its lack of a distinctive normative vision, the ÖVP has initiated an internal reform process. Public opinion polls carried out during the last nine months indicate that the coalition government has increasingly lost public support and remains below the slight electoral majority of 50.8 per cent of the vote that it received in 2013.
    [Show full text]
  • BRIAN M. MCCARTHY Senior Thesis
    BRIAN M. MCCARTHY Senior Thesis “The End of Unity: Grand Coalitions in Austria, Israel, and West Germany” 1 Brian McCarthy Senior Thesis due Monday, 4/15/02 Advisor Jonathan Isacoff INTRODUCTION This document consists of a straightforward comparison of case studies, grounded in an empirical tradition – insofar as ‘empirical’ is taken in its generic sense of “depending upon experience or observation”1 – but drawing upon theory where theory is useful. The cases under consideration are three unity governments, which ruled respectively in Israel from 1984-1990, in West Germany from 1966-1969, and in Austria from 1945-1966. As I will observe below, in the most analytical segment of the paper, the political frameworks that supported these unity governments resemble one another to a notable degree. The question that begs investigation is an outgrowth of the endings that the case-study narratives possess. What structural or circumstantial factors account for the different final moments of these three grand coalitions, which were born in similar contexts? Unity governments are not uncommon animals in the world of modern parliamentary politics. They are the exception and not the rule, to be sure, but they appear frequently enough to allow for systematic study. Broadly speaking, unity governments may be divided into two sets, which are not mutually exclusive – those forced by crisis and those forced by electoral necessity (Nathan Yanai suggests that a country “facing a parliamentary deadlock after a no-win election”2 is de facto in a state of crisis, and thus conflates the abovementioned types, but here I assume that they are 1 Webster’s Unabridged Dictionary of the English Language, 2001 ed., s.v.
    [Show full text]
  • On the Horns of a Dilemma. the Imperative of a Grand Coalition Is Risky – Especially for the Social Democrats
    On the Horns of a Dilemma. The imperative of a grand coalition is risky – especially for the Social Democrats Wolfgang Merkel/ Bernhard Weßels WZB Research Unit “Democracy: Structures, Performance, Challenges “ The grand coalition earns broad approval in the polls. But it is unlikely to find sustainable solutions to the major problems it was formed to tackle. For the coalition partners are under pressure to burnish their escutcheons for the upcoming Bundestag election. Coalition compromises are a risky matter, particularly for the Social Democrats (SPD) in the present situation. As a result, coalition policy is reduced to the lowest common denominator. Grand coalitions are the exception in Germany. Prior to 2005, the only instance was in West Germany, the old Federal Republic, between 1966 and 1969. The Free Democrats (FDP) had abandoned the coalition with the Christian Democratic Union/Christian Social Union (CDU/CSU), the labour market was hit by a crisis for the first time, and qualified parliamentary majorities were needed to pass emergency powers legislation. Having adopted this legislation, having implemented the "concerted action” and major financial reforms under then Minister of Finance Karl Schiller, and having prepared the ground for the first change of government in the history of the Federal Republic to bring a shift in political direction, the first grand coalition is usually considered to have been a success, although the commonalities appeared to have been German Policy Studies Volume 4, Nr. 2, 2008, pp. 157-166 158 exhausted after three years. Can the second grand coalition hope for such success? Parties have three important goals.
    [Show full text]