DOCSLIB.ORG

Scandinavia Faces EU

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Scandinavia Faces EU Scandinavia Faces EU debates and decisions on membership 1961-1994 Cynthia Kite *0 * & O ' \ Scandinavia Faces EU debates and decisions on membership 1961-1994 AKADEMISK AVHANDLING Som med vederbörligt tillstånd av rektorsämbetet vid Umeå universitet för vinnande av filosofie doktorsexamen framlägges till offentlig granskning vid statsvetenskapliga institutionen Hörsal E, Humanisthuset Fredagen den 20 december 1996, kl 13.15 av Cynthia Kite M.A. Scandinavia Faces EU: debates and decisions on membership 1961-1994. Cynthia Kite, Department of Political Science, University ofUmeå, S-901 87 Umeå, Sweden. ISBN 91-7191-255-X ISSN 0349-0831, Research Report 1996:2 Distribution: Department of Political Science, University ofUmeå, S-901 87 Umeå, Sweden. Abstract This study begins with the observation th at three similar states - Denmark, Norway and Sweden - have had different EC/EU policies, and that one of the foreign policy literature's most interesting approaches, domestic structures analysis, does not shed light on this variation. The goal of the study is to develop an understanding of the different policies by analyzing the question of EC/EU membership using an approach in which issue area, defined in terms of both substance and impact, is linked to policy process and policy choice. Substantive issue area is studied by analyzing parliamentary debates in the three countries. An issue area typology with four substantive categories - economic, political/ policy, international/security, and other — is used to classify arguments made in the debates. The analysis shows that the question was an economic and political issue in Denmark, Norway and Sweden in the 1990s. It was a security issue in Sweden in the 1960s and 1970s. It is argued that this variation helps explain variation in EC/EU policy. In particular, the findings support the argument that the importance of the substantive definition of the EC/EU question is related to the coalitional possibilities it creates. The size of the coalition has, in turn, an impact on policy process and outcome. When the coalitions are large, the process moves mor e quickly, and parliaments and political parties tend to be consulted or informed rather than active participants. The question of EC/EU membership is also analyzed using an impact typology in which questions are classif ied as generating one of three types of conflict: none, managed and unmanaged. The EC/EU membership question is classified on the basis of public opinion data and conflict or agreement within political parties. The analysis shows that there were three cases in which the E C/EU question created managed conflict: Denmark and Sweden in the 1960s and Sweden in the 1970s. In other cases, conflict was unmanaged. In an analysis of the importance of variation with regard to type of conflict, it is argued that the data support the hypothesis that the existence of unmanaged conflict is related to decisions to call referenda to decide the membership question. In the face of unmanaged conflict political elites were encouraged to give authority for decision making over to voters. This was, in turn, linked to the emergence of ad hoc organizations dedicated to influencing public opinion for or against membership. This study suggests that the issue areas approach can offe r important contributions to the analysis of foreign polic y. A challenge for future research is to analyze how issu e areas and domestic structure interact to generate policy process and outcome. Central questions should include the relative importance of the two and analyses of the conditions under which one or the other is likely to dominate. Key words: Scandinavia, foreign policy, EC/ EU, domestic structure approach, issue area, policy process. Scandinavia Faces EU Department of Political Science Umeå University, Sweden Research Report 1996:2 ISSN 0349-0831 ISBN 91-7191-255-X © Cynthia Kite Printed at the Umeå University Printing Office Scandinavia Faces EU debates and decisions on membership 1961-1994 Cynthia Kite Umeå University Department of Political Science 1996 Scandinavia Faces EU: debates and decisions on membership 1961-1994. Cynthia Kite, Department of Political Science, University ofUmeå, S-901 87 Umeå, Sweden. ISBN 91-7191-255-X ISSN 0349-0831, Research Report 1996:2 Distribution: Department of Political Science, University of Umeå, S-901 87 Umeå, Sweden. Abstract This study begins with the observation that three similar states - Denmark, Norway and Sweden — have had different EC/EU policies, and that one of the foreign policy literature's most interesting approaches, domestic structures analysis, does not shed light on this variation. The goal of the study is to develop an understanding of the different policies by analyzing the question of EC/EU membership using an approach in which issue area, defined in terms of both substance and impact, is linked to policy process and policy choice. Substantive issue area is studied by analyzing parliamentary debates in the three countries. An issue area typology with four substantive categories — economic, political/ policy, international/security, and other — is used to classify arguments made in the debates. The analysis shows that the question was an economic and political issue in Denmark, Norway and Sweden in the 1990s. It was a security issue in Sweden in the 1960s and 1970s. It is argued that this variation helps explain variation in EC/EU policy. In particular, the findings support the argument that the importance of the substantive definition of the EC/EU question is related to the coalitional possib ilities it creates. The size of the coalition has, in turn, an impact on policy process and outcome. When the coalitions are large, the process moves more quickly, and parliaments and political partie s tend to be consulted or informed rather than active participants. The question of EC/EU membership is also analyzed using an impact typology in which questions are classi fied as generating one of three types of conflict: none, managed and unmanaged. The EC/EU membership question is classified on the basis of public opinion data and conflict or agreement within political parties. The analysis shows that there were three cases in which the E C/EU question created managed conflict: Denmark and Sweden in the 1960s and Sweden in the 1970s. In other cases, conflict was unmanaged. In an analysis of the importance of variation with regard to type of conflict, it is argued that the data support the hypothesis t hat the existence of unmanaged conflict is related to decisions to call referenda to decide the membership question. In the face of unmanaged conflict political elites were encouraged to give authority for decision making over to voters. This was, in turn, linked to the emergence of ad hoc organizations dedicated to influencing public opinion for or against membership. This study suggests that the issue areas approach can offer im portant contributions to the analysis of foreign polic y. A challenge for future research is to analyz e how issue areas and domestic structure interact t o generate policy process and outcome. Central questions should include the relative importance of the two and analyses of the conditions under which one or the other is likely to dominate. Key words: Scandinavia, foreign policy, EC/ EU, domestic structure approach, issue area, policy process. Table of Contents Acknowledgments vii Chapter 1: Studying EC/EU decisions: the search for issue areas 1 Introduction 1 The empirical puzzle: similar states, different policies 1 The theoretical puzzle 5 Puzzling over puzzles: how to complement domestic structures? 14 Ambitions of the study 17 Organization of the study 19 Chapter 2: Making relationships with the EC/EU 21 Introduction 21 Important decisions 21 Comparisons and contrasts 30 External developments as foreign policy context 35 Conclusion 36 Chapter 3: An issue areas framework 37 Introduction 37 Issue area: impact vs. substative definitions 37 Issue areas and domestic structures 46 Studying issue areas 49 A note on methodology 51 Chapter 4: Origins of cold-war security policies: critical decisions 1945-49 53 Introduction 53 Sweden 54 Norway 62 Denmark 76 Conclusion 83 v Chapter 5: Defining the EC/EU question: issue area as substance 85 Introduction 85 Operationalizing substantive issue 86 Scandinavian political parties 92 Defining the EC/EU question in Denmark 93 Defining the EC/EU question in Norway 104 Defining the EC/EU question in Sweden 117 Summarizing the debates: similarities and differences 131 Analysis: scrutinizing the model 135 Conclusion 144 Chapter 6: Defining the EC/EU question: issue area as impact 145 Introduction 145 An impact typology 146 Public opinion in Denmark 149 Danish political parties and the membership question 153 Summarizing the Danish case 157 Public opinion in Norway 157 Norwegian political parties and the membership question 165 Summarizing the Norwegian case 175 Public opinion in Sweden 176 Swedish political parties and the membership question 181 Summarizing the Swedish case 188 Summarizing conflict in Sweden, Norway and Denmark 189 Analysis: the impact of conflict variation 192 Conclusion 200 Chapter 7: Bringing together puzzles, issues and things coalitional 203 Introduction 203 A look back 203 Some implications of the empirical findings 210 A look forward 211 Governments as interest-creators 212 Domestic structures and the sub-structure question 213 Revisiting the channels 215 Issue areas as an approach to foreign policy 217 Conclusion 219 References 221 Appendix 231 vi Acknowledgments Since I began working on it several years ago, this dissertation has followed me everywhere — if not in the tangible form of books and articles to be read and chapter drafts to be edited, then in the intangible form of a preoccupation with a task left undone. I have not always been sure that I would succeed in finishing it. That I have done so is due in no small part to the considerable help and support I have received.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Journal of European Integration History Revue D
    00_Editorial_01.book Seite 1 Dienstag, 22. Mai 2001 9:16 09 JOURNAL OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION HISTORY REVUE D’HISTOIRE DE L’INTÉGRATION EUROPÉENNE ZEITSCHRIFT FÜR GESCHICHTE DER EUROPÄISCHEN INTEGRATION edited by the Groupe de liaison des professeurs d’histoire contemporaine auprès de la Commission européenne 2001, Volume 7, Number 1 00_Editorial_01.book Seite 2 Dienstag, 22. Mai 2001 9:16 09 The Liaison Committee of Historians came into being in 1982 as a result of an important international symposium that the Commission had organized in Luxembourg to launch historical research on Euro- pean integration. The committee is composed of historians of the European Union member countries who work on contemporary history. The Liaison Committee: – gathers and conveys information about work on European history after the Second World War; – advises the European Union on research projects concerning contemporary European history. Thus, the Liaison Committee was commissioned to make publicly available the archives of the Community institutions; – enables researchers to make better use of the archival sources; – promotes research meetings to get an update of work in progress and to stimulate new research: seven research conferences have been organized and their proceedings published. The Journal of European Integration History – Revue d’histoire de l’intégration européenne – Zeitschrift für Geschichte der europäischen Integration is in line with the preoccupations of the Liaison Committee. Being the first history journal to deal exclusively with the history of European Integration, the Journal offers the increasing number of young historians devoting their research to contemporary Europe, a permanent forum. The Liaison Committee is supported by the European Commission, but works completely independ- ently and according to historians’ critical method.
    [Show full text]
  • 1705802 Project ID
    THE WORLD BANK GROUP ARCHIVES PUBLIC DISCLOSURE AUTHORIZED Folder Title: General Development Project - Norway - Loan 0115 - P037467 - Negotiations - Volume 2 Folder ID: 1705802 Project ID: P037467 Dates: 3/31/1955 – 4/19/1955 Fonds: Records of the Europe and Central Asia Regional Vice Presidency ISAD Reference Code: WB IBRD/IDA ECA Digitized: 7/19/2018 To cite materials from this archival folder, please follow the following format: [Descriptive name of item], [Folder Title], Folder ID [Folder ID], World Bank Group Archives, Washington, D.C., United States. The records in this folder were created or received by The World Bank in the course of its business. The records that were created by the staff of The World Bank are subject to the Bank’s copyright. Please refer to http://www.worldbank.org/terms-of-use-earchives for full copyright terms of use and disclaimers. THE WORLD BANK Washington, D.C. © International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / International Development Association or The World Bank 1818 H Street NW Washington DC 20433 Telephone: 202-473-1000 Internet: www.worldbank.org II -NQRWA.Y - Negotiations (l.l.~NO)- ~~ 1H1 11111111111111rm1rn mrn1111r ~~· 1705802 General Development Pr . Al 995-063 Other #· 4 DECLASSIFIED Negotiations - Volum e 2 o1ect- Norway- Loan 011.5 - P037467Box# _ 1709718 WITH RESTRICTIONS WBG Archives • s t • .. C 0 • p y April 15, 1955 Dear Mro Perouse: I refer to our discussion this afternoon about para­ graph 31 of the President's Report and RecOlllll.endations on the proposed loan of $25 million to the Kingdom of Norway. As I mentioned then, Mr.
    [Show full text]
  • Den Skjulte Makten
    CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by NORA - Norwegian Open Research Archives Den skjulte makten Ingjald Nissen og hans samfunnskritikk Av Haakon Flemmen Masteroppgave i idéhistorie Institutt for filosofi, idé- og kunsthistorie og klassiske språk UNIVERSITETET I OSLO Våren 2010 ii Sammendrag Filosofen og psykologen Ingjald Nissen (1896–1977) var i flere tiår en markant skikkelse i norsk offentlighet. Han var kjent for sine oppsiktsvekkende teorier, omstridte bøker og hissige polemikker. Gjennom mellom- og etterkrigstiden satte han sitt preg på flere viktige samfunnsdebatter, og han regnes i dag som en tidlig representant for feministisk filosofi. Likevel er Nissens store og uvanlige forfatterskap blitt stående uutforsket og upåaktet av historikere. Med denne oppgaven kastes det for første gang lys over denne originale og kontroversielle figuren i norsk idéhistorie. Denne oppgaven viser at Ingjald Nissen var en sentral aktør i flere av sin tids mest intense offentlige ordskifter – om Freuds psykoanalyse, nazismens natur, de kontroversielle Kinsey-rapportene, mannssamfunnet og den «usedelige» litteraturen. Hans teorier om skjult og psykologisk manipulasjon har dessuten satt varige spor. Det var Ingjald Nissen som etablerte begrepet hersketeknikk som en del av den norske offentlighetens vokabular. Et mål med oppgaven er å forklare hvordan Nissen i slutten av tjueårene kunne tilhøre et verdikonservativt miljø, for senere å bli en utpreget radikal stemme i samfunnsdebatten. Jeg argumenterer for at denne radikaliseringen ble drevet frem både av Nissens teoretiske utvikling, hans rolle som samfunnsdebattant og hans forhold til ulike miljøer. Oppgavens første kapittel tar for seg en tidlig fase av Nissens forfatterskap, da han tilhørte den konservative kretsen rundt nyhumanisten A.H.
    [Show full text]
  • Internasjonal Politikk [2·07]
    [2·07] politikk Internasjonal Forord: Internasjonal politikk 70 år [2·07] Internasjonal Birgitte Kjos Fonn Internasjonal Politikk i Norge. En disiplins fremvekst politikk i første halvdel av 1900-tallet Halvard Leira & Iver B. Neumann Internasjonal politikk og Forsvaret. Internasjonalisering IP-fagets norske historie og akademisering av den militære utdanningen Nina Græger IP i forsvarsutdanningen Tekst og kontekst. John Sanness om Vietnam og Afghanistan Oddbjørn Melle Tekst og tolkning hos John Sanness Da Diez de Abril kom til verden – og menneske- rettighetene kom til Diez de Abril Nye nettverk, ny internasjonal politikk Roy Krøvel Aktuelt: «Sakkyndig og objektiv oplysning – og skrevet i Internasjonal politikk 70 år en populær form» – Internasjonal politikk 70 år Birgitte Kjos Fonn Debatt: Helhetsperspektiver på norsk utenrikspolitikk Sverre Lodgaard Norske selvbilder – norsk utenrikspolitikk Halvard Leira Selvbilder med begrensninger Morten Aasland Bokspalte Nr. 2 - 2007 65. Årgang Summaries Norwegian Institute Norsk of International Utenrikspolitisk ISSN 0020-577X Affairs Institutt Internasjonal politikk [retningslinjer for manus] Artiklene bør ikke overskride 25 sider A 4, dobbel linjeavstand, eller 45 000 tegn inkludert mellomrom. Internasjonal politikk tar ikke inn bidrag som samtidig publiseres i andre Norden- baserte publikasjoner. Kun manus på norsk, dansk eller svensk mottas. Endelige bidrag leveres formatert for PC. Oppgi system og nødvendige spesifikasjoner. I. Anbefalt format for Til kildehenvisninger brukes forfatternavn
    [Show full text]
  • Danish Cold War Historiography
    SURVEY ARTICLE Danish Cold War Historiography ✣ Rasmus Mariager This article reviews the scholarly debate that has developed since the 1970s on Denmark and the Cold War. Over the past three decades, Danish Cold War historiography has reached a volume and standard that merits international attention. Until the 1970s, almost no archive-based research had been con- ducted on Denmark and the Cold War. Beginning in the late 1970s, however, historians and political scientists began to assess Danish Cold War history. By the time an encyclopedia on Denmark and the Cold War was published in 2011, it included some 400 entries written by 70 researchers, the majority of them established scholars.1 The expanding body of literature has shown that Danish Cold War pol- icy possessed characteristics that were generally applicable, particularly with regard to alliance policy. As a small frontline state that shared naval borders with East Germany and Poland, Denmark found itself in a difficult situation in relation to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) as well as the Soviet Union. With regard to NATO, Danish policymakers balanced policies of integration and screening. The Danish government had to assure the Soviet Union of Denmark’s and NATO’s peaceful intentions even as Denmark and NATO concurrently rearmed. The balancing act was not easily managed. A review of Danish Cold War historiography also has relevance for con- temporary developments within Danish politics and research. Over the past quarter century, Danish Cold War history has been remarkably politicized.2 The end of the Cold War has seen the successive publication of reports and white books on Danish Cold War history commissioned by the Dan- ish government.
    [Show full text]
  • 13941 St Nr14 Møte 38-39
    1680 10. jan. – Grunnlovsforslag fra repr. Hagen, Hedstrøm og Solholm om opphevelse av 2008 Grunnloven § 107 og grunnlovsforslag fra repr. Vihovde om endringer i Grunnloven § 107 Møte torsdag den 10. januar 2008 kl. 10 Kenneth Svendsen anses enstemmig valgt som settepresi- denter for dagens møte. President: C a r l I . H a g e n Presidenten: Representanten Hans Frode Kielland D a g s o r d e n (nr. 39): Asmyhr vil fremsette et representantforslag. 1. Innstilling fra kontroll- og konstitusjonskomiteen om grunnlovsforslag fra Carl I. Hagen, Øystein Hed- Hans Frode Kielland Asmyhr (FrP) [10:02:42]: På strøm og Lodve Solholm om opphevelse av Grunnlo- vegne av stortingsrepresentantene Øyvind Korsberg, Kåre ven § 107 (Odels- og Aasædesretten maa ikke ophæ- Fostervold og meg selv har jeg gleden av å fremme forslag ves) og grunnlovsforslag fra May Britt Vihovde om om tiltak for å redusere landbruksbyråkratiet. endringer i Grunnloven § 107 (odels- og åsetesretten) (Innst. S. nr. 113 (2007-2008), jf. Dokument nr. 12:4 Presidenten: Representanten Jørund Rytman vil frem- og Dokument nr. 12:6 (2003-2004)) sette et representantforslag. 2. Innstilling fra kontroll- og konstitusjonskomiteen om grunnlovsforslag fra Steinar Bastesen om endringer i Jørund Rytman (FrP) [10:03:09]: På vegne av stor- Grunnloven §§ 26, 93 og ny § 110 d med sikte på å tingsrepresentantene Tord Lien og meg selv fremmer jeg skjerpe reglene om inngåelser av internasjonale avta- forslag om å legge det frivillige verneforslaget til grunn ler og for å grunnlovfeste det demokratiske systemet for ferdigstillelsen av Trillemarka og Rollagsfjell. både lokalt og nasjonalt (Innst. S.
    [Show full text]
  • Ihlen (2004) Rhetoric and Resources
    For my parents Abstract The aim of this dissertation is to discuss the influence that organizations have on public policies through their rhetoric and use of resources. The empirical focus is on public relations strategies regarding the public policy area on energy and the environment. Two case studies are conducted, centering on what have been the two most controversial environmental conflicts in Norway; the first concerns a hydroelectric development and the second relates to the building of gas-fired power plants. The environmentalists lost the first conflict, whereas the latter plants have still not been built. The theoretical starting point for the dissertation is within the realm of rhetorical studies of public relations, but it is argued that these studies have seldom contained specific suggestions for how to go about broad-based analyses. Furthermore, it is claimed that the studies have remained ontologically underdeveloped, which means that they do not offer analytical frameworks that make it possible to account adequately for organizational actors’ influence on, for instance, matters of public policy. The dissertation thus contains a suggestion for a heuristic analytical device drawing on a wide range of rhetorical concepts, combined with a sociological analysis of resources like economic capital, degree of institutionalization, knowledge, networks, and social standing. Historical reconstructions are made of the two cases. The research material is a sample of public relations material from the organizational actors, including brochures and advertisements, but also other texts, such as applications for building permits, and comments made to newspapers. Furthermore, qualitative interviews were conducted with representatives of the organizations involved.
    [Show full text]
  • Images of Male Political Leaders in France and Norway
    Reconsidering Politics as a Man's World: Images of Male Political Leaders in France and Norway Anne Krogstad and Aagoth Storvik Researchers have often pointed to the masculine norms that are integrated into politics. This article explores these norms by studying male images of politics and power in France and Norway from 1945 to 2009. Both dress codes and more general leadership styles are discussed. The article shows changes in political aesthetics in both countries since the Second World War. The most radical break is seen in the way Norwegian male politicians present themselves. The traditional Norwegian leadership ethos of piety, moderation, and inward orientation is still important, but it is not as self- effacing and inelegant as it used to be. However, compared to the leaders in French politics, who still live up to a heroic leadership ideal marked by effortless superiority and seduction, the Norwegian leaders look modest. To explain the differences in political self-presentation and evaluation we argue that cultural repertoires are not only national constructions but also gendered constructions. Keywords: photographs; politics; aesthetics; gender; national cultural repertoires 1 When people think of presidents and prime ministers, they usually think of the incumbents of these offices.1 In both France and Norway, these incumbents have, with the exception of Prime Minister Edith Cresson in France and Prime Minister Gro Harlem Brundtland in Norway, been male (and white). Researchers have often pointed to the masculine norms which are integrated into the expectations of what political officeholders should look like and be. Politics, it is claimed, is still very much a man’s world.2 However, maleness does not express general political leadership in a simple and undifferentiated way.
    [Show full text]
  • University of Copenhagen
    En historisk analyse af partilederskift i Danmark efter 1953 Hansen, Kasper Møller; Ringsmose, Jens Publication date: 2006 Document version Også kaldet Forlagets PDF Citation for published version (APA): Hansen, K. M., & Ringsmose, J. (2006). En historisk analyse af partilederskift i Danmark efter 1953. Institut for Statskundskab. Download date: 29. sep.. 2021 En historisk analyse af partilederskift i Danmark efter 1953 Kasper Møller Hansen og Jens Ringsmose Institut for Statskundskab Arbejdspapir 2006/10 0 Institut for Statskundskab Københavns Universitet Øster Farimagsgade 5 Postboks 2099 1014 København K ISSN 0906-1444 ISBN 87-7393-556-5 1 En historisk analyse af partilederskift i Danmark efter 19531 ”Opsigelsen bunder primært i den manglende sandsynlighed for opfyldelse af sæsonens målsætning” (23-12-2004 - Pressemeddelelse fra FC Nordsjælland A/S). ”Det er mig, der har haft lederskabet. Jeg har gjort det så godt jeg kunne, men resultatet er langt fra godt nok, og det påtager jeg mig ansvaret for” (Mogens Lykketoft, 8-2-2005) Kasper M. Hansen og Jens Ringsmose Institut for Statskundskab hhv. Københavns Universitet & Syddansk Universitet E-mail: [email protected] & [email protected] Resumé I de seneste 50 år har de fire gamle partier i dansk politik skiftet leder 26 gange. 16 af disse lederskift har været motiveret af manglende målopfyldelse i forhold til fire strategiske partimål – stemmemaksimering, regeringsdeltagelse, intern sammenhold og policy- indflydelse. Nederlag i relation til elektorale arena er den dominerende årsag til partilederskift. Det er imidlertid undtagelsen frem for reglen at et lederskifte resulterer i forbedret målopfyldelse inden for det første år efter skiftet. De resterende 10 lederskift har været foranlediget af dårligt helbred, dødsfald eller frivillig afgang og fandt – i helt overvejende omfang – sted i årene 1953-1973.
    [Show full text]
  • Finn Moe - En Utenrikspolitisk Biografi
    1 Finn Moe - en utenrikspolitisk biografi Vebjørn Kristen Elvebakk Hovedfagsoppgave i historie Universitetet i Oslo, Historisk institutt Høsten 2004 2 Forord Først og fremst vil jeg takke Knut Einar Eriksen for konstruktiv og hyggelig veiledning gjennom hele dette arbeidet. Takk fortjener også alle ved NUPI, herunder spesielt Erik Nord, Andreas Selliaas, John Kristen Skogan og personalet ved biblioteket. Sven Holtsmark ved IFS har sjenerøst stilt sitt private arkiv til disposisjon og vært en god rådgiver og samtalepartner. Min medstudent Nils August Andresen har kyndig foretatt nødvendige oversettelser fra russisk til norsk. Takk også til Guri Hjeltnes, Finn Olstad og Even Lange som har kommet med gode faglige råd og interessant informasjon. Halvard Fossheim ved Filosofisk institutt, UiO har bistått meg med oversettelse fra fransk og fortolkning av Finn Moes gullmedaljeoppgave. Beate Elvebakk har foreslått språklige forbedringer og ellers gitt mange nyttige tips og vink. Takk også til alle som i sin travle hverdag har latt seg intervjue. Endelig må jeg fremheve imøtekommenheten fra personalet ved Arbeiderbevegelsens Arkiv og Bibliotek, Nasjonalbiblioteket, Riksarkivet, Stortingsarkivet og Utenriksdepartementets arkiv. Aller mest takk til Elen. Oslo, 16.10.2004. Vebjørn Elvebakk 3 Innholdsfortegnelse Innledning 4 Oppgavens bakgrunn og problemstilling 4 Kapittel 5: Avgrensning og struktur 6 Tøvær og tro på forandring (1955-1964) 90 Betraktninger rundt metode og sjanger 8 Nye premisser 91 Litteratur 10 Konvergens og atomtrusselens perspektiver
    [Show full text]
  • "Fordelingen Av Ministerposter I Norske Koalisjonsregjeringer"
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by NORA - Norwegian Open Research Archives "Fordelingen av ministerposter i norske koalisjonsregjeringer" Sølvi Engebretsen Hovedoppgave i statsvitenskap Universitetet i Oslo 1 2 1.0. INNLEDNING 1.1. Tema og problemstilling Tema for oppgaven er fordelingen av ministerposter i koalisjonsregjeringer, og motivene som ligger bak disse fordelingene. Problemstillingen knytter seg til hvorvidt regjeringsmakt søkes for maktens egen skyld eller ut fra ønsket om å påvirke politikk i bestemte retninger - m.a.o. om partiene er maktsøkende eller policysøkende. Hvilke motiver som ligger til grunn for partiers atferd har nettopp vært det sentrale spørsmål innen koalisjonsteori. Spørsmålet er variasjoner over et gammelt tema innen statsvitenskap. For Aristoteles var politikk dels et mål i seg selv, men også en form for handling som, i likhet med etikk, bygget på kunnskap om hva som er til gode for fellesskapet. Mot dette synet står den realpolitiske retningen, blant klassikerne først og fremst representert ved Machiavelli. Her er politikk ensbetydende med kamp om posisjoner. Målet er å oppnå og beholde politisk makt - ikke “det gode liv” som hos Aristoteles. I nyere tids statsvitenskap har nok det realpolitiske synet på politikk hatt stor inn- flytelse. Rune Slagstad (1987) skriver om “realismens triumf i moderne retts- og stats- vitenskap”. Studiet av koalisjonsdannelser er intet unntak i så måte. Lenge forutsatte man at partienes motiver var ønsket om regjeringsmakt. Selv de som etterhvert har lagt vekt på forfølgelse av politiske mål som sentralt for partiers atferd, har typisk under- ordnet dette motivet i forhold til maktsøking (Budge og Laver 1986).
    [Show full text]
  • Who Needs Norwegians?" Explaining the Oslo Back Channel: Norway’S Political Past in the Middle East
    Evaluation Report 9/2000 Hilde Henriksen Waage "Norwegians? Who needs Norwegians?" Explaining the Oslo Back Channel: Norway’s Political Past in the Middle East A report prepared by PRIO International Peace Research Institute, Oslo Institutt for fredsforskning Responsibility for the contents and presentation of findings and recommendations rests with the author. The views and opinions expressed in the report do not necessarily correspond with the views of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Preface In September 1998, I was commissioned by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs to carry out a preliminary study looking into Norway’s role in the Middle East. According to the agreement with the Ministry, the study should focus on the years prior to 1993 and examine whether Norway’s political past in the Middle East – and, not least, the mediating and confidence-building efforts of Norwegians prior to the opening of the secret Oslo Back Channel – had had any influence on the process that followed. The study should also try to answer the question ‘Why Norway?’ – that is, what had made Norway, of all countries, suitable for such an extraordinary task? The work on the study started on 15 September 1998. The date of submission was stipulated as 15 April 2000. This was achieved. The following report is based on recently declassified and partly still classified documents (to which I was granted access) at the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the verbatim records of the Parliamentary Foreign Affairs Committee, records of government proceedings and the Norwegian Parliament, Labour Party Archives, documents from the US State Department and the Socialist International – to mention the most important.
    [Show full text]