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Home , Women in the workforce, Women in Tunisia

ISSUE BRIEF 09.03.18 Inequality and Economic Inclusion in : Key Policy Issues

Valentine M. Moghadam, Ph.D., Northeastern University; Rice University’s Baker Institute

Tunisia’s indicators on female labor force the favorable legal environment, Tunisian participation, educational attainment, women lack full social inclusion and economic professional activity, and political empowerment. These are key issues participation are quite impressive compared that require attention from researchers, to other countries in the Middle East and policymakers, and women’s rights advocates. region (MENA) (Table 1). In This brief provides a comprehensive 2015, women accounted for 40% of tertiary picture of Tunisian women’s employment education enrollment, 42% of university patterns and problems, along with some professors, and 31% of parliamentary seats. policy recommendations. Women’s Indicators on school enrollment, economic exclusion has implications for rates, and women in the judiciary are also national development, the tax base, poverty noteworthy, as are three sociopolitical alleviation, household well-being, and developments. First, since 1956, Tunisia has women’s full civic inclusion (Chamlou and had a fairly liberal family that banned Karshenas 2017; Moghadam 2018; and allowed women the right to 2011). Whereas women’s rights organizations divorce—the effects of “state .” and policy agencies in Tunisia are aware of Second, the women’s movement—as the problems of poverty, , and defined by the influence and visibility of violence,1 more attention should be directed— Whereas women’s women’s rights organizations that effect especially by researchers and policymakers— rights organizations legal and policy changes—is quite strong in to the causes of low rates of female labor Tunisia (it should be noted that civil society force participation (FLFP) and strategies to and policy agencies in in general is quite robust in the country). enhance both the quantity and quality of Tunisia are aware of the Third, Tunisia embarked on a democratic women’s employment. problems of poverty, transition (albeit a bumpy one) in 2011 that unemployment, has won accolades internationally. and violence, more The very positive gender indicators FEATURES OF THE FEMALE LABOR listed in Table 1, however, provide only a FORCE attention should partial picture. Tunisia’s women suffer from be directed to the According to data from the International an untoward economic situation and low Labor Organization, most of Tunisia’s causes of low rates demand for their labor; low labor force female labor force works in the of female labor force participation and very high unemployment manufacturing industry (43%) followed by rates; social and regional inequalities; participation. the professional, scientific, technical/public inadequate support systems for working administration, social security, and human ; persistent domestic violence; and health and social work fields (19.4%). The prevailing conservative attitudes, values, remainder work in the agriculture, forestry, and norms toward women’s rights. Without and fishery sectors (12.3%). changes in these areas, and notwithstanding RICE UNIVERSITY’S BAKER INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY // ISSUE BRIEF // 09.03.18

TABLE 1 — WOMEN’S SOCIAL INDICATORS AT THE START OF THE ARAB SPRING (2010-11)

Algeria Egypt Tunisia Percent of women in the paid 17% 28% 19% 25% labor force

Women’s tertiary education 34% 12% 14% 40%

Women’s average age at first 29 26 23 27 marriage (years)

Total fertility rate 2.4 2.4 2.9 1.9

Percent of women in parliament 11% 8% 2-3% 23-28% (1995-2010) (after 2002 quota) Percent of women teaching at 38% 17% N/A 42% universities 24% 0.46% 28% Percent of women in the judiciary 37%* (first appointed (first appointed (first appointed in 1965) in 2003)** in 1967) Liberal since 1956; Family law Minor reform in 2005 Major reform in 2004 Patriarchal; khul’a amended in 1998 Fragmented, subject State of women’s movement In abeyance Visible, well organized Visible, well organized to state repression

NOTES *The percentage of Algerian female judges increased to more than one-third after the Bouteflika government appointed 121 women as judges in the summer of 2010 (Sonneveld and Lindbekk 2017). **In 2010, just 42 out of 9,000 Egyptian judges were women. Egypt appointed its first female judge, Tahani al-Gebali, in 2003. Judge al-Gebali was dismissed during a conflict between the Morsi government and the judiciary at the start of 2013. See http://www.npr.org/templates/ story/story.php?storyId=125501126. SOURCES World Economic Forum, ; Sonneveld and Lindbekk (2017)

Only 7.7% of women work in wholesale in many Arab countries, the labor force and retail trade. In terms of occupational employment of married women is weak for distribution, 24% of the female labor all but a small stratum of professional women force works in professional fields; 20% who build decades-long . Many hold clerical, service, and sales positions; working women drop out of the labor force and 51% hold blue-collar occupations. when they marry or have children. According to Ben Salem (2010, 501), women At the same time, Tunisia’s female made up 39% of the staff in the civil unemployment rate (24% in 2012) is service. Within the health field, women very high compared to other countries made up 42% of physicians, 72% of around the globe. Despite women’s pharmacists, and 57% of dental surgeons. significant educational attainment levels, These figures illustrate the extent to which unemployment is nearly twice as high public and private services depend on among women than men, illustrating the women. great difficulties women face in trying to Despite the high rates of women in establish their place in the economy. Well- both professional and manufacturing fields, qualified, university-educated women have Tunisia’s FLFP rate is very low by international the highest unemployment rate of any standards. At 27.2% in 2012, it is about half group in the population—47.4%, compared the rate of that in Organisation for Economic to 20.6% among similarly qualified men Co-operation and Development (OECD) in 2012 (République Tunisienne 2012, countries (République Tunisienne 2012). Tableau 37, 35). Young people aged 15-29 Although more women work in Tunisia than constituted 72% of the total number of 2 AND ECONOMIC INCLUSION IN TUNISIA: KEY POLICY ISSUES

unemployed.2 University-educated women female unemployment rates are found in have experienced a sharp decline in the the country’s interior, reaching 40% to 46% probability of government employment in Kebili, Gafsa, and Tataouine (République in recent years; it dropped by nearly half Tunisienne 2014, 16). These rates are between 2005 and 2013 for both never- often two to three times higher than the married and ever-married women (Assaad unemployment rates for men. Tunisia’s et al. 2016, 12). Large numbers of young interior regions lack the infrastructure, women who wish to enter the labor market transportation, and information networks out of economic need—especially from that the northeast and coastal areas enjoy. working-class households with no more Health care is also lacking in low-income than a secondary education—or to pursue a areas such as Jendouba, Le Kef, Kasserine, professional find that lack of demand and Gafsa. In those areas, according to Elrahi blocks their entry into the workforce. (2015), about 60% of women suffer from Despite women’s Women’s employment rates and the health problems, and just 10% have access overall economy in Tunisia took two hits to health care. Youth illiteracy and dropout significant educational in recent years. First, the Great Recession rates are also significant in these areas; 40% attainment levels, of 2008 led to plant closures in the ready- of women in these regions are illiterate. unemployment is nearly made garment manufacturing sector. Given As in other MENA countries, women in twice as high among the large proportion of women working in Tunisia who have obtained a university women than men, manufacturing, the combined shock of the education are more likely to be in the recession and plant closures likely had a workforce—and continue working long- illustrating the great substantial impact on women in the labor term—than women with only a secondary difficulties women force and contributed to both unemployment education or less. This situation may stem face in trying to 3 and the “discouraged worker” effect, from the more conservative social norms establish their place although detailed data on this issue is not among the less-educated population, the available. Still, one can conjecture that the lack of skills and job training for women, in the economy. subsequent export and investment declines or the absence of decent jobs—with resulted in job losses for working class good , benefits, and protections women.4 Second, in the wake of the 2011 against —for women revolution and the onset of terrorist attacks, from lower-income households. Gender investments sharply declined in almost all inequality in the labor market (especially sectors; foreign direct investment (FDI) flows in the private sector), high rates of female decreased by 29% in 2011, and 182 foreign unemployment, and stratification within firms—including companies based in Italy, the female population contribute to broad , and Germany—closed their doors, social inequality, exclusion, and other leading to the loss of 10,930 jobs (Ayadi and disadvantages. Mattoussi 2014, 6). The decline in FDI was also severe in the tourism sector. Tunisia is heavily reliant on travel and tourism, which WORK-FAMILY RECONCILIATION AND accounted for 11.5% of jobs and 12.6% of SUPPORT FOR WORKING MOTHERS GDP in 2015 despite the contraction of the Ben Salem (2010, 501) references studies overall economy since 2011 (World Travel and showing that many employed women in Tourism Council, 2016). the MENA find it difficult to balance work and family. Tunisia’s Labor Code mandates SOCIAL AND REGIONAL INEQUALITIES different accommodations for women working in the public and private sectors. Government data show that the highest In the public sector, social security benefits rates of economic activity in Tunisia—that are provided, and women are entitled is, above 30%—are concentrated in coastal to two months of paid maternity leave and relatively affluent areas such as Tunis, (Ben Salem 2010, 502) as well as on-site Ariana, Ben Arous, Manouba, Nabeul, child care facilities at workplaces with Zaghouan, Sousse, and Monastir. The highest more than 50 employees. There are also 3 RICE UNIVERSITY’S BAKER INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY // ISSUE BRIEF // 09.03.18

special provisions for mothers of toddlers head of the household, must provide for his or handicapped children. Private sector wife and children within his means and their employers, however, are not required to status within the components of alimony. provide paid maternity leave, although the The wife must contribute to family expenses law stipulates that new mothers must be if she has assets.” Moreover, inheritance granted an unpaid leave of 30 days as well distribution continues to follow sharia law: as daily breaks to breastfeed during working women inherit half of what their brothers hours for a year after the birth of their child. receive. Among other consequences, In principle, private-sector employers are unequal inheritance has implications for required to provide child care facilities if the ability of women to establish their own they have 50 or more employees (Ben Salem businesses (Moghadam 2006). 2010, 502; Bernard-Maugiron 2015, 7), but Sociocultural prescriptions about gender small enterprises are exempt from these roles have changed less than the secular requirements. In addition, the mandatory nature of the state might suggest. According requirements in the code only apply to civil to the sixth wave (2010-14) of the World servants (Bernard-Maugiron 2015, 8), which Values Survey, 71% of respondents agreed may explain why 86% of workers in health that “when jobs are scarce, men should Another deficit for and public administration are covered, as have more right to a job than women” (see working mothers, these are public sector jobs that provide full Table 2). The gender breakdown suggests social security benefits. It is encouraging that more men (82%) than women (58%) certainly those from that in 2014, the majority of Tunisian women agreed with this statement; among women working-class or low- working in the manufacturing sector were respondents, less than half of those with full- income households, enrolled in the social security program time jobs (48.7%) agreed, while more than is the absence of a (République Tunisienne 2014, 26). As noted 30% disagreed. Other surveys have found nationwide network of above, however, many firms in the private that attitudes about sector do not offer paid maternity leave. are more liberal in Tunisia than elsewhere in quality and affordable By international standards, Tunisia’s the MENA region, especially when compared child care facilities. paid maternity leave is among the least to attitudes and values in Egypt (see Moaddel generous, and the onus is on the employer et al. 2013); however, conservative attitudes to finance it. This extra “tax” on the private may shift as a result of changing political and sector is a disincentive for employers and economic conditions. In general, the Tunisian may be an institutional impediment to public’s responses show very low confidence women’s labor force entry and attachment. in government institutions—much lower Another deficit for working mothers, than in Morocco or Turkey. And according to certainly those from working-class or recent Arab Barometer findings, Tunisians low-income households, is the absence have become dissatisfied with democracy of a nationwide network of quality and and perceive economic difficulties as the affordable child care facilities. Children most serious problem facing the country usually begin school at age six. Without the (Robbins 2016). means to hire a nanny, or in the absence of a relative who can care for their infants and 5 young children, new mothers drop out of the THE LAW labor force or decline to enter at all. Violence against women is both an obstacle

to women’s economic participation and a GAPS IN FAMILY , SOCIAL clear manifestation of gender inequality. NORMS, AND VALUES The problem of violence against women has been long recognized by women’s rights Tunisia’s Code of Personal Status (or family organizations. In 1993, for example, the law) has been viewed as quite liberal Tunisian Association of Democratic Women since its introduction in 1956. Nonetheless, (ATFD) established a centre d’écoute, or men are the household heads in Tunisia; hotline, for female victims of domestic according to the code, “the husband, as violence and sexual harassment. After a 4 GENDER INEQUALITY AND ECONOMIC INCLUSION IN TUNISIA: KEY POLICY ISSUES

TABLE 2 — WORLD VALUES SURVEY, TUNISIA (6TH WAVE)

Percent of total population in agreement Statement (Percent of women in agreement)

“If a earns more than her husband, it is almost certain to cause problems.” 43% (35%)

“Having a job is the best way for a woman to be an independent person.” 50% (62.7%)

“If a works for pay, her children will suffer.” 78% (69%)

“On the whole, men make better political leaders than women.” 71% (60%)

“On the whole, men make better business executives than women.” 61% (46%)

“Being a is just as fulfilling as working for pay.” 80% (76%)

“A university education is more important for a boy than a .” 25% (17%)

SOURCE World Values Survey, http://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/WVSOnline.jsp

commission was formed to find strategies large number of conjugal violence cases to tackle violence, an international seminar in their regions. Workers from the Bizerte convened in Tunis on November 11-13, 1993. branch stated that victims do not always This resulted in the report Les Violences follow through on their complaints or à l’égard des femmes. An amendment to requests for legal services: “We have to call Article 218 of the Penal Code introduced them, and all are in need of financial help. punishments for perpetrators of family We try to provide them with help through violence. The National Office for Family and microcredit grants.” One representative Population followed by offering medical care said a man had killed his wife for refusing to female victims of family violence, though to wear the niqab veil (also known as a Tunisia’s family the initiative’s implementation was stymied khimar in Tunisia). There were also cases due to low reporting of incidents, inadequate of sexual violence among the wives of planning office found training, and lack of public awareness Salafists. The branch in Ben Arous, home that about 47% of of the law and available services. to several manufacturing plants, reported women aged 18–64 Tunisia’s family planning office found providing services to 74 women between had experienced some that about 47% of women aged 18–64 had December 2013 and January 2014. The form of violence, experienced some form of violence, typically women, who were largely illiterate or only domestic. While that statistic was alarming, had a primary education, had lost jobs typically domestic. it was the rape of a woman named Meriem following factory closures. Ben Mohamed in September 2012 by two In general, women who experience policemen—who defended their actions domestic or community violence may be by stating that she had been behaving unwilling or unable to leave their homes, or immodestly with her boyfriend—that may be prevented from joining, remaining, galvanized Tunisia’s feminist population. or advancing in the labor force. The ATFD organized a national workshop in September 2014 and launched the “Action Plan 2015–17 on Violence Against Women.” GOVERNMENT AND NGO RESPONSES During the workshop, activists from In 2016, the Tunisian government reached branches in Tunis, Ben Arous, Bizerte, Sfax, an agreement with the International Sousse, and Kairouan reported that their Monetary Fund (IMF) for a $2.8 billion bailout small staffs were unable to cope with the 5 RICE UNIVERSITY’S BAKER INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY // ISSUE BRIEF // 09.03.18

to support the country’s economic and and influential trade union, political transition and help fund its new groups, professional associations, and the 2016-2020 development plan (République Observatory of Social, Political, and Economic Tunisienne 2016). In its note to the IMF, the Rights, Tunisia’s women’s rights organizations Tunisian government proposed focusing have been able to make their voices heard policy interventions on four leading in the new, more pluralistic political arena economic sectors: the knowledge economy, since the Arab Spring. While the gains have health and social services, tourism, and been impressive, gaps and deficits remain, agriculture. One goal of the plan is to especially in the area of women’s economic significantly increase women’s share of empowerment. Most Tunisian women, except the labor force to 35%. Another goal is for highly educated professional women, Working in concert to expand the social services sector. This remain economically inactive, with educated with the country’s would entail raising kindergarten enrollment young women hardest hit by unemployment. from 35% in 2015 to 53% by 2020, and Working conditions in the private sector could large and influential investing in child protection services, sports, also be improved to accommodate working trade union, human programs and home care support. The mothers. Since 2014, problems within the rights groups, government has proposed regrouping the Nidaa Tounès party and the government have professional existing 289 microcredit associations into led to resignations, cabinet reshuffles, and associations, and 24 institutes (one per region) to be governed stalemates, which have ultimately resulted by a new microfinance strategy (IMF 2016, in a stalled policy agenda. As feminist trade the Observatory of 23). If successful, the plan should better unionist Samia Letaief stated, “The democratic Social, Political, and serve women’s entrepreneurship, especially transition has succeeded, more or less, Economic Rights, in the country’s interior, where—as noted on the political front but not in terms of Tunisia’s women’s above—FLFP is very low and unemployment governance and development” (“La transition rates are very high. Building a nationwide démocratique a réussi sur le plan politique rights organizations social care infrastructure would provide et plus au moins sur le plan démocratique have been able to employment opportunities for women, mais pas sur le plan gouvernance et make their voices enable mothers to enter and remain in the développement”) (personal communication, heard in the new, workforce, and possibly help reduce the high 2017). Attention should now be directed level of female unemployment in Tunisia. to women’s economic participation and more pluralistic In 2017, government responses to empowerment. political arena since the women’s movement resulted in three First, the government’s plan to increase the Arab Spring. important milestones. First, the government FLFP and women’s share of the total labor repealed a 1973 directive forbidding Muslim force would succeed through the construction Tunisian women from marrying non-Muslim of preschool facilities and neighborhood child men. Second, the parliament introduced care centers nationwide, along with vocational the country’s most stringent anti-domestic training for women to staff those facilities. violence law yet. And third, President Beji The employment-generation possibilities, Caid Essebi indicated support for repealing for women and men alike, are obvious. As or revising the unequal inheritance law. the tax base grows, the government could Progress on these fronts could provide even mandate statutory paid maternity leave across more Tunisian women with social inclusion, the private sector, which could be financed dignity, and economic and physical security. through general revenue or some combination of government, employer, and employee contributions. Paid maternity leave should be RECOMMENDATIONS FOR REFORM presented as a responsibility of government and employers and as a right of working Tunisian women have benefited from decades mothers. The construction of preschool of , an institutionalized feminist facilities would contribute to stronger FLFP movement, and a democratic transition that and labor force attachment among married has enabled more initiatives for recognition, women, and to quality socialization among representation, and inclusion of women. children. Child care facilities could begin in Working in concert with the country’s large the poorest regions—Sidi Bouzid, Kairouan, 6 GENDER INEQUALITY AND ECONOMIC INCLUSION IN TUNISIA: KEY POLICY ISSUES

and Kasserine, located in the central-west 2. “Tunisia: High rate of unemployment region of the country—which experience among youth and women,” Tunis Times, very low female labor force participation and May 25, 2014. high unemployment rates. Monitoring and 3. “Discouraged workers” are those who enforcement of the new Violence Against drop out of the labor force following periods Women law should also be strengthened in of unemployment and inability to find these areas to eliminate domestic violence, suitable jobs. community intimidation, and workplace 4. Mechanical and electronics sexual harassment. manufacturing and automotive component The high unemployment of new entrants, production have been the most dynamic especially of educated young women, is export sectors in Tunisia since the 1990s, another policy area in need of urgent surpassing the previously dominant textiles attention. As there is some disagreement and garments sector. Exports of textiles among experts regarding solutions to the and garments declined from 42% of all education-labor market mismatch, it would merchandise exports in 2004 to 27% in be useful to conduct surveys with students 2008. In contrast, exports of electronics and professors (and not just employers) to and chemicals increased to 30% (Ayadi determine how and why graduates—even and Mattoussi, 2014, Appendix Table A3, young women with degrees in science, 15). Together with food production, these technology, engineering, and math—find it so are the pillars of productive capacity in difficult to secure gainful employment. With manufacturing. The textiles and garments regard to women with a secondary education sector is relatively labor intensive and or less who are out of the workforce, the remains heavily feminized (Jaud and Freund focus should be on examining school 2015, Figure B1.1.1, 2). curricula and textbooks to determine if they 5. This section draws from Arfaoui and perpetuate traditional gender roles and Moghadam (2016). stereotypes, which would further compound this problem. Tunisia’s difficult economic conditions REFERENCES and a proposed finance bill to introduce Arfaoui, Khedija and Valentine M. Moghadam. austerity measures generated unrest and 2016. “Violence against Women and protests in January 2018. Thus, fast action Tunisian Feminism: Advocacy, Policy, is needed to demonstrate a commitment to and Politics in an Arab Context.” Current socioeconomic inclusion and empowerment. Sociology 64 (4): 637-653. Focusing greater attention on the country’s Assaad, Ragui, Rana Hendy, Moundir Lassassi, women and their children is the right place and Chaimaa Yassine. 2016. “Where has to start. all the education gone? Analyzing trends in labor force participation in MENA.” ENDNOTES Paper prepared for the 22nd annual conference of the Economic Research 1. The two longstanding and active Forum, Cairo, Egypt, March 2016. women’s rights organizations are the Tunisian Ayadi, Mohamed and Wided Mattoussi. 2014. Association of Democratic Women (ATFD) and “Scoping of the Tunisian Economy.” Association of Tunisian Women for Research UNU-WIDER Working Paper 2014/074, and Development (AFTURD), which have Helsinki, Finland, April 2014. conducted research and advocacy since Ben Salem, Lilia. 2010. “Tunisia.” In Women’s 1989. The government-funded women’s Rights in the Middle East and North policy agency Centre for Research, Studies, Africa: Progress amid Resistance, edited Documentation, and Information on Women by Sanja Kelly and Julie Breslin, 487- (CREDIF) works with AFTURD and ATFD 516. Lanham and New York: Rowman & members, Tunisian women researchers, Littlefield Publishers and Freedom House. UN agencies, and international donors to research various aspects of women’s lives. 7 RICE UNIVERSITY’S BAKER INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY // ISSUE BRIEF // 09.03.18

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