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Historique De L'action Française
Historique de l’Action française Marie Lan Nguyen (ENS) 2004 1 Les débuts (1899–1918) 1.1 L’Affaire Dreyfus aux origines de l’Action française 1.1.1 Charles Maurras Charles Maurras naît en 1868 à Martigues d’un père percepteur des impôts, libéral et romantique, et d’une mère dévote et royaliste. À l’issue de ses études secondaires, il monte à Paris et devient journaliste, travaillant d’abord à La Cocarde (boulangiste) puis à la Gazette de France et au Soleil, journaux royalistes. Grand admirateur de la Grèce, ses préoccupations sont alors essentiellement littéraires. Il s’engage dans l’action politique à l’occasion de l’affaire Dreyfus. Convaincu d’abord de la culpabilité de Dreyfus, il admet ensuite ensuite le doute. Mais pour lui, même la souffrance d’un innocent doit s’effacer devant la stabilité de l’armée et de la France, mise en péril par l’affaire. Dans cet esprit, il lance en 1898 dans la Gazette de France l’idée du « faux patriotique Henry ». C’est son grand mot d’ordre, « le Politique d’abord ». Le but de Maurras est d’ériger un système positif et machiavélien, partant du « postulat nationaliste », contre la décadence ayant suivi la défaite de 1870, et plus avant encore la Révolution française, mère d’une société corrompue où manque le principe unitaire monarchique. Pour Maurras, quatre « états confédérés » composent l’Anti-France et ont donné lieu à la démocratie parlementaire : ce sont les Juifs, les francs-maçons, les protestants et les métèques (étrangers), qui tous font passer leurs solidarités propres avant la Nation. -
Tuula Vaarakallio Department of Social Sciences and Philosophy/ Political Science University of Jyväskylä
Copyright © , by University of Jyväskylä ABSTRACT Vaarakallio, Tuula ”Rotten to the Core”. Variations of French nationalist anti-system rhetoric. Jyväskylä: University of Jyväskylä, 2004, 194 p. (Jyväskylä Studies in Education, Psychology and Social Research) ISSN 0075-4625; 250) ISBN 951-39-1991-9 Finnish summary Diss. One of the main components (topoi) of the politics of the French nationalists since the late 19th century has been the rhetoric against the existing ”system,” that is the discourse against the representative form of democracy, the parliamentary form of government and the political establishment. This study focuses on the nationalist anti-system rhetoric at the turn of the 20th and the turn of the 21st centuries, namely on Boulangism (1886-1889) and its representative Maurice Barrès (1862- 1923), the nationalist Charles Maurras (1868-1952), and the contemporary radical right movement, the Front National (1972-). This study aims to carry out a detailed and politically oriented exploration of the changes that can be detected in this rejection from the time of Boulanger to that of the Front National. Methodologically, the study is neither strictly rhetorical nor historical but is instead located somewhere between these two approaches. The main objective is to distinguish the political assumptions and commitments that lie behind the terminology of the political programs not only by analyzing the attack against parliamentarism and the ”deteriorated” establishment but also by examining the ”political alternative” provided, that -
Le Faisceau De Georges Valois In: Revue Française De Science Politique, 26E Année, N°1, 1976
Zeev Sternhell Anatomie d'un mouvement fasciste en France : le faisceau de Georges Valois In: Revue française de science politique, 26e année, n°1, 1976. pp. 5-40. Citer ce document / Cite this document : Sternhell Zeev. Anatomie d'un mouvement fasciste en France : le faisceau de Georges Valois. In: Revue française de science politique, 26e année, n°1, 1976. pp. 5-40. doi : 10.3406/rfsp.1976.393652 http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/rfsp_0035-2950_1976_num_26_1_393652 Résumé ANATOMIE D'UN MOUVEMENT FASCISTE EN FRANCE, LE FAISCEAU DE GEORGES VALOIS, par ZEEV STERNHELL Le mouvement fasciste de Georges Valois est créé en novembre 1925. Pour être comparable aux entreprises analogues en Europe, à la même époque, il ne s'inscrit pas moins, cependant, dans une tradition antirépublicaine, anti-parlementaire et antidémocratique spécifiquement française. Né de la droite, le Faisceau se trouvera vite en butte à son hostilité. Financé par de gros industriels, son ouvriérisme verbal lui fera rapidement perdre ce soutien indispensable. Organisé en quatre sections : celle des « combattants », celle des producteurs, celle des jeunes et celle des sympathisants, le Faisceau au plus haut de son influence, pourra revendiquer 25 000 adhérents essentiellement dans la région parisienne. Succès éphémère ; en 1927 avec le départ des derniers bailleurs de fonds, le Faisceau disparaît de la scène politique. A cette date, la droite française, assurée de son pouvoir et satisfaite de ses formes traditionnelles d'organisation, n'a pas eu besoin d'entretenir les ambiguïtés d'une organisation fasciste. [Revue française de science politique XXVI (1), février 1976, pp. 5-40.] Abstract ANATOMY OF A FASCIST MOVEMENT IN FRANCE, THE « FAISCEAU » OF GEORGES VALOIS, by ZEEV STERNHELL Georges Valois founded his fascist movement in November 1925. -
© 2020 Stefan Dmytro Kosovych
© 2020 Stefan Dmytro Kosovych NOURISHING THE POLITICAL BODY: BANQUETS IN EARLY THIRD REPUBLIC FRANCE, 1878 – 1914 BY STEFAN DMYTRO KOSOVYCH DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2020 Urbana, Illinois Doctoral Committee: Professor Emeritus Mark S. Micale, Chair and Director of Research Associate Professor Tamara Chaplin Professor Maria Todorova Professor Jean-Philippe R. Mathy ABSTRACT The most pressing issues of the day in France and in Europe – the place of workers in society, women’s rights, republicanism versus monarchy as the form of government, and expansion of the French empire – were advanced at banquets, ritualized gatherings over food and drink. Drawing on the key historical success of banquets as a means of political mobilization during the prelude to the Revolution of 1848, socialists/anarchists, royalists, imperialists, and feminists turned to the banquet to strengthen their political agendas during early Third Republic France. In Nourishing the Political Body: Banquets in Early Third Republic France, 1878 – 1914, I argue that banquets became a critical site for the construction of political and cultural power and identity by creating distinctive, tightly-knit communities that bolstered a diverse array of causes across the entire political landscape. Using police reports, government documents, accounts of banquet proceedings, newspaper articles, letters, and memoirs, my dissertation analyzes four prominent genres of banquets during late nineteenth and early twentieth-century France: commemorations of the Paris Commune, royalist, empire, and feminist. At these events, different political groups promoted specific agendas that were always ideological, oftentimes subversive, and even revolutionary. -
Communist Trade Unionism and Industrial Relations on the French Railways, 1914–1939
Fellow Travellers Communist Trade Unionism and Industrial Relations on the French Railways, 1914–1939 STUDIES IN LABOUR HISTORY 13 Studies in Labour History ‘…a series which will undoubtedly become an important force in re-invigorating the study of Labour History.’ English Historical Review Studies in Labour History provides reassessments of broad themes along with more detailed studies arising from the latest research in the field of labour and working-class history, both in Britain and throughout the world. Most books are single-authored but there are also volumes of essays focussed on key themes and issues, usually emerging from major conferences organized by the British Society for the Study of Labour History. The series includes studies of labour organizations, including international ones, where there is a need for new research or modern reassessment. It is also its objective to extend the breadth of labour history’s gaze beyond conven- tionally organized workers, sometimes to workplace experiences in general, sometimes to industrial relations, but also to working-class lives beyond the immediate realm of work in households and communities. Fellow Travellers Communist Trade Unionism and Industrial Relations on the French Railways, 1914–1939 Thomas Beaumont Fellow Travellers LIVERPOOL UNIVERSITY PRESS First published 2019 by Liverpool University Press 4 Cambridge Street Liverpool L69 7ZU Copyright © 2019 Thomas Beaumont The right of Thomas Beaumont to be identified as the author of this book has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. -
Le Maurrassisme En Amérique Latine. Etude Comparée Des Cas Argentin Et Brésilien ” Olivier Compagnon
” Le maurrassisme en Amérique latine. Etude comparée des cas argentin et brésilien ” Olivier Compagnon To cite this version: Olivier Compagnon. ” Le maurrassisme en Amérique latine. Etude comparée des cas argentin et brésilien ”. sous la direction d’Olivier Dard et Michel Grunewald. Charles Maurras et l’étranger - L’étranger et Charles Maurras, Peter Lang, pp.283-305, 2009, Convergences. halshs-00395601 HAL Id: halshs-00395601 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00395601 Submitted on 26 Nov 2011 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Le maurrassisme en Amérique latine Etude comparée des cas argentin et brésilien Olivier COMPAGNON Université Paris 3 – Sorbonne Nouvelle Institut Universitaire de France Dans son ouvrage classique consacré à l’Action française, Eugen Weber intitulait son dernier chapitre «Le flambeau qui demeure» et la première partie de ce chapitre «Les amis étrangers». On lisait alors les dix seules lignes consacrées, au sein d’une étude pourtant volumineuse, à la diffusion du maurrassisme et du corpus idéologique de l’Action française en Amérique latine: l’influence de la doctrine de l’Action française se faisait plus fortement sentir dans les pays latins qui envoyaient de nombreux étudiants à Paris et où l’élitisme politique traditionaliste de Maurras, ainsi que le prestige littéraire d’une école conformiste, aux œuvres accessibles, comblaient les aspirations des classes supérieures mieux que n’importe quelle autre tendance trouvée en France. -
The Social Thought of the Action Française
EDWARD R. TANNENBAUM THE SOCIAL THOUGHT OF THE ACTION FRANCAISE Tie Action Franchise was the most notorious reactionary movement 1 twentieth-century France.1 From the Dreyfus Affair to the fall of be Vichy Regime it carried on its campaign against "the principles of 789", which many Frenchmen (and other Western Europeans) listakenly blamed for the "evils" of modern industrial society. But it ^presented neither the frustrated lower-middle classes that were ttracted to fascism, nor the genteel bien-pensants who pined for the good old days" under Louis XVI or Charles X. Its leaders were cafe itellectuals who flaunted their newly acquired devotion to the lonarchy and the church. They were professional nativists clamoring >r a return to the traditional virtues of a golden age that never risted. Their Utopia was a highly intellectualized daydream invented y Charles Maurras. rom a philosophical point of view Maurras was the Action Francaise. te served as its infallible prophet and pope, though many of his leas were themselves derivative.2 His "organizing empiricism" rhe Action Franchise was founded in 1899 by Charles Maurras and Henri Vaugeois. carried on its activities without interruption until it was proscribed by the Liberation >vernment in late 1944. During its heyday (1910-1926) it had thirty to forty thousand gistered members, and a number of prominent writers, academicians, prelates, and my and navy officers were sympathetic to it. It had lost the support of the Church in 126, and in 1937 the royalist pretender disavowed it. In the thirties it was also losing me of its younger zealots to the nationalist and fascist leagues. -
Antisemitism in France in the 1930S
UNITED STATES HOLOCAUST MEMORIAL MUSEUM CENTER FOR ADVANCED HOLOCAUST STUDIES The Path to Vichy: Antisemitism in France in the 1930s Vicki Caron W A S H I N G T O N , D. C. The Path to Vichy: Antisemitism in France in the 1930s Vicki Caron J.B. AND MAURICE C. SHAPIRO ANNUAL LECTURE 20 APRIL 2005 The assertions, opinions, and conclusions in this occasional paper are those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect those of the United States Holocaust Memorial Council or of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. First printing, July 2005 Copyright © 2005 by the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum The Center for Advanced Holocaust Studies annually appoints a scholar to pursue independent research and writing, to present lectures at universities throughout the United States, and to serve as a resource for the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, the Center, government personnel, educators, students, and the public. Funding for the program is made possible by a generous endowment established by from the J.B. and Maurice C. Shapiro Charitable Trust. Vichy’s two Jewish statutes of October 3, 1940, and June 2, 1941, defined Jews in racial terms as anyone having three or more grandparents “of the Jewish race” (irrespective of whether that person had converted) or two Jewish grandparents if married to a Jew. They barred Jews from all civil and military service posts, as well as all professions linked to the media or banking. The statutes furthermore authorized the Council of State to impose strict quotas of 2 and 3 percent respectively on Jewish participation in the liberal professions and in institutions of higher learning. -
Historical Dictionary of World War II France Historical Dictionaries of French History
Historical Dictionary of World War II France Historical Dictionaries of French History Historical Dictionary of the French Revolution, 1789–1799 Samuel F. Scott and Barry Rothaus, editors Historical Dictionary of Napoleonic France, 1799–1815 Owen Connelly, editor Historical Dictionary of France from the 1815 Restoration to the Second Empire Edgar Leon Newman, editor Historical Dictionary of the French Second Empire, 1852–1870 William E. Echard, editor Historical Dictionary of the Third French Republic, 1870–1940 Patrick H. Hutton, editor-in-chief Historical Dictionary of the French Fourth and Fifth Republics, 1946–1991 Wayne Northcutt, editor-in-chief Historical Dictionary of World War II France The Occupation, Vichy, and the Resistance, 1938–1946 Edited by BERTRAM M. GORDON Greenwood Press Westport, Connecticut Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Historical dictionary of World War II France : the Occupation, Vichy, and the Resistance, 1938–1946 / edited by Bertram M. Gordon. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0–313–29421–6 (alk. paper) 1. France—History—German occupation, 1940–1945—Dictionaries. 2. World War, 1939–1945—Underground movements—France— Dictionaries. 3. World War, 1939–1945—France—Colonies— Dictionaries. I. Gordon, Bertram M., 1943– . DC397.H58 1998 940.53'44—dc21 97–18190 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data is available. Copyright ᭧ 1998 by Bertram M. Gordon All rights reserved. No portion of this book may be reproduced, by any process or technique, without the express written consent of the publisher. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 97–18190 ISBN: 0–313–29421–6 First published in 1998 Greenwood Press, 88 Post Road West, Westport, CT 06881 An imprint of Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc. -
Les Organisations De L'action Française Pendant La Grande Guerre
Document généré le 24 sept. 2021 11:26 Cahiers d'histoire Faites un roi, ou faites la guerre : les organisations de l’Action française pendant la Grande Guerre (1914-1918) Kevin Audet-Vallée Réseaux : entre normes, stratégies et échanges Résumé de l'article Volume 31, numéro 1, hiver 2012 Peu approfondie dans l’historiographie de l’Action française, la période de la Grande Guerre n’en reste pas moins déterminante dans l’histoire de ce URI : https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1011675ar mouvement néoroyaliste et nationaliste français dont le parcours va de DOI : https://doi.org/10.7202/1011675ar l’affaire Dreyfus au régime de Vichy. Tandis que ses maîtres à penser appelèrent leurs troupes à se rallier sans condition à « l’Union sacrée » du Aller au sommaire du numéro monde politique en faveur de la défense nationale, les militants du mouvement s’exilèrent en masse vers les tranchées. L’Action française, qui dans l’avant-guerre était structurée en un ensemble d’organisations présentes partout en France sous la forme de sections, se retrouva donc dépourvue entre Éditeur(s) 1914 et 1918 de sa force militante publique. Néanmoins, grâce aux efforts de Cahiers d'histoire quelques-uns de ses animateurs restés à « l’arrière front » et maintenant les activités du quotidien qu’il publiait, les idées du mouvement néoroyaliste avaient atteint à la fin de la guerre une notoriété inédite. ISSN 0712-2330 (imprimé) 1929-610X (numérique) Découvrir la revue Citer cet article Audet-Vallée, K. (2012). Faites un roi, ou faites la guerre : les organisations de l’Action française pendant la Grande Guerre (1914-1918). -
Action Française 1899
Action Française 190 lignes 18 photos Sources : notamment un article d’Alain Sanders dans Présent du 2 septembre 2006, traditionalisme et révolution de Jean-Pierre Rissoan http://maurrassianna.free.fr/archives/archives.20060902.sanders.htm En 1899, Charles Maurras (1868-1952) crée l’Action Française. En 1908, fondation du quotidien L’Action Française. Le 16 novembre 1908, Maurice Pujo de l’Action Française crée la Fédération Nationale des Camelots du Roi ; ils vendent le journal de l’Action Française à la criée. Le 7 décembre 1909, Maurras est blessé au bras dans un duel contre le journaliste Jacques Landau En 1910, un militant d’Action française gifle Aristide Briand, président du Conseil des ministres. portrait de Maurras en 1923 En 1923, les Camelots du Roi n'ont pas hésité à faire ingurgiter au député Marc Sangnier de l'huile de ricin dont ils envoient une “jolie bouteille” à Ferdinand Buisson, pour la plus grande joie de Léon Daudet qui vante “cette médecine romaine qui a si bien réussi au-delà des Alpes”. Le Faisceau, mouvement fasciste français, est fondé le 11 novembre 1925 par Georges Valois et Jacques Arthuys à la suite d’une scission avec l’Action Française … Le 14 novembre 1926 les chemises bleues du Faisceau partent à l’assaut du local de l’Action Française. En 1927, l’Action française établit ses premiers groupes politiques réunis sous le nom d’Action algérienne. On y trouve des personnalités locales comme Paul Sicard, président de la Chambre d’agriculture, ou Maurice Roure, président de la Légion des combattants de Blida, des Pieds- noirs comme des musulmans francophiles. -
The Great Forge of Nations: Violence and Collective Identity in Fascist Thought
The Great Forge of Nations: Violence and Collective Identity in Fascist Thought by Morgan Corbett B.A., University of British Columbia, 2015 A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Political Science © Morgan Corbett, 2019 University of Victoria All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without the permission of the author. ii Supervisory Committee The Great Forge of Nations: Violence and Collective Identity in Fascist Thought by Morgan Corbett B.A., University of British Columbia, 2015 Supervisory Committee Dr. Scott Watson (Department of Political Science) Co-Supervisor Dr. Simon Glezos (Department of Political Science/CSPT) Co-Supervisor iii Abstract Supervisory Committee Dr. Scott Watson (Department of Political Science) Supervisor Dr. Simon Glezos (Department of Political Science/CSPT) Co-Supervisor This thesis analyzes the origins and development of conceptions of the relationship between violence and politics characteristic of twentieth century fascist thought. It critiques existing approaches to fascism and fascist ideology in the interdisciplinary field of fascist studies and proposes and employs an alternate approach which centres and emphasizes the flexibility and mutability of fascist thought and denies that any particular complex of beliefs or concepts can be said to constitute an ‘essence’ or ‘heart’ of fascist ideology. Morphological studies are offered of four discursive traditions in fascist and fascist-adjacent thought with respect to violence and politics: German military theory of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries; the ‘new’ French nationalism of the fin-de-siècle; the genre of ‘future warfare’ around and after the First World War; and the work of Ernst Jünger and Carl Schmitt.