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I --, ~,--~ \--(\' \~,; Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts 2002 (Honours). School of Philosophical and Historical Inquiry, Department of Prehistorical I and Historical Archaeology. University of Sydney_ - I I~ I I. I " •••• and numerous Chinese."

I A search for the individual in the Central Tablelands of New South Wales, c1848-1901 I I Un Johnston I I I I I I I I I I

Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts 2002 I (Honours), School of Philosophical and Historical Inquiry, Department of Prehistorical and Historical Archaeology, University of . I I I I I I I Preface I In 1858 Harold McLean, Gold Commissioner for the Western Districts, received a letter I from the Colonial Secretary advising him to proceed with hiring an interpreter because "numerous bodies of Chinese" had arrived on the Western Goldfields. Variations on this

I phrase, such as 'another shipload', 'large numbers of Chinese', 'large bodies of I Chinese', 'numerous Chinese' were frequently used to refer to the arrival of Chinese immigrants in the Australian colonies, while knowledge of or reference to individuals in I administrative correspondence or newspapers was rare. It is the purpose of this study to discover the long-term results of this immigration into the country and the nature of

I interaction between Chinese and Europeans on an individual level, through the I examination of documentary and material evidence for an urban and a former gold mining area in the Central Tablelands of New South Wales. Consideration of factors I such as place of origin, methods of economic success have been examined to produce a different history of the Chinese and Europeans in than is usually presented in I historical studies: one where there was some degree of co-operation within the I nineteenth century national climate of extreme racism and discrimination. I I I I 1 I I I I I Abbreviations and terminology BA Bathurst Advocate BDM NSW Register of Births Deaths and Marriages I BFP Bathurst Free Press and Mining Journal CRM Cultural Resource Management GC Gold Commissioner MN Newspaper and Mining Register I MT Mudgee Times ML Mitchell Library MLSPF Mitchell Library Small Pictures File. I NLA National Library of Australia -NSWHO ' New South Wales Heritage Office NSWSRO New South Wales State Records Office NSWLCV&P New South Wales Legislative Council Votes and Proceedings I SMH Sydney Morning Herald I The modern name for the port of Amoy is Xiamen, however the nineteenth century name I is used in this thesis as this was the period of the trade in indentured labour. The Chinese province of Canton is known as Guangdong under the Pin Yin romanisation system, introduced by Communist China in 1958. This term is used throughout while the old name for the city of Guangzhou, Canton, will be retained for I clarity. For other names, such as Fujien province, the modern spelling is used.

Although names of some of the Chinese people were spelt in various ways, for example, I Kee, Key or Keigh, one spelling has been adopted in the interests of consistency and clarity. Keigh, Tai Byng and Teong will be used.

'Overseas Chinese' hua qiao, meaning temporarily located people or sojourners, refers I to Chinese people living away from China, but still retaining their links to the home country. Being unfilial in the Confucian sense to leave ones country or family permanently, they were regarded as having left meaning to return, no matter how long I the absence. I I I I I 2 I I I I I I I Acknowledgements

I wish to acknowledge and thank the following people and institutions for their I help, support and feedback during the course of this thesis.

My supervisor, Sarah Colley, who has read and commented on hundreds of I pages of drafts when time was of the essence. My sister Kate for proofing those pages with lawyerly tenacity.

I Jeanetie, Pauline, Barry, and all the people at the Mudgee and District Historical Society who made me welcome and whose knowledge of and generosity with their collection provided invaluable assistance. And John Broadley for the I professionally tabulated version of the Chinese tenants in Cudgegong Shire.

Mike Dunstan, current owner of John Keigh's market garden for his inside I information and willingness to let me tramp all over the property.

The people Windeyer, Jim and Loma Rawe and Linda Curgenven who were I generous with their time, local knowledge and hospitality. And finally, thank you to my family, especially Tony, Kate and Jacqui, for their I assistance, care, encouragement and endurance. . I This study has been assisted by the Carlyle Greenwell Research Fund. I I I I I 3 I I I I List of Figures

I Figure 1. Map showing the geographical location of Mudgee and Windeyer in NSW. 19 I Figure 2. Map showing the Mudgee and Windeyer areas. 20 Figure 3. Plan of Mudgee and environs 22

I Figure 4. Location of gold mining areas at Windeyer. 24 Figure 5. Map showing south eastern provinces of China 27

I Figure 6. Counties of origin in Guangdong Province 29 I Figure 7. Table of Chinese population figures for New South Wales 1827-1901 30 Figure 8 Characteristcs of Chinese settlements. 38 I Figure 9 Categories of documentary sources and the nature of possible information 45 Figure 10 Evaluation ofthe documentary evidence used in the study. 51

I Figure 11. Shepherd's hut in NSW in the nineteenth century 55

Figure 12 Chinese temple at Tambar06ra near Hill End about 1880 59 I once contained Chong's store and gaming rooms. Figure 13Chinese population figures for Mudgee and Cedgegong 1861-1891 67

I Figure 14. Location of MacDonald Creek and the site of Samuel Teong's first lease 69 I Figure 15 "Our Boys Football Club" Mudgee 1912 71 Figure 16. Plumbob similar to that used by the Chinese at Deep Crossing 78 I Figure 17 Plan of the stone-packed water race at Deep Crossing 87 Figures18 & 19. Stone-packed water race at Deep crossing. Vertical section adjoining 88 I natural rock c3m high; side edging of channel, each stone c20cms. Figure 20. Plan of the Chinese camp and structures at Clarke's Creek. 90 I Figure 21. Collapsed stone chimney of store at Clarke'S Creek. 91 Figure 22 Rammed earth wall of the current house at Clarke's Creek built on the 92 remains off the Chinese temple. Figure 23 Section of the 1980 Department of Lands Map showing the location of the 94 I Amoy cemetery and the General Chinese Cemetery I Figure 24. Drawings of Chinese ovens found in different parts of Australia 95 Figure 25 Remains of the Chinese oven on Clarke's Creek 96 I 4 I I I I Figure 26. Large earthware storage jars in use for holding fertilizer for gardens, 99 I southern China Figure 27. Fragments of Chinese stoneware pots used to hold organic matter for 100 fertilising the vegetable garden.

I Figure 28. Examples of celadon tea and wine cups similar to the fragments found on 101 overseas Chinese sites. Actual size. I Figure 29. The Chinese cemetery at Clarke's Creek as it looks today. 106 Figure 30. Remaining headstones from Clarke's Creek cemetery, now held at 106 I the Windeyer caravan park Figure 31. Chinese hut at Richmond NSW built of slabs and bark, 1890 110 I Cover Drawing. Chinamans Gully 1853, Eugene von Guerard. (ML SPF 318) I I I I I I I I I I I 5 I I I Table of Contents I Chapter 1 Nature and Scope of Study 8

I 1.1 Introduction 8 1.2 Purpose of study 9 1.3 Research design 10 I 1.4 Analytical framework 13 1.4.1. Annales history and culture contact 13 1.4.2 Use of documentary data 17 1.5 Location and period of study 18 I 1.5.1 Introduction 18 1.5.2 The Mudgee area 20 1.5.3 The Windeyer area 23 I 1.6 Contents of study 25 I Chapter 2 Historical Background to the Study 27 2.1 The Chinese in New South Wales 27 I 2.2 Conclusion 31 Chapter 3 Previous Research .and Approaches to History 33 I and Archaeology of the Overseas Chinese 3.1 Introduction 33 I 3.2 Assimilation and 'aCCUlturation' 35 3.3 The Chinese in rural Australia 35 I Chapter 4 Selecting the Documentary Evidence 42

4.1 Introduction 42 I 4.2 Selection of documents 44 4.2.1 Introduction 44 4.2.2 Method 46 I 4.3 Methods of analysis 47 I Chapter 5 Analysis of Documentary Evidence 49 . 5.1 Introduction 49 5.2 Types of documentary evidence examined 49 I 5.3 World views 51 5.4 Indentured labourers in Windeyer and Mudgee 53 5.5 The Chinese population in Windeyer 57 I 5.5.1 Indentured labourers 57 5.5.2 Population figures 58 5.5.3 Accuracy of population figures 58 I 5.5.4 Conclusion 59 5.6 Gold field restrictions 60 I I 6 I I 5.7 The Chinese at Clarke's Creek mining camp 60 5.7.1 Oral evidence 60 I 5.7.2 Buildings in the camp 61 5.7.3 The Chinese cemetery 63 5.7.4 Repatriation of Chinese remains 64 I 5.8 The Chinese in the Mudgee area 65 5.9 Chinese lifestyle 72 5.9.1 Market gardening 72 I 5.9.2 Recreation 73 5.9.3 Chinese dress 74 5.9.4 Marriage 74 5.9.5 Health and poverty 76 I 5.10 Chinese mining techniques 77 5.11 Conflict or cohesion 78 I 5.12 Conclusion 82 I Chapter 6 The archaeological evidence 84 6.1 Introduction 84 6.2 Methodology 85 I 6.3 Description of the archaeological evidence 86 6.3.1 The water race at Deep Crossing 86 6.3.2 The Chinese mining camp at Clarke's Creek 89 I 6.3.3 Material evidence at Mudgee 96 6.3.4 Artifacts 98 I 6.4 Conclusion 102 Chapter 7 Integration of the evidence 107

I 7.1 Introduction 107 7.2 Conclusion 108 I 7.3 Further research 114 Bibliography 115

I Appendix 1 121 Copy of the contract between T eong and Fitzgerald Translations of the two remaining gravestones from Clarke's Creek I BFP 9.9.1854 The riot at Clarke's Creek Empire 4.5.1864 Repatriation of Chinese remains to China Invoice from Chooey Lee's store 1877 I Copy of Teong's Certificate of Naturalisation Petition from the miners of the Meroo asking to ban Chinese I Tobacco's death certificate Appendix 11 122 I Chinese tenants in Cudgegong Shire I 7 I I I 5.7 The Chinese at Clarke's Creek mining camp 60 5.7.1 Oral evidence 60 I 5.7.2 Buildings in the camp 6i 5.7.3 The Chinese cemetery 63 5.7.4 Repatriation of Chinese remains 64 I 5.8 The Chinese in the Mudgee area 65 5.9 Chinese lifestyle 72 5.9.1 Market gardening 72 I 5.9.2 Recreation 73 5.9.3 Chinese dress 74 5.9.4 Marriage 74 5.9.5 Health and poverty 76 I 5.10 Chinese mining techniques 77 5.11 Conflict or cohesion 78 I 5.12 Conclusion 82 I Chapter 6 The archaeological evidence 84 6.1 Introduction 84 6.2 Methodology 85 I 6.3 Description of the archaeological evidence 86 6.3.1 The water race at Deep Crossing 86 6.3.2 The Chinese mining camp at Clarke's Creek 89 I 6.3.3 Material evidence at Mudgee 96 6.3.4 Artifacts 98 I 6.4 Conclusion 102 Chapter 7 Integration of the evidence 107

I 7.1 Introduction 107 7.2 Conclusion 108 I 7.3 Further research 114 Bibliography 115 I Appendix I 121 Map of the Western Districts Goldfields 1851 Copy of the contract between Teong and Fitzgerald I Translations of the two remaining gravestones from Clarke's Creek BFP 9.9.1854 The riot at Clarke's Creek Empire 4.5. 1864 Repatriation of Chinese remains to China Invoice from Chooey Lee's store 1877 I Copy of Teong's Certificate of Naturalisation Petition from the miners of the Meroo asking to ban Chinese I Tobacco's death certificate Appendix 11 122 I Chinese tenants in Cudgegong Shire I 7 I I I Chapter 1 I NATURE AND SCOPE OF STUDY

I don't know whether a story about a Chinaman would be popular or I acceptable here and now; and for that matter, I don't care. I am anti­ Chinese as far as Australia is concerned; in fact I am all for White Australia. But one may dislike, or even hate, a nation without hating or I disliking an individual of that nation. One may be on friendly terms; even pals in a way. I had a good deal of experience with Chinese in the old years; and I never knew or heard of a Chinaman who neglected to pay his I debts, who did a dishonest action, or forgot a kindness to him or his, or was not charitable when he had an opportunity. I Henry Lawson (1867-1922). "Ah Soon". First published 1913. I 1.1. Introduction The above excerpt from one of Henry Lawson's short stories, where the author is I recounting an incidence of a favour being returned, seems to encapsulate the ambiguous attitudes of Australians towards the Chinese in the colonies during

I the second half of the nineteenth century, and beyond. On the one hand was fear I on the part of the working classes and small farmers; fear of possibility that the young country would be overrun by a totally alien culture, especially after 1858

I when the number of Chinese in the colonies increased from approximately 2000 I to 12,' 396 in the space of one year (Wang 1978: 268). On the other was that frequently personal experience showed that individuals within this culture were

I just as decent as a decent European. In addition, until 1856, when male I franchise was extended to the population in New South Wales, government of the colonies was almost totally in the hands of the wealthy squatter class, who I used its power to further its own needs for labour; labour of a kind which would be tractable and without the power to protect their own interests. The indentured

I Chinese were an ideal source of such labour. The free Europeans in the colonies I saw Chinese 'labour as a threat to their ability to gain employment and ultimately I I 8 I I have their own land and future in the colonies, which partly produced the extreme I hostility shown towards the Chinese, especially on the goldfields. But what of I those Chinese immigrants who also sought to make their future in the colonies? What influenced their decision to cut their ancestral ties to China, and how did I the nature of their interaction with European settlers influence them, if at all? I 1.2 Purpose of the study This thesis will examine the nature and processes of interaction between the

I Chinese and European populations on the relatively isolated, small-scale gold I diggings of the Windeyer district, and in the area of the township of Mudgee between 1850 to 1901. Archaeological evidence and written records will be

I used to provide a more complete picture than the either could alone. The I remains of a Chinese mining camp on Clarke's Creek, and a substantial stone­ packed water race wall near Windeyer, together with market gardens in the

I town of Mudgee, were chosen as sample sites to provide a contrast between I two communities, of which only one survived the early formative processes of settlement. Chinese residents had left Windeyer by 1920 and the few I Europeans remaining after the gold fields were abandoned were involved in I farming or continued prospecting on a small scale (WPS 1989: 19). However both Chinese and European residents continued to contribute to the growth and I survival of Mudgee. The result for a study in historical archaeology is that there is an inverse proportion of material and documentary evidence available:

I material remains are plentiful if disturbed at Windeyer, while the written record is I poor. The reverse is true for Mudgee, and is a reflection of the nature and processes of interaction between European and Chinese settlers in the two I I 9 I I I areas. The problem is why there is so much masterial evidence in one place but I not in the other, and what happened to the people who constructed the features.

I 1.3 Research Design I The following research questions were devised as the basis of the study: i) What evidence is there of interaction and its effects between the Chinese and European inhabitants in rural New South Wales in I the second half of the nineteenth century?

I ii) What is the evidence for continuity and change over time at Clarke's Creek on the Windeyer gold fields and Mudgee, and I how can the differences be accounted for? I Both documentary and archaeological evidence were considered in addressing these questions through separate analysis of each data set, then the results were I integrated to find answers through continuities and ambiguities between the two. I An additional subset of questions was needed to address the written records: i) What was the extent of the Chinese population on the Windeyer gold fields and in the Mudgee area between 1850 I and 1901? ii) From what parts of China did the Chinese people in these areas originate, what activities did they pursue and was I there any relationship between the point of origin and successful interaction?

I Hi) What evidence is there of the influence of the pastoral regime?

I Analysis of the evidence was placed in the historical context of global political I and economic activities of the nineteenth century, considering the overlapping events which led to the presence of both European and Chinese immigrants in I New South Wales, to demonstrate the diversity of the Chinese community, which influenced the individual choices made by those who stayed in the colonies, and

I the accommodations between the Chinese and Europeans within the I 10 I I I communities at Windeyer and Mudgee. An understanding of these events, and I the world views which prevailed at the time is necessary to understanding the forces behind the relationship between Chinese and British settlers in the

I colonies of New South Wales.

I Although many historical studies of the overseas Chinese have presented them I as a clannish group, slow to assimilate and often having no intention of remaining in foreign countries, the thesis presents a different process also at work; that

; there was often an individual choice in the decision to remain, which Il!ay have

been influenced by the mode of emigration. For example the indentured

I labourers, who were usually groups of people unrelated or unknown to each I other when they entered the colonies, were quickly dispersed over thousands of miles into remote areas where communication with anyone would have been

I difficult, even if they did speak this same language., The miners mostly came in I groups from the same village, under a headman who helped overcome difficulties such as obtaining mining equipment. Possibilities for retaining connection with

I China, or each other, would have been quite different for the two groups. I Initially the proposition was to study indentured labourers and miners separately, as they entered the colonies at different times and by different means. However it

I quickly became evident that traces left on the landscape by the indentured I labourers were negligible; many were shepherds constantly on the move, or household servants quickly disappearing even from the memory of their

I employers. Written records regarding the fate of the men once their contract~ I had expired were also scant. Study of the written sources, such as contemporary newspapers, The Meroo Shire and Cudgegong Municipality Rates Books and the I New South Wales Births, Deaths and Marriages Registry revealed that some of I 11 I I I the miners and market gardeners were originally from Amoy, indicating that they I probably arrived as indentured labourers. It became apparent that there was not I a simple division between the activities of the two sets of Chinese immigrants, as individuals from both sources had elected to remain in ·the colonies. It was I therefore decided to concentrate on the selected sample areas as a communities, and the interaction at each site, as revealed by both data sets. The

I results will be discussed in Chapter 7.

I Chinese presence in New South Wales was largely ephemeral, frequently I leaving very few physical traces. Alluvial gold, which was the only gold the Chinese were permitted to work, was often discovered on , creek and their I tributaries in remote areas, where harsh terrain made access difficult. After the gold was exhausted the miners departed to return to China or to pursue other

I activities, leaving settlements to revert to the bush, particularly if there was no I additional reason for a township to survive, such as providing a service centre for farmers. This is true of the diggings on the Meroo in the Western Districts

I Goldfields, of which Clarke's Creek and Windeyer are a part. The Meroo I goldfields, richly productive for only a short time, consisted of numerous scattered diggings over an extremely large area. Much of this area today has

I reverted to bushland and is almost inaccessible. For example, very close to the I Chinese stone-packed wall, the town of Avisford once existed, which had a post office and eight mounted police, but today there are no visible remains. Disused I mining areas, such as the Chinese camp at Clarke's Creek, have been reused as small farms or become private residences. Frequently land used for market

I gardening has been ploughed many times, artifacts and equipment have been I carried away or allowed to deteriorate and other buildings erected. However I 12 I I I some traces remain, and it is the contention of this study that the extent of the I remains is related in part to the degree of interaction between the Chinese and I other inhabitants, as this interaction influenced the degree of the success of their settlement. I I 1.4 Analytical Framework 1.4.1 Annales History and Culture contact I The 'problem-oriented approach' to constructing a 'different sort of history', advocated by Annalist historians based on the everyday life of ordinary people, I as opposed to sagas of kings, castles and battles, and reappraising the way of interpreting and writing history (Sherrat 1993: 135) seemed to offer an appropriate

I framework for this study of ordinary Chinese people in rural Australia. The I Annalists are concerned with the issues of minorities in society, of gender, ethnic groups, and indigenous peoples which echo some of the concerns of post­

I processualist and interpretive archaeologists (Beaudry 1996: 489; Hodder 1995, I WyJie 1994). Practitioners in the field of historical archaeology, and that of cross- cultural contact have perhaps unconsciously incorporated the philosophies of

I Annalist historians. The Annalists sought to reconstruct a 'total history' of the I physical, intellectual and moral world of a past generations (Burke 1973, cited in Bintliff 1991: 12), placed into an historical perspective which takes in the I moments of chance as well as the long term. They advocated making use of I multiple data sources, including that of the material record, without privileging one source over another (Vallat 1991: 85). Although critics of this approach I argue that there is no common theoretical framework that is useful to archaeologists (Bulliet 1991:· 133; Fletcher 1991: 39), the long term view of

I historical processes which they advocate is a useful framework for stUdies in I 13 I I I historical archaeology. Interaction between Chinese and Europeans took place in I , an environment entirely new to both parties, rather than in the continuing trajectory of European history, which made the choice of a culture contact

I approach seem preferable, combined with separate but integrated analysis of I material and documentary data sets.

I The term 'cuiture contact' in Australia refers to interaction between Europeans I and indigenous Aboriginal inhabitants and attempts to span the divide between prehistory, which has focused on explanations of 'pristine' Aboriginal ways of life

I before the arrival of Europeans, and the methods of historical archaeology which I can include history, oral history, ethnography, genealogy and landscape studies (Colley 2000: 294). By defining a new focus for studies of this interaction,

I avenues have been opened for the re-interpretation of interaction between I indigenous peoples and settlers, on the grounds that it was a two-way transaction in which indigenous people, as well as dislocated minorities such as I African slaves in the Americas or Chinese indentured labourers in Australia, exercised consumer choice in the use of European goods, and through individual

I agency, selectively incorporated aspects of the dominant culture. In the sense I that both Europeans and Chinese in parts of rural New South Wales were in an unfamiliar physical environment, mostly men in both cases, each encountering

I vastly different lifestyles I would argue that the Chinese/European interaction I may be viewed as a contact situation. The issues which culture contact studies have aimed to address regarding Europeanllndigenous contact are found in

I studies of the Chinese in colonial Australia: I I 14 I I I t a tendency to view the interaction from the perspective of the dominant culture, I t the need to study a trajectory of interaction and consequences,

t awareness that Chinese and Europeans in nineteenth-century I rural New South Wales, participated in similar activities in a frontier-like situation, which included negotiation and I accommodation on each side. As Torrence and Clarke (2000: 3) note regarding Europeanllndigenous I interaction, "cultural change in the recent period was not a one-sided process directed only by European or other outsider actions anod policies." This is equally

I true of the Chinese experience in Australia, especially in rural and isolated areas I such as those in this study. The Chinese on the goldfields shared a frontier environment with Europeans; many of both groups of miners had no experience

I of mining nor of living in a harsh bushland environment. In this case neither was I the dominant group. The indentured labourers were at the mercy of their employers and the Masters and Servants Act, which made it illegal for servants

I to leave their employ, even if they were not convicts, but even for them the law I was sometimes invoked to work for rather than against them, especially regarding unpaid wages. I I The body of knowledge and works built up by western 'authorities', which Said calls the Orientalist Discourse which became "an accepted grid for filtering I through the Orient into Western consciousness" (1978: 6), where the orient was viewed as "a stable and unchanging abstraction" and allowed dominance over

I the eastern cultures, also applied to early western anthropological studies of I indigenous peoples in the New World. Recent culture contact studies, using historical method to critically analyse written records, as well as other sources of

I information such as oral history, have contributed to a different, post-colonial I 15 I I I view of the experience of Europeanllndigenous encounters and interaction, I placed the process within a different historical context, and given each group an I active part in the process of continuity and change (Torrence and Clarke 2000: 12).

I Similarly, many previous historical and archaeological studies of the overseas I Chinese have failed to recognize the process of negotiation which took place in the colonies of the New World, such as the importance of Chinese vegetable I production in remote areas, or the sharing of technologies of water management I skills acquired by the Chinese in their agricultural experience. The fact that many of those who came to find gold, the sojourners, had no intention of staying is also I often ignored. Some of those who stayed were gold seekers from Guangdong, but some were some were from among those introduced earlier as indentured

I labourers from Amoy in Fujien Province. Their reasons for settling in Australia I were frequently different; as were the circumstances which influenced the nature of their interaction with the European colonists. For example, the people from

I Guangdong frequently came to the colonies as village or county groups, and I were supervised and aided to some extent by county societies set up for this purpose (Wang 1975:117). However the indentured labourers, rounded up in the I city of Amoy with little regard for who they were, rarely had such protection and I had to take independent charge of their destiny in the colonies, especially if they absconded from their contracted employer or failed to raise enough money to I ever return to China. I In approaching this study in some ways as a culture contact project, it is intended to construct a different picture of the Chinese in rural New South Wales than of I that portrayed in some economic or political histories such as Choi's Chinese I 16 I I I migration and settlement in Australia (1975); one of accommodations between I individuals or small groups of people, rather than a consideration of the Chinese immigrants as an homogenous ethnic whole.

I Therefore the organisational basis of this study is the material remains of I Chinese occupation, or lack of them, at the two sample areas to be studied. In an attempt to discover links between the behaviour and processes which have led to

I this pattern of materiai remains, archival records were tapped for information I about the Chinese people in the areas, their place of origin in China and their manner of co-existing with Europeans. This was placed within the eXisting history

I of aggression against Chinese in the colonies and global activities, such as the I results of European imperialism. 1.4.2 Use of Documentary Data I Techniques and methodologies for addressing the ways written and material I records intersect, and the importance of asking the right questions of both, have remained a fundamental debate in historical archaeology since its inception. This I in turn has been set within the wider debate regarding the use of made multiple data sets in the fields of archaeology, ethnography, history and landscape

I geography (Leone 1988; Leone and Crosby 1987; Schuyler 1988; Deagan 1988; I Cleland 1988; 8eaudry 1991; 1996; Karskens & Thorp 1992; Schrire 1992; Wylie I 1994; Kosso 1995; Funari, Jones & Hall 1999 ). This study adopts the position that while written and material evidence were often I created by different parts of society in different circumstances, both are cultural artifacts of the past (Moreland 2001: 31) embedded with a meaning that is

I different to world views current in the present. As Moreland argues (2001: 33) for I written evidence, both material and documentary data were "ac~ive in the I 17 I I I production, negotiation and transformation of social relations", of both the elite I who were in control of means of pr:oduction and those who were not in positions I of power. Patterson (1999: 3), in his study of the interaction between pastoralists and

I Aborigines in the remote south-western Lake Eyre Basin, has argued that to I understand the Aboriginal involvement in colonial systems, it is necessary to understand the organisation of those systems. Accordingly, he has used I accounts of pastoral practices to understand how they would affect the nature of I Aboriginal involvement in them, as well as documents relating directly to Aborigines in the area. He emphasises the need to be critically aware of the I context in which the textual sources are made, and the advantages of analysising I the material and documentary data sources separately. As stated before, this study has much in common with culture contact studies, I where written evidence is created by only one of the parties. Documents and material evidence will be analysed separately. By interweaving the information .", I gained from both sources, an enhanced picture can be obtained of the nature' of I the interaction between Europeans and Chinese in the Central Tablelands on a more individual level. I I 1.5 Location and period of study 1.5.1 Introduction I Analysis of the presence of Chinese in the Central Tablelands covers the period between 1850, when Chinese labourers were introduced into the colonies, gold

I was discovered causing an influx of people from many countries including China, I and 1901 when gold exploitation had declined. The year 1901, rather than 1900, I 18 I I I was chosen as an end point as this was a census year and population figures

I were available. By this time, those Chinese who had elected to stay in New I South Wales were established in the enterprises they had chosen to pursue, while the others had long since left, either to return to China or try their luck on I the gold fields of Queensland or the Northern Territory. I The study comprises two areas, the township and surrounding area of Mudgee, and the gold field sites of Clarkes Creek, long Creek and Deep Crossing, around

I the village of Windeyer (Figures 1 and 2). I I L AND I I I I I

I )Satemans Bay

o 100 200 I I Kilometres I I Figure 1. Map showing the geographicaJJocation of Mudgee and Windeyer. I I 19 I I 1.5.2 The Mudgee Area I Mudgee is approximately 275 kilometres northwest of Sydney, in the Central Tablelands of New South Wales, situated on the south bank of the Cudgegong

I River, a tributary of the Macquarie which flows into and was I gazetted as tO'J{nship in 1838. The permanent water provided by Pipeclay Creek, Redbank Creek, McDonald Creek and Lawson Creek, all flowing into the

I Cudgegong, made the area ideal for early British settlement, especiaiiy the rich I alluvial flats along the creeks. The large pastoral estates formed small villages in themselves, and most work in the town of Mudgee was generated by the I activities on them, or at the depots developed for receiving and forwarding wools and hides. Until 1851, when gold was discovered nearby at Ophir, the town

I population remained at only about 200 people. I I I I il I I I I '" to Lithgow

I Figure 2. Map showing the Mudgee and Windeyer areas. (From Cook & Garvey 1999:141) I 20 I I After severe droughts in 1838, the depression of the 1840s, and serious labour I shortages, the owners of the large estates agreed to divide much of the land into small farms for leasing, usually of about forty acres (16 hectares), to attract an

I additional population (Curtis 1979: 6). There were small blocks of available for I which the rents would have been affordable for Chinese and Europeans at the gold fields or employed on the pastoral estates, who preferred to undertake

I alternative activities. Agricultural products, 'Nhich the pastoralists had always I neglected, became available locally instead of being brought at great expense from Sydney. Chinese farmers favoured the blocks closer to the town, on the rich I alluvial flats between the and Lawson Creek, or beside I Pipeclay and MacDonald Creeks, where they established market gardens. There have been many alterations to the various local government area

I boundaries in the Mudgee area, however, from 1860, when the municipality of I Mudgee was established, two municipal councils were proclaimed. One was for the township of Mudgee itself, and the other incorporated 192 square miles (499 I square kilometers) of the surround.ing rural area, excluding the township of . This was called the Cudgegong Shire, and was only sparsely populated

I at the time (Jack 1987). These boundaries encompass the area under I investigation, and remained in force until 1906, which covers roughly the same period of the study. Most of the market gardens operated by Chinese farmers

I were on land leased from the large estates (figure 3), and the shops in Mudgee I kept by Chinese storekeepers were in Lewis, Perry and Market Streets. I I I 21 I I I I To Cassisilis I Lawsons. Creek

I area Bumberra area .'~'., . ."".. - '. ,.'" /"~ ...:-<' . .. J .. . I /.'~ ...... , .. /" ~,.( /"'. I .. .,./. I I Cudgegong River I ITIj Keighs farm I )( Te Ong's store

o 250 500 I To Sydney .

Plan of Mudgee showing original town borders. Shaded area indicates I general location of Chinese markets gardens after 1860, ~~ land north of Cudgegong River, all of which was originally owned by Wllham lawson. I Figure 3. Plan of Mudgee and environs

I Soon after Hargrave's discovery of gold near Bathurst in early 1851, two I 'members of the Cox family and three others decided to make a survey around Mudgee for gold, to attract back to the area the workers who had left for the

I Bathurst gold fields (Curtis 1979: 8). At the junction of the Meroo and Grattai I Creeks, about sixteen miles (25.6 kilometres) west of Mudgee, "every place I I 22 I I [they] tried, some dozen spots, found the existence of hitherto hidden treasure" I (Cox 1909: 16). A rush to soon followed and many other diggings were opened, scattered along the 70 kilometer length of the Meroo Creek and its tributaries.

I These included the diggings at Windeyer and were collectively known as the I Meroo goldfields, which formed part of the Western District, administered by the New South Wales Mines Department. The population and prosperity of Mudgee I increased rapidly as a result of the goldfields and the ser.Jices required for the I people there. By the 1880s the population had reached about 1500 (Jack 1987). 1.5.3 The Windeyer Area I The village of Windeyer is about 21 kilometres south west of Mudgee, on the I upper stretch of the Meroo Creek, which is fed by the permanent waters of Clarke, Long and Campbell creeks, before it joins the Cudgegong River at the I top end of the Burrendong Dam. The closest villages are Hargraves (c3.5 kms) and Pyramul (7kms). Prior to the discovery of gold in 1851 on various tributaries

I to the Meroo in the vicinity, it was sparsely populated, containing only a few I labourers or shepherds on large stations in the area owned by George Cox and W. H. Suttor (Cook and Garvey 1999: 166). The rocky clay soil could not support

I large numbers of stock, and were not suitable for crops. The diggings on and I around the Meroo were widely scattered, being no more than tent towns, until a village was gazetted in 1859 at Richardson's Point. The plans were drawn up, I subdivisions made, and blocks sold. There was already a post office, and the I name was changed to Windeyer in honour of the Magistrate Charles Windeyer (Cook and Garvey 1999: 168). Most of the land adjoining creeks and rivers in the I area had been alienated by the government for gold diggings. In 1861 legislation I allowed public selection of unsurveyed blocks of Crown Land ranging from 40 to

I 23 I I I 320 acres (16 to 128 ha) at five shillings (50 cents) per acre annual rent, and

I Conditionai Purchase (requiring improvements to the land) at -£ 1 ($2). Miners I looking to settle and farm were able to take up blocks at this time, however the town never fulfilled its hoped for potential, and in 1958 there were only 30

I residents 0NPS 1989: 227). I

To Mudgee I ~ Via Grottai To Avisford I Mait/and Bar I I I I I . . I ,. To Pyramul and Rylstone via <; . Aaron's Pass I Gold Settlements at Windeyer from 1852

A Deep Crossing I B Richardsons Point (later Windeyer) C Pure Point (later Long Creek) o Devi/'s Hole (later Clarkes Creek) I E Married Man's Creek tI· f )....s ~ Spicer's Diggings F .. ' I , .f." I l<,1,,';"';"!: ...1t5. Figure .4 Location of gold mining areas at Windeyer. (From WPS 1989: 11) I I 24 I I

I In the nineteenth century the population was fluid, leaving for other diggings as word of new finds spread; 'Tambaroora. A general rush has taken place from

I these diggings to the Meroo" (BFP 26.8.1854), and was never as great as on I other Western Districts gold fields (Appendix I) such as Sofala or Hill End .. However, 500 to 600 diggers were reported on Long Creek alone in 1852 (WPS

I 1989: 17). Today the viiiage of "Vindeyer incorporates the former small I settlements that were on Clarke's Creek and Long Creek as well as the original village of Richardson's Point.

I The years 1855-1861 were the most productive for the Meroo goldfield, when I more than 100,000 ounces (c284kgs) per year were sent to Sydney with the Gold Escort (Hodge 1976: 200). However by 1861 the annual return was down to 260

I ounces (ca 16 kgs), and by the 1870s most gold was produced from reef rather I than alluvial mining. A small resurgence in gold mining at Windeyer occurred in the 1930s Depression, when government relief schemes offered subsidies for I prospectors.

I 1.6 Contents of the Study I Chapters 1 to 3 contain outlines of the purpose and background to the study. Chapter 1 has outlined the purpose of the study and analytical methods

I employed. Chapter 2 will provide the historical background, including world I events and those in the colonies of New South Wales. An overview of relat~d previous research in the field of study is given in Chapter 3.

I Chapters 4 to 7 contain the description and analysis of the material and I documentary evidence. Chapter 4 describes the research strategy and

I 25 I I I describe the selection and means of analysis of the documentary evidence, and I the results of the analysis. In chapter 7 the results of analysis of both data sets are integrated, and presented the conclusions drawn. Copies of relevant

I documentary evidence and some have been included in Appendix I. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 26 I I I Chapter 2 I Historical Backgiound to the Study I 2.1 Chinese in New South Wales Prior to 1848, there were few Chinese people recorded in Australia; eighteen are

I noted in various historical records. In Sydney, three were employed by John and I Elizabeth Macarthur at Elizabeth Farm in the 1820s as house servants and cook (Broad bent 1984:39).

I GUANGDONG AND NEIGHBOURING PROVINCES I o 250 500 miles J i f i I o 250 SOOkm

I N I t

I Figure 5. Map showing south eastern provinces of China (Yong 1975: 50) I The first organised Chinese immigration to Australia was the transportation of about 2000 labourers brought from Amoy, in Fujien province of southeastern

I China arranged by woolgrowers between 1848 and 1852 (Wang 1978: 314). I Pastoralists in the colonies held large tracts of land under licence, grants or purchase where their large flocks of sheep required shepherds; they also had a I controlling majority in the largely unelected colonial government. Transportation of convicts ceased in 1840, depriving them of free, assigned labourer, which,

I combined with a severe drought in 1838, an economic recession in the 1840s I and a overall drop in wool prices and a labour shortage causing demands for increased wages, meant the pastoralists were desperate (Coghlan 1969: 363). I I I 27 I I After at least ten years of agitation in parliament and petitions to the Colonial I Office in London, the squatters were permitted to transport workers at their own expense from China, where British victory in the Opium War led to five ports

I being opened to foreign trade with China under the Treaty of Nanjin in 1842 I (Darnell 2001: 201). There were many critics at the time of the conditions under which these workers, known as indentured labourers, were recruited and shipped

I out. " .... there is nothing worse in the slave trade than, in some ofthe means that I have been used to procure emigration from China, [that] has been carried on at Amoy, and perhaps other places" (NSW V&P 1854: 8). Labourers were

I employed under contract for five years with weekly rations, usually as shepherds I in remote rural areas (Wang 1978:45). Probably few understood the terms of the contract, which included punishment under the 1827 Masters and Servants Act I workers absconded. Shepherds were usually sent out in pairs, one to take care I of the flocks of sheep, the other to prepare meals and the temporary sheep pens.

I The discovery of gold in New South Wales in 1851 gave a different impetus to I Chinese immigration. In contrast to indentured labourers, most Chinese miners were from small villages in thirteen densely populated counties around Canton,

I the capital of the southern province of Guandong (figure 6). The majority were I from the Sam Yap (Three Counties) and Chang Shen districts close to Canton, Dong Guang county on the northern side of the Pearl River, and Chung Shan I and Sze Yap (Four Districts) in rural areas further to the south. These areas were physically isolated from the north by large mountain ranges, and culturally

I isolated by completely different dialects, even from one county to another, and a I strong rural tradition of small single name or lineage villages, where the local clan I 28 I I I leader held control. Most village land was under clan rather than individual I control, rented out or sold when funds were needed. Much of the country was fertile, but around Toishan, capital city of one of the Sze Yap counties, much of it

I was hilly with poor rocky soil. Under rapidly increasing population density, poor I seasons, political unrest and inter-clan strife, starvation and poverty had become a problem. I

PEARL RIVER DELTA I o 2S SOmil•• I , I I I o 25 so km I I I I I I

I Figure 6. Counties of origin in Guangdong Province (Yong 1975: 50) I Emigrants to Australia from Guangdong comprised farmers, labourers, hawkers, storekeepers, artisans, some of whom could read and write, and a few wealthier I merchants (Wang 1978: 266). They came to Australia under the 'credit-ticket' system, and were free immigrants in the sense that they came willingly_ However

I the majority were funded by loans from merchants, village committees on the I security of family property, or family members requiring regular repayments from I 29 I I I their wages abroad, so they mostly came in groups under a headman I responsible for ensuring these repayments were made. The headman was appointed by the merchants or by the viliage elders, and frequently traveled with

I the emigrants (Wang 1978: 116).

I Most of these emigrants from Guangdong left to advance the position of their families in the village, following a tradition of migration to southeast Asia for trade

I or work since at least the sixteenth century China to work in gold or tin mines in I parts of Malaysia for instance, and producing crops for export (Reid 1996: 174). In southeast Asia some emigrants stayed, marrying local women, and often

I turned to market gardening as an easier alternative to mining or when the mine I work ended (Reid 1996: 176). These immigrants were reported to be "superior in character and education" (SMH 7.3.1854) to the labourers who had been

I transported earlier. However documentary evidence has shown that this did not I necessarily affect their success in the colonies. Chinese in New South Wales 1827-1891 I Year Males Females Total Total Percentage Chinese Population of Chinese

I 1827-48 9 0 9

1848-56 2,000 estimated (mainly indentured I labourers) 1857-60 No information available

I 1861 12,986 2 12,988 350,860 3.70 I 1871 7,208 12 7,220 503,981 1.43 1881 10,141 64 10,205 751,468 1.36

I 1891 13,555 601 14,156 1,132,234 1.25 Figure 7 Adapted from Wang 1978: 207_ I I 30 I I I 2.2 Conclusion

I Global influences including rapidly increasing technological advances since the I Industrial Revolution, imperial expansion to increase trade and territory, the abolition of slavery in British colonies and the Americas which led to the need for I an alternate source of labour, coincided with a period in the Australian colonies when a conjunction of events meant that there was a dire shortage of labour.

I Cessation of convict transportation and the resultant system of assigned I servants, a hiatus in the recruitment of free immigrants into the colonies, improved conditions for the pastoralists after drought in 1838 and a severe

I depression during the 1840s (Coghlan 1967: 363), had precipitated an urgent I need for labourers. In China during the same period, there was famine, population explosion, and political and social unrest, as well as an established

I process of movement of rural Chinese workers within southern China and I Southeast Asia seeking work in times of hardship (Wang 1978: 12). The already established practice of emigration from the ports in southern China, and the lure I of commercial profit by traders in the business of contract labour, as well as the possibility of gain in the New World colonies, led the Chinese to try their luck on

I the frontiers as. Chinese immigration into Australia, which for most of the I nineteenth century was predominantly male, needs to be viewed within the .broad historical context of European imperialism and colonialism, but also within the

I Chinese world view at the time. The same technology which improved I communications for European capitalists and imperialists also allowed the overseas Chinese to maintain their connections with the homeland.

I The factors operating in the nineteenth century in global terms affected both I Chinese and European activites. British success in the Opium Wars accelerated I 31 I I I - trade in the commodities desired in Europe, but it also allowed the Chinese to I travel further afield for their own purposes. This is in keeping with Kathleen I Deagan's (1991: 98) definition of historical archaeology: " ... the study of the processes and inter-relationships by which human social and economic organisation developed and evolved I in the modern world." As Deagan argues, the modern world and the processes which led to its

I complexity are interconnected. Both Chinese and Europeans in rural areas of I New South Wales in the second half of the nineteenth century were there as a result of worldwide economic conditions and imperialist activities; the indentured

I labourers because of the abolition of convict transportation, the miners because I of desires to find employments and sustenance. Based on the assumption that both Chinese and Europeans were in a sense colonising a frontier environment,

I this study examines the interaction of the two groups. The degree to which each I group ventured into the other's cultural space and the results of these processes in an isolated rural mining community and a thriving but quite small rural town will I be contrasted, through documentary and material resources. I I I I I I I 32 I I I Chapter 3 Previous Research and Approaches to History and I Archaeology of the Overseas Chinese I 3.1 Introduction I Just as the indigenous inhabitants of Australia had a pre-colonial history, so did the Chinese; a non-European history that was also influenced by the global I forces which affected New World inhabitants (Wolf 1982: 385, cited in Funari, Jones & Hall 1999: 4). Similarly, the process of cultural encounter begun in

I Australia with the introduction of indentured labourers by pastoralists in 1848, I was a continuous process rather than a single event, which had different outcomes in different places, and for different individuals among the Chinese. I Much of the research done by historians in Australia has focused primarily on I economic and political aspects of Chinese immigration (Choi 1975; Yong 1977; Wang 1978) on an Australia-wide basis, rather than providing social or

I ethnographic histories of the Chinese in Australia. They have been based on I investigation of official documents and statistics, giving an overview of the area of origin in China, but concentrating on the Australian population's reaction to

I Chinese immigration, the development of legislation which led to the White I Australia Policy, the influence this had on Chinese immigration and the economic activities they were involved in within Australia. Yong has researched many

I Chinese sources unavailable to Australian researchers unable to read Chinese I (1977: 288-290), but his study concentrates on the earlier twentieth century. Wang has made exhaustive searches of British and Australian government and I. archival records on the process of exporting indentured labour. While the title of I Choi's work, Chinese immigration and settlement in Australia, indicates an I 33 I I I Australian coverage, it is primarily concerned with Victoria, where he made an I extensive survey of the Chinese population of Melbourne. None of these works is a social history of the experience of the Chinese people whiJe in the colonies.

I Although there have been a number of important archaeological studies done on I the Chinese presence in Australia, particularly in the Northern Territory and Queensland (Jack, Holmes & Kerr 1982; Bell 1995; 1996; Grimwade & Reynolds

I 1987: McCarthy 1988: i 995; Comber 1995; Gaughwin 1992; 1995), many of I them have been the result of CRM surveys, rather than structured research projects based on archaeological questions (Lydon 1999: 191). There are

I relatively few which concentrate on the settlement patterns and social history in I New South Wales, especially in rural areas. As a result of environmental and heritage legislation in Australia, archaeological assessment is a requirement of

I any redevelopment, but emphasis has been on the excavation and recording of I urban sites. Lydon's work on the Chinese in The Rocks, Sydney established a new direction

I in historical archaeology of the overseas Chinese, using material and I documentary evidence to show "a more heterogeneous community than the elite discourse would allow" (1999: xiv) in tracing the nature of Chinese/European I interaction. However this study deals with an urban settlement which presents ·1 different constraints on community than found in rural or mining settlements. Although not a complete literature review, the following examples will examine I the approaches taken in historical archaeological studies of the Chinese in rural areas of New South Wales as they contain useful models and typologies for this

I study. I I 34 I I ------~. I I 3.2 Assimilation and 'acculturation' Some of the earliest studies in the archaeology of the overseas took place in the

I United States (Greenwood 1993: 375-403).1. Although reacting against the I functionalist approaches of the New Archaeology, these projects still largely had an underlying framework of measuring degrees of assimilation into the dominant

I society rather than examining interaction as a two-way process. Neville Ritchie's I excavation of a store at the Chinese mining site at Arrowtown, Otago, New Zealand, has provided details of internal layout, room use and associated

I artifacts containing a wide range of ceramics, glass and metal which give I valuable comparative material for other overseas Chinese sites. Ritchie's (1993) earlier doctoral work on Chinese miners' houses, again broke new ground in the

I interpretation of building methods and material's by incorporating results of I examination building materials and feng shui aspects in southern China to establish whether traditional practices had continued at Arrowtown. Unfortunately I his final analysis again emphasised the process of acculturation in the miners decreased regard for feng shui practices and use of bark, slabs and corrugated

I iron rather than bricks. However, as Greenwood notes, (1993:375), until the I 1980s, few researchers were incorporating comparative material on China. I 3.2 Chinese in Rural Australia Svenson (1994) contends in his study of interaction of the European community

I with a small group of Chinese market gardeners living on the margins of the I struggling township of Milparinka in far western New South Wales in the late

1 See Lydon 1999: 179-191 for an appraisal of archaeological studies of the overseas I Chinese in the United States. I 35 I I I nineteenth to early twentieth century, that the lack of cohesion between various I groups in the town contributed to the town's ultimate demise after World War I. The study is set within the broader historical context of pastoral expansion into

I the far west, the development of both Milparinka and the larger centre of I Wilcannia on the , the mining of gold in the immediate area, and contemporary European attitudes to Chinese in other parts of Australia.

I Svenson has given a vivid picture of the lives of a remnant population of Chinese I in outback Australia, gleaned from detailed examination of very fragmentary written and archaeological sources. While biases were recognized and some

I cross-referencing, the written sources were not critically analysed to the same I extent as the material record. This was surveyed on the basis of a one metre grid over 50 square metres, spatial layout of features and artifacts recorded and all I artifacts analysed according to material and function. However, in spite of I acknowledgement of the diverse nature of the Chinese in Australia, and that there were already Chinese pastoral workers at Milparinka before go~d I discoveries brought additional Chinese into the area, there was no attempt to discover the which of China the people came from, or whether this contributed to

I their being isolated in this country. The suggestion that knowledge of dry-land I farming and presence of coins minted in the north of China, could indicate that the Chinese at Milparinka were northern Chinese is a useful insight for

I comparison with other sites. Unfortunately, in the last analysiS, this study also I reflects an underlying acculturation framework: "In summary there is evidence of increasing acculturation if the two sites are compared on the basis of the artefacts present in the I Assemblage .... ". (Svenson 1994: 138). I I 36 I I I Smith's 1995-98 researched-based excavations at Kiandra, a deserted goldrush I township in the southern alps of New South Wales, also used documentary sources as well as field sur.Jeys. Kiandra was occupied from about 1860 to the

I early 1900s and at some points, over half the population consisted of Chinese I miners whose camp was some distance from the European settlement (Smith 1998: 1). Smith's aim was to find a model containing a number of archaeological

I parameters for 'determining Chinese presence in the landscape beyond Kiandra' I through a comparison of Chinese mining and residential areas with similar non­ Chinese areas of the town. The study is set in the context of previous I archaeological work in Australia, New Zealand and the United States regarding ethnicity, which have 'assumed a collective ethnic identity for all overseas

I Chinese' (Smith 1998: 8). Although Smith has recognised the complex dynamics I affecting definitions of ethnicity both emica"y, from within the cultural groups., and etically, by outsiders, he states that the difficulties of distinguishing between

I different Chinese ethnic groups in the archaeological record, and the "special I characteristics of Chinese culture which reflect a uniformity of traditional culture through time and space" (Smith 1998: 11) make it valid to approach the study of

I overseas Chinese in nineteenth-century Australia as a single ethnic identity for I his Kiandra project. Given the research strategy, to find a model for identifying Chinese sites in the archaeological sites, and the successful identification of 6 I characteristics which were compared positively with similar settlements in other I parts of the world, against six different characteristics for European sites of similar period and use the assumption of a single ethnicity probably is valid in this I case. I I 37 I I I Smith's model, which comprised the characteristics listed below, was found to be I successful at Kiandra, however as discussed later, there are other reasons to account for the location of Chinese settlements, and individual settiers did not

I follow the same pattern. Similarly, many of the site aspects such as access to I water and sunlight are desired by most settlers, while feng shui principles are difficult for non-Chinese to recognise; the Chinese themselves need specialists in I the field to advise them. Distinctive types of mining practices, pioneered by I McGowan (1995) have become apparent, some of which are recognisable at Clarke's Creek and Deep Crossing. I

1. Characteristic material culture with artifacts of a typical Chinese nature and manufacture

I 2.Settlement location that is separate from, or on the margin of, European settlement.

3.Traditional practical and symbolic attributes of:settlement sites including, -easy access to water, good slope and drainage, shelter from wind, exposure to I sunlight, and compact, clustered housing. -feng shui principles, such as appreciation of cardinal points I of direction, balanced yin and yang and hut orientation towards the sun. 4. Recognisable aspects of Chinese vernacular architecture

5. Traditional dwelling construction methods, including rectangular shape hut, a tamped I earth floor, tightly-packed stones set below the ground and rising above it to give a foundation for 'random rubble masonry', light wooden internal/external frame, and door in front (short) end or side, fireplace or chimney adjacent to or opposite the door, absence of internal I toilet and washing facilities, impermanent roofing material such as calico or flattened kerosene cans.

6. Possibly, particularly types of mining practices, including neatly arranged vertical stone­ I packed tailing mounds, small stone puddling enclosures, and floors of diggings completely clear of wash with the appearance of being meticulously and intensively worked. I Figure 8 Characteristcs of Chinese settlements. (Adapted from Smith 1998: 233-235). I Although the symbolic aspects of Chinese culture could be regarded as relatively uniform, the social aspects which governed those people from single clan I villages in Guangdong province, and the indentured labourers from Amoy in I Fujien were not, as has already been discussed. Closer scrutiny of the I 38 I I I documentary sources and attention to details in the material record, such as I Svenson's observation regarding dry-land farming techniques, could provide a different picture of the processes involved in the interaction of cultures at

I Kiandra.

I McGowan made two CRM surveys of historic mining sites in the Monaro and Southern Tablelands (1993) and the Shoalhaven and Southwest slopes (1995)

I for the NSW Department of Urban Affairs and Planning. An additional aim of the I surveys was discover whether there were characteristics which distinguished Chinese diggings from European diggings (McGowan 1995: 24), research which

I. he has subsequently expanded (see below). McGowan (1996: 36) developed a I typology of alluvial mining techniques based on his surveys of historic goldfields of southeastern New South Wales, which include a set of features he attributes

I to Chinese mining practices. Tailing mounds, comprising piles of river stones I removed from the face and floor of the diggings, found in relation to known Chinese mining sites on the Shoal haven River, were piled into vertical stone I walls, rather than in unstructured mounds more commonly associated with European alluvial mining techniques. They were usually associated with the

I simpler forms of alluvial gold retrieval such as pans and cradles or sluice boxes, I arid were used to form water race walls to direct water onto the 'paddock' or surface where the overlying topsoil had been completely removed to the level of

I the gold-containing alluvium, if the area was above the water level. If the surface I being worked was on the creek bed, the surface would be removed to bedrock, and the vertical stone-packing used to direct the water for washing. The water

I race wall at Deep Crossing has many features in common with these practices. I I 39 I I I These studies have raised important questions as well as contributing to

I ° resources for the study of Chinese mining sites. The large number of so-called pig ovens within Chinese settlements in Northeast

I Tasmanian recorded by Gaughwin (1995: 236) is a valuable tool for identifying of I these features on Chinese sites, and was referred to in identification of the features on either side of the Chinese camp at Clarke's Creek. There has been

I some disagreement as to the purpose of these ovens. Pearce, who first recorded I them on Pine Creek (NT) sites in 1982, referred to them as ore smelters, but Bell 1995 makes logical points about why they would more likely be pig or cooking

I ovens for example, the temperatures achieved within these ovens would not be I high enough to smelt ore. HoweVer whether the ovens were used solely for roasting pigs for ceremonial purposes or for everyday cooking is unclear. Bell

I also suggests that because the majority of these ovens have so far been located I in Pine Creek, NT, Queensland and northeastern Tasmoania, that they represent something distinctive about the material culture in those parts of the country, I rather than a being a product of research strategies (Bell 1996: 16). Gaughwin (1995: 234) also notes that fireplaces were usually of stone with little mortar, few

I bricks, and a wooden or galvanized iron flue, which is similar to the collapsed I chimney on the Clarke's Creek store.

I It is the contention of this thesis that both at the administrative level reflected by I government and Mine Wardens' reports, and at the everyday level, there was more co-operative interaction Chinese and Europeans in remote and rural places

I than previous studies have allowed, and that the ethnic differences within the I Chinese community had considerable impact upon the future lives of the people, I 40 I I I particularly on whether or not they stayed in the colonies and their economic I success, and that this will be reflected in both material and documentary record. It is an area which so far has received little attention and could provide a

I comparative basis for studies of other similar rural communities. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 41 I I I Chapter 4 I Selecting the Documentary Evidence 4.1 Introduction I Written or documentary evidence comprises information from a wide array of I sources, each of which has its own set of biases and constraints, generated by the compiler's situation, motivation and perspective. As well as official and I private records, documentary evidence includes maps; literature and oral I histories, journals, travellers' tales and contemporary literature. While generally acknowledging that archaeologists will ask different questions of the documents I than historians, because the questions asked are linked to the examination of material evidence (Beaudry 1988: 1), there are opposing views among historical

I archaeologists regarding the epistemology of the documentary data source. I Some, for example Leone and Potter, (1988: 12), Cleland (1988:15), and Knapp (1992:2), regard the material record and the historical/documentary evidence as

I independent though complementary sources, created in completely different I contexts, to be used in empirical opposition. Others (Deetz 1977: 10-11; Deagan 1988: 8; Schuyler 1988: 36; Beaudry 1996:486; Little 1992:2; De Cunzo 2001: I 17) see the written record as yet another aspect of material culture, to be treated I to similar analysis, with approaches varying according to the questions asked of each set of evidence. Greenwood (2001: 26) also notes that there is a danger in I using documentary evidence in an oppositional way when studying sites with little I written evidence.

I The two sets of evidence are about the same events, but the intent and purpose I of each is different, though interdependent. Both written and material evidence I 42 I I I are fragmented records (Cleland 2001: 6) of events in the past, therefore, the two I data sets need to be analysed separately and by methods appropriate to each, allowing each source to comment on the other, before inferences can be drawn

I about continuities and dissonances between the two.

I Hypotheses or claims for testing can be drawn from either data set, (Kosso 1993: 164), particularly in circumstances where the written sources are drawn solely

I from the so-caiied 'dominant culture', as is the case here. Kosso also claims that ·1 I Middle Range Theory as discussed by Leone and Crosby (1987) is implicit in an approach which requires that claims are tested against both written and material

I data sets: that the cross-referencing is essential for the fullest explanation, as the I written evidence is by no means a direct access to events in the past. Wood (1990: 81) argues that there is frequently an ignorance of appropriate

I historical method in selecting and interpreting data from written sources. He I quotes the observation made by Dincauze (1984: 7,9), that as documents are also artifacts, they need to be analysed in similar terms to those applied to

I material culture in archaeology, and interpretation linked to context and I association. He advocates a four-step approach for analysing primary documents, which critically examines the degree of authenticity and credibility of I any documents used, and related to the particular data extracted from them to I answer questions which have been specifically formulated for the research being undertaken. This approach has been used successfully by Paterson (1999) and I is the one found most useful in this study. Questions were formulated for both the material and documentary data sets, with the final analysis based on the

I integration of information resulting from each. I I 43 I I I 4.2 Selection of Documents

I 4.2.1 Introduction That gold mining took place in the MudgeeIWindeyer region is well-known from I documentary sources, as is the presence of Chinese on the gold fields in the mid-nineteenth century. Less attention in historical studies has been paid to the

I role of Chinese labourers introduced into the colonies by pastoralists, although I some aspects have been covered in later histories of Chinese immigration into Australia (Choi 1975; Wang 1978; Yong 1977; Cronin 1982). This thesis

I contends that there was more positive interaction between Europeans and I Chinese than usually suggested, as reflected in the quotation from one of Lawson's short stories in Chapter 1, and that the place of origin of the Chinese

I immigrants did affect their choices in the colonies. It is also suggested that early I pastoral practices had a direct influence on the introduction of Chinese into the area under study, and their later settlement. Therefore, as well as documentary I research into sources which would provide a broad pictures of world views and I colonial activities in the nineteenth century, a major focus of the archival research was to discover documentary sources which could give more information on an I individual and small-scale social level. ,I Little's (1992: 3) organization of primary source documents into seven categories, including official archives, state registers, private papers and I transient documents (newspapers and journals) categories provided a useful framework for apprqaching and organising written evidence, and a basis for

I critical analysis of the material they contained. For example, the starting point for I an overview of colonial attitudes in the nineteenth century was found in an examination of parliamentary papers for the relevant years. Some sources were

I more useful than others; there were very few business records for. any of the ,I 44 I I I subjects of this study, and although there are records for some Chinese I businesses in Sydney (ML) these were regarded as of little value in the present study because the nature of the businesses would have been different. Records

I of institutions such as hospitals and schools were not relevant to this study, while I private papers if available would have contributed greatly. Categories were evaluated on a one (little) out of three (very) basis in their usefulness for this

I study. or not at all. Despite the racist polemic of much of the content of I contemporary newspapers, and the selective reporting of Chinese activities, details of names, the nature of their employment and the use they made of the I court system or instance were also present.

Category Sources Information Value to I Study 1 Public and Census, rates books statistics; Official Mining Wardens returns geographical I Archives Parliamentary Papers; location of Colonial Secretary's broader papers. Population and I movements

2. Registers Births, deaths marriages details and I naturalisation status of bankruptcy individuals intestate estates

I 3. Business Store inventories economic status and receipts, of societies x I institutions records- and individuals; hospitals, schools etc health-general and individual; I technology 4. Letters Personal letters & information on Diaries and journals, contracts, family scale; I Private Papers estate ledgers and individuals and .. papers employees; I technology 5. Transient Newspapers Documents contemporary world views; I journals individuals; ... I 45 I I I communities

6. Local Written accounts, individuals; I Histories interviews, photographs contemporary .. World views; I daily life 7. Oral interviews; local locations; Histories knowledge individual; Chronological I Information

8. Literature! Stories, poetry, societies; I traveller's accounts families; individuals; technology;

I Figure 9 Categories of documentary sources and the nature of possible information obtained (adapted from Little 1992:3).

I 4.2.2 Method As early occupiers of land in the Mudgee area were all prominent names in

I colonial pastoral history, an investigation by the 1854 Royal Commission into I Asiatic Immigration confirmed that at least some of the squatters participated in arranging to contract indentured labourers from China through the agents who

I shipped their wool. It was therefore decided to focus on Category 4, pastoral I records from estates in the area under study, to obtain details if any of individual labourers, conditions of employment, and attitudes of their employers, before I investigating Category 1, reports from the Department of Mines regarding I Chinese populations on the gold fields of the Meroo (Windeyer). Unfortunately, Category 4 sources contain negligible contemporary documentary I evidence from the Chinese themselves. Many were illiterate in their own I language, as well as English, evidenced by the frequency with which 'his mark' appears on documents. It is not clear whether represented illiteracy in both

languages or was preferred by Europeans requiring the signature, as Chinese

characters would have been just as illegible to them. There are few manuscripts

I 46 I I 1- like the one written by a Chinese miner, Jong Ah SUig, from the Dunolly district, I Victoria, between 1867 and 1870, which details his experiences of imprisonment and later confinement to a mental asylum. The translation, corroboration from

I other contemporary sources, and investigation of the material evidence relating I to the area where the man was living (Moore & Tully, 2000), provide interesting insights into the construction and layout of Chinese habitations on the Victorian

I gold fields, which could be valid for the Mud€;ee and 'Nindeyer area. For example I Jong Ah Suig gives detailed descriptions of the dimensions and construction of his tent: I I 4.3 Method of Analysis Analysis of the documentary evidence within the above categories was carried .

I out using the principles of external criticism, determining the authenticity of the I document, and internal critism, determining the credibility of the document, outlined by Wood (1990: 85-90). Examining the evidence within the categories

I suggested by Little, and with attention to the perspective of the writer, in I proximity to the events both in time and space, helped to achieve the objectivity necessary to determine what was most relevant and accurate.

I Determining authenticity (external criticism) of the primary source documents I used involved ascertaining that they were not forgeries, were issued by official or recognized sources, were original or true copies of original documents, and if I transcribed, had been done so as accurately as possible. There was rarely any I cause to doubt the authenticity of documents used for this study, as the majority were original documents, for example the ledgers of workers kept by R.M. I Fitzgerald of Dabee, near Rylstone, or accredited photocopies or microfilm I 47 I I I copies of originals, for example birth, death and marriage certificates and I naturalisation records. I Determining the credibility (internal criticism), that is whether or not each detail within the documents is as reliable as possible, required ascertaining that the I purpose of the document be noted; whether the information was for personal or public consumption; whether the document was an eye-witness account or

I second-hand information; the temporal proximity to events; the competency or I I honesty of the recorder, for example were there hidden agendas, and could the details be corroborated. Finally recognition of the differences in values and

I beliefs of the recorders of the past, world view, to those of today, as well as use I and meaning of language used at the time, was also necessary. Where details could be checked, memoirs or histories written after the event, such as I Armstrongs, often proved to be inaccurate. I The limited knowledge of English held by most Chinese immigrants, especially at the beginning of immigration, about 1850, means that the documentary sources I used are almost entirely written by Europeans in governmental positions, I newspaper editors or private indiviuals. Inaccuracies in using and transcribing of Chinese names, difficulties in mutual understanding and attitudes of both sides I will have affected the credibility of much of the recorded information. For example, one man recorded in the Cudgegong Municipality Rates books, is

I recorded variously as Ah Choo, Ah Chew and Ah Chow. This has contributed to I the difficulty of establishing the continuity of residence in an area. Some assumptions were made about the identity of people whose names were spelt

I differently, based on other aspects of the written evidence. I 48 I I I Chapter 5 I Ana-!ysis of Documentary Evidence I 5.1 Introduction This chapter compiles evidence from historic documents relating to the Chinese

I in the Mudgee and Windeyer areas during the last half of the nineteenth century. I It presents a critical examination of the nature of the interaction between the Chinese and Europeans in the two areas, within the context of events and

I processes in China and the colonies of New South Wales, which partly structured I that interaction. Written evidence was examined for information regarding the world views of European colonists, both government and settlers, and the I Chinese, the extent of Chinese populations of Mudgee and Windeyer, insights I into daily life and ritual, evidence of interaction both negative and positive, and of the presence of indentured labourers in the two areas.

I Establishing the size and stability of the Chinese population, their places of origin I in China, business activities, and the lifestyle patterns they developed in the areas under study, as well as the world views of the society around them will I contribute to a broader understanding of the disparity between the degrees of material evidence in the two areas. Although the study is set broadly between

I 1850 and 1901, there were very few Chinese in the MudgeelWindeyer area I before about 1853, and most documentary evidence dates from the end of the I 1850s. 5.2 Types of documentary evidence examined

I Having established that the first indentured labourers were brought to New South I Wales in 1848 (Wang 1978: 42), Parliamentary Papers of the Legislative Council I 49 I I I of New South Wales, plus editions of the Sydney Morning Herald newspaper I from 1848 were investigated for comment on Chinese immigration. Local information was obtained from rates and valuation records of the Meroo, and

I Cudgegong Shires, and the Mudgee Municipality, state records of births, deaths I and marriages of individuals known to have been associated with the areas under investigation, as well as naturalization records. The Mudgee and District I Historical Society, housed in the local history museum, provided diaries, records I of shop receipts and sale transactions, photographs and memoirs of the local area which frequently made mention of the Chinese residents.

I Records of bankruptcies during the period and records of land dealings at the I Land Titles Office were also used. Colonial Secretary's correspondence were investigated for information about the various western district gold fields, I particularly the number of Chinese inhabitants, as were Department of Mines and I Census details for 1861,1871,1891 and 1901. Contemporary local newspaper reports were useful for documenting the variety of responses to the presence of I Chinese people in the area. Contemporary maps and plans provided invaluable information regarding the location of properties leased for market gardening and

I the location of gold field sites. Statistics for gold returns and populations were I difficult to ascertain as the Meroo gold fields were much smaller than those at Hill End, and Sofala, and the figures were included in those for the area as a whole.

I Until 1879, when new division of Windeyer was created, population and gold I production figures were not listed separately. However as the divisional warden noted in 1879 that Windeyer was "about 7 miles from here and has about half the I area and population now", estimates could be made. Similar difficulties were I encountered with census figures. The 1854 report of The Select Committee on I 50 I I I Asiatic Labour provided details of pastoralists and stations employing indentured I labour, however letters and other records of pastoral properties in the area proved to be a disappointing source for information, having only scant

I references. However the Evans and Fitzgerald family papers from Dabee station, I Rylstone, provided a valuable link between labourers on the station and subsequent market gardening at Mudgee, as well as evidence for a continuing I relationship between the pastoralist and one of the indentured labourers. I

Category Evidence Authenticity Credibility I 1 Parliamentary ••• ••• Papers I Rates Books ••• •• GC Reports ••• •• I Censuses ••• •• 2 BDM ••• •• I Naturalisation ••• •• Bankruptcies •• •• I 4 Joumals,ledgers •• •• I 5 Newspapers •• • 6 Local histories, •• memoirs • I 7 Oral histories •• •• I 8 Literature •• •• Figure 10 Evaluation of the documentary evidence used in the study.

I 5.3 World Views I Information from documentary sources shows contradictory and often-changing I attitude towards the Chinese, with marked differences between wide-scale public I 51 I I I views, and private individual levels. Those of the Europeans are frequently overt I and strident, and often contradictory, while to detect those of the Chinese people, who left no written record, it is often necessary to look at their actions have been

I rather reports by Europeans. Selection of land in relation to Europeans, their I manner of dress and business dealings, their use of the legal system and their choice of marriage partner all reflect attitudes to the land and people around I them. I Evidence given to various committees on immigration and the urgent need for labour in New South Wales, held between 1837 and 1854, reveal a primary

I concern with the prosperity of the colonies and the well-being of the land-owning I class, who made up the majority on these committees. While the Chinese characteristics of thrift, diligence, orderliness and quiet behaviour were valued in

I the Chinese, their degrading ridiculous superstitions, their 'incurable habit of I gaming and other vicious tendencies' and their refusal to be converted to Christianity was seen as moral intransigence (Huck 1968:63). This ambivalence I is perhaps best illustrated by the comment of one Mudgee district parliamentarian who walked out of the voting on the introduction of the Chinese

I restriction bill in 1858, saying that such an act would be unchristian. (BFP I 7.7.1858). However, the same nineteenth-century racist views prevailed in New South Wales as in the other parts of the British Empire. Labour was a

I commodity, whatever race and for merchants and traders invoived in recruiting I workers Chinese labour could be imported more cheaply and paid less than European workers (Coghlan 1967: 503). The primary focus was trade and profit,

I for the British capitalists who had invested money in the pastoral industry, and for I the British Empire through its colonial possessions. Blainey (1966: 203), even I 52 I I I suggests that due to the glut of shipping in Australian ports in 1853-54, many I could not get a cargo of tea so, "contrived to arrange the only alternative freight I which was profitable, Cantonese passengers". 5.4 Indentured labourers in Windeyer and Mudgee

I Wang (1978: 265) gives a total of 1,982 indentured labourers having landed in I New South Wales by February 1852. This is confirmed by the evidence of Captain Robert Towns (NSWLC V&P 1854) who states that he brought in seven

I or eight shiploads of Chinese with about 300 in each. Towns also states that he I recruited 54 or 55 Chinese labourers for the Colonial Gold Company in 1853, which was working the Great Nugget Vein at Louisa Creek, near Hargraves, I NSW,

"who behaved remarkably well .... The most of them have purchased I their freedom as to time by paying the amount I had charged the Company [for their passage and food to Australia], and are now on their own account at the diggings nearby."(NSWLC V&P 1858) I However the destinations of the remainder are much more elusive.

I "I am about to establish one policeman there [Louisa Creek] also", the Gold I Commissioner's report for that year noted, "in consequence of the large number of Chinamen in the Company's employ." It is quite likely that this is the group of I labourers referred to by Towns in 1854. I The Central Tablelands was an early major destination for the first of the indentured labourers. The excitement occasioned by the strange dress of six I "natives of the Celestial Empire" as they passed through Bathurst en route to a station on the was reported in 1848 (BA 10.11.1848). Mr

I CampbelJ near Bathurst had experienced a "nice little rebellion in the shape of I passive resistance" (BFP 17.9.1853) by his six of his Chinese employees, who I 53 I I I 2 "headed by the cook and followed up by the 'amah , , marched themselves of in I quest of fresh employment and more money. Warrants for their arrest have been granted." This small article seems to indicate that some of the indentured

I labourers were not unwilling to defend their right to be paid wages more I commensurate with those of Europeans doing the same job, and the intriguing mention of an amah unfortunately does not state whether this person was male

I or female. I Towns evidence to the Select committee in 1854 states that "Mr Fitgerald has the most; he has about a hundred ... he would tell you that they were the salvation of

I his flocks". Robert Fitgerald, Member of the Legislative Council, lived on his main I station Dabee near Rylstone, about 54 kilometres from Mudgee. He confirmed that he had 80 Chinese labourers in his employ, while giving evidence on two of

I them for assault (BFP 22.4.1854). The incident was described in a retrospective I account given by William Wield Armstrong, Crown Lands Agent then Coroner at Rylstone until 1886, in which the details were greatly exaggerated. Fitgerald I seems to have had some trouble in his dealin.gs with his indentured labourers, although whether this was on account of his own attitude to the men, that of his

I managers or to trouble makers amongst the labourers is not easy to ascertain. I Dabee Ledgers containing contacts of employment of Chinese workers in 1863 seem to indicate a regard for fairness and generosity. I One of Fitzgerald's ledgers or 1863-1867, lists terms of the contract, wages and

I I contracted work for eight Chinese workers, including Ti Ong, W, meticulously

entered by Fitzgerald, and countered signed by the worker (Appendix I), although

I it is debatable to what extent the contracts were understood by the Chinese.

2 'Amah' is the Cantonese name. given to a household servant, usually female, who takes I care of the cleaning and the children. I 54 I I I Some signatures were in Chinese characters but others just recorded "his mark". I Most were employed as shepherds and hut-keepers (figure 11); Arthur China went out with Tiong as his hut-keeper, and Mahoney China was the cook at

I Yaraman. From the ledgers is seems that a worker could progress from hut­ I keeper to shepherd, and all the names entered were employed for at least three years. An interesting addition to the usual contract of wages and rations, was the

I what seems to have been an incentive program. For every 100 fat sheep, I "selected by my master Mr Fitzgerald", returned at the end of the year's contract, the shepherd was to receive an extra 25 shillings ($2.50). At the end of 1864,

I Tiong received an additional £ 12.16.3 (c$27). I I I I I Figure 11 Shepherd's hut in New South Wales (NLA pican 8136469-v)

I Tiong, or his family, seems to have had a special relationship with Fitzgerald as I in 1864 Teong is recorded as working permanently at Dabee, and in 1893 another ledger entry, this time as 'le Ong', records a contract to burn off timber I on the property, on terms commensurate with those for a European contracted to I do similar work. As the older Teong would have been around seventy at the time, it was propably his son, who had moved to Portland some time after 1890. It is I difficult to decided whether this Tiong, or Te Ong, is the same Samuel Teong at I 55 I I I Mudgee; the initial 'W' would indicate not, but could equally stand for his Chinese I name. When Sam Teong Ounior) was born in 1861 at MacDonald Creek, 13 kilometres west of Mudgee, his father's birthplace is listed as Amoy, China, and

I the information was given by his father himself. There is no reference on any of I the available documentation to Teong senior ever having been a miner. His oldest son Sam, was married at Dabee in 1882, listing his occupation as

I labourer. It is possible that he '."Jas working on the property, carrying on his I father's connection. Alternatively, as Dabee was originally to be the site of the village of Rylstone, it may merely have been a conflating of names. Although the I dates are conflicting, Tiong was still employed at Dabee in 1864, and Teong is recorded as leasing land at MacDonald Creek in 1861, it is feasible that he was

I doing both, acquiring more capital. Rylstone cemetery records and birth death I and marriages registry, show that the burial of "Tobacco" was ordered by RM Fitzgerald. He died at Dabee aged 80 in 1897, having "no occupation" and dying

I of old age, after 44 years in New South Wales, indicating that "Tobacco" arrived I about 1853. Conceivably he was an indentured labourer working for Fitzgerald and was cared for by the family on becoming too old to work; perhaps cultivating

I tobacco? -I Only 34 of the 1, 718 Chinese people granted citizenship between 1857 and

I 1887 noted Amoy as their place of origin. The remainder nominated Ganton or I China as place of origin, with a few naming Whampoa or Macao. It is probable that-many of those naming China as their place of origin were originally from

I Amoy. Two of the first three naturalizations recorded in 1857 and 1858, were I from Amoy. The greatest numbers of naturalizations were in 1883 (592) and I 56 I I I 1884 (524), after the Restriction of Chinese Regulation severely limited the I number of Chinese who were permitted to enter the colonies. Those who left were required to have a Certificate of Domicile if they wished to return. Another

I probable reason for naturalisation was that after 1876 aliens were granted the I right to purchase land under the same conditions as British subjects; previously it had been only possible to lease for a maximum of 21 years. After the 1888

I Chinese Restriction and Regulation Act, no further naturalisation of c;tliens was I permitted. Buying land, having businesses in the towns, or being married and wishing to remain, were the most common reasons given. Accuracy of

I information varies, especially in transcribing Chinese names, and dates or arrival I mayor may not be truthful, as a period of five years residency was required (Fitzgerald 1996: 189); like coins in the archaeological recor~, it is only sure that I they must have arrived before the date of naturalisation. I 5.5 The Chinese population in Windeyer 5.5.1 Indentured labourers I With several large stations in the Central tablelands known to have Chinese labourers from Amoy in their employ from 1848, it seems likely that the first

I Chinese on the Western District Goldfields came from nearby pastoral properties. I Notices regarding absconding Chinese labours appeared regularly (BFP 17.9.1853; 12.1 1856), one including a reward for three labourers who had

I "located themselves at the Meroo diggings In February 1854 there were reports I that twenty percent of the prisoners in Bathurst gaol from surrounding districts, were Chinese on breaches of the Masters and Servants Act, so possibly some of I that 20% had been on the Meroo. I I 57 I I I 5.5.2 Population figures , I Due to the scattered nature of the Meroo diggings, population figures given for Windeyer may mean the village only, the total area of Long Creek, or could also I include Clarke's Creek. Separate figures were never given in any source for Clarke's Creek, the location of the study area, so it has to be presumed that they

I were included in either figures given for Windeyer; or certainly in those for the I Meroo as a whole. In addition there was a constant ebb and flow of people on the goldfields due to adverse weather conditions or news of new strikes.

I The population at Windeyer was never very large; the figure of 120 Chinese on I Clarke's Creek in 1854 reported by Commissioner Green, at the trial after the riot at Clarke's Creek, may have represented the largest number at anyone time

I (Appendix I). By 1872 most of the gold was being taken from reef mines, and by I 1875 most of the remaining alluvial miners were now Chinese and Richardson's Point (Windeyer), Long Creek and Clarke's Creek were still being worked by

I parties of 4 to 12 Chinese (GC Report 1875). The official figures for that year, I when Windeyer was still included in the Hargraves district, recorded 204 Chinese alluvial miners and 170 Europeans. In 1879, the first year separate figures were I recorded for Windeyer district, there were reported to be 135 Chinese miners, I 112 of whom had purchased miner's licences, and 165 Europeans. As these figures probably included Richardson's Point, Long Creek (all 16 kilometres of it), I Campbell's Creek as well as Clarke's Creek, the numbers living in the Chinese camp at Clarke's Creek cannot have been very great, even if Chinese miners

I who worked on Long Creek also lived in the camp.

I 5.5.3 Accuracy of population figures McLean, (GC Report 1858) notes in the special return of Chinese on the

I goldfields, that the numbers were obtained from the number of mining licences I 58 I I I issued; but as the Chinese were totally without funds until they began to work, it I was often difficult to obtain the licence fee from them, therefore the figures could not be regarded as totally accurate. I Contemporary newspapers and oral histories give various figures for the Chinese I population on the Meroo, ranging from 1200 at Windeyer 0NPS 1989: 151) to accounts of 1500 camped by the roadside near Bathurst on the way to the gold

I fields (BFP 23.6.1858). These accounts need to be viewed with extreme caution, I allowing for exaggeration to make a good story in the case of oral histories, and the world view of the time. The year 1858 was a critical time for both the Chinese

I whose entry into the country reached a peak in this year, and Europeans, as I there was high local unemployment (Coghlan 1971 :704 ). Claims of exaggerated numbers may have been to add fuel to the call for restriction of immigration. I 5.5.4 Conclusion I Census and Department of Mines reports indicate that Chinese were most numerous in the western goldfields in general in the 1850s followed by the I 1870s" and this is probably true for the Windeyer/Clarke's Creek area as well. I During the 1890s, the number for the whole Windeyer area varies from 20-50 in the figures available, so it seems safe to assume that the number at Clarke's I Creek would have been less than that. For the years 1909 and 1910 the Annual Reports of the Department of Mines listed 15 Chinese alluvial miners and by

I 1919 none at all were listed. By 1920, the Department of Mines lists no Chinese I miners, so that Frank Yavion's recollection of a few people of Chinese descent only still being in the area is probably accurate. I I I 59 I I I 5.6 Gold field restrictions

I Miners licence fees for aliens were doubled, and after 1861 Chinese camps on I the gold fields were to be segregated from European areas. This, plus the fact that foreigners were not able to purchase land in the colony

I meant that Chinese, and other miners from non-British countries were restricted I to living on Crown Land alienated by the government for the purpose. Additionally, after 1872, European share-holders on the boards of many of the I reef mining companies insisted on only hiring Europeans, an action which Blainey (1966: 85) feels may have been more effective in reducing the Chinese

I strength on the goldfields than immigration restrictions.

I 5.7. The Chinese at the Clarke's Creek Chinese Camp

5.7.1 Oral evidence for the Chinese at Clarke's Creek I In an interview on 1st April 2002, Frank Yavion aged 82 years, the grandson of a I Chinese miner at Windeyer, recalled that around that towards the end of the 1920s, Ah Tong, owner of the last Chinese-run store, known as On Gott's store,

I left the district, and the store was left to fall into disrepair. He noted that some I people of Chinese descent still lived in the area in the 1930s, including members of his own family. He had no recollection of a Chinese Camp supposed to have

I existed at Deep Crossing, on the Meroo about 2kms northwest of Windeye~, the I location of the extensive Chinese-built stone-packed water race wall, although he did know about the wall. The Meroo Shire Valuation and Rates Book for 1907- I 1909, the only one available, confirms that On Gott's store was still paying rates, however the owner's name was recorded as Que On. He died in 1916 and was

I buried in the Clarke's Creek Chinese cemetery. I I 60 I I I Frank had no recollection of the Chinese store on Clarke's Creek. It was on the I edge of the Chinese Camp close to the bank of the creek (figure 9), and was I not included in the one acre of the land purchased by Ah Jack in 1896. He then sold a half share to Ah Chong in 1904 (Title Deed). Ah Chong (Sow) died in 1900

I (BDM)and was buried in Clarke's Creek cemetery, and although no record of Ah I Jack's death could be found, the property passed into the hands of the Curator of Intestate Estates in 1909. That Frank Yavion could not recall any store in that I place suggests that maybe it was not used as such for some years and had I fallen down by the 1920s. He gave details of On Gott's store, saying that the floor in the oldest part was packed earth, while that in the newer area was cement, I indicating that On Gott needed to expand at some point. The Gold Commissioner's report of 1875 states that the business of buying gold was split

I almost equally between the Chinese and European stores.

I 5.7.2 Buildings in the camp In 1862 the Bathurst Free Press had a freelance correspondent on Clarke's

I Creek, Meroo, who lived about two kilometres along Clarke's Creek Road .. He is I consistently respectful of the Chinese when mentioning them in his column, a striking contrast to the editorials which regularly appeared in the same paper

I during 1858, although it seems that he had little personal communication with I them. In May 1862 he records that companies of Chinese were at work everywhere on Clarke's Creek, and mentions one group of seven working I together. Again in October of that year he records that fourteen Chinese were working in the bed of the creek, and were a pugmill for breaking down the mud

I on the gold. I I 61 I I 1- He describes three large houses being built "in their village on our creek with I saplings and bark", and another building being erected in July "said to be a for a superior gaming hall.. .. of which we have several". In a later report he describes a

I circus that was in town, adding that the money spent on attending the circus I could have been spent to build a church, or that "a joss house would please the Chinamen". It is not clear whether he is suggesting that there was no temple in

I the Chinese camp at this time, althou€}h it is hard to believe that no temple I existed after approximately ten years of occupation. Alternatively the temple, the footings of which still remain in the Chinese camp, could have been in existence I for some years already. In September 1854 there was a altercation between the I Chinese and the Europeans, which resulted in a large part of the Chinese camp being burnt. Although only tents are mentioned, an altar or bark structure such as I the one at Tambaroora (figure 10) may also have been burnt. Wang (2000: 57) maintains that it was standard practice of sojourners arriving as a group in

I Southeast Asia, first to set up an altar to a deity the group preferred. As soon as I possible they would erect a temple linked to well-known temples in coastal cities of China to which they were connected. The only mention of a temple in the

I written evidence is this passing reference that the Chinamen would like one. I There is howeve! more documentary evidence for the existence of the Chinese cemetery, where burial rites must have been performed. I I I I I 62 I I I I ? I I I I I I

I Figure 11. Chinese temple at Tambaroora near Hill End about 1880 (Hodge 1979: 184). 5.7.3 The Chinese cemetery I A 1980 Lands Department map locates a cemetery on Crown Land on the opposite bank of Clarke's Creek to the Chinese camp, giving precise

I measurements and showing its own access road. The cemetery consisted of two I named sections, the Amoy cemetery to the north, adjoined by the General Chinese Cemetery to the south, which was dedicated in 1865. Death certificates

I for Que On (1916), store-keeper on Long Creek, Ah Chong (1900), store-keeper I on Clarke's Creek, and Ah Tong, miner (1880) state that they were buried in the cemetery at Long Creek. As there was no known cemetery on Long Creek, it I most probably refers to the designated cemetery on Clarke's Creek. Ah Chee, a miner, died at 81 in 1894, after 40 years in New South Wales, and was buried in

I the General Cemetery at Windeyer. This could possibly indicate that no I distinction was made by then between the Amoy and General Chinese I 63 I I I cemeteries. Translations (Appendix I) made of the two headstones which were I found in the cemetery seem to indicate that they were cemetery markers rather than personal grave stones, as the inscriptions make no reference to personal

I names or places of origin as would usually be found (Jones 2001:1).

I 5.7.4 Repatriation of Chinese remains Regarding themselves as temporary exiles from China where usually they had

I family or wives who remained behind, it was important to Chinese people that I there remains be buried in the ancestral territory so the correct family rituals could be maintained. Arrangements were made in Australia through District

I Societies and the merchants to transport the bones of the dead back to China. I The first recorded instance of this was noted in the Empire (2 and 4.5.1864 ) when "one hundred and eighty-eight defunct Chinamen" whose remains had I been collected throughout the colonies, were being transported to Hong Kong. A ceremony took place to farewell the remains (Appendix I). Kip Fong (nd)

I mentions that remains could be transported to China after having been buried for I ten years, and that sometimes this was done by some merchants and generous individuals at their own expense. The bones were shipped to the Tung Wah

I hospital in Hong Kong who then contacted relatives in China wherever possible. I The Chinese cemetery in Windeyer appears to have had most if not all of the burials removed. Few Chinese are mentioned in the Windeyer area, as the

I records are fragmentary. Records available in Mudgee gave a much clearer I picture, and cemetery records revealed that burials were in the general Mudgee cemetery and there do not appear to have been any repatriations. I I I 64 I I I 5.8 The Chinese in the Mudgee Area

I The geographical boundaries for the Mudgee study area correspond with the Mudgee municipality, an area of one square mile (2.6sqkm) covering the town

I which remained the same from its creation in 1860 until 1975 and the I Cudgegong Municipality, covering approximately 192 square miles (499sqkm) which was also created at this time remaining the same until 1924, (Jack 1984:

I 1). Consequently figures are avaiiabie for Chinese peopie who ieased or I tenanted land in these areas are available from this date. Information from before 1860 was compiled from official records, newspapers and census figures As the

I town records were taken before the advent of street numbering, lot numbers only I were identified, many of which have since changed due to subdivisions. Although the Cudgegong Rates books for the time in question were available at the I Mudgee and District Historical Society, those for the township were only available I for random years as the earlier books had been placed in off-site storage and were not accessible. This meant that many details of commercial and retail I premises kept by Chinese people in the township were not available. Cemetery records, newspapers and local informants supplied additional information. The

I following are Chinese people known to have been in business in Mudgee from I 1860, compiled from directories, newpapers and registries (BDM).

I Charles Kear Interpreter and boarding house keeper 1861-1875+ AhTue Merchant, Lewis Street 1867 -1876 I Wan Long Merchant, Market Street 1867 + Sin YetWah Merchant, Market Street at least 1876-77+ 4 I Chooey Lee Merchant, Lewis Street at least 1876-77 GeoAh Gett Butcher, Perry Street at least 1894

I 4 Appendix I I 65 'I I I Charlie Chong Grocer and gaming rooms 1866-1892 Samuel Teong Grocery, Lewis Street at least 1-894-1920 I Sam Teong Onr) Butcher, Lewis Street 1890-?191 °

I Chooey Lee became bankrupt in 1877, then leased five acres on Lawson Creek I where he had market garden. Geo Ah Gett (correct name Sun Fung Fett) also became bankrupt in 1894 and is thought to have returned to China.

I Charlie Chong rented piemises fiOm Mr Wells, the iocai auctioneer (MG 3.1987). I Quite probably the gaming room was a meeting place for the Chinese people in Mudgee. and local intelligence is that there were also facilities for ritual

I ceremonies. Today the building houses a cafe and furniture business. I From 1860 and 1904, between three to eleven Chinese people leased land in the I Cudgegong Shire, the greatest number being in the years 1888 to 1890 (Appendix 11), and by 1904, there were only two. Sam Teong and John Keigh

I were two who leased land and will be discussed later. Census records between I 1861 and 1901 record the following figures for Mudgee and the Cudgegong Shire. The figures for 1901 included children of Chinese who had married

I European women, which several of the Mudgee Chinese had done by then, so I several of the Chinese from the 1870s had obviously left. Yong (1975: 29) has estimated that in every colony in 1881, less than 15% of the total Chinese I population lived in rural areas. New South Wales Chinese population at the time I was 10, 205, so the approximate number of Chinese across the whole colony outside the cities was less than 1500, probably located in and around the former I gold fields. I I 66 I I I Mudgee Cudgegong Shire 1861 15m 15 I 1871 32m 23 1891 no figures available 1901 15m 1f 13m 3f I Figure 13 Chinese population figures for Mudgee and Cudgegong 1861-1891

I Early local histories of Mudgee mention Chinese market gardeners on Lawsons I Creek (figure 3), for example 'The pound yard was across the river at Holyoake Bridge, where some Chinamen had a market garden" (Cox c1909: 14). Hume I (1904: 22) gives more detail:

"The land immediately on the north side of the Cudgegong River and I around Lawson's Creek almost from Putta Bucca to Mr. Mill's present large residence, was, around the years 1880-1890 devoted largely to Chinese market gardening and a continuous stream of Chinese I vehicles laden with cabbages, cauliflowers etc, could be seen wending their was along Church Street to the Railway Station, the vegetables I being forwarded to the Sydney markets." Clearly the advent of the railway in 1881 was a stimulus to the business of

I market gardening, and even allowing for exaggeration over time, quite a number I of Chinese were obviously engaged in the activity in the 1880s, and no doubt the Mudgee residents also benefited from the regular supply of vegetables. I To examine the process of interaction between Chinese and European I inhabitants of the Mudgee region, two names which appeared early or consistently in the rates books were investigated extensively through the

I documentary evidence. John Keigh was chosen, as his named appeared from I 1883-1891 as a tenant on Lawson Creek, and it was known through local sources that part of the land was still being cultivated by his descendants. About

I the second, Teong, nothing was known from local history sources except that I one of his sons, Danny had a tailors shop on the corner of Market and Lewis I 67 I I I Streets in the 1930s. However his was one of the earliest Chinese names to I appear as a tenant farmer in the Cudgegong Rates Books. I Details of the Teong family were gathered from several sources. As already

I mentioned, Mudgee rates books were not all available, but did provide the I location of Teong's store. State records contained further information, however the newspapers consulted were disappointingly silent. Possibly those after 1900, I outside the period of this study, would be more useful. Of official records, marriage certificates are the most reliable as the information is supplied directly

I by the parties concerned and can therefore by regarded as accurate. However I sometimes one or the other party does not know the details, or is reluctant to disclose them. For example, Samuel Teong omitted to include the three children

I born before his marriage to Emma Spearman in 1896, although Samuel junior I appears to have been included later in the family, as his name and correct age are listed on his father's death certificate. The accuracy of death certificates

I depends entirely on how well the informant knew the deceased, for example a I child would probably provide more accurate information than a neighbour. I Samuel Teong recorded in Amoy, China as his birth place, c1827, when he I married in 1893, and stated on his naturalisation certificate in 1875 (Appendix I), that he came to Australia in 1851 on the ship Canton, although this ship is not

I included in Wang's list of ships arriving from Chinese ports between 1848 and I 1860. It is unclear whether he is the Tiong, W., contracted to work for RM Fitzgerald on Oabee, near Rylstone in 1863, as from 1861 he was leasing 44

I acres (18ha) of land from MH Lyons on McDonald's Creek (figure 13). The map I 68 I I I in figure 13 clearly shows the nature of the small subdivions in the Mudgee area

I at this time. He is listed as a farmer in the rates books, where his first son Sam I was born in 1861. The birth was registered as illegitimate, as was that of a daughter born in 1864. Samuel stayed on this land, which was increased to 46 I acres (c10ha) in 1870, until 1871. It is not certain whether he was living on the I land as a house is not mentioned until 1869. However, because the records of the municipality of Mudgee for the years 1860-1908 were unavailable, it was not I possible to discover when he first began to run the grocers store in Lewis Street. His naturalisation certificates states buying land as the reason he sought

I citizenship, although this may have been land to farm. If so, it was not the land I he had been leasing previously as it is listed as being used by the owner, MH Lyons until 1875. His name disappeared then until 1878, when he rented 120

I acres nearby for one year, re-emerging as a store owner in the 1890s. I I

4~/· I r:mfHuClu:s. 40JC 107 I I I I I Figure 13. Location of MacDonald Creek and the site of Samliel Teong's first lease. I (Grattai Parish Map 1970). I 69 I I I Teong's premises in Lewis Street were identified from the 1908 Mudgee Municipal rates books as lots 9 and 10, section 28 Lewis Street, between

I Gladstone and Dennison Streets, on the eastern side of the street. He is listed as I the owner and occupier of the premises, which consisted of a brick dwelling and. shop. Further investigation would probably reveal that from 1879 the premises I were leased by Teong until he was able to purchase them. Teong had three I more sons and a daughter before his death in 1920; only two sons remained in Mudgee, neither of whom appeared to have any children. Emma Teong died in I 1932 The two lots on which the house and shop were built were bought by Robert Swords, a local funeral director, in 1971 and 1975 respectively, but Teong

I was not the vendor, so presumably the premises had been sold before this. An I aerial photograph of Mudgee in 1954 reveals that the relevant blocks appear to be vacant, a the red-brick 1970s bungalow occupies one of the blocks today.

I Apparently Teong's store was demolished sometime before 1954; maybe earlier, I as Danny Teong conducted his tailors business from a premises in Market Street in the 1930s. The two sons who remained in Mudgee, Danny and Arthur, seem to

I have incorporated the usual country town activites into their lives, including I playing for the Mudgee "Our Boy Football Club" (figure 13) While the business remained actively in the family, the material evidence remained, but has since

I dis~ppeared without a trace. I I I I 70 I I I I I I I I I I ·Figure 15. Photograph of "Our Boys" Football Club", Mudgee 1912, containing two of Samuel Teong's sons, fifth from left and fifth from right (Mudgee District Historical I Society). John Keigh leased nine acres (3.6ha) from CW Lawson on Lawson's Creek from I 1883 until 1901, when it had increased to 12 acres (4.8ha) and is the last year his name appears in the Cudgegong Rates Books. This partly accords with his

I great-grandson's account that John and his wife Susannah were both half I Chinese and came from China in 1901, purchasing 22 acres (8.8ha) after being I lucky in his gold mining at WindeYer.

I Archival research has shown that John Keigh's wife, was the daughter of Tai Byng, sometimes known as William, a digger at Long Creek, Windeyer, from

I Amoy, and wife, Katharine Kelly. He married Katharine in 1865 aged 45, and I possibly came as an indentured labourer between 1848 and 1854. There is no record ofTai Byng's death; Katherine died at Long Creek in 1917. John Keigh

I came to Australia c1872 from Canton China, found 'good gold' at Windeyer, and I 71 I I I is thought to have had a market garden there before he moved to Mudgee. It is I difficult to know whether 1883 was the year he arrived in Mudgee as the majority of tenants between 1861 and 1880 are list simply 'Chinaman'; except for Te Ong.

I John and Susannah Byng were married at Charlie Chong's house in 1885 by a I Methodist minister, when he was 51 and she was 19. At the time John was not able to write his name and a will made in 1914 and witnessed by Wells the

I auctioneer and the 'Sunshine Harvester traveller', still bears 'his mark'. They had I a family of nine children and developed a thriving market garden which he cultivated with the aid of horses and plough. When he died in 1936, it passed to

I his son, Percy, great-uncle of the present owner.

I 5.9 Chinese lifestyle 5.9.1 Market gardening I Reports of Chinese market gardeners in the late nineteenth century are well- I documented, although surprisingly few references to market gardening are made apart from those pursuing it as a livelihood. Ah Hoy, a digger at Windeyer, had a I vegetable garden on Long Creek, afterwards known as Ah Hoy's Waterhole, and Frank Yavion mentions the local youth stealing melons from him. However the

I Clarke's Creek correspondent (BFP 1862) makes no mention of the garden I tended by Ah Chong and Ah Jack at the Chinese Camp. Local residents recall that there were market gardens along the river banks, and a travelling reporter

I visiting Avisford and other Meroo goldfields in 1873 commented after eating

I cherries from an orchard that" .... but for these [Chinese], gardens we Europeans should have no fruits and no vegetables. " (TCJ cited in Cook & Garvey 1999:

I 144), attesting to the importance of these supplies in remote areas. As the I Chinese diet was traditionally rich in vegetables, it seems to have been typical I 72 I I I practice to establish a garden as soon as possible, either for personal use or I later, as an occupation.

I 5.9.2 Recreation Indulgence in opium smoking and gambling became a stereotypical image of the I Chinese in Australia in the nineteenth century, and much evidence exists to support the fact that both activities were indeed popular with the Chinese,

I especially in the minutes of evidence given before the Royal Commission on I Chinese gambling and corruption in 1892. The Clarke's Creek correspondent mentions the existence of several gaming halls (BFP 10.1862), though he makes

I no mention of opium smoking, and he may have been unaware of it as his I dealings with the Chinese were at one remove. Another report comments that most of the Chinese passing through Bathurst are on their way to the goldfields,

I and

"the few who dwell among us as domestics, lodging house keepers & servants .... are introduced under the old scheme [referring to the indentured labour system], and now become free .... have adopted European customs. Gambling and opium smoking are their amusements and are indulged in frequently through the live-long night, I to the great annoyance of their employers, when in service" (BFP 23.6.1858).

I Hammond (cited in Hodge 1979: 181) also notes that "opium was always on the I programme". These comments seem to indicate that it was a recreational activity enjoyed in much the same way as Europeans would enjoy having a drink and

I betting on the horses. Certainly when Commissioner Green refers to the high I degree of drunkenness on the western goldfields, he is not referring to the Chinese (CG Report June 1854). No doubt opium was available from at least one

I of the Chinese stores in Windeyer, as it was legal in Australia until the early I 73 I I I twentieth century and the customs duty was a considerable source of revenue for I the government. (NSWLC V&P 1857-58).

I 5.9.3 Chinese dress Early reports of Chinese arriving in the Central Tablelands comment on the I outlandish appearance of the their dress. "These gentry came in their national costume as seen on the willow-patterned plates, and excited much merriment by

I their grotesque appearance as they marched along in single files, carrying on I their bamboo 'swags' .... " (SMH 11.8.1858). In one instance it was noted that a party of Chinese passing through Bathurst to the goldfields had "brought with

I them numerous little curiosities of Chinese manufacture for sale (BFP I 12.7.1856), perhaps indicating an awareness of the interest these would arouse in New South Wales. I I The traditional pigtail5 seems to have been the symbol of cultural difference and therefore the focus of European resentment, especially in the Bathurst Free I Press which variously referred to Chinese as "two of the pigtailed pets of Eastern I Asia (22.18.1854); " .... some ancient-looking pigtails" (2.8.1858), and "Our pigtailed visitors" (2.8.1858). Robert Coffin (1941: 168) on the pyramul diggings I in 1854 close to Windeyer, recounts that when a Chinese digger tried to take over his water hole "he grabbed him by the pigtail (queue) and booted him away".

I Hammond commented that he noticed that "the appearance of some of the I Chinese had considerably altered since their arrival in 1855. Many of them were now adopting European costume" (Cited in Hodge 1979: 181). It seems that I

5 The Chinese queue ("pigtail") was introduced as a symbol of Chinese subservience to the Manchus. It became part of the formal culture, and, after the fall of the dynasty, many Chinese were reluctant to remove it-not out of loyalty to the Ch'ing, but precisely because, as part of the formal culture, its - wearing had taken on the aspect of "natural law" http://www.wlu.edu/hhill/chingdates.html I 74 I I I European work clothes were more suitable to the work of gold digging and were I gradually assumed after some time in the colonies, probably when original I garments wore out, as suggested by a letter to the editor in 1856 (SMH 28.7.1856), or more likely for practical reasons. However the Clarke's Creek ,I correspondent when describing two weddings in 1862 said that "he had the honour to see both the brides on horseback and they had the appearance of

'I prudent women and for my part, I would like to see all our long-haired neighbours I marry and make presents of their tails to their wife" (BFP 10.7.1862). Perhaps indicating that the pigtail was retained, even by those who were more settled in

I the colonies, perhaps because it was such a strong connection with China and I cultural heritage, and he would like to see the Chinese become more Europeanised. I 5.9.4 Marriage I As noted above, Chinese people were married in Windeyer, although from the description "prudent women" it is hard to tell whether the brides were Chinese or I' Western. If they were from China it is most likely more comment wquld have I' occurred. Ah Sing from Canton, a farmer on Mount Frome close to Mudgee, caused a great stir in the town when he brought his nineteen year old bride back I from Sydney on the train. He had arranged with a friend in Sydney to find him a bride in China in 1903, when he was aged 50 and had a successful enterprise

I (MG 27.3.1987). Many of their children married the children of other Chinese I' couples in nearby towns. With few if any contacts with China, it would have been extremely difficult for Amoy Chinese to make such arrangements. Many of the

I Chinese residents in Mudgee married European women, including Samuel I Teong in 1893. The more successful immigrants, especially towards the end of I 75 I I I the nineteenth century, whether miners, market gardeners or business men, I made trips to and from China, where many married and fathered children. Many of who died in Australia after being in the colonies for 20 to 30 years, had

I children in China under 15. These marriages tied them to the ancestral village, I where money they remitted was used to buy land or invest in businesses and to I take care of the man's wife and parents (Williams 1999: 43), and accounted in part for Chinese iiving apart from socie~ in ail maie groups

I· 5.9.5 Health and poverty Although there seem to have been few reports of sickness or epidemics in

I Chinese camps, either in the newpapers or the Gold Commissioners' reports, I and much of the invective directed against the Chinese on the goldfields concerned their taking profits out of the country and depriving Europeans of gold

.1 that was rightfully theirs, or water, there is an occasional indication that not all the I Chinese were successful. It was noted on the Western Goldfields that many arrived utterly destitute and relied on Chinese storekeepers to sustain them until I they had some success (CG Report 1854). Destitution among the Chinese on many of the western goldfields also received mention in 1858 (BFP 24.7.1858),

I and many ofthe.remains exhumed and returned to China in 1928-29, had died in I Rookwood Asylum for homeless men (NSWSRO). By 1853 there were enough Chinese paupers on the streets of Sydney for the Mayor to be concerned with

I conditions facing them (Dwight 1975: 58). No doubt many of them had I 'absconded' from their assigned employers, thereby losing the ability to return to China at the end of their contract, but others may have been discarded if they

I had become too ill to work, or had been unsuccessful on the diggings. This does I not seem to have been the case in either Mudgee or Windeyer.. Some of the I' 76 I I I Chinese who died in Windeyer are known to have been buried in the Chinese I cemetery at Clarke's Creek. As well as the store keepers, there was Ah Ghee, a I miner, who died at 81 in 1894, and Ah Tong, who died in 1880.

I 5.10 Chinese mining techniques I The Clarke's Creek correspondent remarks in May of 1862 that water was sorely needed and describes the effective use the Chinese were making of the water

I· remaining in the dams on the creek. His report clearly describes the co-operative I working methods of the Chinese, even in small groups, the equipment they used and the fact that they were, 'paddocking'; removing the top layers to reach the

I payable alluvium. It also seems to indicate that some English was spoken, unless I he meant that he could not make himself understood.

"I found them everywhere hard at work, either tom-ing in its bed or I working in pugmills, the masses [of pay dirt] wheeled or carted from its banks. In one spot I found seven Chinamen working at the mouth of a sometime affluent to the lower part of our creek, and they were I washing the whole before them-six feet deep. Two were wheeling away four or five feet depth of later debris, three were feeding the tom with Devonshire shovels, and two were at the tail of the tom. They I worked well. I could not get from them their weekly weight of gold" (BFP 14.5.1862).

I Newspaper correspondents report Chinese miners using pug mills, usually ,I purchased from European miners before they moved to other fields (BFP 15.6.1861), especially after 1861 when they were excluded from many areas and

I compelled to. rework old areas. I The late Frank Adams ofWindeyer (WPS 1989:152), describes the building of

I the stone-packed water race at Deep Crossing. He recalls that there were about I 77 I I I twelve Chinese and a cook in the team, who divided among them the work of I cutting and carrying rock, then putting it into position on the wall, using only a I primitive plumbob for levelling (figure 16).

"About·a mile upstream from their claims .... the Chinese built a small I dam, and led the water along the side of the hill in a channel about 3 feet wide [1 metre] and about the same depth. After it had gone a few hundred yards, the water had to travel around the steep, precipitous I side of the hill, most of which consisted of small slate cliffs .....When completed, the flow of water was so good the Chinese miners were able to work three sluice heads off the stream. The sluices were I situated about a quarter of a mile [O.4km] from the river and about 100 feet above the normal water level." I I ,I I I I

Figure 16. Wooden bow and pJumbob similar to that used by the Chinese at Deep I Crossing (WPS 1989: 153)

.1 5.11 Conflict or cohesion .1 Newspapers in the city and rural areas, their correspondents and various commentators in the nineteenth century made regular comment on the 'Chinese

,I situation', much of it derogatory, but often there were conciliatory or sympathetic

letters or editorials. For example one correspondent (SMH 28.7.1856) wrote one

" I 78 I I I and a half columns in defence of the Chinese, beginning, " .... they are imbued I with an active and proper spirit of progressive ambition altogether incompatible I with the barbaric attributes charged against them." This was not a view held by the editor of the Bathurst Free Press. I The editor until 1859, William Farrand (Hodges 1979: 187), although pursuing the I ideal of the equal rights for all citizens and the nationhood of Australia, conducted a vehement and virulent campaign against the Chinese whom, he claimed, "In

I every point ofview, .... are inferior to the those of the Western World" (BFP March I 1858). With the arrival of indentured labourers in the Central Tablelands, he reported every arrival of "those yellow pygmies" (BFP 26.5.1852), every

I absconding, every crime however trifling, in the most racist and offensive terms. I Occasionally he was moved to print letters of a different opinion, for example "It is the intolerable cruelty that is exercised on the Chinese labourers in this

I' colonies that causes them so frequently to revolt, and commit many outrages that t might otherwise have been avoided." However such letters were usually under the banner "[We do not identify ourselves with the opinions of our

,I correspondents.]" (BFP 12.8.1854). Perhaps this is why Samuel Teong and John , Keigh are not mentioned; they were respected and committed no crimes. I Despite the editors views, there were only 6 Chinese people convicted at Bathurst Court between 1856 and 1858 (Journal of NSWLA 1858), all for

I robbery. Most of the crimes were petty, such as stealing boots (MT 20.10.1877) ·1 and often inflicted on each other. At times the Chinese also used the court system to prosecute crimes committed against themselves, such as the Chinese

,I cook working in a Mudgee hotel who caused a European man to be arrested for I I 79 I I stealing money from him. The jury was obviously torn between their desire to see I justice done and their inherent distaste for bringing a verdict in favour of the I cook, as they returned three times before doing so (BFP 9.12.1857).

I That there was conflict between the Chinese and Europeans is well recorded, especially on the goldfields where disputes over water, resentment at their high

I productivity and hard work frequently erupted into violence. It seems that the I incidents were more often initiated by European miners, which was the case in the only conflict of any seriousness that was reported at Windeyer. After a

I' dispute over a water hole, two Chinese miners were charged with firing guns at ,I their European attackers, making a hole in the cap of one. The European miners retaliated by burning the Chinese camp and chasing them into the bush; actions

I that were deplored by the major newspapers. The good character of the Chinese I was attested to by the Western District Gold Commissioner himself, but as the evidence of the cap was irrefutable, one received a sentence (BFP 9.9.1854). I Hammond (cited in Hodge 1979: 179), mentions that he witnessed parties of

I Europeans taking "20 or 30 Chinese into partnership with them to help them work I their claims". He also notes that the business people on the Western Goldfields valued Chinese custom as the "Chinese always live according to their means",

I buying in good quantities when they could afford to do so, but not entering into I debt. The fact that store-keepers felt the loss of this income was noted in 1857 (BFP 7.11.1857) when a large number of Chinese decided to return to China in

I 1857, at the prospect of an increased tax on their entry into New South Wales. I I 80 I I I The resentment and aggression towards the Chinese reached its zenith in 1858,

I the year that a restriction bill was first debated in N~w South Wales. A combination of factors had resulted in this: the largest number of Chinese ever

I entered the country that year; their success on the goldfields incited the racial I dislike of the other miners, which provided an outlet for their distress at the rising unemployment and low wages (Coghlan 1971: 705). Along with other Westem

I District goid fieids, a petition (Appendix i) was sent by Meroo miners asking that I the Chinese be excluded (NSWLC V&P 1858), and the diatribes in the Bathurst Free Press reached a crescendo. Two of the Mudgee District parliamentary

I representatives'voted against the restriction bill, including Cox,m who employed ,I Chinese and leased land to them, and who commented that "in some respects the Chinese were more moral than the European population" (BFP 7.4.1858). I However there was no other major violence on the Meroo, such as erupted at I' Lambing Flat in 1861 and which resulted in the passing of the Chinese Immigration Restriction Bill. I ,I In other areas there was a more positive interaction. Mueller, a German immigrant also working on a pastoral estate near Mudgee, who kept a joumal I from his arrival in the district in 1854, records several small events indicating peaceful co-operation. On one occasion he guided the Chinese shepherd Timpye

I back to his station when he was lost in the bush. He also records buying I tomatoes and other vegetables from the Chinese gardeners in Mudgee, as well as selling pork to them. Many land owners had Chinese tenants, as recorded in

I the rates books; even taking on Chooey Lee as a tenant in 1883 after he become ,I bankrupt, which indicates a respect for his honesty if not his business acumen. I 81 I I I The recording of Teong's name from the beginning, in 1861, when most were just I 'Chinaman' seems to indicate a respectful.relationship between him and MH I Lyons, his landlord. In later years, Teong's sons were active members of the local football club. I At Windeyer, as early as 1854, Robert Coffin mentions being asked to drink tea

I with the headman of a group of Chinese miners, served in "such beautiful little I porcelain cups, thin as eggshell, not half the size of ours;, ...." (Thompson 1941: 167). Later, the Clarke's Creek correspondent reports a circus in the town (BFP

'I 15.11.1862) which was attended by "men, women, children and Chinese", I, indicating that there was no animosity between the two groups, at entertainments at least. In 1865, the birth of Tai Byng and Catherine Ke"y's son was registered

I for them by Mr Mulho"and, publican, as neither of them could read or write.

I 5.12 Conclusions I Statistics from documentary evidence appear to show that the number of Chinese on Clarke's Creek was never very great over an extended period of

:1, time. However, the existence of at least two, possibly three shops, and the

temple, plus the number of gaming halls mentioned seems to indicate a

I reasonably large and stable community, possibly at its peak at 120 in 1854. The ,I area covered by the material remains of the Chinese camp, and the existence of not one but two designated Chinese cemeteries also indicates this, although it is

I possible that these facilities served not a constant, but a constantly changing, I population. Individuals are mentioned rarely; but when the storekeeper at Long I1 Creek On Gott; died in 1916, his store was run by Ah Tong. Ah Chong, who died I I 82 I I in 1900 (BDM)" and his partner Ah Jack who ceased to own the store in 1909 I (Land Title Deed) seem to have been the last permanent residents. I The existence of the Amoy cemetery marked on the Lands Department map indicates that at least part of the Chinese community were originally indentured

I labourers from Amoy. This is confirmed to some extent by the notices in the I Bathurst Free Press about absconding Chinese workers and the marriage of Tai Byng in 1865. However there is little indication that their place of origin had any I influence over decisions to remain in the area. Three store-keepers were from I Guangdong and one, a market gardener, was from Amoy, as far a can be determined.

I Most Chinese stores in Mudgee seem to have been located in the vicinity of I Lewis Street and the adjoining end of Market, although there is no apparent reason for this except that Lewis Street is closer to the Holyoak Bridge and thus I to the market gardens. Grocery stores appear to have been marginally more successful than drygoods stores (Chooey Lee) or butchers shops, probably

I because the source of the produce was nearby, and possibly because it was in I the hands of their own countrymen. I While the European view of Chinese immigration was mixed, with some vehemently against and despising the Chinese, some clinging to the idea of the I necessity of Chinese labour, and others sympathetic to the Chinese and critical of the bad treatment they often received, the everyday story seems frequently to

I have been different, as Henry Lawson records. Many small civilities were offered I and respect accorded on each side when it was due. I· I 83 I '1 I Chapter 6 I The Archaeologicai Evidence I 6.1 Introduction This chapter will present the material evidence located and recorded for the

I study and the methodology used. Sites investigated were located through oral I histories and documentary sources. The term site is used to refer to those areas known from documentary sources to have been occupied by the Chinese and

I material evidence of structures related to this occupation are referred to as I features. As all the sites in question have been continuously occupied by either Chinese or Europeans, few artifacts, that is items of material culture which are

I not features or sites, were collected and recorded. Any artifacts collected were I surface finds which had been redeposited, mainly from in and around the vegetable garden, but also in a paddock in which goats are now kept. The main I focus of the study was to determine the process of interaction between the two I cultures, therefore the emphasis is on evidence of co-existence between them and changes over time, rather than on determination of degrees of assimilation I or acculturation.

I The study encompasses the period from 1848 to 1901, as previously mentioned, I but no attempt was made to develop a chronology for the sites outside the broad framework of changes of ownership or site use, because the particular area o.f

I interest was spatial locationship of the areas of Chinese and European I settlements and what this revealed about the nature of interaction. I I 84 I I I The main research questions in recording and analysing the archaeological I material were: ,I i) What is the visible material evidence for Chinese presence at Clarke's Creek I and Mudgee? ii) What does the archaeological evidence reveal about relation~hips between the Chinese and Europeans in these areas?

I iii) Vvhat evidence is there for continuity or change over time in the nature of the I interaction between the two groups? 6.2. Methodology

I The areas of Chinese occupation in the Windeyer and Mudgee areas were I determined from a variety of documentary and oral history 'sources, including Parish and topographic maps for the areas. Once identified, with permission of

I the owners, field surveys were carried out to determine the spatial relationship I between the features on the sites, and their relationship to topographic points such as creeks and roads. Measurements of the areas of the features were taken I from which plans could be constructed. Several visits were necessary, I particularly to determine the area of the Chinese cemetery at Clarke's Creek. The location of the cemetery was known from documentary sources, but the physical I location is not marked in any way other than by shallow depressions in the landscape. A new road was constructed in the 1950s or 1960s very close to

I remains of a structure thought to be a Chinese oven, making indentification I difficult, the location of which was indicated by a local informant. Interviews with the currents owners of the properties, as well as with local citizens were

I frequently undertaken to help pinpoint the areas for investigation, particularly I I 85 I I I towards the end of the project when a second, more intact feature with many I attributes of Chinese oven still intact was located.

I The sites used in the study were the Chinese mining camp and cemetery at I Clarke's Creek, Windeyer, the stone-packed water-race at Deep Crossing near Windeyer, John Keigh's market garden, and Teong's market garden and store at

I Mudgee. Features identified at Clarke's Creek were a stone chimney, remains of I a Chinese store, market garden, dam, temple footings and possibly two stone I ovens, while those at Mudgee included stable remains and house site. 6.3 Description of the Archaeological Evidence

I 6.3.1 Water Race at Deep Crossing Deep Crossing is about two kilometres north west of Windeyer, on the Meroo

I River which runs south to join the Cudgegong River at the head of the I Burrendong dam. Oral history6 is the only source of evidence that there was a Chinese camp in this area, as it is not refered to in any nineteenth-century I reports, and attributes the building of the vertical stone-packed wall wholly to a I group of 12 Chinese miners in the 1860s. About 100 metres north of the wall is the current vehicular crossing; a wide flat shallow area, easy to cross on foot, I which today leads up onto the top of the bank where the gold washing flats, tailing mounds and puddling holes are clearly evident. The area opposite the

I wall, on the other side of the river, opens out into a flat, sheltered grassy area I which would have been an ideal camping place. On this area quite close to the river, there are the remains of at least two structures comprising flattened

I rectangular areas with stone mounds on one side, possibly chimneys, and in one

I 6 Recorded from interviews with elderly local residents by Windeyer Public School in 1989 in their publication about the history of the area. I 86 I I I case two flat rocks which may have been a doorstep. One of the structures is

now surrounded with dense plantings of narcissus and quince trees. Anecdotal

evidence suggested that quinces were popular with the Chinese but it is not a

native of that country. It is unclear whether they were miners huts or occupied by

later farmers; possibly a closer examination on the basis of Smith's model would

assist identification of the occupiers. '. Chinese Built Gold Rush Aqut?duct WaD Meroo River; Mudgee Shire.' North " I =--=-

Q • ~ • _ h ,~....,

l&gmd. ... I • Contours at 10M intervals .... d'" Vertical stone packed wall ~ Water race (Aqueduct) =~-<.-..: ;.; Blackbetty infestation ~ ~ I Area with nwn~~u: ~gs and tailing mounds ~. . .. Meroo River . I LOT 119 I \. \ .....--,,=-- -~ -+-- I f ;,·1 I i I / i I I I I I Figure 17 Plan of the stone-packed water race at Deep Crossing (Hickson 1999). I The stone-packed water race faces east and runs along the western side of the Meroo Creek through lots 119,125,230 & 306 in the Parish of Avisford, Mudgee

I Shire. The wall runs for a little over one kilometer, starting from a small dam at I 87 I I I the northern end, constructed to water race, and ranges from a I few centimeters in height at the start to approximately 3 Sm high (figures 15 and I 16) with many parts of It up to 1 I Consisting of rectangular flat shale rocks of various sizes laid flat, some quite small and some up to 60cmx60x1 the wall contains a channel for the water on

I the top which is approximately two metres Wide from the hill to the outside edge, I The outside edge of the channel is finished neatly with a row of flat stones (figure 16), Most of the wall is accessible, except a few areas on the northern end which

I are overgrown with blackberries, and it is remarkably intact; parts look as if they I were built yesterday. I Along the wall at creek level there are remains of possible temporary camping sites built during the construction of the wall, consisting of purposely cut poles, a I few wooden slabs and bits of galvanized iron, plus a sprinkling of glass and tin. I I I I I I I

I Figures18 & 19 . Stone-packed water race at Deep crossing. Vertical section adjoining natural rock c3m high; side edging of channel, each stone c20cms. 88 I I I Although the land today is privately owned, at the time the land had been

I alienated by the Crown for gold mining purposes, physical remains of which can I be clearly seen at the end of the wall, as previously ~tated. Such walls were commonly built in many parts of southern China and Hong Kong, to create

I terraces on hillsides for rice growing and to direct the water to the crops (Hayes I 2001:3; Thompson 1876: 216). They demonstrate the remarkable productivity of co-operative work groups which is the only way such a construction would be I possible .. This possibly indicates that the wall was built by a group under a I headman employed by a wealthy merchant, maybe taking small groups of up to 12 at a time to work on the wall, as to have all available workers away from gold I washing at the same time would have meant no income at all. Such as the group I mentioned by Coffin at Pyramul (section 5.5).

6.3.2 The Chinese Camp at Clarke's Creek I The Chinese camp surveyed for this study covers the area between the two I creeks and present Clarke's Creek Road and includes the partial remains of the temple on which part of the current residence is built, the vegetable garden,

I orchard, probable store and one, possibly two, stone ovens (figure 17) The Amoy I and General Chinese Cemetery (figure 18) are not in the actual area of the Chinese camp, and the possible oven is now on the other side of t~e Pyramul I. road, between the road and Long Creek. However for the purposes of this study I they will be considered as part of the camp. I I I 89 I I I I. I I I I pyramul I I Wj/," Ah jack's acre

I .---. contemporary buildings t 2..; So't I ---I • c_

I Figure 20 Plan of the Chinese camp and structures at Clarke's Creek I The original area of the camp extended approximately SOOm along the present Clarke's Creek Road from Clarke's Creek to Long Creek, 37Sm along Long

I Creek, and 250m between the two creeks on the eastern side, forming a rough I triangle. A section of road now disused, connecting Clarke's Creek Road to the Pyramul Road, passed through the camp approximately 65m from Clarke's I Creek. Miners living in the camp probably worked on both creeks, and it is believed that the actual camp area covered most of the ground in between. The

I one acre block (O.4ha) bought by Ah Jack in 1896, comprises the area containing I the residence only, adjacent to Clarke's Creek Road, but not the disused road or the area adjacent to the creek (figure 17). Although the area of the camp was

I physically contained by the creeks and the road, serving to separate the area I 90 I I I from residences on the other side of the road, in fact it rnrrTl"'" an I part of the Clarke's Creek settlement. Not being able to purchase 1 I even if they had wished to do so, the Chinese were restncted to working and living on the Crown Lands alienated for mining, and the small area allocated to I constructing a residence. European residences, of miners. stores, inns and others, were immediately opposite the Chinese camp, and miners would have

I been using the same sections of the creeks.

I The remains of the chimney presumed to have belonged to Ah Chong and Ah I Jack's store measure 450cmx230cm and are oriented north-south, approximately 60m from the creek. The chimney was constructed on the short southern end of

I the building of large local river stones; a little mortar is present on some. A small I area of tamped earth is visible which presumably was the internal floor. It was not possible to discover the material comprising the walls or footings of the building I due to extensive vegetation cover, however one aged wooden beam lies across the middle of the stones, and may have been a supporting post If the structure

I was a store it was in an idea/location for miners coming back from the diggings I on Clarke's Creek on their way to the camp. I I I I I I 91 Figure 17. Collapsed chimney offormer Chinese store on Clarke's Creek, with timber I beam cross the middele. West to east. Scale: 1: 50. I I I garden is visible as a levelled out is between the store and the present house. There IS also a small dam I apparently dug by the Chinese halfway between the garden and the presumably to save carrying water up from the creek. The soil surrounding the

I garden is orange/brown heavy clay with many large pieces I garden consists of dark, sandy loam. The presence of this rich earth in a restricted area seems to confirm local information that the Chinese

I carried river soil up from the creek to prepare the garden, a practice common I China (King 1893: 141). Anecdotal evidence is that the vegetable garden was a commercial concern, although there is no documentary evidence to support this. I Such practices were common on the diggings, and the existence a store I some credence to the idea. I I I I I I I

Figure 22 Rammed earth wall at back of current house built in the 1930s on the remaining I 20cms of temple footings. South to north. Scale: 1 :50. I 92 I I I

I Part of the current residence is on the site of the old temple. A small rammed I earth building was constructed, probably in the 1920s, on the footings of the temple. This building had probably been Ah Chong and Ah Jack's house later. I The present house was constructed aroul1d this small building, preserving it's original orientation and rectangular dimensions, which were 2.80mx3.1 Om. The

I only remaining portion of the temple is approximately 20cm of rammed earth I footings supporting the later wall.

I The Chinese cemetery, marked Amoy Chinese cemetery and general Chinese I cemetery (figure 23),was on the western side of Clarkes Creek approx 0.5 km south of the Pyramul Road and 250m west of the creek. Located on Crown Land,

I it consisted of 1 acre, portion 66 Avisford Parish, and had its own access road I from the Pyramul road, which is still in use although only a rough dirt track. The cemetery is not visible from the camp, in accordance with feng shui principles. I Graves are connected with ghosts and evil spirits which are traditionally feared I and avoided (Hase and Lee 1992: 92), which possibly accounts for the early designation of the area for a Chinese cemetery. The area now reveals a random 'I pattern of shallow depressions, quite widely spaced (figure 16), but it is difficult to distinguish natural depressions from those which were left after exhumations of

1 7 burials . There is no obvious border although there 'are two posts sections which I may have formed corner markers. The roasting pit or oven listed on the NSW

I 7 The graves of Chinese wishing to have their remains returned to China for reburial, were able to be exhumed after ten years, after lodging an application with the government. All the bones were collected, cleaned, and place in a lead-lined box, and transported to Sydney where they were stored in premises belonging to clan societies for example, to be shipped to I Hong Kong, then China. Anecdotal evidence claims that Chinese placed their gold in the bones to be sent to their families but there is not documentary evidence to support this. I 93 I _I I Heritage register, along with the cemetery, could not be located. Nor is there any

I sign of a ceremonial fireplace, common in other Chinese cemeteries, for the I burning of offerings. There is no evidence for any particular grouping of the burials, such as the groups of five mentioned by McGowan (1995: 100) in the I Mongarlowe Chinese ·cemetery, nor are there any obvious artifact scatters suggesting offerings or ceremonies at the graves, such as ceramics and glass

I which were also found at Mongarlowe (McGowan 1993: 100). Ceramic artifacts I have a long duration in the archaeological record, but as part of the Crown Land near Long Creek has recently been declared an area catering for special

I prospecting weekends, the surface finds in adjacent areas have probably been I illegally picked over.

o .j I ~ ! i 801.55 ... I !

I <0 M ::, I N I I I I I

Figure 24 Section of the 1980 Department of Lands Map showing the location of the Amoy I cemetery and the General Chinese Cemetery. (Courtesy of Barry Stutsel). I I 94 I I A local resident suggested that there were stone mounds which it was thought were associated with the Chinese camp between the present pyramul road and I Long Creek, which would have been at the back of the Chinese camp area. Extensive searching revealed a single, in some places double, layer of stones in I I an oval shape, with what appears to be an opening on the northern side (figures ~I 17,18 & 19), which may be an oven similar to those described by Pierce (1982), ; Bell (1995) and Gaughwin (1995) .The dimensions of the remaining stones in the feature were 110cmx15cm. I Northern Territory ' '\ --'--,---..... (\ /' .. -"~~(_\'II:~~i~~--5::r·""" tapering cone ,: ;'.' ) "-.. I 1.2m deep . /.~~.. >'" '. ..\ .J_) "." '-, • -A J built of flat slabs :;-- - . Tasmania clay lined ';>--. cylinder in earth mound I ·F!, \. 1.5m deep built of shaped stones

I ~ Queensland 1::-((, '( "j', ~g~d~~ep I :>.~~ __ .~-- ~~) .. built of stone rubble { "/. 11 ' .\. f~-,-~w"-~. ~I ../ "~_I« ~. I ~.- . == _--' . -I' I Characteristic regional forms I of Chinese oven in Australia Figure 24. Sketches of a stone ovens on other Australian sites. (Bell 1995: 219). I The owner of the property later pointed out another 'mound' between the remains I of the shop and Clarke's Creek. This proved to consist of layers rocks built up in a circular shape, with two flat rocks at what appeared to be the front opening I facing the creek. Considerable areas of baked clay lining averaging I 95 I I I approximately 5cms on the inside. The structure measured I 120cmx96cm, and was although debris on the concealed the actual depth Gaughwin (1995: 235) has noted, ovens were

I usually at some distance nearest residence, often near a wqter race, I and it is not clear whether they were individually owned or for the use of the larger community. The locations of ovens on Long Creek and Clarke's Creek are

I similar to those recorded in T;;lsmania; about 60m from the creeks, close enough I to make water reaqily availa1'>le, and on the perimeters of the camp, From the visible extent of the Clarke's Creek structure, it could resemble the example from

I the Northern Territory in Bell's sketch. I I I I I I I

Figures 25. Remains of the oven on Clarkes Creek. Inverted heart shape in centre is baked I lay c5cms thick. Width is approximately 75cm.

I 6.3.3 Material evidence at Mudgee John Keigh's original house was was built about 25 metres from the bank on the I western side of Lawson's Creek, in the shade of a what is now a huge yellow box I 96 I I I eucalyptus tree. A roughly rectangular mound approximately 12m by 15m is I discernable, with the short side set at an angle to the creek (figure 21). The supporting poles of the current machinery shed are all that remain of the stable

I where John Keigh kept the draught horses he used to plough his ground. The I current owner provided information that the house had been built of timber slabs and had an iron roof. It was demolished in the 1950s, when John Keigh's son I sold some of the land to build a new house on tI-Je other side of the creek. The I only remaining evidence of the original house is the prepared platform beside the creek. All disused machinery and 'rubbish' which was lying around when he I inherited the property, including the slabs and other material from the house, has I been disposed of. I The only remaining item is an ingenious roller built of fence palings which was fixed to a kerosene tractor owned by Kohn Keigh's son, to break up the large

I clods of earth after ploughing. This however is not identifiably Chinese, although I perhaps the ingenuity is. I Samuel Teong's store was on lots 9 and 10 of section 28, in Lewis Street Mudgee. Today one of these lots is occupied by a brick veneer house built in the

8 I 1970s , and a vacant lot which was used until recently by an earth-moving business. The land Samuel Teong leased on MaDonald Creek for 10 years

I between 1861 and 1871 is now part of a working farm, and although the I particular lot leased by T eong has been identified with reasonable accuracy from the Mudgee Parish map, there is no sign of a house, nor furrows to suggest

I gardening activity.

8 Personal communication from'Richardson and Wrench Real Estate agency, Mudgee, I September, 2002. I 97 I I I 6.3.4 Artifacts I Artifacts commonly associated with Chinese sites include brown-glazed ceramics associated with soy sauce and other Chinese condiment containers, as well as

I large, shouldered storage jars, blue and white ceramics of provincial Chinese I manufacture, and pale green glazed ceramics known as celadon, usually representing tableware such as food bowls, teacups and spoons. Glass bottles

I associated with Chinese and European medicines as 'w""ell as from alcoholic I beverages and condiments are also prevalent. Articles associated with opium smoking are frequent, including earthenware pipe bowls (figure ??), plus parts of I metal opium containers or their lids and less frequently, parts of glass covers I from small lamps used to heat the opium.9 Artifacts representing many of the above classes have been recovered from overseas Chinese sites, including I Kiandra, (Smith 1998: 115), Arrowtown, NZ (Ritchie 1984: 98) and Milparinka (Svenson 1994: 105), with all of those mentioned recording opium paraphernalia.

I The base of a green glass bottle adapted to form a shade for an opium lamp was I identified in Queensland (Jack et al 1984: 56). I A walking survey of the area around the vegetable garden, the current house

I which incorporates the footings of the temple and parts of the paddock now I containing the goats was conducted in roughly one metre strips at the Clarke's creek camp site. No traces of opium paraphernalia were found which is not I surprising considering the area has been a private residence since 1979. The first owners, who-bought the property from the government, apparently collected

I many artifacts from the ground surface and in the vegetable garden during their

9 See Wylie and Fike, 1996, for detailed explanations of the manner of opium use, its I equipment and the ways it was exported to countries where overseas Chinese were living. I 98 I I I occupation including small bottles and tins, most of which they took with them I when they left, according to the current owners. I I I I I

I Figure 26. Vegetable garden in southern China showing large stoneware jars for containing fertilizer. (King 1911: 69). I Large quantities of coarse, dark brown stoneware sherds were still in evidence around the current residence on Clarke's Creek, and particularly in the owners

I vegetable garden, which is in the same location as Ah Chong and Ah Jack's I garden, though smaller in area. Fragments of large stoneware storage jars, with dark brown glaze, which Ritchie calls 'shouldered food jars' are scattered through

I and around the garden. Vessels like these were traditionally placed around I vegetable gardens to hold organic matter used for fertilizer (King 1911: 199) (figure 23). Ritchie (1984: 96) also notes that they were used in the store at I Arrowtown to hold bulky foodstuffs. Similar pieces, consisting of a large section I of a rim and part of a lid were also found close to the fence which now separates the yard from the site of the store. I I I 99 I I I I I I I I I Figure 27. Brown-glazed sherds of coase stoneware from the vegetable garden and in goat I yard. Neck diameter of top left hand rim of large shouldered storage jar c35cms.

I One fragment of a nineteenth century pale green or celadon porcelain cup or bowl was also found, close to the house (Figure 24). This particular type of

I Chinese porcelain has been found on many overseas Chinese sites (Smith 1998; I Lydon 1999: 241; Ritchie 1984: 98), and while not imperial ware, is higher quality than much of the blue and white Chinese porcelain from provincial kilns also

I found on overseas Chinese sites. At Arrowtown, NZ, which was occupied by I Chinese miners between 1869 and 1910, Ritchie records that most of the tableware was celadon (1984: 98), although this was not the case at Kiandra,

I where celadon represented the smallest amount of ceramics by weight (Smith I 1998: 116), perhaps indicating that the Chinese miners there did not have access to providers of these items. I I I 100 I I I I I I I I

Figure 28. Examples of celadon tea and wine cups similar to the fragments found on I overseas Chinese sites. Actual size. Author's own collection. I The blade portion of a small rectangular spade or shovel was found on the bank of Clarke's Creek adjacent to the property by the current owner, although

I whether it was associated with the vegetable garden or with miners is not known I "Devonshire shovels' (BFP 14.5.1862) were mentioned in association with the Chinese miners on Clarke's Creek, but further research would be necessary to

I determine what the attributes of these are. I Studies of market garden sites have revealed systems of irrigation channels and

I the remains of simple or make-shift tools (Jack et al 1984), the use of storage I Jars to contain fertilizers as mentioned above, and field patterns such as still seen at the active Chinese market gardens at La Perouse, Sydney (NSWHO 1997).

I The Chinese gardens recorded by Svenson at Milparinka had been extensively I disturbed, and while considerable occupational artifacts remained, there was littl reflecting the former use other than a well and small tank for water, and one

I horse shoe. (Svenson 1994: 82). The former market garden of John Keigh on I 101 I I I Lawsons Creek at Mudgee, revealed no artifacts that could be attributed to its I previous use. The current owner, great-grandson of John Keigh remembered as a child helping his uncle plough the land where the original slab house stood,

I there were many small bottles and pieces of ceramic. Unfortunately he had sold I the bottles and disposed of broken ceramics and metal. There are a number of disused galvanized iron irrigation pipes lying on the bank of the creek near the I former house, however they are of relatively recent manufacture and have not I been used since the present owner converted the land to use as a plant nursery. I 6.4 Conclusions The visible material evidence for Chinese presence is much more extensive than I at Mudgee. Groups of Chinese miners occupied the camp at Clarke's Creek, and I Deep Crossing, while the sites at Mudgee were occupied by individuals and their families. Mudgee has continued to grow and develop as a rural township and I many of the small farms along Lawsons Creek continue to supply fruit, vegetables and plants to the town, while land in and around the diggings at

I Windeyer has now reverted to small holdings under a number of different I owners, used mainly as weekend retreats.

I The soil at Deep Creek is not suitable for intensive farming and after gold mining I ceased, there was nothing to sustain a settlement of any sort in the area, which has allowed the water race to remain relatively intact. Although the wall provides

I no evidence of individual Chinese presence in the area or their interaction with I European miners, it is testimony to the ingenuity with which Chinese immigrants adapted centuries-old techniques to current needs. It also suggests that the men I who built the wall were more likely to have been groups of men from Guangdong I 102 I I I under a headman, perhaps in the employ of a wealthy merchant, rather than 'I Amoy Chinese or independent miners, because of the co-operative effort of a large number of people needed to complete the project before producing an

I income from gold. I The archaeological evidence for Chinese presence at Clarke's Creek comprises remains of an extensive residential area, known as the Chinese Camp. Land use

I in the area has undergone a series of changes since the gold mining period I when it was all Crown Land. The former temple was on the land purchased by Ah Jack in 1896, while the remainder continued to be Crown Land until ten acres I (4ha) was purchased for private use in 1983, leaving strips approximately 60m wide adjoining both creeks containing the ovens and the store. Successive reuse

I of the temple, which probably served as a residence for Ah Jack and Ah Chong, I by prospectors during the 1930s and extensively remodeled as a private residence more recently, has left only the footings of the original building.

I However this preserves its location which is evidence for the proximity to I European residences along Clarke's Creek and probable peaceful coexistence. The gradual disintegration of the store on Clarke's Creek and the two ovens,

I testify to the absence of significant Chinese populations on the creeks after the I gold mining period, while their continued existence testifies to the gradual depletion of the population of Windeyer as a whole. After supplying the miners, I then probably the remaining residents of the village, the vegetable garden was il probably finally for the use of the two men themselves, then remaining unused until later occupation of the site. The associated scatter of fragments of large I storage jars conforms to historical knowledge of traditional use and to other I overs~as Chinese sites (Ritchie 1984; Svenson 1994; Smith 1998). I 103 I I I I The temple footings are comprised of rammed earth rather than large stone foundations described by Smith (1998: 227) as being a determining characteristic

I of Chinese building practices. Stone footings are also described by Ritchie (1993: I 355) and Knapp (1990: 29,34 cited in Svenson 1994: 91) notes that they are a traditional construction method to support wall timbers and insulate them from I damp. However, as Svenson also points out, opportunistic selection of materials I would be more usual; in this case the construction of the footings may have coincided with digging out the heavy clay soil from the dam. Large stones would I have had to be carried up the steep bank from the creek.

I A significant outcome of this study has been the identification of one, possibly I two pig ovens at Clarke's Creek. A local informant who pointed out the second oven suggested that it was a well, but proximity to the creek, the existence of a

I dam close to the vegetable garden, plus the domed shape of the feature and its I . baked clay lining all point more conclusively to an oven. The presence of the ovens challenges Bell's theory that they were limited to Queensland, the

I Northern Territory and northeast Tasmania. A possible reason for their I prevalence in those areas is the later dates of the settlements, after the 1870s, and the more remote locations. Unfortunately, although McGowan's survey of I historic mining sites identified many Chinese settlements in the Southern Tablelands, he makes no reference to ovens, nor does Ritchie (1984; 1993),

I which of course does not mean that they were not there. Sisson (1993: 56) also I records a similar structure at Idaho in the United States. I

I 104 I I I None of the sites at Mudgee shows any of the features discussed by Smith as I indications of Chinese settlements, particularly material culture artifacts. John Keigh's original slab house, built around 1901 may have exhibited attributes of

I vernacular Chinese architecture. However oral evidence that it was constructed

of slabs and corrugated iron, suggest similarity to materials used in most rural I I dwellings of the time. I I The lack of material evidence remaining in Mudgee, and on the nearby Chinese market gardens, testifies to the continued use and development of the areas, I both by Chinese while they remained in the area, and their descendents. I Techniques evolved and land use changed in accordance with the requirements of a modern town. Once the Chinese miners, who were probably mostly from I Canton and living in groups, had abandoned the diggings at Windeyer when the gold declined, or found alternative employment, perhaps in Mudgee like John

I Keigh, the features of the Chinese camp remained disused, except for the temple I site which continued to be recycled as a dwelling. It was not possible to discover when the temple was removed or whether it had just deteriorated or was

I deliberately destroyed. As the documentary evidence suggests that the site I remained unoccupied between 1909, at the death of Ah Jack, until possibly the late 1920s, and the walls were of rammed earth, it was probably the former. I I I I I 105 I I I I I I I I I I Figure 29 Chinese cemetery at Clarke's Creek. I I I I I I I I

I Figure 30 Remaining two headstones from the cemetery. Half actual size. I 106 I I -I I Chapter 7 Integration of the Evidence

I 7.1 Introduction The study of both Chinese and Europeans in the Central Tablelands was set

I within the context of historical global activities in the nineteenth century_ I European imperialism and colonisation, the drive for increased trade and commodities, and the technological advances which made faster travel and

I further distances possible, indirectly allowed both groups to be in the colony, as I well as the internal events in China and the long-term pattern of Chinese temporary migration. I I The cross-cultural interaction between the two groups was structured by pastoralism and the nineteenth century labour needs, the discovery of gold with

I its attendant regulations regarding the Chinese, and colonial land division and I sale regulations.

I A major focus of this study was to investigate the problem of the disparity between the degree of material evidence of Chinese presence that remains at

I Clarke's Creek Windeyer and at the town of Mudgee, and the inverse proportion I of documentary evidence. The material remains at the Chinese mining camp at Clarke's Creek shows three periods of occupation from about 1850 when

I Chinese miners first lived on the site and constructed ovens, a store, a temple, I the dam and the vegetable garden. They were followed by government sponsored prospectors during the 1930s, who constructed a rammed earth

I building on the site of the temple, and some out buildings, and subsequently by I 107 I I I small farmers. The Mudgee sites were occupied by Chinese market gardeners I from at least 1861, and grocery store at the end of the century. While there was a considerable amount of documentary evidence for the Mudgee sites, there were

I only slight details available for the Chinese at Windeyer. At the same time, both I data sets were examined for evidence to support the claim that there were more accommodations and positive interactions between the Chinese and European

I settlers in the area than has been generally suggested in popuiar histories. I Subsidiary questions under review were whether or not the place of origin and manner of arriving in the colonies had any influence on the success of continued I residence and whether the was any evidence of the influence of pastoralism on Chinese settlement patterns, and how these were reflected in the archaeological

I record. I The initial analyis of material and documentary evidence was done separately,

I This chapter will give a comparison of those results.

I 7.2 Conclusions I The landscapes and spatial relationships at Windeyer and Mudgee highlight where the material and documentary evidence meet. The comparatively small

I small amount of documentary evidence for the Clarke's Creek area reflects the I smallness of the settlement, confirmed by the population figures and the rare specific mentions of the diggings on the creeks at Windeyer. Decline of the I township after gold ran out allowed the material remains to continue. I Written records give evidence of occasional hostility towards the Chinese on I Clarke's Creek, for example the riot in 1854 which led to burning of Chinese tents I 108 I I I and possibly three deaths, and the petition signed by Meroo miners in 1858 I urging the government to prohibit all Chinese from the goldfields, followed the general pattern of resentment exhibited by similar petitions from other districts ..

I Material and documentary records show that Chinese mining camps were I segregated from the European settlements, however unlike larger gold fields, Clarke's Creek was a settlement, and although there were regulations in place to I segregate the Chinese miners if necessary, the camp was verI close to I European residences. Segregation was imposed as much by the availability of land for foreign miners to live on as by Chinese inclination, and at Clarke's Creek I the Chinese camp was on Crown Land, as was the cemetery. Both European and Chinese settlements were close to Long Creek and Clarke's Creek, material

I evidence that water was crucial to both gold washing and basic survival for I everyone, and indicating a sharing of resources, albeit with the occasional conflict. Unlike the Chinese gardeners at Milparinka, (Svenson 1994: 131), those

I at Clarke's Creek were not forcibly excluded. The settlement at Clarke's Creek I declined along with the declining gold resources and because the soil was not suitable for intensive agriculture, which is evident in the remains of Ah Jack's

I vegetable garden and its river silt. This is further illustrated by the continuation of I vegetable gardening along Lawson's Creek at Mudgee, which were also located near good water supplies, but also had suitable soil. The documentary evidence I shows that John Keigh moved his farming activities to Lawson's Creek from I Windeyer, probably for this reason. I The landscape around Mudgee stills shows the pattern of small blocks of land I resulting from the decision of the large landholders to subdivide in the 1840s, and

I 109 I I I the 1861 government act which provided further subdivisions, which made land I available for small farmers, European and Chinese. Documentary evidence shows that Chinese farmers and market gardeners were in the area from 1861,

I purchasing their land when it legally became possible for foreigners to do so. I Archival evidence for pasoralist originally bringing Chinese labourers to the area in 1848 links to the existence of the Amoy cemetery at Clarke's Creek and to the

I later presence of Teong, and Amoy Chinese, in Mudgee. The influence of the I pastoralists is also evident in the efforts of the Coxes to discover gold in the area to attract back workers who had left for other goldfields. This gave impetus to the

I growth of the town of Mudgee. The successful growth of the town meant that for I the Chinese who decided to remain in the area there was a market and services to support their activities, unlike at Windeyer. I I I I I I I Figure 31. Chinese hut at Richmond NSW c1890, built from slabs and bark (MLSPF FM1/3859)

I Historical and material evidence point to an opportunistic use of building I materials by the Chinese at Windeyer and Mudgee, recorded as using bark, I 110 I I I slabs, and corrugated iron, while the footings of the temple were not the tradional I stones dug into the ground. Further investigation of the store at Clarke's Creek may show that different building techniques and materials were used here, as

I well as some indication as to the chronology of Chinese structures there. At the I moment there is no indication of chronology; perhaps the footings present today were not of the temple at all, but a later building on the same site. I I The ceramic artifacts linked to the vegetable garden, and possibly the store, reflect a continuation of traditional practices, while the documentary evidence for

I changes in dress habits show an adoption of European practices which were I probably seen as more appropriate to the work and climate. Although there is material evidence of Chinese mining techniques in the water race at Deep I Crossing, and the bare, worked out creek beds at Windeyer, it is harder to detect any cross-cultural sharing of technical knowledge. The lack of material evidence

I of opium smoking or gambling, typically found at other overseas Chinese sites,' is I probably not an indication that those activities did not occur; documentary evidence attests to gambling. and oral evidence suggests that material evidence

I may have been collected as curios. I Historical evidence shows that Europeans and Chinese made use of the Chinese

I stores, buying and selling produce; that there was co-operation on claims, and I willingness to lease land in Mudgee. Although the disregard for Chinese dignity shown in the use of 'chinaman' rather than attempting to discover the correct I name indicates an impersonal association. Chinese businesses and gardens in I Mudgee were not confined to a Chinese enclave but scattered among European I 111 I I ------~

I holdings and businesses, showing a degree of co-operation and interaction, but I also reflects that Mudgee was not a gold field so the residential areas were not I prescribed in any way. I The influence of place of origin on the continued presence or success in Australia seems to have been negligible, aDd apart from the Amoy cemetery on Clarke's

I Creek, has left no material evidence. There was no separate camp for the Amoy I Chinese as there was in some areas, presumably because the total population of Chinese people at anyone time was too small. The Gold Commissioner's reports I for the Meroo which were consulted make no mention of discord between I different Chinese ethnic groups, as for example on the Rocky River goldfields in northern New South Wales; either because there was no discord or there were I insufficient Amoy Chinese to give cause for discord. When selecting two families to research as examples of continued Chinese presence in the Mudgee area,

I only their names were known. That one was from Amoy and one from Canton I was fortuitous, and perhaps indicates that success is determined by factors other than place of origin. I I The empty cemetery at Clarke's Creek is material evidence or the written records of exhumations of Chinese graves all over New South Wales, from as early as

I 1864, continuing until just before World War 11. The remaining two marker stones I seem to be at variance with records of other Chinese headstones, perhaps forming place markers rather than individual graves. None of the literature I examined refers to this practice, perhaps because there have been only a few I stUdies of Chinese cemeteries (Jones 2000; Jack 1995; Ryan 1991). Frank I 112 I I I Yavion tells of exhuming two graves in the late 1920s or early 1930s, which may I have been those of Que On and Ah Jack or Ah Chong, but there is no other written record of exhumations from this cemetery. I I John Keighs farming methods show the adoption of more efficient technology combined with traditional knowledge of farming. His use of horses is evidence of

I this and although he did not learn to read and write, he obviously made use of I those in the community who could as his will attests, ultimately leaving a successful enterprise behind for his children. I I Archival research shows that pastoral influence in the area was significant in, in effecting some of the first subdivisions of their large holdings into small blocks I available for renting on the rich river flats near Mudgee, and In retrospect, questions regarding the nature of Chinese European interaction, in

I an attempting to establish that there were more amicable relationships occurring I within the racist and intolerant climate of the nineteenth century, were probably not "questions of substance" (Cleland 1988: 13). It has probably always been

I assumed that on a smaller scale individuals of different cultural backgrounds I were managing to exist together peacefully, as the Lawson story suggests. Asking the right questions is a continuing difficulty in historical archaeology; I developing a model for wider application is the ideal, as Smith 1998) has I attempted to do, and Cleland has described (1988: 15), but the way forward is sometimes obscure. I I I 113 I I I 7.3 Further Research

I Although this study indicated that place of origin did not seem to influence the I degree ot'success and interaction in the community, the limited archival research raised many questions that could be answered through historical archaeological I studies of the pastoralism. For example landscape surveys of pastoral estates would probable yield evidence of wool-washing activities, huts and enclosures,

I particularly as some labourers remained at their original place of employment, or I example 'Tobacco' who was at Dabee until his death in 1897 (Appendix I).

I The questions raised about stone ovens require further investigation. More I information is required about their distribution in other parts of Australia, particularly rural areas, and further inquiry into their location in relationship to

I settlement areas could provide more information about their use. There were I Chinese miners at most of the western districts gold fields, sometimes in much larger numbers than on the Merco, for example, Sofala and Hill End. It seems I clear that ovens were not restricted to particular areas of Australia as Bell (1995) suggested, although their use and construction style may vary from region to

I region. There could be considerable evidence available on the diggings in the I Central Tablelands. I I I I I 114 I I I I BIBLIOGRAPHY Archival Sources I Andrew Brown's Diaries, Mitchell Library Sydney. Armstrong, William Wield. 1905. Some early recollections of Rylstone, unpublished I manuscript, Mitchell Library, New South Wales. Colonial Secretary's Correspondence 1858. NSW State Records Office.

I Cox, George Henry Frederick. c1909. A histOfl/ of Mudgee District, unpub!ished manuscript, Mudgee Municipal Library.

Cudgegong Municipal Rates Books, 1861-1904, Mudgee and District Historical I Society. I Grevilles Post Office Directory. 1867; 1875-76. Hume, Ernest. c1904. History of Mudgee District, unpublished manuscript, Mudgee I Municipal Library. Index of Bankruptcies. NSW State Records Office. I Index and Register of Naturalisations. NSW State Records Office. Louisa Lawson's Diary, Mudgee and District Historical Society.

I Meroo Shire Valuation and Rates Book, 1907-1909, Mudgee and District Historical Society. . I Mudgee Municipal Rates Books, 1861-1904, Mudgee and District Historical Society. Mudgee Municipal Rates Books, 1906-1914, Mudgee Council.

I Mueller Diaries, Mudgee and District Historical Society.

NSW Department of Lands, Sydney

I NSW Land Titles Office, Sydney. I NSW Department of Mines Annual Reports, 1875-1926, Sydney. NSW Legislative Assembly Journal 1861, 1862 I NSW Legislative Council, Votes and Proceedings; 1837,1841, 1843, 1853,1854. I NSW Register of Births, Deaths and Marriages. Phot~graphic Archive, Mudgee and District Historical Society. I Papers of the Fitgerald and Evans families. Mitchell Library Manuscripts. Originals. I 115 I I I Newspapers I Argus, Melbourne Bathurst Advocate 1948-1849. Bathurst Free Press and Mining Journal 1848-1904. Various. The Empire 1851; 1864. I Mudgee Guardian 1890-. Various. Mudgee Newspaper and Mining Register '1857-1861. Mudgee Times 1877. I Sydney Morning Herald. Various. Town and Country Journal. 1870-1874.

Books, journals and theses I Beaudry, Mary C. 1996. Reinventing Historical Archaeology, in Lu Ann DE Cunzo and Bernard L. Herman, (eds.), Historical Archaeology and the Study of American Culture, The Henry Francis Dupont Winterthur Museum, Winterthur, Delaware. P473- I 497.

Beaudry, Mary C., Cook, Lauren J., and Mrozowski, Stephen A. 1991. Artifacts and I Active Voices: Material Culture as Social Discourse, in Randall H. Maguire and Robert Paynter (eds.), The Archaeology of Inequality, Blackwell, Oxford. P150-191.

Bell, Peter. 1995. Chinese Ovens on Mining Settlement Sites in Australia, in Paul I Macgregor (ed.), Histories of the Chinese in Australasia and the South Pacific, Museum of Chinese Australian History, Melbourne. P213-229. I Bell, Peter, 1996. Archaeology of the Chinese in Australia, Australasian Historical Archaeology, 14: 13-18. .

Bintliff, John. 1991. 'The Contribution of an AnnalistetStructural History Approach to I Archaeology', in John Bintliff (ed.) The Annales School and Archaeology, Leicester University Press, Leicester.

I Blainey, Geoffrey. 1966. The tyranny of distance, Sun Books, Melbourne.

Choi, C.Y. 1975. Chinese Migration and Settlement in Australia, Sydney University I Press, Sydney. Cleland, Charles E. 2001. Questions of substance, questions that count, Historical I archaeology 2: 13-17. Coghlan, TA. 1969. Labour and Industry in Australia, MacMillan, Melbourne. I Colley, Sarah M. 2000. The Colonial Impact? Contact Archaeology and Indigenous Sites in Southern New South Wales, in Robin Torrance and Anne Clarke, (eds.) The Archaeology of Difference: Negotiating Cross-cultural Engagements in Oceania, I Routledge, London and New York. Comber, Jillian. The Palmer Goldfield, Australasian Historical Archaeology, 13: 41- I 48. Connah, Graham. 1998. 'Pattern and Purpose in Historical Archaeology' Australasian I Historical Archaeology 16:3-7. I 116 I I I

Connelly, C.J. 1967. Mudgee: a History of the Town, Fastbooks, Glebe, NSW.

I Campbell, Persia Crawford. 1971. Chinese Coolie Emigration to Countries within the British Empire, Frank Cass & Co. Lid., London.

I Cronin, Kathryn. 1982. Colonial Casualties: Chinese in Early Victoria, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. I

Curtis, Elizabeth. 1979. A Brief History of Mudgee, 1821-1889, unpublished MA I thesis, Department of History, University of Sydney. Darnell, Maxine. 2001. 'Bulwark of the community and salvation of the colony': class alignments and the importation of Chinese Labour to NSW, 1847-1853, in Raymond I Markey (ed.), Labour and community: historical essays, University of Wollongong Press, Wollongong, NSW. I Deagan, Kathleen. 1991. 'Historical Archaeology's Contributions to our Understanding of Early America', in Lisa Falk, (ed.) Historical Archaeology in Global Perspective, Smithsonian Institute Press, Washington. P97-112.

I Deetz, James. 1991. Introduction: Archaeological evidence of Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Encounters' in Lisa Falk (ed.) Historical Archaeology in Global I Perspective, Smithsonian Institute Press, Washington DC. P1-9 Dincauze, Dina F. 1984. Getting in Touch with the Contact Period: Interdisciplinary Perspectives at the edge of History, Conference on New England Archaeology I Newsletter 4(2): 6-11. Dwight, A. 1987. The Chinese in the New South Wales Lawcourts 1848-1854, I Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society, 78(2): 75-93. Dwight, Alan. 1975. Chinese Labourers in New South Wales, Eastern Horizon, 4(1): I 52-61. Feinman, Gary M. 1997. Thoughts on New Approaches to Combining the Archaeological and Historical Recordl:!, Journal of Archaeological Method and I Theory, Volume 4(3/4): 367-377. Fitzgerald, Shirley. 1996. Red Tape, Gold Scissors: the Story of Sydney's Chinese, I State Library of New South Wales Press, Sydney. Fletcher, Roland. 1992. 'Time Perspectivism, Annales, and the Potential of Archaeology' in A. Bernard Knapp (ed.), Archaeology, Annales, and Ethnohistory, I . Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, p35-49. Funari Pedro PauloA., Martin Hall and Sian Jones (eds.). 1999. Historical I Archaeology: Back from the Edge, RoutJedge, London and New'(ork. Gaughwin, Denise. 1995. Chinese Settlements in Northeast Tasmania: an Archa~ological View, in Paul MacGregor (ed), Histories of the Chinese in Australia I and the South Pacific, Museum of Chinese Australian History, Melbourne. P230-245. I 117 I I "4 I

Grimwade, Gordon and Peter Reynolds. 1987. Report on the Atherton Chinatown, I North Queensland. I..Jnpublished report, Material Culture Unit, James Cook University, Townsville, Qld.

I Hase, Patrick and Lee Man Vip, 1992. Sheung Wo Hang village, Hong Kong: a village shaped by feng shui, in Ronald G. Knapp (ed.), Chinese Landscapes: the I village as place, University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu. P163-172. Hickson, Barbara. 1999.Chinese built aqueduct wall. Unpublished report for the NSW Heritage Office.

I Hodge, Brian. 1979. Frontiers of gold: the goldfields story, Book 2, Cambaroora Star Publications, Penshurst, NSW.

I Huck, Arthur. 1967. The Chinese in Australia, Longmans, Melbourne.

Jack, lan R. 1987. Mudgee. Unpublished thematic history. Mudgee District Historical I Society. Jack, la.n, Kate Holmes & Ruth Kerr. 1984. Ah Toy's garden: a Chinese market garden on the Palmer River goldfield, North Queensland, Australian Historical I Archaeology, 2: 51-58

Jenks, Edward. 1895. 'The History of the Australasian Colonies', Cambridge I University Press, Cambridge. Jones, Doris Yau-Chong. 2001. Reading Chinese headstones, I http://amol.gov.au/goldenthreads/ Kip Fong, nd. The three temples, unpublished manuscript recording the history of the I Sze Yup Temple in Glebe. Knapp, A. Bernard. 1992. 'Archaeology and Annales: Time, Space and Change', in Bernard A. Knapp (ed.), Archaeology, Annales, and Ethnohistory, Cambridge I University Press, Cambridge, p1-21. Kosso, Peter. 1993. Middle-range Theory in Historical Archaeology, Studies in I History and Philosophy of Science v24 n2:163-1B4. Lawrence, Susan. 2000. Dolly's Creek: an Archaeology of a Victorian Goldfields I Community, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Uttie, Barbara J. (ed.). 1992. Text-aided Archaeology, CRC Press, Boca Raton.

Leone, Marc P. and Constance A. Crosby. 1987. Epilogue: Middle-Range Theory in I historical archaeology, in Suzanne Spencer-Wood (ed.), Consumer choice in historical archaeology, Plenum Press, New York. I Lydon, Jane. 1999. Many inventions: the Chinese in Rocks 1890-1930, Monash Publications in History, Melbourne. I I 118 I I I

McGowan, Barry. 1993. Historic mining sites in the Monaro Southern Tablelands Districts of New South Wales. Unpublished report to the New South Wales I Department of Urban Affairs and Planning and the Australian Heritage Commission.

McGowan, Barry. 1995. Historic mining sites sUNey of the Shoalhayen and South I West Slopes Districts of New South Wales. Unpublished report to the New South Wales Department of Urban Affairs and Planning and the Australian Heritage I Commission. McGowan, Barry. 1996. The typology and techniques of alluvial mining: the example of the Shoalhaven and Mongarlowe goldfields in Southern New South Wales, I Australasian Historical Archaeology, 14: 34-45. Mann, Cecil (ed.). 1966. Best stories of Henry Lawson, Angus & Robertson, Sydney. I Moreland, John. 2001. Archaeology and text, Duckworth, London.

Patterson, AG. 1999. Confronting the sources: the archaeology of culture-contact in the south-western Lake Eyre Basin, Central Australia. Unpublished PhD Thesis, I Department of Prehistoric and Historic Archaeology, University of Sydney.

Pierce, H. 1982. Pine Creek Heritage Scheme Report (4vols.). Unpublished report to I the National Trust of Australia, NT.

Reid, A. 1996. Flows and seepages in long-term Chinese interaction with South-east I Asia, in A. Reid (ed.), Sojourners and settlers: histories of South-east Asia and the Chinese, Alien & Unwin, Leonards, Australia.

Ritchie, Neville. 1993. Form and adaptation: nineteenth century Chinese miners' I dwellings in southern New Zealand, in Priscilla Weggars, (ed.), Hidden heritage: historical archaeology of the overseas Chinese, Baywood Publishing Compay, Inc., I Am ityville , NY. P335-347. Ritchie, Neville. 1984. The excavation of a small Chinese mining settlement and store in Arrowtown, Central Otago, New Zealand Archaeological Association I Newsletter,27(2): 83-103. Robinson, Cynthia et aI, 1984. Travelling down the Cudgegong: pioneering the I Mudgee-Gulgong District, Macquarie Publications Limited, Sydney. Said, Edward. 1978. Orientalism: Western concepts of the Orient, Penguin Books, London.

I Shanks, Michael and lan Hodder, 1995. Processual, postprocessual and interpretative archaeologies, in lan Hodder et al (eds.), Interpreting'archaeology: I finding meaning in the past, Routledge, London and New York. Schuyler, Robert L. 1988. Archaeological remains, documents, and anthropology: a I call for a new culture history Historical Archaeology 22: 36-42. Sherratt, Andrew. 1993. The relativity of heory, in Norman Yoffee, and Andrew Sherratt (eds.), Archaeological theory: who sets the agenda?, Cambridge University I Press, Cambridge. P119-130. I 119 I I I

Sissons, David A. 1993. Archaeological evidence of Chinese use along the Lower Salmon River, Idaho, in Priscilla Weggars, (ed.), Hidden heritage: historical I archaeology of the overseas Chinese, Baywood Publishing Compay, Inc., Amityville, NY. P33-63 ..

I Smith, Lindsay. 1998. Cold hard cash: a study of Chinese ethnicity in archaeology at Kiandra, New South Wales. Unpublished thesis, The Australian National University, I Canberra, Master of Arts, Department of Archaeology and Anthropology. Svenson, Geoffrey V. 1994. Marginal people: the archaeology and history of the Chinese at Milparinka. Unpublished thesis, University of Sydney, Master of Arts, I Department of Prehistoric and Historic Archaeology. Thompson, Harold W (ed.). 1941. The last of the Logan: true adventures of ROBERT COFFIN Mariner in the years 1854 to 1859, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, New I York.

Torrence, Robyn and Anne Clarke. (eds.). 2000. The archaeology of difference: negotiating cross-cultural engagements in Oceania, Routledge, London and New I York.

Wang, S.W. 1978. The organization of Chinese emigration 1848-1888. with special I reference to Chinese emigration to Australia, Chinese Materials Centre Inc., San Francisco. I Wang, S.W. 2000. The Chinese overseas: from earthbound China to the quest fqr autonomy, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass. Williams, Michael. 1999. Chinese settlement in NSW· a thematic history. I Unpublished report for the Heritage Office of NSW. Windeyer Public School (WPS) 1989. Windeyer: tent town to village, Windeyer Public I School, Windeyer NSW. Wood, W. Raymond. 1990. Ethnohistory and historical method, in Michael B. Schiffer, (ed.), Archaeological method and theory, Volume 2, University of Arizona I Press, Tucson. P81-110. Wolf, E.R. 1982. Europe and the people without history, University of California I Press, Berkley. Woolley, L. 1987 (?). The Chinese in Mudgee, unpublished manuscript, Mudgee and I District Historical Society. Wylie, Alison. 1994. Facts and fictions: writing archaeology in a different voice in lain M. McKenzie (ed.) Archaeological theory: progress or posture? Avebury, Aldershot; I Brookfield, USA Wylie, Jerry and Richard E Fike. 1993. Chinese opium smoking techniques and paraphernalia, in Priscilla Weggars, (ed.), Hidden heritage: historical archaeology of I the overseas Chinese, Baywood Publishing Compay, Inc., Amityville, NY. P255-303. Yong, C.F. 1977. The New Gold Mountain: the Chinese in Australian 1901-1921, I RaphaeJ Arts pty Ltd, Richmond SA. I 120 I, I i Appendix I I I I I I I I I I I ·'1 I I I I I I 121 I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I The Western Goldfields of New South °Guyong w ••• btlng ".lintd by lonick"f 'h.',"-~--' Wales in 1851 ',oglh and br ••dln 01 lh, .In"'. un Oiu:ov.,J .. tl .. d b ..n mild, iI' C.lmp. I Gold diggings * • btU's C,•• k, CounlY 01 atlhlU'st, Wm * b\llndall C ... k. Counly 01 Ro_burgh. First discovery points. Routes used by miners ______(r. rrl, '1,. r( ({;;~g.~~~~~\,:; W~;I~::IO~~d Bun.n. I " . I I I

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\ CHINES IMMIG RA ION BILL.i\ I INERS, !ImROO GOLD FIE I I \ tl!~ Council to be Printed, 29 Jul!l) 1858.. '. I I ·1i . \. I I .Tt' th, Hon".bl, th, L, i,l.ti" Coun,n of N,w South-W')", in P.di,ro'nt _robl, 1 4: I THE FOLLOWING PETITION ESPECTFULLY SIIEWETII:- . . \. \ That the undersig ep, Miners on the Meroo Gold Fields, :humbly beg to eall he I ". I . ) '.\ att~~tion of your Honora e House to the evils resulting from thd.large number of Chi ese! ! . I I I I . whq are now stripping·thes Golu Fields of their wealth, to the inj:ury of the Colonists, ndl I to the consequent necessity of speed.y legislation to prevent the Chinese from working on hei·' . . > 1 • ! Gola Fields, by refusing to grant them Miners' Rights: for the fon~wing reasons, namely· :-\ i , 1st. That the Cl incse, in great numbers, anu incrcasing by f~equcnt arri~uls, are\ I ! " I . taking from these Fields the Gold which would. have furnishcd. a livelihood to: the Colonist for many years to come. .' , , 2nd. That the.C inese export their GoItI to China, to tho .manifest injury not d)lly: I of this C01~ y, but of all other countries from which wc derive the artibles:' necessary fo our u~c. . 1 Srd. That, in ca sf these evils l)e permittdd to continue much longer, serious ho~tile , . I collisions between tl.le Ch.inese an.d the ColoJlists will probably take place'lthe· . ) awful conRe( uonel'S of"wl\J(·h no onC' can fllrcsee, am' as to the· means of ~up- • pressing hos ilities, wc fear the GovL'l'1Illlcnt is at 'preticnt unp;ovided. : I I, 4th. That, in or er to preserve the peace bctween such hostile partics, a I~rge expense will be entaileu UpOl1 the Colony in proviuing the necessary mil'i~ary:. or police for c.. " 5th. That your ' etitioners can sce no reason for tolerating the prest'nee of !thl"

Chinese, as it i~ . manifcst.ly clear that their intention is not to colunise,\ ,~ut I· to take all t ey possibly can of their wealth out of this country. 1. . . ;. . \ 6th. That your etitioners have also~ to urge their objections to the taxing, in 'any .' 1',. form whatev of the Chinese forI their admission into this country, ak' it I would be r sing re.venue by unjustifiable means, for it would in effec~, I be .1 \ granting a I cense to commit an injury upon the Colonists. !I 7th. That th~ e ils here cnumerateu have produced ill England and elsewher~ all injurious' cili ct against this country, by turning the attention of emigran~s to \ \. other count cs whcre such evils do not exist. . . I . 8th. And~ lastly, he injurie~ already mentioneu being so keenly felt by the n;i~ing \ ! Colo~ists, t at each has special re~s~ns for· urging the expulsion of tl~e Cl~iheBe !, from the Go d Fields. And that your Petitioners respectfully suggest to ~ou~ ITonor~b:o I OU80 tho propriety of. i.nstituting measures to author!lle an old ComnnsslOn rs to take from the Clllnese such· fire-arms and OffODSIVO wea OD$ ; : as they Iba h~ve in their possebsion. Also to empower CommiSilionerr tJ . remove t~e ent;s, huts, or hou~es,· of the Chin~se, to a· greater distance' ~ro~ . the Europe s,:to prevent the spread of contagIOn. . . I : . Therefore, we oarn'e tly' pray, that your Ronorable House ~ill.institute such me~reB. ome 'as ;WIll effectually eradica t~e evils we have pointed out, and td oome into force at l perIo.d exceeding three mdnths after the 'passing of such . I . . !. ~ot . . . . mellSU:r~s. I ; i.· And your Petition. rs,.!1lS in duty bouid, :will ever pray, &c~ , . l i' i [Ilel'e fullow ~487 signatures.] I . ~. REGISTRATION NUMBER

'V Births, Deaths & Marriages NEW SOUTH WALES 1897/009637

BIRTHS, DEATHS AND MARRIAGES REGISTRATION ACT 1995

DEATH CERTIFICATE

Date and place Name and occupation Sex Cause of Death Name and Informant of death and Duration of last occupation age illness; medical of father attendant; when Name and maiden he last saw deceased surname of mother 189J. , ~fy. .. jrtlhu:cu- ~ (1) rP./d CUjo.! (1) ~~ ~. 7~~ _... _ .. __ ..... t.: .. ___ , , ,2) ftet' J~ ~ J.w.1.b (2) ~ ~~ •• A ,-,/-:; (a) IHD1UJ i I ~o (S) ~N{M/ ' #.. p~:.c.-. I (4)11~~ fo .:_-'tJ~_.. ... -g' ·IJB~ '1to oc~ ~ Il,,'m.~ " , ~:- .I (~) ! I tt, tin. tNaF"~

Particulars of When and Name and Where born and Place of Children of registration where buried; religion of- how long in the marriage, marriage name of Minister and Australasian age, and to undertaker names of Colonies or whom witnesses of States burial

q~~/flJ) ~~ (l)~ )M~.-.. ~

H .. <&"ev.r~.·~w.4) 'd' , IJ-It 'rJ etWJ Iw "", )i!-.~8'iJ (') '~ ~. ~hw.tl ~. (8) tIMtum~ ~ J.~!~ ~

Before accepting copies, sight unaltered original. The original has a coloured background.

REGISTRY OF BIRTHS I hereby certifY that this is a bue copy of particulars recorded in a DEATHS'AND MARRIAGES Register in the State of New South Wales, in the Commonwealth of Australia SYDNEY 06 Jun 2002 ~-/ Re~<:D I I Appendix 11 I I I I I . I I I I I I I I I I I I 122 I CHINESE TENANTS IN THE MUNICIPALITY OF CUDGEGONG: 1860 - 1904

YEAR OCCUPIER OWNER LOCALITY PREMISES ACREAGE 1860 T eong (Chinaman) M. H. Lyons McDonald Ck House, farm 44a Wm Cohen (Chinaman) M. H. Lyons Dam Sawpit Flat House, farm 92a William Boo (Chinaman) M. H. Lyons Dam Sawpit Flat House, farm 32a3r 1861-62 Teong (Chinaman) Myles H. Lyons McDonaldCk House, farm 44a Wm Cohen (Chinaman) Myles H. Lyons Dam Sawpit Flat House, farm 92a Boo (Chinaman) Myles H. Lyons Dam Sawpit Flat House, farm 32a 3r 1863-64 Boo M. H. Lyons Sawpit Flat House, farm 34a William Cohen M. H. Lyons Sawpit Flat House, land 92a TeOng Myles H. Lyons McDonaldCk House, farm 44a 1864-65 Boo M. H. Lyons Sawpit Flat House 34a W.Cohen M. H. Lyons Sawpit Flat House 92a Teong M. H. Lyons McDonaldCk House 44a 1865-66 Boo M. H. Lyons Sawpit Flat House 34a Teong M. H. Lyons McDonaldCk House 44a 1866-67 Boo M. H. Lyons McDonald Ck Land ·34a Teong M. H. Lyons McDonaldCk Land 44a 1867-68 Chinaman C. Lawson Putta Bucca Garden 2a Chinaman C. Lawson Putta Bucca Garden 4a Boo Chee M. H. Lyons McDonald Ck Land 34a Teong M. H. Lyons McDonaldCk Land 44a 1868-69 Chinaman C. Lawson Putta Bucca Garden 2a Chinaman C. Lawson Putta Bucca Garden 3a ]. Chie M. H. Lyons McDonaldCk House 34a Teong .M. H. Lyons McDonaldCk House 46a 1869-70 Chinaman C. Lawson Garden 5a Chinaman C. Lawson Putta Bucca Garden 3a ]. Chie M. H. Lyons McDonaldCk House, land 34a TeOng M. H. Lyons McDonaldCk House, land 46a

1

~------~--~------~------CHINESE TENANTS IN THE MUNICIPALITY OF CUDGEGONG: 1860 - 1904

YEAR OCCUPIER OWNER LOCALITY PREMISES ACREAGE 1870-71 Chinaman C. Lawson Bombira Garden Sa Chinaman C. Lawson Bombira Garden Sa Chinaman C. Lawson Putta Bucca Garden 3a TeOng M. H. Lyons McDonald Ck House, land 46a 1871-72 Chinaman C. Lawson Bombira Garden Sa Chinaman C. Lawson Bombira Garden Sa Chinaman C. Lawson Putta Bucca Garden 3a 1872-73 Chinaman C. Lawson Bombira Garden Sa Chinaman C. Lawson Bombira Land Sa Chinaman C. Lawson Putta Bucca Garden 3a 1873-74 Chinaman C. Lawson Bombira House, land Sa Chinaman C. Lawson Bombira House, _garden Sa Chinaman C. Lawson Bombira Land Sa Chinaman C. Lawson Bombira Garden 3a Chinaman W. R. Blackman Green swamp Garden lOa 1874-75 Chinaman C. Lawson Bombira House, land 5a Chinaman C. Lawson Bombira House, garden 5a Chinaman C. Lawson Bombira House, land 5a Chinaman C. Lawson Bombira House, garden 3a Chinaman W. R. Blackman Green swamp Garden lOa 1875-76 Chinaman C. Lawson Bombira House, land 5a Chinaman C. Lawson Bombira House, garden 5a Chinaman C. Lawson Bombira House, land 5a Chinaman C. Lawson Bombira House,. garden 3a Chinaman W. R. Blackman Green swamp Garden lOa

------2 CHINESE TENANTS IN THE MUNICIPALITY OF CUDGEGONG: 1860 - 1904

YEAR OCCUPIER OWNER LOCALITY PREMISES ACREAGE 1876~ 77 Chinaman F. M. Seaton Market Lane W. house 2r Chinaman (George) C. C. Cox Broombee Garden 4a Chinaman E. V. Morrisett Bombira Land 5a Chinaman E. V. Morrisett Bombira Garden 5a Chinaman E. V. Morrisett Bombira Land 5a Chinaman W. R. Blackman Green swamp Garden lOa 1877 -78 Chinaman F. M. Seaton Market Lane W. house 2r Chinaman (George) C. C. Cox Broombey Garden 4a Chinaman E. V. Morrisett Bombira Land 5a Chinaman E. V. Morrisett Bombira Land 5a Chinaman W. R. Blackman Cullenbone Garden lOa 1878~ 79 Chinaman Est. T. Cadell Cudgegong River Garden 50a Chinaman E. V. Morrisett LawsonCk House, land 8a Chinaman E. Morrisett LawsonCk House, garden 5a Chinaman W.H.Lowe Mudgee River Garden la Chinaman W. R. Blackman Cullenbone Garden lOa TeOng Henry Crossing Enfield House, land 120a 1879~80 Chinaman Est. T. Cadell Cudgegong River Garden, house 50a George Chie Ttee C. C. Cox Broombee Garden lOa Chinaman E. V. Morrisett LawsonCk House, land 8a Chinaman E. Morrisett LawsonCk House, garden 5a Chinaman W. H. Lowe Mudgee River Garden la Chinaman G.H.Cox Cullenbone Garden lOa JemHong Ttee A. B. Cox Market Lane House 2a

------3 CHINESE TENANTS IN THE MUNICIPALITY OF CUDGEGONG: 1860 - 1904

YEAR OCCUPIER OWNER LOCALITY PREMISES ACREAGE 1880,81 Chinaman Est. T. Cadell Mullamuddy Ck Garden, house 20a George Chie Ttee C. C. Cox Broombee House, garden lOa Chinaman W.H.Lowe Mudgee River Garden la Chinaman G.H.Cox Cullenbone House, garden lOa }emHong Ttee A. B. Cox Market Lane House 2a 1881,82 Chinaman Mrs A. C. Cadell Mullamuddy Ck Garden, house 20a George Chie Ttee C. C. Cox Btoornbee House, garden lOa Ah Sing Town & Roberts Mudgee River House, land 60a Chinaman W. H. Lowe Mudgee River Garden la Chinaman G.H.Cox Cullenbone House, garden 2a }em Hong Ttee A. B. Cox Market Lane House 2a 1882,83 AhHoy Mrs A. C. Cadell Mullamuddy Ck Garden, house 20a George Chie W. G. Bell Broombee House, garden lOa Ah Sing Town & Roberts Mudgee River House," land 60a 1883,84 AhHoy Mrs A. C. Cadell Mullamuddy Ck Garden, house 20a AhPay W. G. Bell Broombee House, garden lOa War Key C. W. Lawson LawsonCk House, land lOa John Key C. W. Lawson Lawson Creek House, land 9a Chooey Lee C. W. Lawson LawsonCk House, land Sa Ah Sing Town & Roberts Mudgee River House, land 60a AhChow G. H. Cox Menah Tobacco pit l2a

------4 CHINESE TENANTS IN THE MUNICIPALITY OF CUDGEGONG: 1860 - 1904

YEAR OCCUPIER OWNER LOCALITY PREMISES ACREAGE 1884-85 AhKey Mrs A. C. Cadell Mullamuddy Ck Garden, house 20a Ah Yhing W. G. Bell Broombee House, garden 16a War Key E. V. Morrisett Lawson Ck House, land 15a· War Key E. V. Morrisett Lawson Ck House, land lOa lohn Kev E. V. Morrisett Lawson Creek House, land 9a Chooey Lee E. V. Morrisett LawsonCk House, land 5a AhSing Town & Roberts Mudgee River House, iand 60a AhChow G.H.Cox Menah Tobacco pIt 12a 1885-86 AhKev Mrs A. C. Cadell Mullamuddy Ck Garden, house 20a Ah Ying W. G. Bell Broombee House, garden 16a War Key E. V. Morrisett LawsonCk Garden 25a War Key E. V. Morrisett Lawson Ck Garden lOa John Key E. V. Morrrisett LawsonCk Garden 9a Chooey Lee E. V. Morrisett Lawson Ck Garden 5a Ah Sing Town & Roberts Mudgee River House, land 60a AhChew G.H.Cox Menah Tobacco pIt 12a 1886-87 AhKey Mrs A. C. Cadell Mullamuddy Ck Garden, house 20a Ah Ying W. G. Bell Broombee House, garden 16a War Key E. V. Morrisett LawsonCk Garden 25a War Key E. V. Morrisett LawsonCk Garden lOa John Key E. V. Morrisett LawsonCk Garden 9a Chooey Lee E. V. Morrisett LawsonCk Garden 5a AhSing Town & Roberts Mudgee River House, land 60a AhChew G.H.Cox Menah Land 12a

------5 CHINESE TENANTS IN THE MUNICIPALITY OF CUDGEGONG: 1860 - 1904

YEAR OCCUPIER OWNER LOCALITY PREMISES ACREAGE 1887-88 AhKey Cadell & Bell Mullamuddy Garden, house 40a Ah Ying W. G. Bell Broombee House, garden 14a War Key E. V. Morrisett Lawson Ck Garden 2Sa War Key E. V. Morrisett LawsonCk . Garden lOa John Key E. V. Morrisett LawsonCk Garden 9a Chooey Lee E. V. Morrisett LawsonCk Garden Sa Ah Sing Town & Roberts Mudgee River House, iand 60a AhChew G.H.Cox Menah Land 12a 1888-89 AhKey Cadell & Bell Melrose House 40a Ah Yuin W. G. Bell Broombee Garden 14a War Key E. Morrisett LawsonCk Garden 2Sa War Key E. Morrisett LawsonCk Garden lOa John Key E. Morrisett LawsonCk Garden 9a Ping Hong Town & Roberts Cudgegong River Garden la 2r AhFoy Town & Roberts Cudgegong River Garden Coon Loy Town & Roberts Cudgegong River House 20a AhSing Town & Roberts Cudgegong River House 20a AhChow G.H.Cox Menah Land 12a

------6 CHINESE TENANTS IN THE MUNICIPALITY OF CUDGEGONG: 1860 - 1904

YEAR OCCUPIER OWNER LOCALITY PREMISES ACREAGE 1889,90 AhKey Mullamuddy Ck House, land 40a Ah Yin W. G. Bell Broombee Garden 14a AhChew G. H. Cox Burrundulla Garden 2a 2r War Key E. Morrisett LawsonCk Garden 25a War Key E. Morrisett LawsonCk Garden lOa John Key E. Morrisett LawsonCk Garden 9a Ping Hong Town & Roberts Bombira Garden la 2r AhFoy Town & Roberts Bombira Garden Say Coon Town & Roberts Bombira House, land 20a Ah Sing Town & Roberts Bombira House, land 20a Chinaman Henry Crossing Menah Garden 30a AhChew G.H.Cox Menah Land 12a 1890,91 Lue Lee W. G. Bell Mullamuddy Ck Garden 40a Ah Yin W. G. Bell Broombee Garden 14a AhChew G. H. Cox Burrundulla House, land 2a 2r War Key E. Morrisett LawsonCk Garden 25a War Key E. Morrisett LawsonCk Garden lOa John Key E. Morrisett LawsonCk Garden 9a Sun Lee C. N. Lawson jnr Lawson Ck House, land 24a AhChin H. Crossing Menah Garden 30a AhMing&Co H. Crossing Menah Garden 15a 1892,93 Ah Yin W. G. Bell Broombee Garden 14a AhChew G.H.Cox Burrundulla House, land 2a 2r War Key E. Morrisett LawsonCk Garden 25a War Key E. Morrisett LawsonCk Garden lOa John Key E. Morrisett Lawson Ck Garden 9a AhChin H. Crossing Menah Garden 30a AhMing&Co H. Crossing Menah Garden 15a ------7 CHINESE TENANTS IN THE MUNICIPALITY OF CUDGEGONG: 1860 - 1904

YEAR OCCUPIER OWNER LOCALITY PREMISES ACREAGE 1893,94 John Tee W. G. Bell Broombee Garden 14a AhChew G.H.Cox Burrundulla House, land 6a 2r War Kev E. Morrisett LawsonCk Garden 25a War Key E. Morrisett LawsonCk Garden lOa lohn Kev E. Morrisett LawsonCk Garden 9a Ah Sing C. Lawson LawsonCk House, land 24a AhKev Lawson Estate Bombira Garden 3a AhBing Lawson Estate Bombira House 7a AhGun A. J. Lowe Wilbetree Garden Sa 1894,95 John Tee W. G. Bell Broombee House 14a AhChew G.H.Cox Burrundulla House, land 6a 2r WarKev E. Morrisett Lawson Ck Garden 25a War Kev E. Morrisett Lawson Ck Garden lOa lohn Kev Est. Morrisett LawsonCk Garden 9a Ah Sing T. Mills LawsonCk House, land 24a AhKev W. Millett Bombira Garden 3a Say Coon Lawson Est. Bombira House 7a AhGun A. J. Lowe Wilbetree Garden Sa 1895,96 John Tee W. G. Bell Broombee House, garden 14a AhChew G. H. Cox Burrundulla House, land 6a 2r War Kev E. Morrisett LawsonCk Garden 25a War Key E. Morrisett LawsonCk Garden Sa lohn Kev Est. Morrisett LawsonCk Garden 7a Ah Sing Clarence Lawson Lawson Ck House, land 24a AhGun A. J. Lowe Wilbetree Veg. garden Sa

------8 CHINESE TENANTS IN THE MUNICIPALITY OF CUDGEGONG: 1860.1904

YEAR OCCUPIER OWNER LOCALITY PREMISES ACREAGE 1896-97 John Tee W. G. Bell Broombee House, garden 14a AhChew G.H.Cox Burrundulla House, land 6a 2r War Key E. Morrisett LawsonCk House, garden 2Sa War Key E. Morrisett LawsonCk House, garden Sa John Key Est. Morrisett LawsonCk House, garden 7a AhSing Clarence Lawson North Shore House, land 24a ... AhGun A. j. Lowe Wilbetree Veg. garden Ja 1897-98 John Tee W. G. Bell Broombee House, garden 14a AhChew G. H.Cox Burrundulla House, land 6a 2r War Key E. Morrisett LawsonCk House, garden 2Sa War Key E. Morrisett LawsonCk House, garden Sa John Key Est. Morrisett LawsonCk House, garden 7a Ah Sing Clarence Lawson LawsonCk House, land 24a AhGun A.J. Lowe Wilbetree Veg. garden Sa 1898-99 AhChew G.H.Cox Burrundulla House, land 6a 2r War Key E. Morrisett LawsonCk House, garden 2Sa ,\ War Key E. Morrisett LawsonCk House, garden Sa John Key Est. Morrisett LawsonCk House, garden 7a AhSing Clarence Lawson LawsonCk House, land 24a AhGun A .. J. Lowe Wilbetree Veg. garden Sa 1899-00 AhChew G.H.Cox Burrundulla House, land 9a War Key E. Morrisett LawsonCk House, garden 2Sa John Key E. Morrisett LawsonCk House, garden Sa John Key Est. Morrisett LawsonCk House, garden 7a AhSing Clarence Lawson LawsonCk House, land 24a AhGun A. H. Lowe Wilbetree Veg. garden Sa ------9 CHINESE TENANTS IN THE MUNICIPALITY OF CUDGEGONG: 1860,1904

YEAR OCCUPIER OWNER LOCALITY PREMISES ACREAGE 1900,01 AhChew W. G. Bell Broombee House, garden 14a AhChew G. H. Cox Burrundulla House, land 9a War Key E. Morrisett Lawson Ck House, garden 2Sa John Key E. Morrisett LawsonCk House, garden Sa John Key Est. Morrisett LawsonCk House, garden 7a AhSing Clare nee Lawson LawsonCk House, garden 24a AhGun A. H. Lowe Wilbetree Veg. garden Sa 1902,03 AhChew W. G. Bell Broombee House, garden 14a AhGun A. H. Lowe Wilbetree Veg. garden Sa 1903,04 AhChew W. G. Bell Broombee House, garden 14a AhGun Est. R. Lowe Wilbetree Veg. garden Sa

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