Fascism in Central Europe

CEU eTD Collection Second Reader: BalázsProfessor Trencsényi Iordachi Constantin Professor Supervisor: THE ORGANISATION OFTHEYUGOSLAV THE ORGANISATION NATIONALISTS -ORJUNA, NATIONALISTS In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of FASCISM IN FASCISM CENTRAL EUROPE Central European University European Central History Department Stevo Djuraskovic Stevo Budapest, Hungary Budapest, Master of Arts Master Submitted to Submitted 2007 By: . 1921-1929 : . CEU eTD Collection such instructions maybe not made without thewritten permission Authorthe of with in accordance made copies made.Further of such form any copies page mustapart This librarian. the from obtained be may Details Library. European Central in the lodged full partmayor be made only in with accordance the instructions given by Authorand the in either process, any by Copies Author. the with rests thesis this of text in the Copyright CEU eTD Collection although it favourites the Serb national mentality more that Croatian one. Croatian that more mentality national Serb the favourites it although Croat, anti- simply not was Yugoslavism integral of notion ORJUNA’s that concludes Thethesis characteristics. its fascist all losing arapid decline, ORJUNA experienced 1922) tothe almostfully fledgedfascistideology in (1923-1925). After 1925 stage second from ideology, vague quite notionsthe in firststage the of (1921- organisation the existence same time to underscore ORJUNA’s compatibility with the model of generic fascism. atthe in whileattempting and it context which activated, emerged inideology thehistorical focused onit’s ideology, thesis understanding the organisation’s of the achieve abetter all fascismas defined revolutionary nationalist movement. palingenetic the to In order fascism such as Roger Griffin, theoreticalStanley framework of the most outstandingPayne, contemporary theoreticians George of generic L. Mosse publisheddoctrinaire books members, by against organisation the which were tested the and Emilio Gentile. They identity. national Serb and Croat emphasis on the ORJUNA’s conceptSerbian” movement. Departing from line this of interpretation, thesis the subsequent puts of the Yugoslav nation, especiallynationalist in relations to the political forgeintegralistIn thecontemporary anewYugoslavCroatian to culture. which attempted discourse,ORJUNA, but aneglected, significantmovement fascist existing inYugoslavia in 1920s, the organization ideology Nationalists- Organisation The and Yugoslav theof history the of thesis analyses is seen as an anti- Croat and a “Greater The thesis the documents mannerin which organisationthe itsgradually elaborated In conducting the research, I employed ORJUNA’s newspapers, as well as Abstract 3 CEU eTD Collection thesis. Without their assistance, this thesis would not have reached completion. and Balazs for Professor all helpduringTrencsenyi, and support their the of writing this Iordachi my Constantin Professor to supervisors, myexpress deepappreciation to I want ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS CEU eTD Collection ILORPY ...... 71 ...... BIBLIOGRAPHY: 67 CONCLUSIONS...... IV.2. ORJUNA: On the Roots of Turn-of-the-Century 61 Yugoslavism...... IV.1. Nacionalisti 55 ...... ORJUNA’S IDEA OF YUGOSLAV NATION. 55 ...... IV. CHAPTER 51 Organisation”...... 1926-1929:III.3. The Decline of ORJUNA’s Ideology: From Fascism to the “National Defensive III.2. 1923-1925: The Myth of the Organisation 44 and Corporative ...... State III.1.1921-1923: The Idea of the Decadence and Palingenetic Revolution...... 38 37 ...... THE FASCISTIC CHARACTERISTICS IDEOLOGY OFORJUNA INTHE 37 ...... III: CHAPTER II.2. The Emergence and the Fall of ORJUNA, 32 1921-1929...... II. 1. Territorial Disputes and National Question in 27 Yugoslavia in ...... 1920s. 26 AND EMERGENCE THE OF ORJUNA...... YUGOSLAVIA INNATIONAL 1920S:TERRITORIAL DISPUTES, QUESTION 26 II...... CHAPTER I.2. Theoretical Approach to the Research: Fascism as Palingenetic National 19 Revolution...... Yugoslav 10 Bourgeoisie”...... I.1. Previous Research of ORJUNA; the Organisation as the “Reactionary, anti- Croat agent of 9 CONSIDERATIONS...... AND THEORETICAL RESEARCH PREVIOUS OFTHE ANALYSES 9 I...... CHAPTER 3 INTRODUCTION...... CONTENTS OF TABLE þ aoldn TeNtoaitcYuh:Eegneo h ntr uolvIe . 56 ka omladina [The Nationalistic Youth]: ... Emergence ofthe Unitary Yugoslav Idea 2 CEU eTD Collection Political and Actors Events], 2ded. (Zagreb: Matica Hrvatska, 1993). elites see Ivan Meštrovi seeIvan elites inter- by warpolitical Yugoslavism notion Serb the of For podružnica Varaždin, 1990). stranka- demokratska 2d ed.(Varaždin: Hrvatska ReviewQuestion; of Entire Question], the Furthermore from Dalmatia. Croats mostly were leaders ORJUNA while Croatia, in region south mostly non-Serbianfrontier provinces Yugoslavia,of suchas Dalmatia, and Slovenia the Croatian national identity. Atthe same ORJUNA time, supportin enjoyed the greatest the the of bearer interwar the (HSS), Party Peasant Croatian the and communists the especially movements, suppressing of organisation oppositional the mostwayof representedthe brutal Organisation Nationalists–itsYugoslav ORJUNA].of existence During 1921-1929,the 1 the foundation on the Serb ‘heroic character’ ‘heroic Serb the on foundation unitary ismostly asSerbinvention,Yugoslavism perceived it’s inter-war racial especially of idea the within this canon unity.Moreover, state achieve the and to national one the government harshly suppressed non-Serball national movements, and especially Croatian whenBelgrade interwar period, the of in theinterpretation is prominent view particularly of in historiographypublic. both Yugoslavia Croatian point Croatian This 1918-1991 and mostly seen asa concealinstrumentto pure Serb hegemony the existence during of has theconcept of Since in1991, been Croatia achieved its independence Yugoslavism the inter-war period by the period inter-war the great extent found by Croatian politicians in the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries. See Ivo Pilar, SeeIvo Nacionalisti The most extreme vision of the aforementioned racial Yugoslavism was advocated in , the organisation’s ideological principles, as well leadership, originated from originated aswellleadership, ideological organisation’s principles, the þ ka omladina Južnoslavensko pitanje;Prikaz cjelokupnog pitanja ü , Uspomene napoliti [The Nationalistic Youth], the Youth], Nationalistic [The Organizacijajugoslovenskih nacionalista- Introduction 1 , although Yugoslav national Yugoslav, although national was a thought to 3 þ ke ljudeidoga fin-de-siècle ÿ aje [The Memories on the [The South Slav youth network of ORJUNA ORJUNA [The CEU eTD Collection [Orjuna- the Ideology (Zagreb:[Orjuna- Ideology Literature] and the the Hrvatska sveu Dalmacija (1963), 315-393;(1963), Ton to worth is it Finally, statement. the comprehending without phenomenon anti-Croat radical ORJUNA was the that simply states healso labellingas reactionary; them them, registers Boškovi Organisation of Yugoslav Nationalists (Orjuna)], Nationalists Yugoslav of Organisation 3 fascists’. ‘Yugo- like 2 the relation The Slavs. South of emancipation social and national the of factor’ ‘progressive the as it interpreted regime communist Yugoslav Tu especially stigmatiseduring the 1990s liberalto left-and wing political toFranjoopponents extreme Croatiannationalists perceived as using ORJUNA its Serbproduct, the name the facts, important of this role. Despite ideologically the most played part which Croatian youngboth Serbs originatingand Croats intheAustro-Hungarian South Slav in territories, organisation ideology, especially in relation to of the lack comprehensive analyses of subsequent with bourgeoisie, of reactionary agent the as fascism about dogma communist official the within set is interpretation their However, impact. as its political well itscharacteristics, social and structural organisation, Literature] Brana Gligorijevi Brana [Organisation in Nationalistsof Yugoslav written (Orjuna)] 1963 bythe historian Serbian about ORJUNA until now: “Organizacija Jugoslovenskih nacionalista (Orjuna)” Ivan J. Boškovi 1991 by historian Croatian the Ton Brana Gligorijevi something meant which ‘Orjunaši’, term by labelled were members opposition the fact, In ÿ man’s regime whichwerelabelled tobe‘Yugo- nostalgic’. Despite of all aforementioned features, there have been only three published works published beenonly three have there features, aforementioned all Despite of ü ’s book, as well ORJUNA ideological fascistic characteristics. However, he just However, characteristics. fascistic ideological well as ORJUNA ’s book, 3 (Split),18 April- 10 May J. Boškovi 1991;Ivan . The first two works. Thefirst give two adetailedof quite the historical depiction ü ü , the feuilleton “Dalmatinsko Orjunaštvo” [Dalmatian Orjuna] written in written Orjuna] [Dalmatian Orjunaštvo” “Dalmatinsko feuilleton the , , Orjuna: Ideologijaiknjiževnost ü þ , “ Organizacija jugoslovenskih nacionalista (Orjuna)” [The (Orjuna)” nacionalista jugoslovenskih , “ Organizacija i „Dalmatinsko Orjunaštvo“ Šitin, [Dalmatian Orjuna], þ i by Šitin, andarecentbook literary Croatian the critic 4 Nacionalisti Istorija XX veka:Istorija XX zbornik radova [Orjuna: The Ideology and the omladina ü þ , ka omladina Orjuna 2 þ - ORJUNA is outlined in isoutlined ORJUNA - ilišna naklada,ilišna 2006). - Ideologija i književnost , due to the fact that due tothe , Slobodna , 5 CEU eTD Collection the fact that fact the due to thesis, ofthis frame the over goes relations these of analysis Thedetail related. were movements, I will just outline to what extent the ideologies of the 4 the were predecessors fascist the that stressed theoreticians mentioned as the Moreover, i.e.anti-Croat. great-Serbian, was idea Yugoslavism of ORJUNA’s in previouslyrelation mentionedto in presupposition Croatian national cannon that conceptof Yugoslavism, especially of ORJUNA’s the nature investigate Finally, Iwill community and organic totalitarian society towards state of revolutionary transformation forgonot did ORJUNA nation, the of vision palingenetic it although adopted later, to Stanley Paine’s divisionin accordance fascist, distinctively ideology as ORJUNA’s we can characterize what extent between fascist and proto-fascist movements. He stresses that fascism of characteristic as core by the new istreated scholarship the which revolution, can by nationalist be a system that overcome liberal-democratic of the decadence perceived of i.e.the nation, perception the of vision revolutionary the palingeneric ORJUNA adopted isimportant whatextentexamine several to to will Themost to questions. answerprovide inYugoslavia. fascism with add thatORJUNA is almost unrecognisedby international the scientific community dealing Mosse and Emilio Gentile importantstressed by fascism, contemporary most the scholars Griffin, of Roger George state, totalitarian and society of a “newheroicman”, organic myth, asaconcept palingenetic of components important most the extent what to investigate will I Subsequently, Fascism 5 Press, 1995). 6 Toward aGeneral Theory ofFascism Rogger Griffin, Rogger Griffin, ibid.; Emilio Gentile, Emilio ibid.; Griffin, Stanley Payne, G. Stanley Considering oftheinterpretation lacks this in aforementioned the works, thesis the (Westport, Connecticut: Praeger, 2003); L.Mosse, George Connecticut: Praeger, (Westport, Omladina The Nature of FascismThe Nature of A History of Fascism of History A was a complex movement with various ideological streams. ideological various with movement complex a was 5 , are present in ORJUNA’s ideology. Finally, I will explore to The Struggle for Modernity :Nationalism,Futurism,The Strugglefor and (New York: Fertig,(New York: Howard 1999). (London: Routledge, 1996). , 1914-1945 5 (Madison : University of Wisconsin of :University (Madison Omladina The Fascist Revolution: fin-de-siècle and ORJUNA youth 6 4 . . CEU eTD Collection Bogdanov, 1925). 8 Orjune,Izdanje direktorijuma 1925). Revolucionarne omladine doOrjune Fragments] (Split,Fragments] Izdanje direktorijuma 1925) Orjune, revolution the Slavs, of man’‘new and theconceptof south the Yugoslav cultural However, someits violent political focusedagainstactions on enemies. ideology. organisation Thus, the fascist traces can be identified, such as the vision of the palingenetic 7 Dobroslav Jev leaderby articles selected the ORJUNA of be book which published addedseparately can ‘ the edition the program and variousJev manifestoes. I will also consult the books appeared in the serial writings of various movementmembers, such as Ljubo Leonti (Victory) and weeklies key movement’s the of analyse the be on will emphasis main the activity, fascism.theories fact the of ORJUNAdevelop that Dueto not an did ample publishing ORJUNA’s political writings Yugoslavia. in in inter-war dominance close Serb of imposition in the government Belgrade of comparison to the the purposes movement actionsby its Yugoslavism,served to unintentionally although the theoretical frameworkpraised of recent becauseit intentionally anti-Croat, wasnot of Yugoslavism ORJUNA’s concept that show the Croatiannational culture, the new man, the totalitarian state and the organic society. Moreover, it will heroic in ideaof the new expressed the of as itspalingenesis, national ideology, concept such the tradition and Croat historical contribution to the idea of FranjoMalin, Dobroslav Jev Dobroslav ÿ evi Hence, this thesis will show that ORJUNA undoubtedly exhibited fascist features in The research thus far indicates that ORJUNA lacked a developed and systematic and ORJUNA lackedadeveloped that indicates far thus The research In order to answers the above-posed questions I will conduct a detailed analysis conductadetailed questionsof will toanswers I In order the above-posed ü etc. Moreover, these newspapers provide ORJUNA’s official documents, such as such documents, official ORJUNA’s provide newspapers these Moreover, etc. Books of Orjuna Books of ÿ Vidovdan evi ÿ Jugoslovenstvo kroz istoriju. Fragmenti evi ü . ü 8 , Izabrani Izabrani (St. Vidus (St. Day), which providesimportant ideological most the ’, although were only books two publishedin edition,the þ lanci [Selected Articles] (Novi Articles] (Novi [Selected Jovanovi Sad: Štamparija [From the Revolutionary Youth to Orjuna] (Split, 6 [Yugoslavism History.the through ü , Niko Bartulovi ; NikoBartulovi ü , Dobroslav Pobeda ü , 7 Od to ü i CEU eTD Collection nation heroic man, Yugoslav and although Croatian and Serb national identity, relating also ORJUNA’s vision to the to vision ORJUNA’s also relating identity, national Serb and Croatian ORJUNA’s concept on will chapter development ideology.elaborate Finally,Organisation’s third of the of unitaryaspects. Itwill be dividedin showing three chronologicalthe subchapters, the gradual ideological ORJUNA’s Yugoslav analyze will chapter second The movement. the of depiction nation, organisation. willalsoMoreover,structural chapter historical, the the provide and political with emphasis politicalthe in situation in Yugoslavia which1920s, caused the emergence of the on its relation a purely Serbia”“Greater movement. towards depart from a amore organisation labellingthe and complex that approach stimulate simply meaningideology,extentpolitical‘cool down’ currentof “abuses” the of ORJUNA’s the significance in the modern Croatian history. Moreover, I hope thatit will atleast to some andits of movement, ideological the the character about knowledge comprehensive Italian). and Hungarian, (Austrian, influences foreign the mentality,mentality Croat where beshould previously purged of degeneration the caused by Serb and Croat both the of moulding the from culture Yugoslav new the of construction it identity, itenvisaged the that but wasgreat-Serbian, organisation the that be stated concluded cannot national Croatian to relation ORJUNA’s considering Finally, state. authoritarian ideological concepts from from the concepts ideological than fully fascistmovement. Subsequently,it can be said ORJUNAinheritedthat system liberaland democracy, which makes us define ORJUNA as a rather proto-fascist parliamentary of the overthrow complete the clearly advocate not did Organisation the that, Despite state. andsociety totalitarian corporative notion of organic, aswell revolution, The thesis will consist of four sections. The first chapter will provide the context of context the provide will chapter first The four sections. of consist will The thesis The findingsaforementioned theCroatianwill provide historiography new with Nacionalisti þ the Omladina ka Omladina 7 , such as vision of unitary Yugoslav did not develop the concept of the of concept the develop not did Nacionalisti þ ka CEU eTD Collection Tito’s Tito’s Yugoslavia period. members as of laterof integral advocates inORJUNA,well Yugoslavism Croatia during prominent most the were Dalmatians that fact the due to one, national Croatian and identity Dalmatiabetween regional contest the investigate be to would one second ORJUNA. The century, with intwentieth inCroatia idea unitary Yugoslav of genesis research the of comprehensive special emphasisof research on the might be necessary to follow the two possible streams. The first one is which was to a great extent inherited from the participation of nations’different according traits tomovement’s label theirvitalism,of be saidsimply not can it Also, nation. Yugoslav that the of vision palinegeneric a preaching movement, the organisation asaproto-fascistic be characterised ORJUNA can that show Iexpectto research: was omladina anti-Croat, because it was pursued in accordance to Such exposure of ORJUNA’s intellectual heritage suggests that a broader framework thatabroader suggests heritage intellectual of Such ORJUNA’s exposure vision of Yugoslavism. Finally, the conclusion will present a summary of my of summary a present will conclusion the Finally, Yugoslavism. of vision Nacionalisti 8 Nacionalisti þ ka omladina, þ ka Omladina as well its relation to relation its well as . CEU eTD Collection Century],ed. Ljubomir Anti in the Twentieth Century], in Hrvataudvadesetom stolje kod in (Zagreb: JAZU,1961),388-389; Dimitrije Djordjevic,“Fascism in Yugoslavia 1918-1941,” University Press, 1993), 187-188;LjubomirAnti Banac, Ivo Clio, 1971),130; Ivan Avakumovi 10 2006). književnost Dalmacija Boškovi bourgeoisie. the of agent areactionary as fascism of interpretation the on based view, of point communist from a dogmatic ORJUNA analyses thearticle However, source. reliable (1963), 315-393;(1963), Ton politics inpolitics Yugoslavia inter-war research body broader in outlinedon within isthe of briefly organisation also Organisation of Yugoslav Nationalists (Orjuna)], Nationalists Yugoslav of Organisation 9 Gligorijevi Brana [Organisation of Nationalists inYugoslav (Orjuna)”] written 1963 by historian Serbian Nationalists): an article entitled “Organizacija Jugoslovenskih nacionalista (Orjuna) Until now, there were only three works about ORJUNA (The Organisation of Yugoslav Boškovi Dalmacija”in (Split) by April-May 1991, and aliterary book Croatian recent critic IvanJ. 1991 by historianCroatian Ton Brana Gligorijevi Ferdo Ferdo Native Fascism in Successor States Successor Fascismin Native ü ü , ’s book, lackingcontribute ’s book, doesnot anykindof tothe framework, theoretical ý Analyses of the Previous Research and Theoretical and Research Previous the of Analyses Orjuna: Ideologijaiknjiževnost [Orjuna- the Ideology and the Literature] (Zagreb: Hrvatska sveu (Zagreb:Hrvatska Literature] and the Ideology the [Orjuna- The NationalQuestionYugoslavia:Origins, in History,Politics ulinovi (Split), 18April-10May1991;IvanJ.Boškovi ü ü , the feuilleton “Dalmatinsko Orjunaštvo” [Dalmatian Orjuna] written in written Orjuna] [Dalmatian Orjunaštvo” “Dalmatinsko feuilleton the , , Jugoslavija izme ü þ 10 , “ Organizacija jugoslovenskih nacionalista (Orjuna)” [The (Orjuna)” nacionalista jugoslovenskih , “ Organizacija i „Dalmatinsko Orjunaštvo“ Šitin, [Dalmatian Orjuna], , mostly using aforementioned Gligorijevi aforementioned using mostly , ü (Zagreb: Matica Hrvatska, 2006), (Zagreb:Matica Hrvatska, 54-56. ü Hrvatska PolitikauXX stolje u” [The Ideologies of National Yugoslavism Croats Yugoslavism ofamong National [TheIdeologies u” ü þ Considerations , “Yugoslavia’s Fascist inibid.,Movements,” 136-137; i in andpublished daily “Slobodna Croatian Šitin , ed. Peter F. Sugar (Santa Barbara, California: ABC California: Barbara, (Santa F. Sugar Peter , ed. ÿ Chapter I. Chapter u dvarata [Orjuna: The Ideology and Literature] Ideology the The [Orjuna: 9 ü , “Nacionalne ideologije Jugoslavenstva [Yugoslavia Between the Two Wars] Two the Between [Yugoslavia Istorija XX veka:Istorija XX zbornikradova ü u [Croatian Politics in XX Politics [Croatian ü , ü ’s article as the most the as article ’s Orjuna (Ithaca: Cornell (Ithaca: þ - ilišna naklada,ilišna Ideologija i Slobodna 9 . The . , 5 CEU eTD Collection New Consensus in 3: 296-303; quoted Roger Griffin,ed., Communist International1919-1943 1933) on“Fascism, theWar Danger, andtheTask ofCommunist Parties”, 12 Howard Fertig,York: X. 1999), imperialist element of finance capital.” “open, terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary,most chauvinist and the most communist of viewwasgenerally fascism definition byComintern’s determined as an the the time, over changed Although fascism. about theories communist of evolution general the Communistinterpretation of includingfascism in Yugoslavia, ORJUNA, wasinfluenced by agent ofYugoslav Bourgeoisie”. I.1. Previous Research of ORJUNA; theOrganisation asthe“Reactionary, anti-Croat marked subjectthe as“cultural whichinterprets “from approach”, inside.” the fascism, interpretations Mosse’sandEmilio of Griffin’s, George Gentile’s Stanley Payne’s, insufficiencies. Finally, showhow Iwill gapisthat befilled going to byusing Roger Boškovi analyse Iwill Then Yugoslavia. Socialist in fascism the of interpretation of framework broader in the contextualised work, Šitin’s the massesthe by upperclassas the of imperialist instrumentthe turn atthe expansion of the class mass movement. Moreover, social by massposition, generated emergenceof the capitalismproduction andof working- as the “wild, violent its for anxieties middle-class Waras an theWorldfascism I of answer after that emerged nationalism” was already rooted in 11 the Organisation, trying to account for the way “itsaw itself and as followers saw it” existing knowledge on ORJUNA.large, By and both works arelackinginside perspective of Extract from 13 Extract from George L. Mosse, L. George Thus in this chapter I will firstly indicate the ‘research gap’ in the Gligorijevi in the gap’ ‘research the indicate firstly will I chapter in this Thus (London,Sydney and Auckland:Arnold, E. 1998),59. th Enlarged Executive of the Communist International Plenum (December Plenum International the Communist Executiveof Enlarged The Fascist Revolution;TowardaGeneralFascism Theory of , ed. J. Degras (Oxford: Oxford university Press, 1965), university Oxford (Oxford: J. Degras , ed. 12 This theory basically developed on perception the on developed basically Thistheory International Fascism: Theories, Causes and the 10 ü ’s book, indicating also its also indicating book, ’s in 11 ü (New . ’s and The CEU eTD Collection Causes andthe New Consensus 42-44;1980), Universitetsforlaget, Griffin, Roger ed., Larson,Paradigms,”in 14 13 Bernt Hagtvet because itinstrument of political helped preserved capitalism.capitalism, power asan perceived was still fascism Nevertheless, hegemony. theirpreserve economical to andindependently by World post- the War by Icrises, and supported economic elites as a way Jan developed in 1970s, when fascism was defined as massthe movement generated Petterfurther fascism about theory Communist movements. liberal and wing right fascist, Myklebustbetween differences recognised approach As communist such, the situations. in specific fascism as “exceptional an stage” of which capitalism, in only emerged specific conditions “social-fascists”) were labelled (Bergen, social-democrats (even the asfascist movements, right-wing andespecially actors, political natural in stage developmentthe common labelling of capitalism, bourgeoisie thus all Oslo and society. maintain capitalist to massesin the order Tromso:national-socialism demagogy seen as andserving revolution manipulation was pure the of form nationalistany of totalitarian movementwithout ideology.emphasising It’s on history, fascism rule aviolent of Subsequently, the purely workingwas seeing the class. as of stage progressive thenext, delayed which capitalism of agent most reactionary the by fascismgenerated Warcrises. the Thus perceived deeppost-World as the Icapitalist was perceivedsuppress asonly instrumentto effective socialistworking-class revolution state, a totalitarian into state liberal the of transforming instrument the as capital” “finance Although fascism by initiated itwas middle-classes, andpower by wasnurtured brought to asamain movement danger. working-class socialist perceived middle-class the century, Bernt Hagtvet and Reinhard Kühnl “Contemporary BerntKühnl andReinhardA “Contemporary Approaches Fascism: Hagtvet to Survey of Ibid.,60. In 1920s the and 1930s,the early dogmaofficial Stalinist interpreted fascism as a Who were the Fascist. ofEuropean SocialRoots Fascism 13 (London,Sydney andAuckland: Edward Arnold, 1998)1- . This view wasreplaced in mid-the 1960sby vision the of 11 International Fascism. Theories, , eds. Stein Uglevik Stein eds. , 14 CEU eTD Collection fascist,it is depicted in the same way as fascistmovements. Ibid. , 1966 ed., s.v. “ iss.v. “Ustaše”.1971 ed., It although interestingthat Fascism in Yugoslavia], 16 17 Bešker ed.(Zagreb:Politi Fakultet 15 University Wisconsinof 1996), 443-446. Press, ones. Ustaša especially Hungary),or putting emphasis simultaneously greatest massthe on fascistthe slaughters, either of Croatian or Serb bourgeoisie, or offoreign anti-Yugoslav regimes (Germany,Italy, lacking ageneric definition fascism, all of fascistmovements describes Yugoslav as agents warcrimes. purely their on concentrated definition. aforementioned Comintern to according of bourgeoisie”, element reactionary as “themost fascism of statement official regime’s the in in only expressed was fascism of interpretation conducting system in front inhistoriansmostly scientists justifyingself- and social were Yugoslav the concentrated of of east bloc accusationcomprehensive casedecades studies. During of two the first socialist Yugoslavia, both for “betray of communism”.which late was marked 1970sby both lackuntil of research theoretical the and Thus, the praising nationalhistory the and society. corporative fascist of inthe case as and pro-feudal, reactionary labels them as man, or of new the creation the and society ofthebourgeoisie overthrow revolutionary forthe call case of the Although itidentifies someits of iteithercomponents, regardsthem as asin demagogy, the ideology.insightful fascist and fascismanalyses of lack Marxistpertinent approaches to 14, 42-67; 14, 42-67; Stanley Payne, history towards its last stage, which was the backbone of backbonecommunism’s of the which its laststage, was history towards Todor Kulji Todor Ivan Prpi Enciklopedija Jugoslavije Enciklopedija These shortcomings have also characterized the Yugoslav approach to fascism, to approach Yugoslav the havealsocharacterized These shortcomings Apart from from Apart questionablethe Marxistprogressive dogma aboutthe of development 15 ü Simultaneously, research about fascist movements in Yugoslavia is in Yugoslavia movements fascist about research Simultaneously, , foreword, to ü , „Fašizam i istraživanje fašizma u Jugoslaviji“ [Fascism and Reserach about Reserach and [Fascism Jugoslaviji“ u fašizma istraživanje i „Fašizam , 17 Marksisti A History of Fascism, 1914-1945 ofFascism, AHistory Fašizam ineofašizam [Yugoslav “Fašizam”; [Yugoslav s.v.Encyclopaedia],Ibid. , 1965ed., þ þ ka misao kih kih Sveu Nauka 16 , no. 3 (1986): 4-5. The Yugoslav encyclopaedia from 1965, by 12 , [Fascism and Neofascism], by Inoslav þ ilišta uZagrebu, 7. 1976), ý etnik movement isdefinedetnikmovement not as (Madison, Wisconsin: The weltanschaung ý etnici”; , CEU eTD Collection Fascism], in ibid. , 56-62. community. Radomir D.Luki community. Radomir in echocontemporary withoutinterpretations Yugoslav scientificfascism, stayed of stream the of fits into the which hisinterpretation, and However, “newman”. the state socialism and in of mixture based fascism the movement upon samebook as amythical the interpreted nationalism, which by organic notion of the society tends to the totalitarian 21 the First Fascist Programmes], in ibid. , 67-78. 20 in Fascism], of Function Social the and Nature Social [The fašizma“ funkcija i socijalna priroda „Socijalna 19 Politi 18 by Yugoslavia, Kulji authored Todor form “demagogy”. of yearsin ofits firstexistence. least the at sphere, economic the fascismrecognised that movement,was all-embracing with mass a modernising inpotential most effectivethe rolefrom inprotecting Itwashowever it movement. working-class the independentbe political force whichturnedouttoaninstrumentof capitalism,by playing fascismit an claimed that reformedtypical represented 1970s.Thus, the of theory Marxist the expressed book the Generally, topic. the about scientists social and philosophers Marxist [Fascism and Neo-fascism] generic fascism indefinition of launchedby Yugoslaviabook was the stressed. directlyimposed by rulingthe classes due to lackthe of middlethe class,was also allegedly fascisms, European East peripheral and class, middle the of significance relative to due movement mass independent as emerged fascism where regimes, German and Italian Itis interesting toemphasise that the eminent Belgrade professor ofLaw, Radomir Luki Vojislav Stanov Branko Pribi Branko Inoslav Bešker, ed., þ kih kih Nauka Sveu Those findings were followed the single theoretical book about fascism in fascism about book theoretical single the followed were findings Those thematisation (and last)broader the first of secondpartof During 1970sthe the the 20 However, the book reiterated the Marxist position about fascistideology as a þ Fašizam ineofašizam evi þLü ü , „Fašizam i neofašizam“, in ineofašizam“, „Fašizam , 21 , “Karakteristike prvihfašisti “Karakteristike , þ ilišta uZagrebu,ilišta 1976). Fašizam ineofašizam 18 , which collected works of various Yugoslav and international and Yugoslav various of works collected which , ü , “Društvena suština fašizma” [The Social Essence of Essence Social fašizma” [The suština , “Društvena , 62-67. ü and entitled 13 , [Fascism and Neofascism] (Zagreb: Fakultet (Zagreb: Neofascism] and , [Fascism Fašizam iNeofašizam þ kih programa” [The Characteristics of [TheCharacteristics kih programa” Fašizam: Sociološko-istorijska studija 19 The between difference Fašizam ineofašizam , 28-37; , 28-37; Ivan Peri ü ü , , CEU eTD Collection 1941-1945 1941-1945] (Zagreb: Liber- Školska knjiga, 1977); Fikreta Jeli Fikreta 1977); (Zagreb: Liber-Školska knjiga, 1941-1945] 1941-1945 Država Hrvatska: Nezavisna [Ustaše and the Third Reich] (Zagreb: Globus, 1983); Fikreta-Jeli 1983); and (Zagreb: Globus, [Ustaše Third the Reich] Hitler andMussolini] Globus, 1980);BogdanKrizman, (Zagreb: Globus, 1978); Bogdan Krizman, Yugoslav interwar economic and ideological structure, as well lack of interwarYugoslav as lack limited of economic ideological well structure, and data the Jeli fascismon inis Yugoslavia by represented Croatian historians BogdanKrizman and Fikreta 24 fašizma uJugoslaviji“, 6-14. 23 Historical Study] Nolit, (Belgrade: 1977). were mostly instuck historiographicalthe depiction Yugoslavia, although communistadopted theoretical in apparatus interpretation of fascism, in fascisms of studies historical the volume: the followed which historiographies 22 historiansprominent offascism, Jeli Fikreta vision. state corporative in the expressed mostly constitution, social fascist of theory consisted and“blood homeland” issuedue undeveloped while socialto structure, laterdeveloped the on focused mostly were former that fact the in consisted It fascism. European West and path of East importance of different the emphasised the aswelllater, book, aforementioned Kulji that stress to important is It ultra-nationalism. in anti-modern culminated it instrumentand of defined had nature as a capital,the ademagogic reactionary which although recognising fascism’s independent originsit and anti-capitalist still discourse, Yet, fascism. of ideological components and aspect functional emerged andthe fascist the the state of the discipline in the East and in the West, and analyses the background on which Study] Sociological-Historical [Fascism: The Kulji Kulji Todor Kulji Todor ü - Buti 23 However, these theoretical considerations did not find echoin Yugoslav ü ü , „Fašizam i istraživanje fašizma u Jugoslaviji“, 6. The most outstanding research outstanding most The 6. Jugoslaviji“, u fašizma istraživanje i „Fašizam , , Fašizam: sociološko-istorijska studija ü [ . Bogdan Krizman, . Bogdan ý etnici in Croatia 1941-1945](Zagreb: Globus, 1986). ü , Fašizam: Sociološko-istorijska studija Ante Paveli Paveli ü [Ustaše and the Independent State of of Croatia, State Independent the and [Ustaše izme ü 14 iustaše 22 ü -Buti . The book provides book adetailed. The overview of ÿ , 159-174; Kulji , 159-174; u Hitlera iMussolinija ü stated, stated, undevelopedthe structure of [Ante Paveli [Ante 24 . As one of the Yugoslav most [Fascism: The Sociological- The [Fascism: ü -Buti ü , „Fašizam iistraživanje „Fašizam , ü and Ustaše] (Zagreb: Ustaše] and Ustaše iTre ü , ý ü [Paveli etnici uHrvatskoj -Buti ü , ü between ü Ustaše i Ustaše ü i Reich in the in , CEU eTD Collection World War II socialist ofYugoslav conductedduring revolution south Slavsandthusaspredecessors of emancipation andsocial thenational of factor’ as a‘progressive Youth the interpreted movement.wasbecause This communist[Yugoslav regime Nationalistic Yugoslav Youth] of the organisation’s ideology in relation to the pre-World War I force. political ORJUNA itorganisation,was a pro-fascistrepresent because didan independent not that correctly out pointing finally actions, combat organisation the on mostly focuses he Instead, working-class. the manipulate to meant phraseology” “revolutionary as them Yugoslav mentioning organisation’s ideological such components, as call the for aspiritual revolution, in violent suppression of in violentnational andsocial movements suppression of masses […]”. of the as instrumenton bourgeoisiewhich “[…] reliedon a “terroristandnationalistic” Yugoslav organisation the defines article The ideology. ORJUNA’s into insight modest quite a giving data itsof background main social andorganisation’s whilerelation towards actors, political provides aswell a description fascism.of detailed historiography quite movement, the It to approach above-mentioned the of framework the in written is (Orjuna)” nacionalista Literature] (Zagreb: Hrvatska sveu (Zagreb:Hrvatska Literature] 28 27 (1963), 315. Organisation of Yugoslav Nationalists (Orjuna)], Nationalists Yugoslav of Organisation 26 Fašizam iNeofašizam 25 Italy and Germany of in research implemented was as way a in fascism Yugoslav of research Ivan J. Boškovi Ibid.338-345, 367-371, , 392. Brana Gligorijevi Brana Jeli Fikreta 25 . The previously mentioned Brana Gligorijevi volksgemeinschaft, 28 ü 27 - Buti . It is also worth to mention that the article deliberately avoids the analyses the avoids deliberately article the that mention to worth is also It ü ü , , “Ustaše u drugom svjetskom ratu” [Ustaše in the World War II], in War World II], in [Ustaše the svjetskom ratu” drugom “Ustaše u , , 233. ü Orjuna , “Organizacija jugoslovenskih nacionalista (Orjuna)” [The (Orjuna)” nacionalista jugoslovenskih “Organizacija , the drive toward creating a corporatist society, he discards society, creating acorporatist toward drive the - Ideologija iknjiževnost þ ilišna naklada, 2006), 86. ilišna 2006), naklada, 15 ü ’s article “Organizacija Jugoslovenskih Istorija XX veka:Istorija XX zbornikradova [Orjuna- the Ideology and the Nacionalisti þ ka 26 Although omladina , 5 CEU eTD Collection from from April 18 till 10 May 1991 published in the one of inpublished the one outstanding most the of Croatian daily, continuously was which Orjuna], [Dalmatian Orjunaštvo” “Dalmatinsko feuilleton the radical right- wing movement, but without further thematisation further without but movement, wing right- radical Stanley Payne famous book Djordjevic’s andAvakumovi them, although indirectly, in relation to ORJUNA. work genericabout fascismlackedany Griffinthematisation of ORJUNA. Roger inhisseminal first author who identified pro-fascist straits of the as by Ivo Banac in his book Šitin in lots used thefeuilleton of quotations from ORJUNA'sthe it newspapers, so could be Slobodna Dalmacija Orjunaštvo Unitaristi (21); 33 32 31 and 1986 eds., s.v. “Fašizam”. and See ORJUNA. Youth the Gligorijevi Encyclopaedia follows simultaneously claimed that ORJUNA’s ideology was not fascistic.ityet movement andORJUNA, Youth pre-War the between connections the emphasized The 1986 edition of the 30 same claim couldthat befoundin the 1965Yugoslav encyclopaedia ORJUNA’sthat ideology was notfascist,but onlyits organisation and political actions, the Avakumovi Ivan and Djordjevic Dimitrije adopted for soon“; thenewspapers, which„wouldTon adopted appear 34 Wisconsin Press, 1996),16. Fascist Movements”, 136-137;Banac, 29 StanleyPayne, Griffin, Roger Banac,187-188. 97-104, is Yugoslavinteresting Encyclopaedia Djordjevic, from ibid.1965 also that the It In the last edition of feuilleton, Šitin stated that the feuilleton article was his feuilleton scientific the Šitin that stated feuilleton, Inthelastof edition Djordjevic,“Fascism in Yugoslavia 1918-1941”,130; Avakumovi The Nature of FascismThe Nature of However, just in the eve of the proclamation of the Croatian independence appeared Croatian justinthe of proclamation of the However, eve the The general framework of Gligorijevi of framework general The The Nature of Fascism The Natureof A History ofFascism, 1914-1945 AHistory (Split), 10 May 1991, 25. However, it has not beenit(Split),has 10May not published now.1991, 25.However, till þ TheNationalQuestion inYugoslavia ke zablude” (21);theUnitary[Dalmatian Orjuna Illusions], ü A HistoryofFascism 1914-1945 ’s article,even butmention lacked to ORJUNA the Enciklopedija Jugoslavije took over the data about fascism aboutfrom inYugoslaviaover thedata took 34 . The author, Croatian historian Ton historian Croatian author, The . ü ’s definition, but it does notitstate does but between relations the ’s definition, The National Question (London: Routledge,119-121. 1996), ü ’s articles about fascism in Yugoslavia, as well as in Yugoslavia, fascism about ’s articles 16 ü ’s depiction of ORJUNA is later adopted by adopted later is ORJUNA of depiction ’s (Madison, Wisconsin: (Madison, TheUniversity of Nacionalisti 31 However, contemporary literature contemporary However, [Yugoslav Encyclopaedia], 1965 , 187-188. 33 Slobodna Dalmacija . mentioned ORJUNA as a ORJUNA mentioned þ 29 ka omladina . Djordjevic even stated even . Djordjevic þ i „Dalmatinsko Šitin, 30 þ . Ivo Banac was the i Šitin, wrote it in a it wrote i Šitin, ü , “Yugoslavia’s and related and 32 (Split) , while , CEU eTD Collection ORJUNA inhis ORJUNA Serbia”. Moreover, the most controversial right-wing intellectual, Hrvoje Šoši Hrvoje intellectual, right-wing controversial most the Moreover, Serbia”. themas of Orjuna perceiving fascists’, asthe“Great- advocates the Yugoslavia perceived stigmatiseused to liberal their left-wingand political by opponents term the ‘Sons Yugo- of burdenhighly usageof name, ORJUNA’s the political Croatiannationalists whichextreme by wasmarked Simultaneously,era the itfascist character. neglect evento 1990s, trying reinterpretation of reinterpretation of Ustaša movementduring the Franjo Tu general to anattempt brought it contrary, fascism.On the about theresearch of stage the correct. completely developednot inmass movement, oroffered corporatist vision society,of the isnot which ORJUNA did that fact the to fascism due fully fledged represented not itdid fact that by the comprehensively, putting even marka question on Organisation’sthe fascism characteristics ideology to a great extent. Finally, Šitin lacks to analyse the organisation’s ideology feuilleton was published.feuilleton media the in due to which page), date, (number, of quotations about source the data exact stated that feuilleton has a credibility of scientific writing, although he did not provide a between the movement.communist Moreover, asGligorijevi which he labels a ORJUNA as reactionary organisation,to progressive opposed Yugoslav role of organisation. However,hisburden approachis also with communist heritage, dueto ininto canadoptinsight quite good andhistorical soreader nature factors the Yugoslavia, political contemporaneous other to andrelation impact political its aswell characteristics, structural historical, goodstyle,quite social ORJUNA’s and depicting comprehensively Gligorijevi The last two decades The lastfurther twosincedid developed not become Croatia independent ü , Šitin rejects the fact that Orjuna inherited the inherited Orjuna that fact the rejects Šitin , Nacionalisti Croatian PoliticalLexicon þ ka omladina and ORJUNA, but in the same manner as as a pure instrument of the Serbianization of of Serbianization the instrument pure asa 17 ü , heimposes question relationsthe of ÿ man’s nationalistin government Nacionalisti þ ka ü , depicted Omladina CEU eTD Collection fascist characteristics, but doesn’t add to Gligorijevi addto butdoesn’t fascistcharacteristics, relates the including an outline of including anoutline of first ideology ORJUNA’s in partof the book. the ORJUNA’s integral ideology Yugoslav literary on the of members,works ORJUNA ORJUNA saw Serbia as only guarantee of preserving Dalmatia in the South Slavin state South the Dalmatia of preserving asonly guarantee ORJUNA saw Serbia that arguing insocial viewreasons, of ORJUNA’s Croatism anti- interprets he Instead, in ideology. between Croatism andYugoslavism ORJUNA’s relation the conceptualizes not he does book, abovementioned in Banac’s made already a point spirit, national defines theircommon of traits establishing unique the future Yugoslav nation upon Serb the of of integral linkingYugoslavism, it to the 38 37 sveu Ideologija iknjiževnost LjubomirAnti in Century], Yugoslav Yugoslav theories in Croatia in 20 Gligorijevi emulated they of ORJUNA, fascistcharacteristics general Considering ideology. focused mostly between on relation the inYugoslavism and Croatism the organisation’s stolje 36 Part, A-O][The First (Rijeka: Tiskara Rijeka, 613-616. 1993), Boškovi Ivan and Century] Twentieth inthe Croats among Yugoslavism National of Ideologies [The Ljubomir Anti 35 Croatia. Boškovi Anti LjubomirAnti Hrvoje Šoši Hrvoje þ ü ilišnanaklada, 2006). u” [The Ideologies of National Yugsolavism among Croats in Twentieth the Croats among Yugsolavism of National Ideologies [The u” ü , 52-56. 35 ü The same interpretation isinterpretation The inBoškovi advanced same Mentioning ORJUNA in the framework of the general thematisation of the ’s The two scientific texts which thematised ORJUNA after the fall of communism, of fall the after ORJUNA thematised which texts scientific two The ü ü Nacionalisti , 5-138. ’s analyses. Orjuna: IdeologijaiknjiževnostOrjuna: ü Hrvatska Politika u XX stolje u XX Politika Hrvatska ü , ü ’s “Nacionalne ideologije Jugoslavenstva kod Hrvata u dvadesetom Hrvataudvadesetom kod ideologije’s “Nacionalne stolje Jugoslavenstva (Zagreb:Matica Hrvatska,2006),54-56; Ivan J. Boškovi Hrvatski politi ü , “Nacionalne ideologije Jugoslavenstva kod Hrvata u dvadesetom Hrvata kod Jugoslavenstva “Nacionalne ideologije , þ ka omladina [Orjuna: The ideology and the Literature] (Zagreb: Hrvatska (Zagreb: Literature] and the ideology The [Orjuna: þ ki leksikon th century, Anti century, ideology to ORJUNA’s, and thematises ORJUNA’s [Croatian Political Lexicon], vol.1, Lexicon], Political [Croatian Nacionalisti 18 [Orjuna: The ideology Literature] the and ideology The [Orjuna: ü u [Croatian Politics in [Croatian XXCentury],ed. Politics ü identifies palingeneticORJUNA’s vision ü ’s interpretation. Moreover, stating Moreover, ’s interpretation. þ ü ka omladina ’s book, focusing ’s book, on impactof the vision.Although he 38 Boškovi Prvi dio, A-O ü , ü Orjuna: ’s book 37 . ü u” 36 , CEU eTD Collection 39 fascism.model provide The of anoperational interpretation,generic they don’t as modernisation of backward countries of in stage orasaparticular process the middle-war during Europe period, spread through the crisis at the turn European middle-class turn atthe of of century,the masses alienated spiritual by European of the century, frustrated the of expression as apolitical explained was Fascism world.” “free to the as general totalitarian wasinopposition which movement totalitarian reactionary, as anultra-nationalist, fascism anti- modernistSubsequently, although toeachthey were usually opposite they other, mostly interpreted tendenciesThey didn’t take into consideration the utopian elementswhich of the fascistideology. theories. flaws as from communist same the the suffered Western theories Until recently, Revolution I.2.Theoretical Approach Research: tothe Fascism as Palingenetic National pure agent of Serbian hegemony Croats. over the Belgrade rulingit classes.its Second, biased nationalist view preserved asof ORJUNA a of agent as areactionary movement tothe approach in communist the encapsulated hence Orjuna’s itconduct ideology, did analyses of comprehensive not remained without any comprehensive analyses to prove his statement. nuance ORJUNA’s ideology of Yugoslavism,repeatedly stating it simply Anti-Croat doesnot author The anti-Croatism. ORJUNA’s the in depicting is present same method fascism, thus giving to quote contemporary approach theoretical nothe does fascist characteristics, Orjuna’s the impression that they are part of our “common knowledge.” The Hagtvetand Kühnl, “Contemporary Fascism”,Approaches to 26-51. To conclude, previous research on subjectthe exhibits a “gap”.two-fold it First, 39 . However, they were all too narrow in their 19 CEU eTD Collection 24, fm 15. means the abolition of all class conflicts as obstacle toit. Thus fascism has a socialist achieving Moreover, movement. community new the organic alternative modernisation an representing thus community, new the and man new the achieve to prerequisite this does not mean thatsubordinate individual infreedom a way construct newto organic community. However, it is conservative, because it calls for the glorious past only as a 41 40 new,post-liberal the revolutionary the of through decadence anddegeneracycausedbyliberal establishing order national perceived eradicate which isto palingenesis, national of myth the of consisting minimum, fascist a identified it organisation, of the form inthe specificity and support its of concrete ideology, can take specific forms from country to country, with various social roots andcommunity.” national ethnic which aspires bringto about a total revolution in the political and social culture of particular modern politics of fascism as“[…]agenus definition the of later to broaden was definition FascismThe Nature of offascism as reached aconsensual understanding Stanley Payne, George most outstanding intentionswhat areRogerGriffin, real representatives were.Its their L. Mosse and Emilio Gentile.“cultural approach”, which tends tounderstand how fascists understood themselves and According byso called decades in lasttwo to the been has revolutionalized fascism of interpretation Griffin, these authors Consensus within Fascist Study“, Fascist within Consensus 42 Roger Griffin, Roger Griffin, Roger Griffin, „The Primacy of Culture: The Current Growth (or Manufacture) of The first elaboration of aforementionedthe approach is providedin book Griffin’s decadence is giving way to one of the rebirth and renewal in a post-liberal new order” cohesion anddrivingforce core from the myththataperiod ofperceived national declineand supportsocial andinthespecific ideology promotedits by many permutations, draws itsinternal “ […] genus[…] ofmodern, revolutionary,mass politics which, while extremely heterogeneous inits International Fascism The Nature of Fascism The Natureof volksgemeinschaft 41 , which , 14. 42 defined fascism as defined fascisma palingenetic as ultra nationalism. This The JournalofContemporary History Recognisingfact theveryimportant fascism,in that its (London: Routledge, 1996). . Thus, fascism is totalitarian, because it needs needs to it because is totalitarian, fascism . Thus, 20 37, no. 1 (2002): 37,no. . 40 CEU eTD Collection more ideology. Nevertheless, his typological description of fascism is especially important especially is fascism of description typological his Nevertheless, ideology. more from stem although they characteristics, fascism organisational within leader charismatic Payne mentioned masculine principle and exaltation of the youth, as well notion of nation. Moreover, the of vision fascist palingenetic of the product are adirect because they characteristics, of group special in the anti-conservatism) communism, anti- (anti-liberalism, fascist negations model.liberalseparated toovercome tended economic structure, Payne economic andintegrated state authoritarian newestablish nationalist to violence tends evaluation of positive with idealistand which philosophy, new,voluntarist and society, asa 46 Wisconsin Press, 1996) negations, and andorganisation style negations, fascist ideology, its categories: in three characteristics fascist divides Payne studies. case to applied canbe which directly fascistcharacteristics model of apractical offers 45 44 43 palingenesis national of achievement for not or needed are they whether perception the of dependent as countries fascist of apparatus ideological in the emerged which imperialism, and Semitism fascistanti- be The samecould about said goal itsregeneration. national ultimate of achieve to purification of instrument an is but characteristic, fascist an essential not is violence national one which into ‘perverse’ capital transfigure struggle to class peculiar in expressed the component, servers both producers and owners, and thus the community. Hence massfor achievingsupport political the power shared by movements,failproto-fascist constitute to themselves asindependentforces with typological description of fascism advanced in his book in his advanced fascism of description typological Payne, StanleyPayne, Ibid.116-117. , Griffin, While Griffin a provides general on naturethe theory fascism, of Stanley Payne A History of Fascism of History A The Nature of Fascism The Natureof 43 . Finally, it is important to stress that these ideologies characteristics are characteristics ideologies thatthese tostress is important it. Finally, A History of Fascism 1914-1945 of A History ,14. , 1-56. 46 . Ideology covers the most important issues of state 21 44 . (Madison, Wisconsin: The University of University The Wisconsin: (Madison, A HistoryofFascism 1914-1945 45 CEU eTD Collection capital capital decadent, capital selfish the against men”. bourgeoisie of “old the These socialist notion of class makingstruggle, it instead asthe struggle of national-the conscious and vitality old against the anddecadentbourgeois world,shifted againstwhichfascistsalso power of values masculine of symbol the as youth in is embodied It state. the for sacrifice ultimate of heroism through community national the to man dedicated new the create and nature human the transform totally should that life” of revolution “experience the upon based spiritual a for called It field. ideological the into primarily modernism its settles As Griffin and Payne, Mossealsoapproaches fascism movement,as a modernist butit did notseize the power, so its practice offascism stayed on ideology beside combat actions. organisation the that fact to ORJUNA, due in of case the important is particularly This life.” totality” cultural revolution”, by iswhich culture definedasperception lifeof “as a whole- a 49 Howard Fertig,York: 1999). Mosse’s book Mosse’s 48 47 system class abolish the to than rather proletariat the weaken to wasmeant state corporative the of goal soits structure, social existing the preserve dictatorship.national whileto forwanted Moreover, calling palingenesis, proto-fascist to achieve itthrough the traditional elites, especially army, praisingmostly military proto-fascism,that havingwhile muchin common fascism with palingenetic vision, tended emphasises analyses. Payne broader without by indicated Griffin areonly which differences right, authoritarian the and proto-fascism from movements fascist differentiating in Gligorijevi by seen is which ORJUNA, of case in the important isespecially fascism and proto-fascism Mosse, George L. Mosse, L. George Ibid.,14-19. While Payne gives a practical model of model L. offascism, While apractical gives Payne all George of characteristics 49 . Thus Mosse approach focused on fascistic on focused approach Mosse . Thus The Fascist Revolution ü as proto-fascist, but is notanalysed more specifically. The Fascist Revolution: Towards General Theory of Fascism The Fascist Theoryof General Revolution:Towards The Fascist Revolution;TowardaGeneralFascism Theory of , X. 22 weltanschaung 47 . This distinction between , “attitude towards , “attitude 48 as a “politico- as a (New CEU eTD Collection politics and hence jeopardizes national integration national jeopardizes politics hence and endangered by politicsthe which of classes old suppressed theentrance of massesintothe nationthe as communion of destiny, which would finally finishednational integration integration. national of unfinished with perception the the young intellectuals were mostly praising the emergence of “a free man able to master his master to able man free “a of emergence the praising mostly were intellectuals young by “total freedom state”, individual coerce to tried whilethat, in fascism fact difference the their he emphasized Simultaneously, community. national spiritual new the and man new fascism in their activist conception of politics, praising of glorious past and vision of the Nacionalisti two counts: the firstcentury the of turn the on society one, ORJUNA inherited withintegration, which started of rebellion intellectuals againstYoung bourgeoisie Italian to a great extent ideology national Fascism of as final product unfinished perception Italian case of of with a particular from the pre-war 51 Connecticut,(Westport, London: Praeger Publishers, 2003). 50 Gentile’s book Yugoslavia.inter-war in the wasaquitewidespread which capital, it foreign in settling the society, especially launched the notion of decadent capital while calling for the also impositionORJUNA Moreover, of corporatist Youth. the by be conducted should which revolution cultural national causedby decadence political it oldthe ruling by class,for opposing to calling the Yugoslav the emphasised which in ORJUNA, caseof noticeable the arealso characteristics 52 Gentile, Gentile, Emilio Ibid.41-77. , Through the spiritual revolution, Youth would embody in the masses the notion of notion the masses the in embody would Youth revolution, spiritual the Through While the three aforementioned books are dealing with generic fascism, Emilio The Struggle for Modernity TheStruggle for þ ka omladina TheStrugglefor Modernity: Nationalism, Futurism andFascism The StruggleforModernity. Nationalism,Futurism Fascism and , and secondly, both Italian and Yugoslav fascism were dealing were fascism Yugoslav and Italian both secondly, and , 51 . This approach is relevant for the case of ORJUNA, on , 4-5. 23 52 . Gentile finds the Youth relation to 50 deals CEU eTD Collection fascism and proto- between difference full the clarifies Payne that important is itfascism Moreover, theory. Griffin’s movements. Mosses’Payne cultural socialism. of path offersspecial and approachanti-conservatism anti-liberalism, its as well as palingenesis, puts a anpractical emphasis national of vision its in fascism of characteristics onimportant most the theidentifying model of theanalysing nature of ORJUNA. Griffin’s fascism, theory provides which me with a general can theoretical also approach,supplemented by 55 54 53 anti-Croat, as in Boškovi mostly as “from but catalogued it, understand as been interpreted inside,” ORJUNA’s the nothas Serb all nationalities the one, except Slav ashegemonic South regarded towards especially the Croatian one. Moreover, ORJUNA’s theory of Yugoslavism, although suppressing foes, the regime’s namely and communists themovements nations,of Yugoslav chaos liberal from individual and preserve associations, population in fascist such societies, various kinds youth, of as women and workers of strata all the embracing by will which organisation”, of myth “the by build be will it squads ( in bemoulded action to the wasperceived which of “newItalian”, the by theemergence own destiny.” Gligorijevi organisation isstillframed by the nature, fascist its Regarding of nature organisation. the in embrace whole organisation. society the the to trying associations various the in thecaseof ORJUNA,glorified which thecultof action-squads, it aswell established of Ibid.77-89. , Ibid.109-127. , Ibid.87. , To conclude, historiography the lackson ORJUNA comprehensive insights into the Fasci diCombatimento ü ’s approach, which sees it ’s approach,whichseesof instrumentas for royal the the regimeYugoslav 53 He also points out that fascism tried to make the new national community national new the make to tried fascism that out points also He ü ’s text. By employing recent theories,my research will re-evaluate ) asperceived nucleusof newthe communion 24 55 . The same tendencies werepresent . Thesametendencies 54 . Moreover, CEU eTD Collection emergence, as well an overview of the historical development of the organisation. ORJUNA ideology, it should be firstly detected the broader framework of the organisation ininmovementprovide Croatia. the But themoreinto way to insight comprehensive fascism, same asthe from ideological issues whilepre-warYouth Italian the originated war Youth movement, which is especially useful in the case of ORJUNA, since it developed of the organisation and role of action squads, as well connection of fascist ideology to pre- book provides a valuable insightinto the ideology of fascism in Italy, emphasising the myth Gentile’s Finally, power. the seize not did it since level, theoretical on stayed fascism which not in economic or materialand manner, in anideological be conducting to primarily was revolution fascist the fact that ways, which is especially important in the case of ORJUNA 25 CEU eTD Collection day of St. Vidus, one of the most outstanding Serb Saints. constitutionin on the whichisJune calendar the the orthodox 28 1921, was promulgated 56 constitution from 1921 called various with minorities. national of state Accordingthe respectablealso proportion to andSlovenes, Croats- people” of Serbs- “the composed tree-named of was state SCS] the Hrvata iSlovenaca Kingdom, which was established inDecember 1918under name the context of Yugoslavia in in1920s, which organisationthe emerged. ThenewSlav south political the present briefly will I chapter in this ORJUNA, of ideology the analysing Before development of of ORJUNA. development aforementioned issues;on Iwill background, this an historical the provide overview of crisis. the of IwillIn briefly chapter this politicalsolution theYugoslav outline focusing crisesin1920s, onthe the as revolution cultural Yugoslav a of project fascist-like for opting of permanent crisis, whichThe lackconsensus to Croat overdifferentand Serb visions of astate Yugoslavia produced led to the emergence of conceptionsSlav nations of the organization south andconstitutionthe about Yugoslavia. of radical movements such countries i.e.disputes so calledwith neighbourhood asand “national differentquestion”, ORJUNA, territorial were problems political important most two The problems. ethnic and political executive power which only allowed local,municipality autonomies. defined as monarchy constitutional,the parliamentary with centralist organisation of The name The Yugoslavia in 1920s: Territorial Disputes, National Question and Question National Disputes, Territorial 1920s: in Yugoslavia Although victorious inWorldfaced victorious Although economic, newstate WarOne,the numerous Vidovdan - Kraljevina SHS [Kingdom andKraljevinaCroats Serbs,of Kingdom - SHS[Kingdom of Slovenes- Constitution [St. Vidus Constitution] isbecause [St.VidusConstitution Constitution] given the the Emergence of ORJUNA the Emergence Vidovdan Chapter II. Chapter constitution [St. Vidus Constitution] Vidus [St. constitution 26 Kraljevina Srba, 56 , the state was CEU eTD Collection Cambridge University 2000),115-116, 155-156. Press, 59 58 in Inis, 1918-1941](Beograd: Yugoslavia 2005),20-62. 1918-1941 57 security.state as a to treat government half of however, ethnic1920s; be minorities perceivedcontinued to bythe Yugoslav in second improved the relations Diplomatic incidents. border recurrent generating tense, countries werequite these two with of Yugoslavia Germainand relations the Trianon), St. of treaties peace underthe borders left their outside who were ( abroad, kin-minorities half of the population of the region (50.4%). as inwell while CarinthiaGermans madeAlbanians (24,8%), Kosovo on more up even than quarter of population,the and such as Hungarians Germans (27,7%) in (23,8%) Vojvodina, Moreover, in the new incorporated the population. around20percentof inhabitants in1921,representing ofYugoslavia territories, million circa12.1 a total minorities national the outof million of to amounted 2.1 national minorities Slav byanon-South Hence, population. in overwhelmingly inhabited territories Bulgarian made up more thanincorporated the territory of Vojvodina,one Carinthia, and some other smaller ex-Hungarian and Macedonia whilein inhabited bynon-Serbian Slav population, newsouth 1918the state Slovenian lands. Serb and in Croat, the unification before present already was Slavic which population, non- the of proportion huge a inherited also It core. ethnic homogenous an have not did it TerritorialII. 1. Disputes andNationalQuestion inYugoslavia in1920s. Janjetovi Zoran Janjetovi Zoran John R. Lampe, As Austria andHungary Yugoslav expressed claims territoriesto inhabited by their Although Yugoslaviaas the wasconstituted centralistmonarchy of Slavs, south the [The Kids of the Emperors, the Foster- Child of Kings: the National Minorities ü , Deca careva 57 ü Already in Balkan wars (1912-1913), SerbiaKosovo and annexed Already inBalkan wars (1912-1913), , Deca careva, pastor careva, Deca Yugoslavia asHistory: Twice Therewas a Country , 64-67. 59 þ ad kraljeva: nacionalne manjine uJugoslaviji nacionalne manjine ad kraljeva: 58 27 (Cambridge: CEU eTD Collection approval, wassimultaneouslyKing whileexecutive power to andresponsible the Alexander I from from Alexander I KaraSerbian dynasty of King the authorities the“over-constitutional” defined constitution monarchy, the was defined although asparliamentary control state the Moreover, Serbs inBelgrade. of system which of government gavehuge tothe central authorities undergovernment the existed in previously Hungary the Austro- were abolished,and imposed instead centralist municipallyConstitution,by which previous state all of Croatia Slovenia and rights which perceived newcountry the as ruledby Serbdominance. the clash between the Serbian and non-Serbian political elites, especially the Croat, which political the by caused instability political internal the by amplified was impression This insecurity. in impressionYugoslavia was of acute the permanent a state that home created 1924. pretensionsinterstate relations, these continued to be ratherto bad, due to constant expression of the Italian the wholeAlthough aboutbrought agreementthis a normalisation temporary Italian-Yugoslavthe of Dalmatia,of Istria,especiallyYugoslavia and Italia in inRapallo 1920 and inRoma in 1924, Italy the received province the after town theDalmatianof MussoliniRijeka withdrawinin 1918,buthad year; to of yet, its course the warships next the in stayed (Fiume) gainedDalmatia entered army Italian the ports.Accordingly, gain. territorial thepost-war as and coast Dalmatian powersome inAccordingsmaller part of theto Dalmatianthe diplomatic coast. settlement of the dispute signed by 60 the secret 1915 London treaty signed with the Lampe, 60 The Serb dominance already was expressed in the before mentioned before the in expressed was already dominance The Serb neighbours, ethnic coupledwith internal cleavages at of the The hostile attitude Subsequently, was most problematic the with territorial dispute Italy, which—under Yugoslavia as Yugoslavia History, 113-114, 154.113-114, ÿ or ÿ evi 28 ü . No law could be promulgated without hisNo law could without . bepromulgated Antante — was promised almost the entire Vidovdan CEU eTD Collection 1918-1992 65 64 charismatic leader Stjepan Radi Stjepan leader charismatic politicians to oppose the Belgrade regime. Thus the Croatian Peasant Party (HSS) and its state territory. new as in of the integral part not andan lands, asinoccupied Vojvodina) Bosnia, Croatia, Hungarian treatingSlav (Slovenia,officers, ex-Austro-Hungarian the south territories ex-Austro- Slav south the incorporate to refuse which army, new in the worse even was London: Cornell University Press, 1993), identities. south separate Slav national be moulding strong to result ofstill formedof a gradual asa They insouth Slavs acentralist believed Yugoslavorganized nation thatthe state. was only all encompassing nation one of vision the promoted which unity”, state and “national the subjectivitynational its preserve should and nation each in which political Yugoslavia, of organisation federalist a for autonomy. However, they were not against the regime dogma of apparatus subsequently the non-efficiency andcorruption of state the to 63 as nationality. Serb 62 Hungarian state apparatus, usuallynon-qualified andSerbs employed instead state Hungarian from Austro- the inherited Serbs also but from administration, andthe Slovenes Croats fired state new The and thearmy. bureaucracy in the by king,especially the extentcontrolled governing.in state the Slavs ofsouth all more towards participation equal redefine state the to non-Serbian parties 61 parliament Ivo Banac, Ivo Ibid.,148-149. The word 'Serbian' refer to Serbs from Serbia, while the word 'Serb' is general used for Banac, Tihomir Cipek, „ and Croats The Yugoslavism“, in In order toconfine the Serbian domination, the Croatian political elites were arguing Subsequently, the Serbian domination was present in apparatusSubsequently, a great Serbian state the the waspresent to domination The NationalQuestion 65 61 , ed.Dejan Djokic (London:Hurstand Company, 74-75. 2003), The failure of the political class to adopt ultimately vision pushedCroat this political classto Thefailureof the . The role. The any agreatextentblocked of of to King the attempts parliamentary 64 The NationalQuestion inYugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics ü , 220 , promoter of a political platform of demanded agrarianism, of platform of a political , promoter . 398-399 29 . Yugoslavism, Histories of FailedYugoslavism, Idea of Histories 63 . But the situation the But . (Ithaca and (Ithaca 62 , leading , CEU eTD Collection (SHS). 69 Central University European 2004),256. Press, Southeastern Europe thought“, in 68 National Question was the harsh suppressionsouth Slav separate identities to be endanger tointegral Yugoslavism, the peak of its actions of the Croatian federalist claims, which were perceived to be party Pribi leadershipparty violent the Unitarianunder hard-linerof Svetozar already it centralismidentity,existing unification.supported asthefirst step towards Asthe uncompromised notion of integral perceivingYugoslavism, the Yugoslav nation as an an Although (DS). advocated Party party the by Democratic government Yugoslav the innovationCroat meantsubvert to Serbian the identity. giveavoided to the new name state “Yugoslavia”, which was perceived byRadicals a as drafted by the Radicals, imposed a centralist organisation of the state, but deliberately 67 66 the Croats in inter- war period of support consensual thealmost politicalthe Croatia.agenda gained His emancipation of Paši by by sentence uttered Nikola legendary the Theirvision Yugoslavia. was encapsulated the leadingthe role of Serbia of uniting all Serbs, and only by extension all south Slavs, which were beto subordinated to Serbian simpleaim state wouldbe primary the with kingdom, pre-war the of continuation a Yugoslavia, buttohave in her.” Yugoslavia drown Banac,The 168-169. state insteada name got “Kingdom andof Serbs, Croats Slovenes” Marko Bulatovi Marko Nikola Paši Ibid.,76. ü , the president of the ruling Serb Radical party (RS): “Serbia does notwant to drown in The Radicals were assisted in their effort to impose the centralist system of system centralist the impose to effort their in assisted were Radicals The Serbian political elites promoted radically different ideas on the organization of organization the on ideas different radically promoted elites political Serbian ü Ideologies NationalIdentities,Twentieth-and TheCaseof Century to Jovan Jovanovi to , 132. ü , “Struggling , with Yugoslavism: Dilemmas of Interwar Serb political , ed. John , ed.John R. Lampe Mark Mazower NewYork: and (Budapest- 68 . Thus thepreviously mentionedalready 66 . ü Pižon in London, 5 October 1918, quoted inin Banac, 1918,quoted London,5October Pižon 30 67 Paši 69 ü hoped that the new south Slav Vidovdan þ evi ü Constitution, defined all The CEU eTD Collection problem problem South the of Slav Kingdom itsuntil dissolution in 1941. political main the remained conflicts nationalist that result the with failed, eventually 1929. The King’s solveeffort to the national in question followingthe years of dictatorship Eve Christmas on Alexander King dictatorship a royal of proclamation the and parliament the of abolishment the by followed was event This deputy. Radical by assembly National assassination socialthe and economic Finally, spheres. achievedin crises apeak the 1928 with the of the leaderespecially with HSS. The state was in permanent political crises, which was also reflected in of HSS Stjepangovernment, butRadi at the by promoted secured and Democrats of in Radicals thedominance Serbian parties the same time caused deep political clash withperceived the unitary Yugoslavism as the only inprotection frontof Italian expansion. all south Slav nations, project. Theparty enjoyed only in supportof Croats the Dalmatia andin whoIstria, Serbia aGreater with equated whichextent, subsequently a greatwas in to Croatia idea Croatiahis duringin enrolment 1918-1924 the compromisedgovernments Yugoslav the Ljubomir Anti in Century], stolje 71 70 idea. then Serbcentralist the much more dangerous LjubomirAnti Banac ü u” [The Ideologies of National Yugoslavism among Croats in Twentieth the Croats among Yugoslavism of National Ideologies [The u” The system of under 1921 the centralism introduced political system of The , 181 . Hrvatska Politika u XX stolje u XX Politika Hrvatska ü (Zagreb: Matica Hrvatska, 2006), (Zagreb: Matica Hrvatska, 55. ü , “Nacionalne ideologije Jugoslavenstva kod Hrvata u dvadesetom Hrvata kod Jugoslavenstva “Nacionalne ideologije , 31 ü u [Croatian Politics in [Croatian XXCentury], ed. Politics ü 70 and some other HSS deputies in the Pribi þ evi ü violent politics practised in practised politics violent Vidovdan constitution 71 CEU eTD Collection and influences. Italian extentSlavs from in the great Hungarian, German, Serbs,andsubsequentpurgingof South a to embodied characteristics heroic racial Slav allegedly of south emergence the for the 104. Subsequently, politicians. Austro-Hungarian and outstanding of the regime assassinations riots political elites, andturned toradical, revolutionary organisingactions various such anti-as of fighting for the political legalway the whichcondemned territories, Slav south from students Austro-Hungarian the emancipation of southomladina Slavs advocated by the Serb and Croat a greatextent. was to organisation the [Young Croatia on the Eve of World War I], member of the of member 72 support of government,the namely DS andits leaderSvetozar Pribi and the duetothe fact organisationelaborated wasdeeply the supported, that on dependent fully newer were notions these However, and society. corporative state a totalitarian advocating to moved and gradually system parliamentary the of a harsh forwardcritique put of unitary Yugoslavism and cameintopublic its with ownidea of a national revolution. It The EmergenceII.2. andtheFall of ORJUNA, 1921-1929. zbornik WorldWar I], in Eveof Youth the on Croatia Students of Ideas [National 73 Assassination of Archduke the Franzin Ferdinand was by Sarajevo conducted the Mirjana Gross,“Nacionalne ideje omladine studentske uHrvatskoj uo 21-22, (1968-69): 21-22, 75-143; Vice Zaninovi The idea integral of launchedYugoslavism inwas by 1910s the Established in 1921, ORJUNA took advantageEstablishedin ofthefailure 1921,ORJUNAtook solving problem of the [The Yugoslav Nationalistic Youth]. It was the net of the both Serb and Croat Omladina the Omladina 73 Gavrilo Princip. Gavrilo launched the idea of launchedthe idea south the of Slav spiritual revolution calling 32 Historijski zbornik Historijski ü , “Mlada Hrvatska uo 11-12, (1958-1959): 65- 11-12, þ evi ü þ þ , whose instrument, whose i svjetskog rata” I. i svjetskogI. rata” Nacionalisti Historijski þ ka 72 CEU eTD Collection (1963), 316-322. Organisation of Yugoslav Nationalists (Orjuna)], Nationalists Yugoslav of Organisation 76 to Orjuna] (Split, Izdanje direktorijuma85. Orjune, 1925), 75 (4): the Division of the Youth], Hungariansin such and Novi bigVojvodina which as towns, Subotica, Sad, Sombor punishing expeditions on villagesHungarian variousand entrepreneurships owedby evenconducted and Theorganisation inVojvodina. Dalmatian coast on Hungarians the on onItalians especially minorities, national membersthe of on onattacks the concentrated disputes with AustriaHungary, andItaly the firstduring half of 1920s Dalmatia, Vojvodina and Slovenia, all border regions jeopardised by the Yugoslav territorial movementspread through wholethe country, enjoying specialof peasantrythe in support originally envisioned asan youthorganisation,exclusively infollowing the yearthe 74 all nation and state enemies” which jeopardise “Yugoslav national oneness”. against “fighting of that was actions its of goals main The Youth]. Nationalistic Progressive the congressin the 1919.However,congressfailed inthe division due tothe Zagreb October of as marginalisation by youth inthegather again well life. Thus at the political they to tried national dispute, of Croato-Serb the by emergence the disappointment weredeep expressed the organisation called organisation the mostthe agileyoungfinally groupof nationalistin the Splitestablishedon 23 March 1921 stream who claimed for “national socialism,” on the other hand. Niko Bartulovi Niko Ton Omladina Brana Gligorijevi þ i Šitin, „Dalmatinsko Orjunaštvo (4): raslojavanje mladih“ [The Dalmatian Orjuna In the period 1921-1922, the actions of the movement were to a great extent actions the were to agreatmovement of 1921-1922, In theperiod the After the establishing of the new south Slav state, the members of the As all subsequent attempts to organise the members of of pre-war the organisethemembers to attempts As allsubsequent between supporters of Bolshevik Ideas on the one hand, and the nationalist ü , Od Revolucionarne omladine do Orjune Od Revolucionarneomladinedo ü , “Organizacija, jugoslovenskih nacionalista (Orjuna)” [The Jugoslovenska napredna nacionalisti Jugoslovenskanapredna Slobodna Dalmacija 33 (Split),21 April 1991, 21. Istorija XX veka:Istorija XX zbornik radova [From the Revolutionary Youth 74 þ ka omladina 76 . Omladina [Yugoslav 75 Although Omladina failed, , 5 CEU eTD Collection the communiststhe in 1923and (Bosnia)in Husinje inin Trbovlje October May (Slovenia) by organised strikes ofminer’s as well suppressions inMoscow, international Peasant the election duringjoinedharsh state fights the HSS were campaigns in1923and1924,after to Especially movement. working-class the of branch communist and Party, Peasant Croatian spreading feararound the whole Yugoslavia,focusing especially againston fightthe the inDefence]years, two subsequent ORJUNAearly action 1923. Inthe squads were Udruženje veteran World Serbian itmade WarOne organisations, with especially analliance two after Thesquadsan importantroleinuniformed played organisation, action-squads. the well-armed unitstrong, with toawell-organised regionalnetwork from a loose evolved huge financial huge andsources financial weapons,obtained from army.the the opposition non-unitary oppositionthe movements. Thus, Pribi Svetozar Svetozar Pribi League of Nations denouncing Serbian the inhegemony over Croats Yugoslavia. party’sthe public memorandum in the beginning of 1922 Genoa Conferenceto of the after especially (HSS), Party Peasant Croatian the against actions combat conduct to started minister of minister of interior Milorad Draškovi the Clash by Holly Manda Church], Manda Holly by Clash the 78 77 and Split, especially after the assassination of closetsthe political assistant of Pribi bloody organisation strugglesagainstcommunistsalso conducted inBelgrade,street Zagreb minorities. Hungarian sizeable contained 80 79 Šitin, „Dalmatinsko Orjunaštvo (6): okršaji kod Svete Mande [The Dalmatian Orjuna (6): Orjuna Dalmatian [The Mande Svete kod okršaji (6): Orjunaštvo „Dalmatinsko Šitin, Gligorijevi Gligorijevi Gligorijevi The first turning point in in The first turning thedevelopmentstarted organisation point 1923,when ý ü ü etnika ü , „Organizacija jugoslovenskih nacionalista (Orjuna), 329. , 340-342. þ , 324. evi ü recognisedORJUNA was asinstrument agood for thesuppression of [The Association of [The Association Slobodna Dalmacija ü in 1921. July 77 ý 34 Besides attacks on minorities, the new the minorities, on attacks Besides etnici] i etnici] þ evi 78 ü Narodna Odbrana Simultaneously, the organisation started supportORJUNA to started with (Split),23 April 1991, 30. 80 As a result, ORJUNA [The National 79 þ evi ü and CEU eTD Collection „The Expedition on Belgrade“], 86 85 84 Yugoslavia asHistory, whole region, but were forced to withdraw according to Trianon Treaty in 1921. See Lampe, belongedYugoslavia,parts Hungary. to northern and to In 1919Serbiantroops occupied the 83 82 387. mostthe importantcommunist regime songs inTito's Yugoslavia. SeeGligorijevi criminal deeds of the organisation. The song of minersthe from Husinje later became one of 81 coast of Dalmatian parts small following the signing of Italian the Roma treaty which recognisedfllowing incidents on anarm Hungarian-Yugoslavthe border in 1923, andarmed with fights Italian rule over likeactions by “marchon conducting suppressed the government, Baranja” independent the Istria and politics”. Serb “separatist their suppress to trying Vojvodina, 1924. members from the whole country, with a special parade of the action squads. meeting of in Organisation the 1925,estimated togather inMay Belgrade around 100000 imposingits owndictatorship. However, thegrandiose march out a bigturned to mass “March aimof with Belgrade” the on inoppositionplanned organisation a 1924,the enrolling of strata all society secondary (students, pupils,school andpeasants) women followed bysections country, the sections throughout worker’s foreigners andestablished class strikes outside theinfluence of communists,the especially in factories owned by achieve coherence similar to fascistmovementsachieve coherence similartowhichin states. emerged European other itmanagednever to leader, charismaticas lacked However, astrong, organisation the Šitin, na„Dalmatinsko „Pohod Beograd“ Orjunaštvo(15): [The Dalmatian (15): Orjuna Gligorijevi border region, Baranja(HungarianBaranya) whichsouthern Yugoslav- Hungarian was Gligorijevi These strikes by two weretheinterpreted as Historiography Yugoslav biggest the the Bartulovi 81 Simultaneously, the organisation started to fight Serbian Radicals, especially in especially Radicals, Serbian fight to started organisation the Simultaneously, Simultaneously,its increased from ORJUNA autonomy government tutoring, Unsatisfied by the state government, especially after Svetozar Pribi Svetozar after government, especially by state the Unsatisfied Fasci diCombatimento ü , ü ü Od revolucionarne omladine doOrjune, , 349 , 325-326. 116 84 onthe inYugoslav-Italian border Istria in early 1924, Slobodna Dalmacija(Split . Moreover, the movement also started to support working-support to movementalso started the . Moreover, 35 109-110. ), 3May 1991, 20. 82 þ evi 86 ü withdrew in withdrew ü , 386- 85 83 . CEU eTD Collection classes, allowing Yugoslavia to enter a new post-liberal era of the prosperity. social between well as “tribes,” Yugoslav the among conflicts all wastoresolve new state The Yugoslav inastrong new,state. emerge Yugoslav heroic the community, organized of will which out new cultural of revolution a concept the advanced country ORJUNA inthe crisis perceived against the Second, political classes. “separatist” mostly “old”, ORJUNAblamed background of interwar of political First, the the decadence Yugoslavia. praised asthefinal fulfilment of all its purposes and aspirations. KingAlexander proclamation of dictatorship on January 6, aregime whichORJUNA Belgrade in early impact1928 hadno atall.Finally, ORJUNA was soon after dismissed to headquarters movingits by the revitalize deeds Afinal organisation extent. to attempt a great organisation the to affected defections These (SDS). Democratic Party Independent the organisation, and openly activated in the now oppositional Svetozar inPribi oppositional organisation,the Svetozar andopenlyactivated now the and andBelgrade. Ljubljana towns Dalmatian few the in only force noticeable stayed movement the while dismissed, in 1926. The starting declined ORJUNA rapidly Radical’s government, by Serbian the harshly persecuted most important section of the movement, the action squads, was almost 87 ORJUNA’s history. Leftwithoutstate support after Pribi Gligorijevi The political development ORJUNA was stimulated by the agitated and by ORJUNA wasstimulated tense agitated The political development the Despitefailure, it Belgrade the marked meeting the insecond point turning ü , 356 87 In adition, it’s most prominent members practically left the 36 þ evi ü defected in defected 1925, and even þ evi ü ’s CEU eTD Collection London: Praeger Publishers, 2003); George L.Mosse, George London: PraegerPublishers, 2003); Struggle forModernity. Nationalism,FuturismandFascism 91 2006). književnost Dalmacija (1963), 315-393;(1963), Ton Organisation of Yugoslav Nationalists (Orjuna)], Nationalists Yugoslav of Organisation 90 Zora,1975),464. Frangeš (Zagreb: Hrvatska, Matica Stolje 89 disciplina” [The Cult and the Discipline], Pobeda, glavniorgannacionalista 88 thesis this of chapter intheoretical elaborated is already as all movements, to as fascist common fascist discipline by stressed contemporary the state, corporative and organisation totalitarian man, new culture, national new the of emergence key organisation fascistadopted concepts suchasof national the with revolution the both was The feature noted equally by ORJUNA’s contemporaries ideology. a systematic develop to time take to enemies” state and “nation against fighting movement’s prominent members, by stressed the ideology was occasionally haveORJUNA not an elaborated didthat with fact The the words. written over justification action favoured it movements, interwar fascist other many as that the organisation ideology.develop Instead, andelaborated not asystematic it did Yugoslav the palingenesis, was too busy Although ORJUNA Organisation the nationalists- of Yugoslav was praising concept of the scholars studying movement the Roger, Griffin, Roger, Miroslav Vaupoti c.f., “Pokret integralnog Jugoslavenstva” [The Movement of Integral integralnogYugoslavism],Integral of Jugoslavenstva”“Pokret [The c.f., Movement Brana Gligorijevi ü a Hrvatske Književnosti The Fascistic Characteristics in the Ideology of ORJUNA the Ideology in Characteristics Fascistic The However, a careful analysis of ORJUNA’s primary source shows that the [Orjuna- the Ideology and the Literature] (Zagreb: Hrvatska sveu (Zagreb:Hrvatska Literature] and the Ideology the [Orjuna- (Split), 18 April- 10 May J.Boškovi April-1991; Ivan May (Split), 18 10 The Nature of Fascism of Nature The ü (ed.), þ ü i „Dalmatinsko Orjunaštvo“ Šitin, [Dalmatian Orjuna], , “ Organizacija jugoslovenskih nacionalista (Orjuna)”“ nacionalista jugoslovenskih [The , Organizacija Stanislav Šimi [The Five Centuries of the Croatian Literature], ed. Ivo Literature], Croatian the of FiveCenturies [The 90 . (Split), 8 July 1923, 1; 1; 1923, 8 July (Split), Chapter III: Chapter Pobeda ü (London: Routledge, 1996); Emilio Gentile, Routledge, 1996);Emilio(London: , JosipBognar,OtokarKeršovani 37 , 18September1924,6. Istorija XX veka:Istorija XX zbornikradova The Fascist Revolution; Toward a Toward The FascistRevolution; 91 . Moreover, the materials show (Westport, Connecticut, û ü iro- , Orjuna- 89 þLþ and the pioneering the and in Šain, “Kult i “Kult in Šain, þ , vol.102, of ilišna naklada,ilišna Ideologija i Slobodna The , 5 Pet 88 CEU eTD Collection General Theory of Fascism of Theory General Split, Croatia, under the name of III.1.1921-1923: TheIdeaofthe Decadenceand Palingenetic Revolution palingenetic revolution. current chapter, I refer itto only insofar ithelps the understanding of ORJUNA’s concept of in the chapter, following in the fully beanalysed will character national Croat the and Yugoslav Whilenation. conceptof of the relation SerbianORJUNA’s the Yugoslavism to fora federativemodel the reorganizing to shifted and itscharacteristics itlost revolutionary power.Finally,the third the focuses subchapter onORJUNA’s decline in when 1925-1929, of takeover revolutionary of the concept asthe well launched, wereas state corporative and of ideology when theconcepts of total organisation 1923-1925, organisation’s the during concept of the Yugoslav palingenetic revolution. The second one will focus on the full blow restricted 1921-1923, when period to the launchedORJUNA arather vague andambiguous chronologically organisation, the of stage early the thematise will one first The subchapters. system. political the within position its of changes to according development its of respect Yugoslavia in 1920s. Thus in chapter Iwillthis analyseideology of in organisation the organisation’s membership leading and factions, on backgroundthe of lifepolitical in changes in tothe according theideology organisation was gradually the developing that Fascism, 1914-1945 The organisation nationalist,of ORJUNA,Yugoslav on emerged 23 March in 1921 According to the genesis of ORJUNA ideology, this chapter is divided into three (Madison,Wisconsin: TheUniversity Wisconsinof 1996). Press, (New York: Howard Fertig, 1999); Stanley Payne, Fertig,Stanley 1999); Howard (NewYork: Jugoslavenska naprednanacionalisti 38 þ ka omladina A History of History A [The CEU eTD Collection 94 Natinonalism], Pobeda Integral The Youth; Nationalistic Progressive- Yugoslav the of Program 93 Orjuna] (Split: Izdanje81-82. Direktorijuma 1925), Orjune, 92 right radical the to more close places organisation state of parliamentary vision ORJUNA’s the program did not stress open enmity to political parties. These features, corroborated with “givenation.”individual society more it The was supposedto than Moreover, to receives”. the of interests common to subordinated but individual, the of interests material protect society was envisioned of organic,with purpose the social existclasses “[…] onlyif to they the and people’s Simultaneously, sovereignty. principlerepresentation the parliamentary of wasambiguouslyfact itthis duetothewasenvisioned be state that defined, organised to on separatism” class or instead religious “tribe, whoadvocate Yugoslavia”, “unitary strong and the of idea the of enemies” state and national “the against fighting of aim its stressed founding its organisation In resolution, the Yugoslav Progressive Youth]. Nationalistic educating the Young generations for “military educating Young the generations for “military and ideal fighters” in forgingresult the new man.heroic Yugoslav Itis tobe especially supposed achieved by revolution voices whichwithwould blood”, “[…]the of from finally would emerge our the to be spiritual achieved by primary of whichwassupposed the organisation, the task oflife erection tobean was supposed individual. purpose the for each ultimate Its was in theprimacy emphasised “the ethical encapsulated values the of cultof which nation,” the 1921, launched October the on culture. national regenerative new, of the construction andadvocating by the idea fightingparties decadencecaused the the thus political against of “Program Jugoslovenske napredno- nacionalne omladine;integralni nacionalizam” [The Niko Bartulovi Niko Ibid. The Yugoslav national culture was supposed to emerge in a “strong state”. However, These Program most tendencies systematically were expressed inORJUNA’s , 15October 1921,1. 92 . The scope of the organisation’s ideology in the first years of years was inits of existence first the ideology scopeof organisation’s . The the ü , Od revolucionarneomladine do Orjune 93 just few months after its establishment. The Program The its establishment. after justfewmonths 39 [From Revolutionary Youth to 94 . CEU eTD Collection (Novi 28 (Novi Sad), October 1922,1. 99 Stjepan Radi Stjepan 95 they stressed the notion of a unitary Yugoslav nation, were perceived as the materialistforce be national elements”. to areperceived fascists only system. political existing the overthrowing without but revolution, nationalist of vision the by characterised movement, 98 97 Connecticut,(Westport, London: Praeger Publishers, 2003),7. 96 Wisconsin Press, 1996), 16. powers”. a toy justbe great of the to continue opposition Yugoslavism,madestay Slavs “[…] to thesouth to andweak,Slavish and to was applied by Serbianradicals to the formilitating who, theidea “greatSerbia” of in alphabets”. with two aculture the and names, made national nation with tree a ideas, nation hostile with two state leftthe “[…] but national unification, of process the conduct manage to not classesdid old political fact that by the legitimized was organisation the pretensions […] to be quiet, peaceful and slavish peasants from […]tobequiet, from pretensions peaceful andslavish peasants Sava” by making them “[…]non-colourful,harmless, and nameless, withoutsoul, and without peasants Croatian the of degeneration causedthe feudal system, which Hungarian Austro- be decadent. perceived to Peasant Partynamely Croatian political parties, Croatian andmain Serbian thestrongest three obstacles: (HSS) andYugoslav culture. As the precondition it,of ORJUNASerbian emphasized the need to overcome the Radical unique bring organisation spiritual the revolution aboutthe would called for a which Party (RS), and communists. They all were Dobroslav Jev Dobroslav StanleyPayne, Ivo Lachman, “O pokretu IvoLachman,“OStjepana pokretu Radi “Problem omladine“ [The Problem of the Youth], Gentile, Emilio However, ORJUNA perceived itself as an organisation of the national future, “where The nationalism of the Croatian Peasant Party was perceived beto an outcome of the ü as the Alien Phenomenon], Alien the as ÿ A History ofFascism, 1914-1945 A History evi The StruggleforModernity.Nationalism,Futurism Fascism and ü , “Srpska stranka” [The Serb Party], Serb [The stranka” “Srpska , 95 Pobeda ü a kaotu 40 99 The communists, on Thecommunists, contrary,the on although (Split),5.2.1922, 1. (Madison, Wisconsin: (Madison, TheUniversity of ÿ 96 Pobeda inskoj Movement the of pojavi” [About That exclusivist That self-understanding of (Split), 1 December 1921, 1. Vidovdan, organnacionalista 98 . A similar label . Asimilar 97 Thus, CEU eTD Collection Croatian Thought], Croatian 103 Unitarism: Serb National Conscioussness], 102 Necessary], “equality of the kinsman” against the aristocrats and bourgeoisie patriotism. The national directly from the history preserved adopted peasantry,whichthrough the organisation was 101 3. September 1921, 100 heroic soul. Serbian be a to werestated which masculinity, of cultand country the for revenge, sacrifice fight, history fightof was translated in that myths, Serbfolkfullthe such heroicthe of values as envisioned as a constant historical fight of the Serb peasants against Ottoman occupiers. The was history in Serb The present Serb history. the agreat extent wasto all nations, three of spirit in the present was although which, past, heroic the of notion in the embodied was emerge the Yugoslav national spirit,racial intensivetype.” feelingof to our organism, and delinquent pathological people.” malcontents, social all then minorities, national of citizens “[…] as seen were followers Communist mentality. national Slavic the to strange thus idealism, of kind any to opposite one of the organisations leader, Niko Bartulovi leader, Niko organisations of one the revolution. labelledinfluences. as conservative, Thisparticipated init, while common suppressed were people and byAustrianalienated was the reasonframework why Croatian and history of nationalism thusthe Habsburg incapable adoptedof fight Empire.a form of forpatriotismto As contributetheit wasconstitutional based on legalto the foundation, Yugoslav rights onlyof spiritual theelites Croatian feudal state within the Mirko Ležai Mirko MirkoLežai Dr. Vinko Krstulovi Vinko Dr. Country], in Our Servants [Bronstein’s nas” kod sluge “Bronsteinove Decadence was to be overcome by the “[…] the crystallisation of Yugoslav the of “[…] crystallisation the by be the to overcome was Decadence ORJUNA presented its nationalism as opposed to liberal democratic nationalism. As nationalism. to liberal democratic as its nationalism opposed ORJUNA presented 103 Pobeda ü ü , “Separatizam i unitarizam: hrvatska misao” [Separatism Unitarism: and misao” [Separatism hrvatska i unitarizam: , “Separatizam , “Separatizam i unitarizam: srpska nacijonalna svijest” [Separatism and [Separatism svijest” nacijonalna srpska i “Separatizam unitarizam: , Pobeda , 30 July , 30July 1922, 1. 102 On the contrary, the history of the Croatian fight for freedom for freedom was a fight of history Croatian the On the contrary, the ü , “Nacionalisti , , 1 October 1921, 2. 100 þ ka revolucija je nužna” [The National Revolution is Revolution National [The nužna” je revolucija ka Pobeda 41 ü , 12 November 1921, 2. , stressed, the new nationalism of the of nationalism new the , stressed, Pobeda 101 , 6 It CEU eTD Collection 109 Srba, HrvataiSlovenaca- SHS 108 is Necessary], was envisioned to be the base in the erection of culture. unified baseinbe Yugoslav the of the erection the was to envisioned it nations,why separate Slav south the the existenceof neglected constitution because the 107 Cornell University 1993),379-406.Press, The National QuestioninYugoslavia:Origins, History,Politics ORJUNA perceived its task inORJUNA perceived conducting phase itsby task the spiritual the second of revolution name Yugoslav the under identity national Serb of lost the of frighten were Slovene and Croat Serb, i.e., names, “tribe” the itin kept but name; state the as Yugoslavia of name the impose not did 1918 in HungarianAustro- Monarchy. and till andHerzegovina enjoyed Slovenia whichCroatia, Bosnia autonomy prerogatives all abolishing simultaneously in Yugoslavia, power of system centralist the adopted 106 Howard Fertig,York: 2. 1999), 105 Pobeda 104 upon the legacy masses and theof leader, the between connection a direct of implementation the and parliamentarism of abolishment the andthe intelligentsia people:between the revolution was about to abolish all differences by forming a directmental connection Banac, The official name of the state given to it by the Vidovdan constitution was Dr. Vinko Krstulovi Vinko Dr. For all considering For questions L. Mosse, George NikoBartulovi Although the above statement resembles the fascist notion of based on of notion thedemocracy, resembles fascist statement Although above the needs. people to fitting and people the from emerge democratic, time, by giving it rough material all the time. Thus intelligentsia cease to be aristocratic, and become as a merged tool forthe life and combat. Simultaneously, the people inspired the intelligentsia all the Intelligentsia adopted from the people the rough material of unity,the its virginpower, to give it back , 1Decembar 1921,2. The NationalQuestion Pobeda ü , “Demokrati , , 30July 1922, 2. The Fascist Revolution;Toward aGeneral TheoryFascism of 105 ü , “Nacionalisti , Vidovdan in fact, ORJUNA did not adopt such infact,ORJUNA it not adopt did a notion. Instead, called 108 [The Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes- SHS]. , due to the politics of the Serb Radical Party (RS) which þ , 168-169. Vidovdanski ustavVidovdanski nost Jugoslovenstva” Democracy [The Yugoslavism],of Constitution VidusConstitution Constitution], which,in [St. 1921, þ ka Revolucija je nužna” [The Nationalist Revolution Nationalist [The nužna” je Revolucija ka 106 Hence ORJUNA perceived it revolutionary, as HenceORJUNAperceived 42 [St. Vidus Constitution] see Ivo Banac, 104 (Ithaca and London: and (Ithaca 107 However, it However, 109 Kraljevina . Hence, (New CEU eTD Collection November 1922, 1. of Orjuna113 Bogdanov, 1925),24-25. in Split: 1922, in (Novi Sad), The Report about the Conclusions of the Congress], 112 is Necessary], 111 29 Sad), July 1922, 2. for further development of the core the myth of the organisation, stressing discipline and discipline stressing organisation, the of myth the core the of development further for foundation the itset politics. Moreover, beyond party exists organisation the needthe that members of other political parties supporting aunitary Yugoslavia, the organisation stressed members fact the from is program be that previous organisation repeated the of can structuring the organisation and integrating itwithin the existing political system.Although wholeindicating need Yugoslavia, the of of the spread throughout thus that organisation 1922, integrity is dependanton mercythe corruptedthe of party oligarchy. whose is has symbolic aweak state in king monarchy “[…] power the which only each because than instates, of prerogatives kingshouldEuropean the bemuchstronger Western 110 Jev As dictatorship.Dobroslav Yugoslavism. organisation the an Thus, showed at its stage earlier inclination king’s the to perceivedking, the and army the to assigned was role important the while fulfilled, be to generations to be Sometimes, the revolution was envisioned as an which evolution process, would take the onlyin heads” butbarricades,people’s on “not the occur revolution the would that stated only politicaldidnotspecify how the revolution would be who conducted, wouldor it. Itwas conduct people. in the be embodied should notion forceswhich nation, which and symbolintegral state as forfighting “Yugoslavia” nameof the the of the Yugoslav preserved the spirit of the unitary “Prvi “Prvi kongres Orjune saopštenje uSplitu: ozaklju Dobroslav Jev Dobroslav Dr. Vinko Krstulovi Vinko Dr. Ivo Mogrovi 113 Finally,first this phasein politicalthe evolution finishedof ORJUNA in November with its first big congress in Split. The congress statement the fact acknowledged in first withits big congress Split. The congress Pobeda ü , „Uborbu i pobedu“ [In theFight and totheVictory], ÿ evi Izabrani , 30July 1922, 2. ü ü , “Mi prema Monarhiji” [We towards the Monarchy], the towards [We Monarhiji” prema “Mi , , “Nacionalisti , þ lanci ÿ evi [Selected Articles] (Novi Jovanovi (Novi Sad: Štamparija Articles] [Selected ü , the organisation leader in Vojvodina argued,the leaderinVojvodina organisation , the þ ka Revolucija je nužna” [The Nationalist Revolution Nationalist [The nužna” je Revolucija ka 43 þ cima Congress First kongresa” [The 110 However, ORJUNA’s writings However, ”112 Vidovdan Pobeda Vidovdan (Novi , 12 111 ü i . CEU eTD Collection ambition ambition establishto anationalist dictatorship. in the reached members process peak expressed its some ORJUNA directly 1925, when This society. organics corporative conceptof in expressed the state, of the myth the into time.” modern of chaos inthe collectivity national the of disintegration prevent to and masses ORJUNA startedtodevelop themyth of imposean organisation orderontheable “[…]to 116 (1963), 364-371. political throughout the country. opponents estimatedhundred membershipsquadsfighting one around and thousand, action strong of 1923. As a result of thisý expansion, ORJUNA Serbiabecame a respectable by forging in country, especially whole the spreadthrough During 1923-1925ORJUNA the period organisation alliances with an with theThe III.2.of 1923-1925: Myth the Organisation and Corporative State Serb First World veteran organisation,organisations as the development of the concept of a corporative state. organisation’smarked ideological development, better defining by the of of purpose the Organisation of Yugoslav Nationalists (Orjuna)], Nationalists Yugoslav of Organisation 115 114 society.” modern tothe itself impose by beyondfactor be will “[…] the organisation andshould which a the usual shouldgo one members ORJUNA’s of discipline The masses. organising of way the as faith nationalist etnika Gentile, Branislav Gligorijevi Branislav Ibid. 116 Thus, ORJUNA started Thus,develop ORJUNAits started to ownpoliticalfinally myth, which developed [The Association of Cetniks] and Cetniks] of Association [The The Struggle for Modernity The Struggle for ü , “Organizacija jugoslovenskih nacionalista (Orjuna)” [The (Orjuna)” nacionalista jugoslovenskih “Organizacija , 114 , 85. Thus the program Thus indicated program the nextphase the in the Narodna odbrana Narodna 44 115 Apparently, by stimulated expansion,its Istorija XX veka:Istorija XX zbornik radova [The National Defence], in Defence], National [The Udruženje , 5 CEU eTD Collection accordance to the very clearly-defined state crisis which originated from from crisis party “partisan the very tothe which originated state accordance clearly-defined measures toembrace concrete society. whole In the the andproposed its independence, stressed firmly organisation the However, of Yugoslavia. out whichstayed Slav territories emergence of the unique Yugoslavmain culture,goal and forwas the extensionthat of ofthe statefight to the south against “the nation and state enemies,” militating for the Orjuna], 119 1923,1. October development of developmentof previousthe program from 1921. ORJUNAthe congresssecond in inSplit resolution 1923. Its can be defined as a further actions. under the pressure of publicopinion,the measuresimposed againstORJUNA’s violent government, the fact that to organisation,branches Slovenianthe due of andVojvodinan of side the from especially whichcome hands,” own “inour revolution nationalist the take 1923, measures. wererequests to by there Throughout Yugoslavia wassupported concrete without specifyingits measures, concrete model nowthe of “new,modernthe andstrong” August 1923, 3; Dobroslav Jev 3;Dobroslav 1923, August 118 Organisation of Nationalists], Yugoslav 117 ORJUNA Ljubo Leonti assume anactive role inYugoslav justifying In politics. this leaderambition, the of “Rezolucija drugog kongresa “Rezolucija Orjune” drugog [The Resolution SecondCongress the of of Radovoj Rehar, LjuboLeonti “Pitanja našeg pokreta” [Questions of our Movement], The resolution The While previously the organisation emphasised the Yugoslav cultural revolution Yugoslav the cultural emphasised organisation While the previously Yugoslavia. strong and modern new ethical, the build will which man, anew emerges people organism. But people, who lead astate forthis five years, neglect its launching […], while from the […] to gather the will of[…] the massesthe profound in the religion voice of nationalism of tired asmasses the regenerator is roaring, of the national asking for the man of strong hand and firm will From From started emphasise organisation 1923, the to more its directly ambition to 118 Vidovdan The concretisation of the more aggressive role in the political system comes with ü , “Zadatak Organizacije jugoslovenskih nacionalista” [The Task of the [TheTaskof nacionalista” jugoslovenskih Organizacije “Zadatak , , 12December 1923,1. 119 ü emphasised the new political situation in the Europe, where repeated the statements from the 1921 program ORJUNA’s 1921 program statementsthat from the the repeated ÿ evi ü , “Rat partijama” [The War to the Parties], the War“Rat to [The partijama” , Pobeda 45 , 31January 1923, 1. Vidovdan Pobeda 117 , 26 , , 6 CEU eTD Collection in Split], 120 in it”.incorporate to wants especially ORJUNA which apathetic, all variousthe [in which parties, are spreadall around s.dj.], Yugoslavs aswell these after“[…] asagoal togather emphasised theresolution, stated clearly organisation when revolution. national possible the to prerequisite 1925. Butpreviously hadORJUNA developed the myth of organisation,the asthe state. ORJUNA omnipotent inyears,thatclosecome 1924and to subsequent very vision democratic by system arguing infavourof a corporative society embraced by the liberal-still it not society. the total envision However, existing does of the transfiguration emphasising concrete nationalist measures aims.” resolution for the reformationthat the “[…] nationalist work of the organisation is the first condition of the fulfillingof the the stateit also argued for the nationalisation of the national economy.andFinally, the resolution claimed the futuresocial position of state officials, and especially of war veterans and their families. Moreover, and material in the improvement an and problem, agrarian peasant the to a solution system, educating the of nationalisation the requests resolution the Thus classes. working these class and citizens”, the organisation propose concrete measures of improving the situation of state withoutnational andthe consciousness justifiable demandsof peasantry,the working- independence from any form of party politics. Moreover, stating that “[…] there is no strong emphasisedORJUNA’s resolution the mentality,” pre-wartribe with politics burden Ljubo Leonti by modernity.chaos wasespecially of aim organisation emphasisedthe of general That the overcome to community the organise asto as well individual, lifethe of the a senseto “Naši putevi. Posle kongresa Orjune u Splitu” [Our Ways. After the Congress of Orjuna Although it already indicatedin by resolution the was organisation role,itthe was This resolution shows that ORJUNA was at that time closer to fascism by Vidovdan ü , previously mentioned ORJUNA leader. In his article“OR. JU.NA.,” Leonti , 15December 1923,2. 46 120 Its purpose was to give ü CEU eTD Collection Vidovdan, 123 Vidovdan 122 generally immorality.As Jev and sins sexual alcohol, of sins “earthy” the from them preventing sacrifice, ultimate between their members, educating the combatants in the cult of the discipline and the 121 actionAsthe squads. Jev revolution, new the atthis newstage ismen from strictly result within to activities defined ideas on the new man,starting which point is ofbroadly the construction perceived of the man.” tomodern new emerge community. as a Unlikeresultfrom the the of previousfamily the life cultural toORJUNA’s the physical individualthe in totality “[…] by penetrating inevery aspect of lifethe members, of our exercise, as well to all memberscultural were and relatedsocial needsonly in of thetheJev sphere of political life, ORJUNA’sJev aim was to embrace dead.” negation of the chaos, victoryharmony and progress, of and order, the the existence, affirmation the meaningones of of the work against leisure,only as the frame of the creating theand new moral triumphand material goods; but also as ofthe ultimatelifediscipline individualagainst conscious of the dedication to the the welfare theinto of masses the organisation amorphous “[…]transform notis to organisation the of aim the that stressed Dobroslav Jev Dobroslav Jev Ljubo Leonti ÿ ÿ evi evi 121 unconsciousness followers of the political parties’ ideas. parties’ political the of followers unconsciousness of blind, hundred that worth be more moment crucial the in will member each which in and idea, our It (the squad, s.dj.) represents the set of complete men, inwhich each individual is ultimate agitatorof The nucleus of the organisation were now the “action squads,” perceived to be the squads,”perceived to the “action now were organisation The nucleusof the ORJUNA’s general were subsequentlypurposes developed especiallyby Dobroslav ü ü claimed that, in contrast to the other political parties whose supporters and supporters whose parties political other the in to contrast that, claimed ORJUNA. Vojvodina the leader of the War Iand World of Veteran Serbian , the , 1924, in, 1924, 1924,in ibid, 12. 122 ü , “OR.JU.NA.,” ÿ ÿ Izabrani Izabrani evi evi ü ü , “Brojna snaga Orjune” [The Numerous Power of ORJUNA], , “Oružana snaga Orjune” [The Armed Forces of ORJUNA], ÿ evi þ ÿ lanci evi ü argued, the squads erased squads the social allclassand argued, differences ü Pobeda put it: , 8. , 1March 1924, 1. 47 123 CEU eTD Collection 126 125 Pobeda 124 working class if its requests aremoderate and justified.” interests ofthe Yugoslav andprotect “[…] rights to be to supported strikes, which are worker’s the to understanding expressed It question. working-class the of thematisation its writingsexclusively it thecommunism,now on demonising turn the moreto the positive Communist party Yugoslaviaof While (KPJ) wasabandoned. theorganisation focusedthen Yugoslaviastrikes which stroke the first after wave inthe 1919-1921,when period class. besides national the itissquads, obvious that the organisation, relied mostly on working-the school section, section, various secondary peasantsection, 1923-1925 the sections: the period workers the as well as an academic section, and finally a women section. However, ruling class. ruling as the fight of the productiveit fascistsociety, Mosse struggle,developed George concept defined the of which class the against the speculative, parasite aforementionedthe congressresolution as a policy of protectionthe nationalof industry. capital of the decadent tookpartinstrikes ownedby entrepreneurships foreigners,the the old community.itsupport Subsequently,was especially workers in to prone casethe when the working- classquestion interests intheharmonisation with of the national whole the it by organisedseems of the organisation thesolution communists. the that So, perceived found in labour, against parasitism and speculative capital, which is stated to be in the hands Mosse, Berislav An An Berislav , 28January 1923, 3. It thematisation inemerged 1923-1924, with the secondthe waveof working inthe established organisation the society, embrace whole to the attempt In its Although the organisation did not fully develop the notion of the corporative The Fascist Revolution 126 This concept was based on the notion of the productive working society ÿ ÿ elinovi elinovi ü ü , “Naši pomorci” [Our Seamen], , “Nacionaliste i radnici” [The Nationalists and the Working-Class], the and Nationalists [The i radnici” “Nacionaliste , , 26. 48 Pobeda 124 , what means if they are not are if they means what , , 5July 1923, 3. 125 which is formulated in formulated is which CEU eTD Collection 130 andcapableis it not todoit at all […] Onlyintellectual and moral elites save can our never intheworld history, “Thepeopleruled justifying have that by statement itstate, the Orjuna], it.” false democracy […] and to enter the political life and drive them away (parties, s.dj.) from system were unsuccessful. Thus, he emphasised that ORJUNA “[…] have goto far from the tore-educate organisation’s the efforts peopleinprevious acting existingthe political us.” towards andfriends enemies both erase the respectof which hasto 129 128 As Jev of congress announcement planed “March some the enemies,”the the Belgrade.” on of kind as“state byORJUNA labelled were parties Asboth Party (HSS). Croatian Peasant and (RS) Party Radical Serb opponents, biggest political former the of by coalition the which the Yugoslav worker has the chance of the better success in the entire life.” within aim state, “[…]astheunitary ultimate the nation, one Yugoslavia of organizing with insections, working-class the workers inachievegoal organising that saw thewayto 127 Pribi leaderits Svetozar and Democratic Party congress inhappenedof ORJUNA Belgrade inMay1925.It in timethe whenthe unitary consciousness. national adopt working-class and entrepreneurs both when only calluses,also productivefactor be butof is the earnings,”the achieved to envisioned which reorganise capital in the wasto overcome speculation Theway to separatists.” andthe politicians “[…]demagogic of way as to become “[…] not only the exploitation of the workers Ibid. Dobroslav Jev “Orjuna i radnik” [Orjuna and Worker], “Orjuna i radništvo” [Orjuna and the Working- Class], 130 Jev ÿ evi Pobeda The final emergence of the unitary state was the central focus of the second ÿ evi ü stated, it was planned to be “[…] grandeur, well-organised manifestation, bewell-organised “[…]grandeur, to itwas planned stated, ü found the contemporaneous ORJUNA mission in the necessity to save the save to necessity the in mission ORJUNA contemporaneous the found , 20May 1925, 2. ÿ evi ü , “Naši budu , kongres Pobeda 49 ü nost Orjune” [OurCongress of andtheFuture þ evi , 7.18 September 1924, ü left the government, which made was government, the left Pobeda , 14June 1924,3. 129 Hearguedthat 127 ORJUNA 128 CEU eTD Collection the Congress of Orjuna 31. V- 3.VI in Belgrade], Principles of Orjuna: The Basis for the Program Proposed by the President Ljubo Leonti 134 Liber, 1972). za hrvatskuDemocratic (Zagreb: Six-January povijest- Party till Dictatorship] Institut the predsjednika Ljube Leonti predsjednika dr. demokratska strankadošestojanuarske diktature as parliamentary democracy. as parliamentary from harmony toit adding as notion tothe a program of one well the class 1921, similar the organisation, LjuboLeonti followed leaderof thecongress,ORJUNA which unitary to the federalist the unitary Yugoslavia. notion to of shiftfrom to starting simultaneously (SDS), Democratic Party established Independent the of of federalism Yugoslav see the Hrvoje Matkovi 133 Vidovdan 132 1925, 2. The leadership followed politically Svetozar Pribi followedThe leadership Svetozar politically 131 byJev represented branch Vojvodina in and Splitthe leadership the movement, the unity.” nation of the state and guarantee monarchy, the loyalty emphasised king its the “only system. again army,to It and the asthe party and monarchy parliamentary existing the overthrowing the of intention the stated “capitalistic exploitation of the working-class.” However, the resolution did not openly national and state andin theprogram, namely the non-party the organisationstatus of itsand unity, dedication to the the congress in resolutions stated previous already principles the repeating Besides congress resolution. resolution criticized the clash ofour people as well.” social classes andfatherlandleadhave andourpeople, which to organisation, notonly totality our butthe of Ljubo Leonti Ljubo There are numerous books about political career of Svetozar Pribi aboutpoliticalof books Svetozar Therearenumerous career “Rezolucija II kongresa Orjune” [The Resolution of the Second Congress of Orjuna], AleksandarTabakovi It seems that the resolution was a compromise between the two leading branches in leading branches two the between was acompromise resolution It seems the that the in adopted not were branches Vojvodina the of objections these However, , 11June 1925,2. ü , “Misli vodilje Orjune: Osnovica za nacrt programa predložena od predložena programa zanacrt Osnovica vodilje Orjune: , “Misli 131 ü , “Naša propaganda” [Our Propaganda], [Our “Naša propaganda” , ü a na kongresu Orjune 31.V.-3.VI. u [The Beogradu” Guiding 31.V.-3.VI. a nakongresuOrjune 134 The Vojvodina branch firmly opposed Leonti opposed firmly branch Vojvodina The 132 50 133 In the debate over the new program of the Pobeda þ [Svetozar Pribi [Svetozar evi ü , ü , who after leaving , who government the Svetozar Pribi , 24June 1925,3. þ þ evi Pobeda evi ü ü evi ü andIndependent . For his. For adoption ü iSamostalna , 13February ü proposed ÿ evi ü on ü ü ’s . CEU eTD Collection Pobeda 138 137 National Action in the Defence of Dalmatia], of Defence inthe Action National palingenetic revolution gradually declined, andfinally intotally disappeared 1927. and culture. state unitary Yugoslav the forof therealisation sacrifice by beultimate only could saved country ORJUNA’s party argu that politics “temple endangeredthe of Yugoslavism,” one. Italian the especially capital, foreign the of eradication continuedstress It society the to envisioned asaproductive community,subsequent with Defensive Organisation”. III.3. The 1926-1929: Decline ofORJUNA’s Ideology:From Fascism tothe“National ideology changed as well. Tabakovi anti-Parliamentarism], Congress: the after Orjuna Pribi to tied strongly leaders were As prominent its a rapid decline. underwent organisation governmental Leftwithout and support evenpersecuted by new government, the the attempt. any revolutionary nor ORJUNAconducted adopted newprogram the neither was 136 Nationalism], 135 “executive andimposinggovernance.” of nationalistORJUNA revolution the by monarchy parliamentary the of abolishment the for calling continuously proposition, VladimirLali “Snaga državne misli” [The power of the State misli” of “Snaga State the [Thepower državne thought], Niko Bartulovi Jev Dobroslav þ evi During organisation 1926,the still someof retrieved aspects fascistthe vocabulary. , 16February 1926, 1. ü ü , who now gradually moved to the federalist notion of Yugoslavia, the federalist of now gradually to moved ORJUNA’s notion , who , “Nacrt programa Orjune, Nacionalizam” [The Sketch of the Program of Orjuna, of Program the of Sketch [The Nacionalizam” Orjune, programa “Nacrt , Vidovdan ÿ ü ü evi , “Jugoslovenstvo u odricanju” [Yugoslavism in the Renouncement], , “Zna , ü , “Putevi orjune poslije kongresa: antiparamentarizam” [The Ways of Ways [The antiparamentarizam” kongresa: poslije orjune “Putevi , , 12July 1925, 1. þ enje nacionalne akcije u odbrani Dalmacije” [The Meaning of enje nacionalneDalmacije” [The uodbrani Meaningof akcije the 138 However, the myth of the organisation and notion of notion and organisation the of myth the However, 51 Pobeda Vidovdan , 29July 1926, 2. Pobeda , 21June1925,2;Aleksandar 136 Moreover, it continued to itcontinued Moreover, 137 , 26January 1926, 1. and believed that the that believed and 135 However, CEU eTD Collection (Beograd: Nolit,(Beograd: 247. 1988), vol.1,1988], 142 the Orjuna Congress in Zagreb], 141 Orjuna in Orjuna Zagreb], Conscience], 140 139 in Dalmatia. Italy especially Netun concessions, an gaveeconomic conventions,unfavourable which to rulingthe politics, parties for political theirespecially state on question the 1927 the of ORJUNAprominent memberfrom andSlovenia ex-chief its actionof squads, emphasised: monolithic Yugoslavism acentralised and the state, presidentMarko Kranjec, most the “to todie” combat members or young inthe credo unified, expressed of the for organisation, the fourth congress government, suppression by the of organisation the crisis caused whichthe the of debated finally registeredOctober 1927,held Congress inZagreb.Following February theThird from year, samethe an ideological switch. Contrary to the claim of the it: clearly member expressed nation.Asone the the totality of represent to itself perceive not did organisation the where conception, non-violent evolutionary, an defending prospectiveinvasion. Dalmatia the against Italian organisation The redefinedthus Branko Petranovi Branko “Tok i “Tok zaklju “Zaklju ý  edomir Medini, “Orjunaškoj svesti i savesti” [To the Orjuna’s Awareness and Awareness Orjuna’s the [To i savesti” svesti “Orjunaškoj Medini, edomir However, these new tasks were not defined. The organisation continued to criticise to continued organisation notdefined. The newwere tasks these However, tactics. new bythe and tasks, new the define to We need actions. previous withour fanaticism and idealism we achieved nothing. The people stayed totally phlegmatic onour ORJUNA shall at least start with realistic approach to the world and situation inour state, because These notions were especially emphasisedwhich can be overcome only by the flowing ofon time. the Fourthequality of all Yugoslavs in the state, by disappearing of the various regional and tribe Congressmentalities- Yugoslavism will erect neitherour resolutions, norour combat methods. Itwillof be erect only by the ORJUNA in Although ORJUNA notabandondid its notion of unitarythe nation,it switchedto þ ci III kongresa Orjune u Zagrebu” [The Conclusions of the Third Congress of 142 Pobeda, In response, ORJUNA called for an alliance of all nationalist forces in forces nationalist of all for an alliance called ORJUNA In response, Kraljevina Jugoslavija 1918-1941 þ ci uZagrebu,”ci kongresa Orjune održanog and Course [The of Conclusions Pobeda 30September 1927, 2. ü , Istorija Jugoslavije: 1918-1988 , 24February 1927, 1. Pobeda , 14October 1927,1. 52 139 [Kingdom [Kingdom Yugoslavia 1918-1941] [The History of [The1918- Yugoslavia: History of 141 140 CEU eTD Collection 147 Zagreb Hysteria], Zagreb of the country. parties political other the all with together organization, the of dissolution the to led regime new the of proclamation the Yet, dictatorship. new the in implementing instrument become identities, thus suppressSDK trying to jeopardisewhich his to power.ORJUNAhoped 1929, which imposes notion the of unitary against south Yugoslavism separate Slav s.dj.) mentalities to other tribes (nations, s.dj.).” be anyimposingany tribe (nation, not of would there that Serbs andCroats, all citizens, isforYugoslavism, fight Yugoslaviatothe inthe “the […] aimof statingour thatguarantee disappeared. separatism coalition deputies, the organisation proclaimed that the nation unity is realised, and Croatian federalism.Yugoslavia towards As themost prominentmembers of organisation the were Democratic coalition, SDK), insisting on the parliamentary struggle for the reformation of 146 143 in state. politics the improve ORJUNA can ORJUNA in keepingoutof gradually was party leadershippolitics, the arguedthat future of that the stated congress forth the in 1927 parties. Although October political territory. state the of in defence the state andthe parties help political will elements” consciousness itself asthe“people’s military defensive whichby organisation” “national of gathering all 145 144 Pribi when Svetozar November 1927, Gligorijevi “Izme Damir Vrbi “Uskrs” [The Christmas], [The “Uskrs” Vrbi ORJUNA praised proclamationthe of King’s Alexander dictatorship in January That notion That notion coveredbyamore ample was in switch of to relationship the ORJUNA ü 143 , “Pro domo,” ÿ u beogradske cincarije izagreba cincarije beogradske u ü 147 ü , “Organizacija jugoslovenskih nacionalista (Orjuna)”, 356-357. , “Pro domo,” Pobeda 2. 145 , 24August1928,2. In fact, it recognised national identities as constitutive of constitutive as identities national recognised it fact, In Pobeda Pobeda , 6 April 1928, 2. , 18May 1928, 2. þ evi ü made a coalition with Stjepan Radi Stjepan a coalition madewith 144 þ 53 ke histerije” [Between Belgrade Cunning and Cunning histerije” [Between Belgrade ke This new strategy was fully implemented in implemented fully was strategy new This 146 ü (Peasant- CEU eTD Collection 148 Italy, case of Yugoslavia, fascism aimed of inthecase Since Yugoslavia. by federal reorganizing of plans was replaced gradually not at completing the perceivedprocess invasion. threatof an hand,Italian its On other the vision unitary of Yugoslavism of national integration, the against force countermovement and party an auxiliary role of the being to reduced as in the fascistits attributes, ithand,lost thekey one On period 1926-1929. declined the during ORJUNA context, political the of evolution unfavourable the due to society. However, a corporative and state a totalitarian impose and system liberal-democratic the abandon of to by was which ideology organisation, the myth the there fledged fascisterecting culminationthe organisation’sthe of activities its ideology developed toan almost fully itsIn of emergence1921-1922. inthestage on attributes supremethe of Yugoslavs racial founded culture Yugoslav unitary new the on and man Yugoslav heroic new, the of creation a vision palingenetic onthe nationalist Itadopted politicalthe centred of revolution power. labelled fascistic, or more precisely proto-fascistic, due to the fact that it did not try to seize national identities, especially of Serbs and Croats. to a closer analysis of ORJUNA’s idea of Yugoslavism, and its relations to the existing Gentile, To conclude, the genesis of ORJUNA ideology shows that the movement can be can movement the that shows ideology ORJUNA of genesis the conclude, To The Struggle for Modernity The Struggle for 148 but at forging the new Yugoslav nation. Thus in the following chapter I turn I chapter following in the Thus nation. Yugoslav new the forging at but , 6-7. 54 CEU eTD Collection tjednik.hr/vijest_arhiva.asp?vijest=1906&izdanje=85 of theFalsifiers Croatian History], Numerious [The availablepovijesti” at hrvatske krivotvoritelji “Brojni Pezelj, Niko Exp. 150 O 149 Nacionalisti its idea articulating calledupontheheritage of Yugoslav unitarism, of ORJUNA instrument of Serbian expansionism in wing Croatian right discourse. beidea fact an to the has integral beengenerally that to of Yugoslavism perceived due character, i.e.Anti-Croat its Serbian, reducedto was ideaORJUNA Yugoslavism of of idea tothe it of Yugoslavism.” manifestly was dedicate Serbia,only why Great “great-Serbia” with movement, mainprogramthe aim its of being “tosupport the idea of In right-wing Croatian the in labelled decades,ORJUNA discourse lasttwo the was as Yugoslavism, Iwill first depict the main notions of the politicalnew tothe Yugoslavisminaccordance federalist of concept tothe movementturned the situation. previously program simply the of movement when and resolutions expressed, the repeated 1927, until movement; of stage early the in especially thematised was In Yugoslavism of idea order idea.to national The the Croatian inrelation to especially ideaYugoslavism, of ORJUNA’s document whichand Croats in 1910slaunched integral Yugoslavism. I this In chapter will explore the foundations of the ORJUNA’s idea of [The FirstPart, A-O], (Rijeka, Tiskara Rijeka), 615. It is enough to take a look on the webpage Hrvoje Šoši of þ ka Omladina ü , Hrvatski politi Hrvatski ORJUNA’s Idea of Yugoslav Nation. Yugoslav of Idea ORJUNA’s [Yugoslav Nationalistic Youth], movement of the Young Serbs þ ki leksikon ki Chapter IV. Chapter [Croatian Political Lexicon], vol.1, Lexicon], Political [Croatian 55 Fokus , accessed on25May 2007. Omladina , the Croatian- right wing weekly. wing right Croatian- the , idea of Yugoslavism. http://www.fokus- 150 Moreover, in 149 Prvi dio, A- Thus, the Thus, the CEU eTD Collection and confrontations between Croats and the Serbs, Croats between and confrontations leadershipunderunification Serbia the as of “Yugoslav the Piedmont”. parliamentary,deeds, violent which inwould bring prospectivethe future theSlav south emerge by way was expected non- parliamentary to political working with the of replacing emancipation Yugoslav of Practically, cult heroicthe the nation,Yugoslav race. basedupon only by unitary of emergence bethe the accelerated could Slavs’emancipation political nacionalisti aboutit radicalisation the In established1912 Youth. the of the with transformationintothe a party loyal the Austro- to Hungarian in regime brought 1910s, actions, political coalition’s of the unsuccessfulness The intime. come would unification cooperation, still perceiving Croats and Serbs as a separate nations, with the assumption that nation,Yugoslav itin factincluded Croatian only cultural and Serb and political 1903. Although principle hadthe of coalition the ofconstructing thesignificance the unitary oneness,” under which the coalition of the Croat and Serb political parties was established national in “Croato-Serb the of principle the condemned also Youth the generation,” father’s emancipation inAustro-Hungary. condemning Besides the political“the opportunism of political Slavs’ south the for fighting in parties political Croatian the of passivity 1959), 65-104.1959), rata” [Young Croatia on the Eve Worldof War I], zbornik rata” [National ideas151 of students Youth in Croatia in the Eve of World War I], Yugoslav Idea IV.1. Nacionalisti Mirjana Gross: “Nacionalne ideje Mirjana Gross: omladine studentske uHrvatskoj uoci I. svjetskog , vol. 21-22 (1968-69), 75-143; , vol. 21-22 Vice Zaninovi As previousthe history nationalwas markedof Yugoslav thoughtthe byquarrels The þ Nacionalisti ka omladina þ ka Emergence omladina[TheNationalistic Youth]: oftheUnitary þ [Yugoslav Nationalist Youth] based on the perception that South that perception the on based Youth] Nationalist [Yugoslav ka omladina emerged in Croatia in 1910s as a reaction to the 56 Omladina Historijski zbornik ü , “Mlada uo Hrvatska needed to reshape the whole the reshape to needed 151 , vol. 11-12 (1958.- , vol. 11-12 Jugoslovenska þ i svjetskog I. Historijski CEU eTD Collection 153 unification, “the Croatian part of unique Croat-Serb nation” turned out to be somehow to out nation” turned Croat-Serb of unique part Croatian “the unification, Slav south the of process the for valuable equally are mentalities both that emphasised a freedom, adopted modern-national ofnationalism.vision Although Marjanovi for fight peasant of tradition they to due Serbs, the while nation, of notion conservative apatriotic- adopted Croats the right, state feudal of tradition Croatian the basis of the whether if it was a Serbian, orCroatian, version. matter no goal, a common for worked and name one with territories Slav south whole the named they because for unification, fight of the wereexpressions projects political Serbia” “Greater and Croatia” “Greater the Thus,even circumstances. byhistorical only in states divided the separated nation, poles same of the as the two but identities, separate did Serbian nineteenth national emerge the not century, thought two and Croatian as aboutbrought the ethnical unity South of Slavs. When modern nationalism inthe emerged subsequently which populations two the of mixture the caused and states, medieval Croatian and Serb separate the destroyed Balkans the on invasion Ottoman the that fact the was interpretation of identities.The startinghis separate point astwo nationsboth developed historical stream bothof Serb and Croat pursuit towards the Yugoslav unity,despite the fact Serbo-Croatian KnjižaraSerbo-Croatian (Rijeka: G.TrbojeviNation] Srpsko- Hrvatskinarod 152 Omladina, was done by Milan Marjanovi interpretation Slav south of history justify to emergence the unitary the of Yugoslav It state. Unique Serbo-Croatian Nation]. jedinstveni Srpsko- Hrvatskinarod Marjanovi Milan Marjanovi Milan However, Marjanovi However, Marjanovi and book publishedthe ü , Narod kojinastaje, ü interpreted interpreted modernthe history Slavs as South the of an unbroken ü , [The Nation Emerges; The Emerges and Formation of a Unique a of Formation and Emerges The Emerges; Nation [The Narod kojinastaje.Zaštonastaje ikakoseformirajedinstveni ü acknowledged one difference between Serbs and Croats. On Croats. and Serbs between difference one acknowledged ü 152 , the politician of the politician , the supportedolder generation of who the [The Nation Emerges; The Emerges and Formation of a 10-14, 24-44. Narod koji nastaje. Zaštonastaje ikakose formira 57 153 ü , 1913). ü CEU eTD Collection Unification”], in Tartaglia, Oskar Unification”], 157 39,2006), n.104. književnost nacionalisti 156 30.1999), Slobodna types of Beograd: reprint, (Niš:Slavs] South the nopublisher, knjiga, 1914; ý as Vladimir Or, mentality. Serb the of theimposition through culture” “Swabian-Magyar extremely and proud masculine.” developed sacrifice nationdueto and the for is eager to for nationhood, the especially moments, mostly have“[…] aresupposed Serbs, to something divineinside itself:foresees it great Yugoslavia andmostly inhabited by Dinarianthe man,Croats, which Cviji northwestin partof plain the Pannonian peoplefrom the tothe Yugoslavia. Contrary developed bythe populations from Dynarian the Mountains in central the part of 155 London: Cornell 103. University Press, 1993), 154 Cviji Jovan anthropologist Serbian “moral, aremore Serbs active.” vital and that Croatians are more “contemplative, relativists and intellectualists”, hence passive, while inferior to the “Serbian part of the nation” during the process of unification, due to the fact soul”. Magyar, Italian, as German, wellnamely influences, as foreign the clericalism, of be purged should mentality national Croat in a way as to participate in the “Yugoslavthe national beshould imposedthebrain soul is of and which calledBelgrade.” town, the erina, the prominent member of the Program Kluba “Narodno ujedinjenje” [The Program of the Club “National Vladimir Jovan Cviji Jovan Banac, Ivo Omladina 157 Thus, the youth saw the ways to overcome the decadence in Croatia caused by the caused in Croatia decadence the overcome to youth ways saw the Thus, the Subsequently, the superior characteristics of Serbiandom bythe were emphasised of Serbiandom characteristics superior Subsequently, the [Orjuna- the Ideology and the Literature] (Zagreb: Hrvatska sveu (Zagreb:Hrvatska Literature] and the Ideology the [Orjuna- þ ku kulturu did not exactlynot explainhowdid itshould go,in itsitstated the that 1912Program ý The NationalQuestion inYugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics ü erina, “U gradu Cinika” [In the town of the Cynics], , Jedinstvo ipsihi , 1 March 1914, 1; quoted inJ. Boškovi 1914, 1;quoted Ivan , 1March Veleizdajnik; Moje uspomene iz borbeprotivcrno-žutog Moje uspomeneiz Veleizdajnik; þ ki tipovijužnihSlavena ü , who stated that the south Slav vital mentality was mentality vital Slav south the that stated who , Omladina 154 155 58 said: “To this town of cynics (Zagreb, s.dj.), [The Unity and psychological and Unity [The ü , Orjuna þ Vihor ilišna naklada,ilišna ü - found tobe 156 (Ithaca and (Ithaca Ideologija i Although , list za list CEU eTD Collection vol.61, 10, quoted in Puva 161 Novaked. Viktor (Beograd: privately 1930),687.printed, jedinstva 1390-1930 Narodno jedinstvo 160 76. Pynset (Houndmills, Hampshire Basingstoke, and London: Macmillan 166,Press, 1996), n. idea” in idea” Hrvatska, 1967),vol.Hrvatska, 178-179, quoted in 10, Dušan Puva Tina Ujevi 159 158 64. Yellow (Zagreb- Eagle; ilitografija TwoParts] the 1928), 63- In Albrecht, Split: C. tiskara orla; udvadijela glory.” with the Serbdom,in a way not to be parasite of the glory in our future state, but equal in the was moreto equalise Serbian“[…] modestthe of than content Croatdom asground one, it although serve, should and emerged, should Croatdom of spirit heroic the that meant That clearly stated that Croats “Serbo-Croat” term of the integral part should firstlyis it for an name Croat, the we reject mean not does that that Serbo-Croats, ourselves become Croats on the main leadersof the the way to become Yugoslavs.Croats. the than moreworthy as wereregarded Serbs that conclusion perceived “[…] as the one which is coming immediately Serbia” the inof “[…] whichis one asthe immediately after terms perceived coming most the As Dalmatia. awake in “defiance andtheactionthem pride”. of and Austrians, by imposed serfdom obedient the of mentality the eradicate would which mentality, national Croat real the of flourishing the enable fact in should Yugoslavism of Tin Ujevi Tin Milostisav Bartulica, i “Hrvatstvo Jugoslovjenstvo” [Croatdom and Yugoslavdom], Tin Ujevi Banac, 160 However, praising the Serb national mentality should not necessarily lead us to thenecessarily mentalitylead national should usto However, praising Serb not the Beside Serbia, the emergence of heroism in Croatia was envisioned to be added by beadded to envisioned heroism inCroatia of was emergence Beside the Serbia, The Literature of Nationalism: Essays on East EuropeanIdentity Nationalism: EssaysonEast Literature of The Hence, some parts of The NationalQuestion ü a ü ü , „Sramotno „Sramotno , [The collected Works of Tin of Works Tin Ujevi collected [The , “Nacionalizam i Hrvatstvo” [Nationalism and Croatdom], in (Zagreb), 2 April (Zagreb),2April in 1914, [The High My MemoriesTreason; from against Struggle the Black- [The Anthology [The Thoughtand Anthology Unity 1390-1930], Yugoslav of National Omladina Omladina ü þLü utanje“ [The shamefull Silence], in Silence], shamefull [The utanje“ , “Tin Ujevi Omladina , 103. members originated from Dalmatia, that province was from that Dalmatia, members originated , clearly emphasised that “If we Serbs and Croats call 159 ü . Some other members, like Milostisav Bartulica, Milostisav like members, other Some . , like Ujevi and Yugoslav idea”,166. andYugoslav 59 Antologija jugoslovenske Antologija misli inarodnog 161 ü ], ed. Miroslav Frangeš (Zagreb, Matica (Zagreb, Frangeš ed. Miroslav ], ü and Bartulica, argued that notion that the argued Bartulica, and þLü , “Tin Ujevi Sabrana djela TinaUjevi 158 . Tin Ujevi ü and Yugoslav the , ed. Robert B. Sabrana djela ü , one of ü a , CEU eTD Collection Antologija jugoslovenske misli 166 100. (Argentina), 7August in 1915;quoted Boškovi 165 national Yugoslav state. future influences tothe Croatia contribution mentality submited wasthe of western and Slav the synthesis of The Croatia. cultural past great the memory of asthe Dalmatia regarded others as “[…] less the exclusive Croatian and Serb,andmostly Slav and Yugoslavian” Youth the ideology ambiguous:Yugoslav was somemembers while emphasised Dalmatia heroism in shameful dead Croatia.” in shameful heroism symbolisedin heroic folk Dalmatian “[…] songs whichshould emergence of inspire the 164 163 jedinstva Yugoslavia], 162 members of the becausesome a less worth, by foreign influences. However, this didnot mean that Croatian mentality was perceived as mentality, due to Serb in themostly factcontained Slavs, south that of Croatian characteristics heroic upon moulded be should national mentality was perceived to bebe was envisioned erectedby of to Yugoslav the emergence the culture,unique which degenerated Serbs and Slovenes want to be a one nation; thus they are one nation.” “Croats, because coalition, political Croato-Serbian in the present classes political “old” the proceed withto of which process the bythemembersgradual unification, was envisioned of need no Thus,there was already present. are and which andcommon”, already Serbs Croats Slovenes, “to are which elements heroic the on based be would soul national Yugoslav spirit. militant Ljubo Leonti Ljubo Tin Ujevi Marjanovi Ibid, 683. Dimitrije Mitrinovi Regardless of these ambiguities, these of Regardless In sum, In , 681. ü ü Vihor , “Zna , 162 Omladina’s Narod kojinastaje Theirmentality heroism and regardedascontaining combatively,was ü , Uvodnik [The Editorial], [The Uvodnik , (Zagreb), 1 March in 1March 1914; (Zagreb), þ enje Dalmacije” [The Meaning of Dalmatia], of Meaning [The Dalmacije” enje ü , „O i Jugoslaviji Yugoslaviaza Jugoslaviju“ [About andfor the notion of Yugoslav future the nation was aquite ambiguous. It , 689. 165 , 47. 163 However, even the concept of Dalmatiansim within of Dalmatiansim even concept the However, Omladina Omladina 60 Antologija jugoslovenskemisli inarodnog Antologija ü Yugoslavia , Orjuna- ideologijai književnost envisioned that the emergence of the emergence of the that envisioned envisioned its equality to the Serb one (Prague), 1 April in (Prague), 1914; Jugoslavija 166 , Antagofasta 164 , 38, n. , while , CEU eTD Collection Serbian, Bosnian and Croatian kingdoms tended to embrace the whole south Slav territories south embrace whole the to tended kingdoms Croatian and Bosnian Serbian, the when time, medieval early from expressed beginning, very the from consciousness millennium”. “unitarist the as Slavs south middle developedin invasion, by ages history the Turk the Malinwholethe of depicted the conscience national singular the on based was which unite, to Croat, and Serb poles, two of 171 History; (Split:Fragments] Izdanje Direktorijuma Orjune, 1925). reinterpreting it.reinterpreting While Marjanovi 170 Pobeda Program of the Yugoslav Progressive- Nationalistic Youth; The Integral Nationalism], 169 to Orjuna] (Split: Izdanje direktorijuma81. 1925), Orjune, interpretation of Yugoslavthe history followed Marjanovi 168 167 book Malin’s emergencethe of unitary the national culture. [Yugoslav and Nationalistic emphasisedmainProgressive inits Youth], as program task the namethe adopted Thus the organisation Omladina ORJUNA: On ofTurn-of-the-CenturyIV.2. the Roots Yugoslavism as a constitutional by ruled monarchy Serbianking.the Yugoslav state was also vague. While some members saw it asa republic, some perceived it shape futurethe thepurging concrete of from after decadence.Subsequently, the the Banac, Franjo Malin, [The nacionalizam” integralni omladine; nacionalne napredno- jugoslovenske “Program Niko Bartulovi Niko “Nacionalne Gross, omladine”,ideje studentske 112-114. ORJUNA’s ideology ORJUNA’s ideology further by history Franjo the Yugoslav reshaped even the the of heritage its emphasised strongly manifesto first its in already ORJUNA , 15October 1921,1. , stating that “[…] it will finish the job which the Nationalistic Youth started.” Youth Nationalistic the which job the finish will it “[…] that stating , The NationalQuestion Jugoslovenstvo kroz istoriju ü , Jugoslavenstvo kroz Jugoslavenstvo kroz fragmenti historiju; Od revolucionarne omladinedoOrjune , 180. ü depicted the history of South achievement Slavs asthe history depictedthe South of Jugoslovenska napredna nacionalisti [Yugoslavism throughout theHistory] [Yugoslavism throughout 61 169 171 Thus, there was a unified south Slav 167 [From the Revolutionary Youth ü [Yugoslavism Through [Yugoslavismthe Through , but, even going in further þ ka omladina 170 . His . 168 CEU eTD Collection Zašto nastajeikako Hrvatski seformirajedinstveni Srpsko- narod already by Milandepicted Marjanovi which be was to forged upon notionthe of heroicthe whichfollowed past, thepattern one. Serb then the worthy he implicitly argued that the Croat historical contribution to Yugoslavism was somehow less Jugoslavenstvo, the soul “ from word the itoriginated because one, of the South Slavs. On the contrary, the Croatian word for Yugoslavism, Yugoslavs], 173 1921, 1. 172 Leonti Slovenes”. and nationalhighest of Serbs, Croats “[…]Yugoslavismdegreeof the the thought asthe against goes which law feudal German of be “remedy to stated was political the for insisting Serbs in one state was in the course of the south Slav unity, the idea of Croats and Slovenesembrace tendedto all which primarily nationalism, exclusive Serb labelled thateventhe Austro-Hungary, disintegrate spiritually aiming the unified to Slav body.itWhile south was political which parties, keep pushing south separate Slav identities.political finallyperceived fulfil to historical tendency unity,contemporaneousitfailedto dueto as a result of history now, whileuntil separatenational identities of south the Slavs emerged exclusively foreign influence. under“national the kings”. governanceof this AsMalin stated, tendency continued through Although the emergence of the South Slav State was LjuboLeonti “Dve Jugoslovenstva“ koncepcijeConcepts [The Two of Yugoslavism], ü Moreover, these tendencies were present in the vision of the new Yugsolav culture, Yugsolav new the of vision in the present were tendencies these Moreover, Thus, even the notion of Yugoslav federation was perceived to be a conspiracy of . He explained that the Serb word for Yugoslavism, 172 Pobeda Itwas even expressed at the level of the language by ORJUNA’s leader Ljubo turned haveto aroot in Italian root “ ü , “Jugoslaveni- Južni Sloveni- [Yugoslavs- Jugosloveni” Slavs- South , 27 May , 27May 1925, 1. ü inhis mentioned book previously slovo” 62 (Letter), which (Letter), is characterise supposed to schiavo ”, which means Slave. means which ”, Jugoslovenstvo [The Nation Emerges; [TheNation Narod kojinastaje. Pobeda , is the , proper 173 , 28 June Thus, CEU eTD Collection 16 June 1921,2. 177 Thought], Croatian 176 Unitarism: Serb National Conscioussness], 175 174 Nation] Serbo-Croatian of a Unique Formation The Emerges and characteristics, because characteristics, nationYugoslav identities none of from loose supposed these three anythingits were to exist, butinas regional foreign they mentalities. to Thus, were recognised construct, the the all characteristics which are presentin all three tribes. Although they werelabelled beto YugoslavismLachman issupposed to emerge of on organisation, reciprocity Ivo the stated, projected toblend all national three mentalities. Asone of mostthe prominentmembers of conservative, and incapable thus contribute to to Yugoslavthe spiritual revolution. as labelled aform of adopted patriotism nationalism This Croatian why reason was the byAustrianinfluences. participate toit, alienate whilecommon people and weresuppressed frameworkthe of Sincewas based it HabsburgEmpire. the legalfoundation, only on elites freedom was a history of fight for the constitutional rights of the Croatian feudal state within soul. heroic be aSerbian to stated were masculinity, which andforof country cult sacrifice revenge, such values as fight, full folk heroic the of myths, inthe fightwas Serb history translated that of The occupiers. Ottoman against Serbpeasants of the fight historical asaconstant was presented history Serb The history. Serb in the present extent a great to is Yugoslavism of spirit the that Ivo Lachman, “Kompatibilno i inkompatibilno” [Compatible and Incompatible], and [Compatible inkompatibilno” i “Kompatibilno Lachman, Ivo MirkoLežai Mirko Ležai Mirko Seefootnote 118. Yugoslavism = resistance and habits working mildness, manners, culture character, heroism, Slovenian mildness +Slovenian working hard strength=habits and Yugoslavism,but:Serbo-Croatian- and culture Croatian + character and heroism Serb example: for not, And Slovenes. and Croats Yugoslavism is meaning the sum of all cultural, material, and physical values embodied inthe Serbs, is Yugoslavism of concept its that emphasising on keen nevertheless was ORJUNA ü ü , “Separatizam i unitarizam: hrvatska misao,” [Separatism andUnitarism: [Separatism misao,” hrvatska iunitarizam: “Separatizam , , “Separatizam i unitarizam: srpska nacijonalna svijest,” [Separatism and [Separatism svijest,” nacijonalna srpska i unitarizam: “Separatizam , 177 Pobeda . , 1 October 1921, 2. 175 On the contrary, the history of the Croatian fight for fight Croatian the of history the contrary, the On Pobeda 63 , 12 November 1921, 2. 174 . Thus,itwas argued 176 Pobeda , CEU eTD Collection January January 1922, 1. justified by Croatianspecificthe historical circumstances, which were otherwise used to 180 of advocates Yugoslavism in 19 the nineteenth nineteenth century:the in in Croatia emerged firstly idea Yugoslav the stated, ORJUNA of member prominent most Strossmayer, was Peter Serb the kingand 1903-1918, first the Yugoslav kingJ.J. 1918-1921. Kara1924, 1. 179 national heroes. Croatian becomingthe later Vienna, Franjo in were executed in both happened 1671.The which power, Habsburg rebellion against Ra178 tribe enters in spiritualthe community Yugoslavs.” of Serb should respect these “Croats should ancient respect vitalism the invasion against Croatian from Vienna, while two martyrs as something inpower history,the Petar Zrinyi such as counts and Fran Frankopan Krsto the most worthy Thus whichheroes national Austrian organisation Croatian rebelledthe praised against which the Croatian historicalthe events which in could emergencethe contribute man. of newYugoslav the According to its vitalist, fascist notion of the unique Yugoslav culture, the emphasis was on respect the contributions of contributions to respect the ideathe of of Croats As the Bartulovi Yugoslavism.Niko NikoBartulovi “Kult Zrinjsko- Frankopanski“ [The Cult of “KultFrankopanski“ Zrinjsko- Frankopans], [TheCultZrinyi andof nobility leaders of werethe Croatian PetarZrinyi KrstoFrankopans Counts and Fran the The notion Croatian historicof in passivity thefighting for idea Yugsolavismof was Boti more ideal ideologists and prophets of Yugoslav idea aswere Croats Strossmayer, Ra Piedmont (Serbia, S.Dj.) and finally our Yugoslavia, it is equally truth that still have not beenthe If Kara In that matter, ORJUNA was praising all contributions Croats gave to Yugoslavism. Moreover, it was also emphasised by the organisation writings that Serbs should ü . 180 ÿ ÿ or or ÿ e, Prince Mihajlo and King Peter were the great national leaders who build our Yugoslav ÿ e and rulersin PrinceMihailo century,were Serbian 19th while King ü , “Sinteza Jugoslovenstva” Synthesis[The Yugoslavism],of þ ki, Natko Nodilo and Luka Boti th century. 64 179 ü were prominent Croatian Pobeda 178 þ ki, Nodilo and , in which , Pobeda, , 24April ü , the 1 CEU eTD Collection close friend of Yugoslavthe Alexanderking I. sculptures which the depictof mythical hero heroes from the the Serbbecome past. In the inter-war century the period of he was turn a the on which sculptor, 2d ed. (Zagreb: Matica Hrvatska, 1993). Ivan Meštrovi 1993). Hrvatska, 2d ed.(Zagreb: Matica Uspomene napoliti 184 Izabrani 183 Dalmatia], 182 Izabrani 181 freedom.” and glory its for centuries the for combating were they which great sacrifice for theYugoslav idea by renouncing their “[…] own national insignias, by theorganisation emphasisedwidespread a Moreover, writings. in Serbsdid that ORJUNA Croatism.”cheekbright of preservingmentality nation, the thus our of heroic preserves “[…]which nation, Croatian of vital the part astheonly Dalmatia still stayed inthe position,itssubordinate perceived dueto degeneration. Thenotion of though was seen as the expression of the Croatian racial strength, because Croats contributionfield in So,even the political label of as arestricted them the degenerated. supremacy supremacy in Yugoslavia. and intellectual elites in the inter-war period as a main argument for recognising the Serb adopted the adopted ORJUNA Thus, itthat couldbeWar I. inWorld stated combatants Serbian of sacrifices the subsequently foundations the that laying of are Yugoslavia exclusively on numerous the The one of the best depiction of the cult of the liberator can be found in Ivan Meštrovi Dobroslav Jev Dobroslav Mirko Korolija, „Uzvišena misija naše Dalmacije“ [The Supreme Mission of Our of Mission Supreme [The Dalmacije“ naše misija „Uzvišena Korolija, Mirko Dobroslav Jev However, these notions were quite rarely expressed. The Croatian national mentality Croatian national The rarely expressed. werequite thesenotions However, Croatians due to conditions of its history. alienationconducted by Austrians. national The emergencesystematic and of Austrainism sophisticated in the Croatia under snow thus is spring a not as blame on melting were Croats while Slavery, Turk occupiers on legendarythis cultivationof nationalism throughthe history of the Turkish […] were the in much more difficult situationthen Serbs, whichwere forced by the cruelty of the þ þ lanci lanci Pobeda cult of the cult ofliberator , 69. [Selected Articles], (Novi [Selected Articles], (Novi Sad: Štamparija Jovanovi ÿ , 7November 1922,3. ÿ evi þ evi ke ljudeidoga ü ü , Srpski Separatizam [The Serbian Separatism], Serbian [The , Srpski Separatizam , “Frankovci” [The Franck Party], 184 , which was advocated by the great part by of Serbian political great the was advocated , which ÿ aje [The Memories on the Political Actors and Events], 181 65 ü was the most famous Croatian most wasthe Vidovdan ü i 42. Bogdanov, 1925), (Novi in (Novi Sad), 1924, Vidovdan Omladina 183 , emphasising , 182 , was still , , 1924, in , 1924, by the by ü , CEU eTD Collection s.dj.), and especially without non-discriminated andCroats” non-discriminated satisfied andespeciallywithout s.dj.), (nations, unity exist tribes three all satisfaction of and cannot without “[…]Yugoslavia imposition of the hegemonic politics of the Belgrade regime against Croats, thus stating that of the result emergedasthe separatism Croatian it that recognised Instead, influences. the organisation abandoned the notion of the Croatian separatism as the result of alien Yugoslavism, federal of notion the adopted As coalition the SDK). coalition, Democratic Radi with Stjepan made acoalition be characterised as perfect and unconditional andunconditional be asperfect opposition. characterised the thenotion of aswas vagueandambiguous, was rather quite heroes and intellectual contributions to Yugoslavism. Thus ORJUNA’s relation to CroatismCroatian mentality in away it toits contributed vision itsof praising Yugoslavism, national the ORJUNArecognised the However, vital one. most nation as the of the component Serbian praise the to itwas prone nations, Yugoslav three of all characters heroic although ORJUNA emphasised theunique the emergence Yugoslav of culturethe upon Moreover, history. ORJUNA’sinterpretation of to inaccordance forces, which was of alien Firstly,it Croatianthe opposed by identity political that itarguing was under theinfluence completely anti-Croat,Yugoslavism. as the Croatiancompromised right-wingby the roleorganisation envisioned previously of even the that mentality recognised was Serbian Serbian political political classes, so thatthought Croats were was to beprone the new axisto ofstate. 186 185 biggest unitaristicin hardliner Pribi politics Yugoslav Svetozar Yugoslavism late 1927,when patron of until organisation,the the political the previously „Za prakti „Pucanje uJugoslaviju“ [The Shootingin Yugoslavia], To conclude, the national thought of ORJUNA shows that the organisation was not ORJUNA opposed anyORJUNA ofnational which against unitary opposed wouldkinds go demands þ 186 noJugoslovenstvo“ [For Practical Yugoslavism], ü , the president of the Croatian Peasant Party (Peasant- Party Peasant Croatian the of president the , 66 Pobeda þ Pobeda evi Omladina , 22June 1928,1. ü , went in, went opposition and , 26 October 1928,1. , 26October 185 also, and cannot . In fact, the CEU eTD Collection 1999). Fascism of The Fascist Toward aGeneral Theory Revolution: 187 decadence of the liberal, materialistic society materialistic liberal, of the decadence toovercome perceived the inorder national revolution apalingenetic which envisaged ideology revolutionary a was fascism that fact the emphasise which Griffin, Roger and mostly by Mosse of of George fascism,represented theories work contemporary the generic identity. national Croatian the to assigned characteristics, but fascistits of not only from point the attention research isinneedof organisation also taking also concerninginterpretation andthelack proves monographs of history comprehensive the that the of its vision of This Serbia” in flaws project. and more nothing than a “Greater biased way, as Yugoslavism and theCroatian academic life,itsvision beinginof Yugoslavism misunderstood, a very superficial place it in the misrepresented is of ORJUNA thenature Moreover, Marxist approaches. obsolete Nationalists- ORJUNA.is ofYugoslav on in visible feature Organisation the Socialism. especially research This Works on National- German and Fascism Italian of scholarships the characterizes that thecomplexity topic are not Theonly scarce,available but also burdenedworks withon fascism in Yugoslavia are still far away from the theoretical emergence of the corporatist, non-conflict society. non-conflict corporatist, the of emergence preserve thenational from community materialistthe chaos, enabling subsequently man heroic the Moreover, bemoulded whichinwas perceivedto totalitarian state the will existence. individual’s the of aim ultimate the as community and state the of ideals the to its peak infascist men, heroic with new national by the dedicated culture overcome erecting Rogger Griffin, This thesis focuses on the ideology of the ORJUNA seen through the prisms of The Nature ofFascism Nature The Conclusions (London: Routledge, 1996); George L.Mosse, 1996);George (London:Routledge, 67 187 . The degeneration of the nation was to be to nation was the of degeneration . The (New York: Howard Fertig, Howard (New York: CEU eTD Collection 188 means of to be peaceful, the and was envisioned transformation this However, man. basedonthe emergence new the of cultural the organisation revolution the proposed which was mostlywhich factors statedecadence, with the various produced against dealing ORJUNA’sAt discourse needstage, for this aradical change. tothe references ambiguous gradually. earlyyearsthe of In organisation’sthe encounters existence,1921-1922,one only the clashes of the “old” Croatian and Serb political elites. by decadence, caused state perceived the overcome remedy to the only national as culture integral based onanew revolution concept of the palingenetic the ORJUNA advocated Yugoslavism and of state. Onthebackground the organization new the of crisis,this theconceptof of understanding different over the dispute Croat-Serbian by generated the caused by territorial the and neighbouring states; claims the of internal the instability Slav new the state, south instability of international aspect crisisof werethe this important fascism. generic of model the with compatibility ORJUNA’s underscore while attempting to existed, and organisation inwhich the This focused in ideology thesis on inORJUNA’s thehistorical context it which emerges, which makes the of nature more ideology organisation convincible andcomprehensible. “in fromempirical air”,case studies the historical itdeparts since concrete the context of analyses leaves the framework theoretical general this of application because mainly is That exercise. analytical difficult is a ORJUNA of case the to model this to application its Yet, claim. Marxists as bourgeoisie,” of agent “reactionary not was fascism that proving Mosse, The concept of national palingenesis in the ideology of ORJUNA developed Thetwomost Yugoslav the state. in asituation of deepcrisis ORJUNA emerged of inside” the “from fascism at looks fascism generic of model theoretical This The Fascist Revolution, X. 68 188 , CEU eTD Collection notion of Yugoslavismwell its historical contribution to ideathe of Yugoslavism.Finally, inherited ORJUNA the to indisputably anti-Croat,a due to the fact that it praisedgreat the heroic deeds in Croatian history, as extentidentity.Croat Although the praising Serbian national identity, ORJUNA notwas from the by Serbianthe national identity, which “degenerated”was not by influenceforeign asthe foremost and first given was strength its that believed it identities, and branches Slav south envisioned theemergence ofthe from new culture Yugoslav mouldingthe of all the three from the moulding mostfascistit movements,is but emerges” a“nation casewith the was dealing with which of thenation” as Gentile), (Emilio “unfinished by the stimulated of notit urgency nation, the was Serb, Croat and Sloveneregime. nations. ORJUNA incharacteristics. finally 1929underwas disbanded KingAlexander’s dictatorial Althoughsupport, in yearssubsequent organisation the declined, loosing its fascistradical the organisationsystem and the establishment of its own dictatorship. However, left without external of for parliamentary the overthrow in the called even governmentsupport 1925, ORJUNA loosing the society. By of corporatist emergence the with subsequent peasants), workers, students, ofsociety embrace(women, allstrata whichplannedto variousof sections the squads.it Subsequently,developed themyth establishment lead organisation the of to which of focusingpalingenetic revolution on new of emergence the man the itswithin actions fully fledged by fascism. ORJUNA Stimulated governmental support, thenotiondeveloped democracy. parliamentary to adhered still asORJUNA defined, precisely not were transformation While the organisation undoubtedly called for the palingenetic revolution of the of revolution palingenetic the for called undoubtedly organisation the While 1923 marked the incritical point organisation’sthe life, whenitgradually evolved to 69 Nacionalisti þ ka omladina [Yugoslav CEU eTD Collection Yugoslavia. Tito’s the during in Croatia Yugoslavism integral of advocates as well as ORJUNA, membersof most prominent Dalmatians werethe that fact the dueto one, national Croatian the and identity regional Dalmatia between “contest” symbolic the investigate be to would membersjoined prominentTito’s movement. later of The to ORJUNA secondpartisan one Tito’s in ThisisYugoslavia significant 1945-1991. light especially most factthat of the indevelopment 1930’s,the with lastthe stage in the Communist Unitarian concept during idea, its through starting by with ORJUNA, itsgenesis Nationalisticuntil the Youth, study. would Thefirstone be research on historicalthe genesis of Yugoslav the Unitarian of avenues possible two main two opens thus thesis My “cannon.” national Croatian the in it ismore way to used sophisticated than inthe beapproached should integral Yugoslavism 1910s. the in Croatia in emerged that students Croatian and Serb of net the Youth], Nationalistic Finally, these findings on the ORJUNA intellectual heritage suggest that the idea of idea the that suggest heritage intellectual onthe ORJUNA findings Finally, these 70 CEU eTD Collection Anti II. SECONDARYLITERATURE Tartaglia, Oskar. Novak, Viktor, ed. Marjanovi Malin, Franjo. Bartulovi Jev Cviji literature: Primary B. Vidovdan, organnacionalista Pobeda, glavniorgannacionalista A. I. PRIMARYSOURCES ÿ Newspapers: ü evi ü , Ljubomir. “Nacionalne ideologije Jugoslavenstva kod Hrvata u dvadesetom udvadesetom Hrvata kod “Nacionalnestolje Jugoslavenstva ideologije , Ljubomir. , Jovan. , [The Ideologies of National Yugoslavism among Croats in the Twentieth Century]. Twentieth in the Croats among Yugoslavism National of Ideologies [The In the Two Parts]. Zagreb- Split: tiskara i litografija C. Albrecht, 1928. [The High Treason; My Memories from the Struggle against Black- Yellow Eagle; 1930. printed, Anthology of Yugoslav Thought andNationalBeograd: privatelyUnity 1390-1930]. Serbo-Croatian Nation]. Rijeka: Knjižara G.Trbojevi Hrvatski narod Fragments]. Split:Fragments]. Direktorijuma Izdanje 1925. Orjune, Bogdanov, 1925. 1999. Beograd: Slobodna 1914; reprint, knjiga, nopublisher, Slavs]. Niš: of South the Orjuna]. Split: Izdanje Direktorijuma Orjune, 1925. 1922-1925. 1921-1929. ü , Dobroslav. ü ü , Niko. , Milan. , Jedinstvo ipsihi Jugoslavenstvo kroz historiju; fragmenti Veleizdajnik; Mojeuspomene iz borbe protivcrno-žutog orla; udvadijela Od revolucionarne Orjune omladine do Antologija jugoslovenske misli inarodnogjedinstva 1390-1930 Narod kojinastaje.Zaštonastaje ikakose jedinstveniSrpsko-formira Izabrani . [The Nation Emerges; The Emergence and Formation of a Unique [St. Vidus Day, the Organ of the Nationalists], (Novi Sad), þ þ lanci ki tipovi južnih Slavena ki tipovijužnih BIBLIOGRAPHY [Victory, the Main Organ of the Nationalists] (Split), : [Selected Articles]. Novi Novi Jovanovi Articles]. Sad: Štamparija [Selected 71 [Yugoslavism Through the History; [The Unity and psychological types psychological and Unity [The : [From Revolutionary [FromRevolutionary to Youth ü , 1913. [The ü ü i u” CEU eTD Collection Gross, Mirjana. “Nacionalne ideje studentske omladine u Hrvatskoj uoci I. svjetskog rata” svjetskog uHrvatskoj uoci I. omladine ideje Mirjana. studentske “Nacionalne Gross, ______. “The Growth Culture: (or Manufacture) of TheCurrent Primacy of Consensus ______. ed. Griffin, Roger, Gligorijevi Gentile, Emilio. Djordjevi ý Cipek, Tihomir. “The Croats and Yugoslavism.” In Bulatovi Boškovi Bešker, Inoslav, ed. Banac, Ivo. Banac, Avakumovi ulinovi zbornik I], War World of eve the on inCroatia Youth students of ideas [National 43. within Fascist Study,” (1963): 315-393.(1963): Organisation Yugoslav of Nationalists (Orjuna)]. London, Sydney Auckland:and E.Arnold, 1998. Connecticut, London: Publishers, 2003. Praeger Connecticut, States Zagreb: JAZU, 1961. New York: New York: Central University European 2004. Press, Southeastern Europe thought.” In 1918-1992 Zagreb: Hrvatska sveuZagreb: Hrvatska Politi University Press, 1993. Anti States In ü ü ü , Ivan J. , Ivan ü , Marko. “Struggling with Yugoslavism: Dilemmas of Serb “Struggling of political with Yugoslavism:Interwar Dilemmas Marko. , , Ferdo. Hrvatska Politika u XX stolje Hrvatska PolitikauXX , Dimitrije.“Fascism in Yugoslavia 1918-1941.”In ü ü ü , Branislav. “Organizacija jugoslovenskih nacionalista (Orjuna)“ [The (Orjuna)“ nacionalista jugoslovenskih “Organizacija Branislav. , The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins,History, Politics The Nature of Fascism. , Ivan. “Yugoslavia’s Fascist In , Ivan. Movements.” þ , 35-69. Zagreb: 2006. Matica, 35-69. Hrvatska, , ed. Peter F. Sugar. Santa Barbara, California: ABC Clio, 1971. , ed. Peter F. , ed.Peter Sugar, 135-143.Santa Barbara, California:ABC Clio, 1971. kih kih Nauka Sveu , vol. 21-22 (1968-69): , vol. 21-22 75-143 The Struggle for Modernity. FuturismThe Struggle for Nationalism, andFascism Orjuna- , ed.Dejan Djokic, 71-84.London:Hurst andCompany, 2003. Jugoslavija izme Ideologies andNational Identities,TheCase ofTwentieth- Century International Fascism: Theories, Causes andtheNew Consensus. Fašizam ineofašizam Ideologija iknjiževnost , ed. John R.Lampe Mazower, 254-276.Budapest-, ed.John andMark þ þ The JournalofContemporary History ilišta uZagrebu, 1976. ilišnanaklada, 2006. London:Routledge, 1996. ÿ u dvarata ü u [Croatian Politics in XX Century], ed. Ljubomir ed. Century], in XX Politics [Croatian , [Fascism and Neofascism]. Zagreb: Fakultet 72 [Orjuna- the Ideology and the Literature]. [Yugoslavia between the Two Wars]. Two the between [Yugoslavia Yugoslavism, HistoriesofFailedIdea Istorija XXveka:zbornikradova Native FascisminSuccessor Native Fascism inSuccessor 37, no. 1(2002):21- 37, . Ithaca: Cornell . Westport, Historijski , 5 CEU eTD Collection Zaninovi Vaupoti Šoši Šitin, Ton Šitin, Puva Petranovi Payne, Stanley G. L. George Mosse, Meštrovi R. Lampe, John ______. Kulji Janjetovi Hagtvet, Bernt and Hagtvet, A “Contemporary toFascism:Reinhard Kühnl Approaches (eds). ü þLü ü , Hrvoje. , Todor. “Fašizam i istraživanje fašizma u Jugoslaviji“ [Fascism and Reserach about Reserach and [Fascism Jugoslaviji“ u fašizma iistraživanje “Fašizam Todor. , World War I], Ivo Frangeš. Zagreb: Matica Hrvatska- Zora,1975. Stolje [First Part, A-O]. Rijeka: Tiskara Rijeka, 1993. April- 10May 1991. Basingstoke, Basingstoke, Hampshire and London: Press,1996. Macmillan Essays Identity on EastEuropean 1988]. Vol.1,1988]. Beograd: Nolit,Beograd: 1988. Wisconsin Press, 1996. Howard Fertig,York: 1999. Actors and Events], 2d ed. Zagreb: Matica Hrvatska, 1993. Cambridge University 2000. Press, Beograd: Nolit,Study]. 1977. fascism fascism in Yugoslavia], Beograd:in Inis, 1918-1941]. 2005. Yugoslavia 1941 Oslo and Tromso: Universitetsforlaget, 1980. eds. Stein UglevikLarson,andHagtvet Bernt Jan Petter Myklebust,26-51. Bergen, Survey of Paradigms.” In , Dušan. “Tin Ujevi , Dušan. ü ü ü ü , Miroslav, ed. ü , Vice. “Mlada Hrvatska uo “Mlada, Vice.Hrvatska , Ivan. , , Zoran. þ , Branko. i. Dalmatinsko Orjunaštvo [Dalmatian Orjuna]. [Dalmatian Orjunaštvo Dalmatinsko i. [The Kids of the Emperors, the Foster- Child Kings: of the National Minorities Fašizam: Sociološko-istorijska studija ü a Hrvatske Književnosti Hrvatski politi Uspomene napoliti A HistoryofFascism, 1914-1945 Deca careva, pastor Yugoslavia as History: Twice There was aCountry ThereYugoslaviaHistory: Twice as The Fascist Revolution; Toward a General Theory of Fascism Theory of aGeneral Fascist Revolution;Toward The Istorija Jugoslavije: 1918-1988 Kraljevina Jugoslavija 1918-1941 Historijski zbornik, Historijski Stanislav Šimi ü þ and the Yugoslav idea.”In Yugoslav andthe ki leksikon Marksisti Who were the Fascist. Social Roots ofEuropeanFascismWho were theFascist.SocialRoots þ [The Five Centuries of the Croatian Literature], ed. þ ke ljudeidoga þ ü ad kraljeva: nacionalnemanjineuJugoslaviji1918- ad kraljeva: i svjetskog rata” [Young Croatia Eveof the on I. , Josip Bognar, OtokarKeršovani , JosipBognar, þ 11-12,(1958-1959): 65-104. [Croatian Political Lexicon]. Vol. 1, Vol. Lexicon]. Political [Croatian ka misao , ed. Robert B. Pynset, 156-173. Houndmills,156-173. Robert B.Pynset, , ed. 73 , no. 3 (1986): 3-18.no. 3(1986): , . Madison, Wisconsin: The University of [Fascism: The Sociological-Historical ÿ [The History [The History Yugoslavia:of 1918- aje [Kingdom [Kingdom Yugoslavia 1918-1941]. [The Memories on the Political Slobodna Dalmacija The Literature of Nationalism:Literatureof The , vol.102 of . Cambridge: Prvi dio (Split), 18 . New , A-O Pet ,