Policy Research Report of Environment and Development 2013
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Joint Submission of the Chinese Community Council of Australia Inc
Chinese community council Multicultural communities National Sikh council of National Chinese Australian of Australia council of NSW Australia leadership group Community Joint submission to Senate FADT page: 1 Joint Submission of the Chinese Community Council of Australia Inc. Multicultural Communities Council of NSW Inc. National Chinese Australian Leadership Group & National Sikh Council of Australia Inc. On Customs Amendment (Banning Goods Produced by Uyghur Forced Labour) Bill 2020 Committee Secretary Senate Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Legislation Committee PO Box 6100 Parliament House Canberra ACT 2600 Email: fadt.sen@aph,gov.au Date of Submission 28 Jan 2021 (Submission due 5 Feb 2021) The Submission 1. Our response in consultation with or Chinese , Sikh Australian communities. and the general multicultural communities. In our internal consultation with our Chinese and Multicultural colleagues, we frequently encountered these questions. We are in no position to answer these questions properly and instead we propose to share this information with the Senate committee in good faith. The questions below were frequently asked of us: 1.1 Why the interest in Xinjiang of all the other places in China? 1.2 Is the very focus on Xinjiang is already a leading question? 1.3 Is there indeed forced labour in Xinjiang? 1.4 How could one write a fair submission if there is no real access to information on a sensitive subject in China? 1.5 One would assume that for a fair report, one would have to ask the Chinese government for information. In which case, how would one be sure that the information given is genuine? Or can we refer to the Global Times as a source of information? 1.6 The other information that can be gleaned from available sources have too much political agenda and how would one determines its authenticity? 1.7 Do you not think that the task given to you is full of traps? 2. -
Political Virus’
12 | Monday, July 26, 2021 HONG KONG EDITION | CHINA DAILY WORLD FM rails against COVID-19 ‘political virus’ US blaming others for failures harms means for the purpose of so-called ing the international fight against mission conducted earlier this year the WHO to express their opposi- origin-tracing, and keeps hyping the the pandemic, but has continued to concluded that transmission of the tion to politicizing efforts to find the research efforts, state councilor says “lab leak” theory, he said. use the platform to spread the politi- virus to humans through an inter- origins of the virus. Washington’s purpose is very cal virus, Wang said. mediate animal was the likely cause He reiterated that in terms of such By CAO DESHENG Wang made the remarks at a joint clear, Wang said: it wants to blame He reaffirmed that China cannot and that a laboratory leak was work countries should seek to work [email protected] news conference with Finland’s For- others for its inability to curb COV- accept the WHO’s plan for a second “extremely unlikely” to have been with one another instead of discred- eign Minister Pekka Haavisto in ID-19 while realizing its political phase of a study into the origin of the cause. iting others, and that there should State Councilor and Foreign Min- Chengdu on Sunday. purpose of smearing and suppress- the virus, saying such a plan has be truth instead of lies and respect ister Wang Yi has stressed the need The United States has, from the ing other countries. -
The Rise and Fall of the Wolf Warriors
THE RISE AND FALL OF THE WOLF WARRIORS Yun Jiang N 2020, the usually polite and us ‘chequebook diplomacy’ (aid Iconservative diplomats from the and investment to gain diplomatic People’s Republic of China (PRC) recognition vis-à-vis Taiwan) and attracted attention around the world ‘panda diplomacy’ (sending pandas to for breaking form. ‘Wolf warrior build goodwill). diplomacy’ is a term used to describe Wolf Warrior 战狼 was a popular the newly assertive and combative Chinese film released in 2015. It was style of Chinese diplomats, in action followed by a sequel, Wolf Warrior 2, as well as rhetoric. It is not the only which became the highest-grossing diplomacy-related term that China film in Chinese box office history. They became famous for this year; there were both aggressively nationalistic was also ‘mask diplomacy’ (the films, comparable with Hollywood’s shipment of medical goods to build Rambo, portraying the Chinese hero goodwill) and ‘hostage diplomacy’ as someone who saves his compatriots (the detention of foreign citizens in and others from international China to gain leverage over another ‘bad guys’, including American country). Previous years brought mercenaries. The tagline of both films 34 powerful counter-attack only when 35 being attacked’ is more like Kung Fu Panda, while wolf warrior diplomacy is more of a ‘US trait’.1 However it is characterised, the way Chinese diplomats operate reflects the attitude to diplomacy and foreign affairs of the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The discretionary The Rise and Fall of the Wolf Warriors The Rise and Fall of the Wolf Yun Jiang power of even the top foreign policy bureaucrats and diplomats is relatively CRISIS limited in the Chinese system. -
2019 International Religious Freedom Report
CHINA (INCLUDES TIBET, XINJIANG, HONG KONG, AND MACAU) 2019 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT Executive Summary Reports on Hong Kong, Macau, Tibet, and Xinjiang are appended at the end of this report. The constitution, which cites the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party and the guidance of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, states that citizens have freedom of religious belief but limits protections for religious practice to “normal religious activities” and does not define “normal.” Despite Chairman Xi Jinping’s decree that all members of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) must be “unyielding Marxist atheists,” the government continued to exercise control over religion and restrict the activities and personal freedom of religious adherents that it perceived as threatening state or CCP interests, according to religious groups, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and international media reports. The government recognizes five official religions – Buddhism, Taoism, Islam, Protestantism, and Catholicism. Only religious groups belonging to the five state- sanctioned “patriotic religious associations” representing these religions are permitted to register with the government and officially permitted to hold worship services. There continued to be reports of deaths in custody and that the government tortured, physically abused, arrested, detained, sentenced to prison, subjected to forced indoctrination in CCP ideology, or harassed adherents of both registered and unregistered religious groups for activities related to their religious beliefs and practices. There were several reports of individuals committing suicide in detention, or, according to sources, as a result of being threatened and surveilled. In December Pastor Wang Yi was tried in secret and sentenced to nine years in prison by a court in Chengdu, Sichuan Province, in connection to his peaceful advocacy for religious freedom. -
The Foreign Office and Policy-Making in China 1945-1950
THE FOREIGN OFFICE AND POLICY-MAKING IN CHINA 1945-1950. ANGLO-AMERICAN RELATIONS AND THE RECOGNITION OF COMMUNIST CHINA. ROBERT EMMERSON WATSON ~- Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Ph.D. THE UNIVERSITY OF LEEDS INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL STUDIES MAY 1996 The candidate confirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. 11 ABSTRACT. The thesis contributes to the broad body of literature which examines the role of Great Britain in the origins of the Cold War. In particular it focuses on the Foreign Office attitude towards the course of the Chinese Civil War, and ultimately the establishment of a Communist government in China between 1945 and 1950. It is a revisionist interpretation of cold war history drawn from a study of Anglo-American relations with regard to Chinese politics during this period. Traditional interpretations have emphasised the unchallenged nature of American involvement in China after the war. The thesis argues that during this period Britain actively sought to compete for such a predominant position, and specifically that the Foreign Office sought to replace the United States with Britain as the pre eminent Western influence in post-war Chinese politics. To this end, Britain gradually moved its policy from one of co operation with the United States to one of competition. Whilst originally seeking collaboration with Washington, the Foreign Office became increasingly frustrated with the problems within the American policy making machinery, and ultimately pursued a unilateral position in China. This was most evident after 1948 when the rapid collapse of the Kuomintang position forced Western states to closely consider their relationship with the Chinese communists. -
China As a "Cyber Great Power": Beijing's Two Voices In
SECURITY, STRATEGY, AND ORDER APRIL 2021 CHINA AS A “CYBER GREAT POWER” BEIJING’S TWO VOICES IN TELECOMMUNICATIONS RUSH DOSHI, EMILY DE LA BRUYÈRE, NATHAN PICARSIC, AND JOHN FERGUSON CHINA AS A “CYBER GREAT POWER” BEIJING’S TWO VOICES IN TELECOMMUNICATIONS RUSH DOSHI, EMILY DE LA BRUYÈRE, NATHAN PICARSIC, AND JOHN FERGUSON EXECUTIVE SUMMARY External Chinese government and commercial messaging on information technology (IT) speaks in one voice. Domestically, one hears a different, second voice. The former stresses free markets, openness, collaboration, and interdependence, themes that suggest Huawei and other Chinese companies ought to be treated like other global private sector actors and welcomed into foreign networks. Meanwhile, domestic Chinese government, commercial, and academic discourse emphasizes the limits of free markets and the dangers of reliance on foreign technologies — and, accordingly, the need for industrial policy and government control to protect technologies, companies, and networks. Domestic Chinese discourse also indicates that commercial communication networks, including telecommunications systems, might be used to project power and influence offensively; that international technical standards offer a means with which to cement such power and influence; and — above all — that IT architectures are a domain of zero-sum competition. That external Chinese government and corporate messaging might be disingenuous is by no means a novel conclusion. However, the core differences between that messaging and Chinese internal discussion on IT remain largely undocumented — despite China’s increasing development of and influence over international IT infrastructures, technologies, and norms. This report seeks to fill that gap, documenting the tension between external and internal Chinese discussions on telecommunications, as well as IT more broadly. -
The Coronavirus Cover-Up: a Timeline
SITUATION BRIEF April 10, 2020 • China Studies Program The Coronavirus Cover-Up: A Timeline How the Chinese Communist Party Misled the World about COVID-19 and Is Using the World Health Organization As an Instrument of Propaganda Executive Summary The People’s Republic of China (PRC) and its ruling Chi- assertions, the harm would have been significantly reduced. nese Communist Party (CCP) have deceived the world Instead, the PRC’s actions and WHO’s inaction precipitat- about the coronavirus since its appearance in late 2019. In ed a pandemic, leading to a global economic crisis and a this situation brief, the Victims of Communism Memorial growing loss of human life. Foundation compares the timeline and facts with China’s ongoing disinformation campaign about the coronavirus’ As a matter of justice, and to prevent future pandemics, the origins, nature, and spread. This brief also demonstrates PRC must be held accountable through demands for eco- how the World Health Organization (WHO) has promoted nomic reparations and other sanctions pertaining to human and helped legitimize China’s false claims. rights. China should also be suspended from full member- ship in the WHO and the WHO, which U.S. taxpayers fund The consequences of China’s deception and the WHO’s cre- annually, must be subject to immediate investigation and re- dulity are now playing out globally. It is normally difficult to form. Media organizations reporting on the claims of China assign culpability to governments and organizations charged and WHO regarding the pandemic without scrutiny or con- with ensuring public health in any pandemic, but the coro- text must be cautioned against misleading the public. -
Detecting Digital Fingerprints: Tracing Chinese Disinformation in Taiwan
Detecting Digital Fingerprints: Tracing Chinese Disinformation in Taiwan By: A Joint Report from: Nick Monaco Institute for the Future’s Digital Intelligence Lab Melanie Smith Graphika Amy Studdart The International Republican Institute 08 / 2020 Acknowledgments The authors and organizations who produced this report are deeply grateful to our partners in Taiwan, who generously provided time and insights to help this project come to fruition. This report was only possible due to the incredible dedication of the civil society and academic community in Taiwan, which should inspire any democracy looking to protect itself from malign actors. Members of this community For their assistance in several include but are not limited to: aspects of this report the authors also thank: All Interview Subjects g0v.tw Projects Gary Schmitt 0archive Marina Gorbis Cofacts Nate Teblunthuis DoubleThink Lab Sylvie Liaw Taiwan FactCheck Center Sam Woolley The Reporter Katie Joseff Taiwan Foundation for Democracy Camille François Global Taiwan Institute Daniel Twining National Chengchi University Election Johanna Kao Study Center David Shullman Prospect Foundation Adam King Chris Olsen Hsieh Yauling The Dragon’s Digital Fingerprint: Tracing Chinese Disinformation in Taiwan 2 Graphika is the network Institute for the Future’s The International Republican analysis firm that empowers (IFTF) Digital Intelligence Lab Institute (IRI) is one of the Fortune 500 companies, (DigIntel) is a social scientific world’s leading international Silicon Valley, human rights research entity conducting democracy development organizations, and universities work on the most pressing organizations. The nonpartisan, to navigate the cybersocial issues at the intersection of nongovernmental institute terrain. With rigorous and technology and society. -
The Senkakus (Diaoyu/Diaoyutai) Dispute: U.S. Treaty Obligations
The Senkakus (Diaoyu/Diaoyutai) Dispute: U.S. Treaty Obligations Updated March 1, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R42761 The Senkakus (Diaoyu/Diaoyutai) Dispute: U.S. Treaty Obligations Summary Since 2012, tensions have increased between Japan and China over the disputed Senkaku islands in the East China Sea. These flare-ups run the risk of involving the United States in an armed conflict in the region. Each time a crisis has erupted over the Senkakus over the past decade, questions have arisen concerning the U.S. relationship to the islands. Japan administers the eight small, uninhabited features, the largest of which is roughly 1.5 square miles. Some geologists believe the features sit near significant oil and natural gas deposits. China, as well as Taiwan, contests Japanese claims of sovereignty over the islands, which Japan calls the Senkaku-shoto, China calls the Diaoyu Dao, and Taiwan calls the Diaoyutai Lieyu. Although the disputed territory commonly is referred to as “islands,” it is unclear if any of the features would meet the definition of “island” under international law. U.S. Administrations going back at least to the Nixon Administration have stated that the United States takes no position on the question of who has sovereignty over the Senkakus. It also has been U.S. policy since 1972, however, that the 1960 U.S.-Japan Security Treaty covers the islands. Article 5 of the treaty states that the United States is committed to “meet the common danger” of an armed attack on “the territories under the Administration of Japan.” In return for U.S. -
Openness in Finance to Help Lift Real Economy
4 | Thursday, July 22, 2021 HONG KONG EDITION | CHINA DAILY CHINA Piece of Openness in cake Xue Weijin, a Shaanxi Xueqian Normal Uni- versity student, cele- brates his birthday finance to help with children from a village in Lantian county, Shaanxi prov- ince, on Wednesday. A 22-member team from lift real economy the university is stay- ing in the village to learn about the grass- Meeting told mechanism to monitor roots and provide chil- systemic risks will be put in place dren with light lessons and entertainment during the summer By WANG KEJU subsidiary firms of financial insti- vacation. [email protected] tutions will be improved. Channels YUAN JINGZHI / and methods for foreign capital to FOR CHINA DAILY Premier Li Keqiang heard a participate in the domestic finan- report on advancing financial cial market will be optimized. opening-up at a State Council exec- Management requirements of utive meeting on Wednesday and direct investment projects that are chaired discussions on work relat- closely related to the real economy ed to greater financial openness will be improved. Efforts will be and the building of stronger finan- made to keep the renminbi cial services to boost the real econo- exchange rate basically stable and my. at an adaptive and balanced level. The meeting noted the steady “As a developing country, China’s opening up of China’s financial sec- development must rely on the real tor in recent years, during which economy,” Li said. “Greater finan- Shanghai team in laser breakthrough Foreign more than 100 foreign-invested cial openness should better serve banks and insurance, securities, the real economy, which is of great By ZHOU WENTING in Shanghai the internal dynamic structure of the world but they range in size Ministry payment and clearing institutions importance to maintaining the [email protected] matter and study the interaction from 300 meters to 3.4 kilome- have been approved and set up. -
Evaluation of the Level of Sustainable Development of Provinces in China from 2012 to 2018: a Study Based on the Improved Entropy Coefficient-TOPSIS Method
sustainability Article Evaluation of the Level of Sustainable Development of Provinces in China from 2012 to 2018: A Study Based on the Improved Entropy Coefficient-TOPSIS Method 1, 2, , 1, 3, Yuqing Liao y, Yongchao Ma * y, Jingliang Chen y and Ruirui Liu y 1 Business School, University of Shanghai for Science and Technology, Shanghai 200093, China; [email protected] (Y.L.); [email protected] (J.C.) 2 College of Engineering, North Dakota State University, Fargo, ND 58108-6050, USA 3 School of Policing Studies, Shanghai University of Political Science and Law, Shanghai 201701, China; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected]; Tel.: +1-701-231-8011 All the authors contributed equally to this paper. y Received: 20 February 2020; Accepted: 26 March 2020; Published: 30 March 2020 Abstract: Based on the definition and implication of sustainable development, this paper first constructed an evaluation indicator system for the sustainable development level of provinces in China, and performed a scientific evaluation on the sustainable development level based on official statistics from 2012 to 2018 by using the improved Entropy Coefficient-TOPSIS (Technique for Order Preference by Similarity to an Ideal Solution) method. The evaluation results showed that the eastern region of China has the highest level of sustainable development, with its two municipalities directly under the central government, Beijing and Shanghai, achieving the full score of 1.0000 in all evaluations, both ranking first among all the provinces. There were significant differences in the level of sustainable development across provinces in the central region, which were comparatively weaker in terms of environmental sustainability and science and technology sustainability, with four provinces’ evaluation scores below 0.5000. -
US-China Strategic Competition in South and East China Seas
U.S.-China Strategic Competition in South and East China Seas: Background and Issues for Congress Updated September 8, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R42784 U.S.-China Strategic Competition in South and East China Seas Summary Over the past several years, the South China Sea (SCS) has emerged as an arena of U.S.-China strategic competition. China’s actions in the SCS—including extensive island-building and base- construction activities at sites that it occupies in the Spratly Islands, as well as actions by its maritime forces to assert China’s claims against competing claims by regional neighbors such as the Philippines and Vietnam—have heightened concerns among U.S. observers that China is gaining effective control of the SCS, an area of strategic, political, and economic importance to the United States and its allies and partners. Actions by China’s maritime forces at the Japan- administered Senkaku Islands in the East China Sea (ECS) are another concern for U.S. observers. Chinese domination of China’s near-seas region—meaning the SCS and ECS, along with the Yellow Sea—could substantially affect U.S. strategic, political, and economic interests in the Indo-Pacific region and elsewhere. Potential general U.S. goals for U.S.-China strategic competition in the SCS and ECS include but are not necessarily limited to the following: fulfilling U.S. security commitments in the Western Pacific, including treaty commitments to Japan and the Philippines; maintaining and enhancing the U.S.-led security architecture in the Western Pacific, including U.S.