DOCSLIB.ORG

Kronstadt and Counterrevolution, Part 2 4

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Kronstadt and Counterrevolution, Part 2 4 WfJ/iNE/iS ",IN'IJ,I/t, 25¢ No. 203 :~: .~lJ 28 April 1978 Kill the Wall Street Debt! it • • u " o ow! With doddering warhorses on both of a face-saving reservation to earlier sides of the aisle pontificating about reservations, the final product read "defense of the Free World" and waving more like a declaration of war. But with rhetorical Big Sticks, the United States his political career at stake and after Senate last week approved the second blustering about how his 9,000-man Panama£anal Treaty by a cliff-hanging cNat.WQaJ Quard wO.I,lJd.~ve,.nva4ed.!he 68-32 vote. While Reaganite opponents Canal Zone if the treaty had been of the pact did their best to sound like rejected, the shameless Panamian /ider Teddy Roosevelt with their jingoistic maximo, Brigadier General OmarTorri­ ravings against turning the canal over to jos, declared himself satisfied with the Panama, President Carter and treaty Senate vote and had free beer passed out supporters struck the pose of "human in the plazas to liven up listless celebra­ rights" gendarmes of the Western tions of his hollow "victory." hemisphere, endlessly asserting a U.S. Jimmy Carter, for his part, declared "right" to intervene militarily in defense the Senate approval the beginning of a of the canal's "neutrality" (read, Ameri­ "new era" in U.S.-Panamanian rela­ can control). tions. The treaties, he said, symbolized The two treaties callfor Panamanian that the U.S. would deal with "the small jurisdiction over the Canal Zone after a nations of the world, on the basis of three-year transition period and for mutual respect and partnership" (New handing over operation of the canal to York Times, 19 April). Senate majority Panama by the year 2000. they also leader Democrat Robert Byrd, who continue a sizable U.S. military pres­ engineered the treaties' passage through ence in the Zone (14 bases and at least that den of corrupt wheeler-dealers, was eight other "military areas") until that more frank when he proclaimed that the time and proclaim an unlimited right to "result showed that Americans dealt send in the Marines thereafter. Addi­ from a position of strength." Immedi­ ~,;- tionally the U.S. secured an exclusive ately after the second pact was approved option on construction of a sea-level Pentagon sources reported that, had the canal while the Panamanian govern­ Senate leaders been unable to muster ment will receive a percentage of the the necessary two-thirds margin, con­ Bill Eppridge/Life tolls. tingency plans called for a massive air Anti-U.S. demonstrators raise Panamanian flag above fence marking the Support in Panama for this imperial­ and sea lift to reinforce the U.S. military border between Panama and the Canal Zone during 1964 demonstrations. ist swindle was already shaky following forces in the Canal Zone. perpetuity" clause, as a sop to Panama- colonial ministry for "south of the a plebiscite last fall. But in the last With a multi-fleet navy and many of nian nationalist sentiment), making border" client states). While ratification month, as senatorial windbags fulmi­ the largest modern ships (supertankers, them the most naked formal assertion of of the treaties may have temporarily nated during a prolonged 38-day "de­ nuclear aircraft carriers) unable to pass U.S. imperial fiat since the original 1903 dampened "Yankee go home" demon- bate" (broadcast live over Panamanian through the antiquated Panama Canal canal treaty and the 1900 Platt Amend- strations in Panama, the reality of radio) about the threat ofcommunism if locks. the strategic importance of the ment to the Cuban constitution. continued American control of the this symbol of United States hegemony canal has diminished. But the U.S.' The Panama Canal treaties, even with colonial enclave will set off new anti- in Latin America were "given away," determination to maintain its domina­ their formal recognition ofPanamanian imperialist struggles in the future. Carter and the U.S. chiefs ofstaff began tion of the Western Hemisphere has not sovereignty, are in no sense a blow Leninists must denounce the CarterI to worry about a massive social explo­ changed since the 1823 proclamation of against Yankee imperialism, as Fidel Torrijos deal as a fraud, whose real sion on the isthmus should the treaty be the Monroe Doctrine. With Puerto Castro and deluded Latin American purpose is to tie the Panamanian voted down. Rico at one end, the Canal Zone at the pseudo-leftists maintain. The real rela- bourgeoisie more closely to its U.S. For a time it looked like the yahoos other and the Cuban revolution not­ tion of power was demonstrated by patrons. A revolutionary struggle for might blow the deal with assorted withstanding, the Pentagon still regards Carter's peremptory summoning of all the national emancipation ofsuch semi- amendments and "reservations" spelling the Caribbean as an American lake. The Latin American heads of state to colonies can be waged only by maintain- out on paper what the Carter adminis­ new treaties write back in the U.S. Washington last September, to witness ing the political independence of the tration had hoped to keep more dis­ "right" of intervention (which FDR the signing of the treaty at the Organiza- working masses from the domestic creetly implicit. Even with the inclusion removed in 1936, along with the "in tion of American States (a sort of U.S. continued on page 10 Kronstadt and Counterrevolution, Part 2 4 ~ .. ~ I Interview with MAC Candidate No to CWA Support for Bell Monopoly! for not being able to keep up to a pace of Strike Phone for about 30 seconds per call. Fven high­ seniority workers are under the gun. Jobs! Last fall twelve operators were fired in a The following is an interview with Jane single San Francisco office in just two Margolis. a candidate for conven­ months. One operator with ten years tion delegate o.fCommunications Work­ seniority was suspended for making more than one error in a month, another ers o.f America (CWA) Local 94/0 in Militant Action San Francisco. anda leading memberof for spending more than five minutes one Caucus leader the Militant Action Caucus (MA cj. day in the bathroom and another for and candidate for The MAC is a class-struggle opposition humming while walking by a supervi­ CWA Convention group in the CWA with an eight-year sor'soffice! A member of our caucus, delegate, Jane history of struggle against the phone Margaret Martinson, was fired in 1976 Margolis. company and the sellout policies o.f the for the crime of standing up for a few moments while taking calls. There is CWA bureaucracy. Margolis was previ­ ously elected as the Traffic (operators constant secret monitoring that keeps everyone on edge. automation benefit us instead of a few they've done in the past, instead of on department) Executive Board repre­ stockholders. organizing and strikes. We're opposed sentative in Oakland CWA Loca19415. Among the installers and repair We're opposed to our leadership to the dues increase and we'll fight it. In /975. she wasframed up on a pretext workers, production quotas are set so begging on behalf of AT&Ts profits What they also do at national and.firedfor her militant union activity. high that it's impossible to keep up and and its efforts to keep the company safe conventions is spend the entire week After a /4-month .fight by a defense you're always open to being disciplined. from domestic and foreign competition. paying tribute to the Democratic Party. committee comprisedo.funion members In many areas installer crews are The idea that more money for the Just like they invite management repre­ and stewards. the phone company was regularly assigned mandatory overtime, company means more jobs is absurd. sentatives to attend, they roll out the red forced to reinstate her in /976. often working nine hours a day or more. The more money the company makes, carpet for the capitalist politicians who And we have an "absence control" plan WV: What do you see as the major the more automated equipment it buys don't do anything but break strikes and where people are considered "unsatis­ issues confronting the union today? and the more jobs we lose. Phone pass anti-union legislation. This is factory" and can be fired for missing Margolis: The loss ofjobs and attacks service, which is a necessity, is one ofthe particularly disgusting in the wake of more than six days a year, even ifit's for on our working conditions as a result of biggest rip-offs going-local calls ought the coal miners strike, where the sickness. This is being used by the automation. In the last four years, over to be free as a matter of course. Democratic Party was exposed as just as company more and more just to get rid 100,000 jobs have been lost in the WV: What do you think the CWA viciously anti-labor as the Republicans. of people, especially those they consider iridustry and CWA membership has leadership plans for the convention? A lot of union people were really "troublemakers." dropped by over 25,000. AT&T is Margolis: The big objective of the inspired by the militancy of the miners' pouring literally billions of dollars into WV: What is the CWA leadership International this time is to push strike and we put forward a motion in new computerized equipment that will doing about this? through a dues increase. They just our local for the entire CWA to strike in steal even more jobs in the future.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The History and Philosophy of the Postwar American Counterculture
    The History and Philosophy of the Postwar American Counterculture: Anarchy, the Beats and the Psychedelic Transformation of Consciousness By Ed D’Angelo Copyright © Ed D’Angelo 2019 A much shortened version of this paper appeared as “Anarchism and the Beats” in The Philosophy of the Beats, edited by Sharin Elkholy and published by University Press of Kentucky in 2012. 1 The postwar American counterculture was established by a small circle of so- called “beat” poets located primarily in New York and San Francisco in the late 1940s and 1950s. Were it not for the beats of the early postwar years there would have been no “hippies” in the 1960s. And in spite of the apparent differences between the hippies and the “punks,” were it not for the hippies and the beats, there would have been no punks in the 1970s or 80s, either. The beats not only anticipated nearly every aspect of hippy culture in the late 1940s and 1950s, but many of those who led the hippy movement in the 1960s such as Gary Snyder and Allen Ginsberg were themselves beat poets. By the 1970s Allen Ginsberg could be found with such icons of the early punk movement as Patty Smith and the Clash. The beat poet William Burroughs was a punk before there were “punks,” and was much loved by punks when there were. The beat poets, therefore, helped shape the culture of generations of Americans who grew up in the postwar years. But rarely if ever has the philosophy of the postwar American counterculture been seriously studied by philosophers.
    [Show full text]
  • To What Extent Was Makhno Able to Implement Anarchist Ideals During the Russian Civil War?
    Library.Anarhija.Net To what extent was Makhno able to implement anarchist ideals during the Russian Civil War? Kolbjǫrn Markusson Kolbjǫrn Markusson To what extent was Makhno able to implement anarchist ideals during the Russian Civil War? no date provided submitted by anonymous without source lib.anarhija.net no date provided Contents Bibliography ......................... 12 2 Born on October 26 (N.S. November 7) 1888 in Gulyai-Polye, Ukraine, Nestor Ivanovych Makhno was a revolutionary anarchist and the most well-known ataman (commander) of the Revolution- ary Insurgent Army of the Ukraine during the Russian Civil War.1 Historiographical issues regarding the extent to which Makhno and the Makhnovists implemented anarchist ideals in south-east Ukraine have been noted by contemporary Russian anarchist and historian Peter Arshinov. Makhno’s own memoirs and the newspa- per Put’ k Svobode, both valuable material documenting anarchist activity in Ukraine, were lost during the Civil War.2 With much of the contemporary evidence impossible to reconstruct, historians have attempted to understand the nature of the Makhnovist move- ment and the ‘social revolution’ in Ukraine with surviving evidence whilst separating myth and legend about Makhno from historical fact. This essay will argue that Makhno and the Makhnovist move- ment were inspired by anarchist ideals in an attempt to establish a ‘free and completely independent soviet system of working people without authorities’ during the Civil War.3 However, the war itself hindered the political and economic development of the anarchist ‘free territory’ before finally being defeated and dissolved by the Bolshevik-led Red Army in August 1921.
    [Show full text]
  • Nestor Makhno and Rural Anarchism in Ukraine, 1917–21 Nestor Makhno and Rural Anarchism in Ukraine, 1917–21
    Nestor Makhno and Rural Anarchism in Ukraine, 1917–21 Nestor Makhno and Rural Anarchism in Ukraine, 1917–21 Colin Darch First published 2020 by Pluto Press 345 Archway Road, London N6 5AA www.plutobooks.com Copyright © Colin Darch 2020 The right of Colin Darch to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 978 0 7453 3888 0 Hardback ISBN 978 0 7453 3887 3 Paperback ISBN 978 1 7868 0526 3 PDF eBook ISBN 978 1 7868 0528 7 Kindle eBook ISBN 978 1 7868 0527 0 EPUB eBook Typeset by Stanford DTP Services, Northampton, England For my grandchildren Historia scribitur ad narrandum, non ad probandum – Quintilian Contents List of Maps viii List of Abbreviations ix Acknowledgements x 1. The Deep Roots of Rural Discontent: Guliaipole, 1905–17 1 2. The Turning Point: Organising Resistance to the German Invasion, 1918 20 3. Brigade Commander and Partisan: Makhno’s Campaigns against Denikin, January–May 1919 39 4. Betrayal in the Heat of Battle? The Red–Black Alliance Falls Apart, May–September 1919 54 5. The Long March West and the Battle at Peregonovka 73 6. Red versus White, Red versus Green: The Bolsheviks Assert Control 91 7. The Last Act: Alliance at Starobel’sk, Wrangel’s Defeat, and Betrayal at Perekop 108 8. The Bitter Politics of the Long Exile: Romania, Poland, Germany, and France, 1921–34 128 9.
    [Show full text]
  • Revolutionary Action Movement (RAM): a Case Study of an Urban
    REVOLUTIONARY ACTION MOVEMENT (RAM) : A CASE STUDY OF AN URBAN REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT IN WESTERN CAPITALIST SOCIETY A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF ATLANTA UNIVERSITY IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS By Maxwell C . Stanford DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE ATLANTA, GEORGIA MAY 1986 ABSTRACT POLITICAL SCIENCE STANFORD, MAXWELL CURTIS B .A ., UNIVERSITY OF MASSACHUSETTS, 1976 RevolutionarZ Action Movement (RAM) : A Case Study of an Urban Revolution- ary Movement in Western Cap i talist Society Adviser : Professor Lawrence Moss Thesis dated May, 1986 The primary intent of this thesis is to present a political descrip- tive analysis of the Revolutionary Action Movement (RAM), an urban revolu- tionary movement active in the 1960's . An attempt has been made to por tray the historical context, the organization, ideology of the RAM organi- zation and response of the state to the activities of the organization . The thesis presents a methodological approach to developing a para- digm in which the study of urban revolutionary movements is part of a rational analysis . The thesis also explains concepts and theories that are presented later in the text . A review of black radical activity from 1900 to 1960 is given to provide the reader with historical background in- formation of the events and personalities which contributed to the develop- ment of RAM . A comparative analysis is made between urban revolutionary movements in Latin America and the United States in order to show that the RAM organization was part of a worldwide urban phenomenon . The scope of the thesis is to present an analysis of the birth, early beginnings of RAM as a national organization, and Malcolm X's impact on the organization .
    [Show full text]
  • RUSSIAN ANARCHISTS and the CIVIL WAR Paul Avrich
    RUSSIAN ANARCHISTS AND THE CIVIL WAR Paul Avrich When the first shots of the Russian Civil War were fired, the anarchists, in common with the other left-wing opposition parties, were faced with a serious dilemma. Which side were they to support? As staunch libertarians, they held no brief for the dictatorial policies of Lenin's government, but the prospect of a White victory seemed even worse. Active opposition to the Soviet regime might tip the balance in favour of the counterrevolutionaries. On the other hand, support for the Bolsheviks might serve to entrench them too deeply to be ousted from power once the danger of reaction had passed. It was a quandary with no simpole solutions. After much soul-searching and debate, the anarchists adopted a variety of positions, ranging from active resistance to the Bolsheviks through passive neutrality to eager collaboration. A majority, however, cast their lot with the beleaguered Soviet regime. By August 1919, at the climax of the Civil War, Lenin was wo impressed with the zeal and courage of the "Soviet anarchists", as their anti-Bolshevik comrades contempuously dubbed them, that he counted them among "the most dedicated supporters of Soviet power."1 An outstanding case in point was Bill Shatov, a former IWW agitator in the United states who had returned to his native Russia after the February Revolution. As an officer in the Tenth Red Army during the autumn of 1919, Shatov threw his energies into the defence of petrograd against the advance of General Yudenich. The following year he was summoned to Chita to become Minister of Transport in the Far Eastern Republic.
    [Show full text]
  • The Black Guards
    The Black Guards A short account of the Anarchist Black Guards and their suppression by the Bolsheviks in Moscow in 1918 Many Russian anarchists were totally opposed to the institutionalisation of the Red Guards, fighting units that had been created by factory workers in the course of the February and October Revolutions. Indeed Rex A. Wade in his book on the Red Guards points to the strong anarchist input and influence in the Red Guards in the initial phase of the Revolution. Relations between the anarchists and the Bolsheviks had started to deteriorate after the October Revolution, and anarchist delegates to the 2nd Congress of Soviets in December 1917 accused Lenin and his party of red militarism, and that the commissars were only in power at the point of a bayonet. As a result in Moscow, Petrograd and other main centres they made a concerted attempt to set up free fighting units that they called the Black Guard. In 1917 detachments of Black Guards had been set up in the Ukraine, including by Makhno. Nikolai Zhelnesnyakov as to flee Petrograd after the Bolsheviks attempted to arrest him and set up a large group of the Black Guard in the Ukraine. Other Black Guard detachments operating in the Ukraine were led by Mokrousov, Garin with his armoured train, Anatolii Zhelesnyakov, the younger brother of Nikolai, and the detachment led by Seidel and Zhelyabov which defended Odessa and Nikolaev. Another Black Guard detachment was led by Mikhail Chernyak, later active in the Makhnovist counterintelligence. In Vyborg near Petrograd, anarchist workers at the Russian Renault factory set up a Black Guard but it soon merged with a Red Guard that had been created at the factory at the same time.
    [Show full text]
  • TROTSKY PROTESTS TOO MUCH by Emma Goldman
    Published Essays and Pamphlets TROTSKY PROTESTS TOO MUCH By Emma Goldman PRICE TWOPENCE In America Five Cents Published by THE ANARCHIST COMMUNIST FEDERATION [Glasgow, Scotland, 1938] INTRODUCTION. This pamphlet grew out of an article for Vanguard, the Anarchist monthly published in New York City. It appeared in the July issue, 1938, but as the space of the magazine is limited, only part of the manuscript could be used. It is here given in a revised and enlarged form. Leon Trotsky will have it that criticism of his part in the Kronstadt tragedy is only to aid and abet his mortal enemy, Stalin. It does not occur to him that one might detest the savage in the Kremlin and his cruel regime and yet not exonerate Leon Trotsky from the crime against the sailors of Kronstadt. In point of truth I see no marked difference between the two protagonists of the benevolent system of the dictatorship except that Leon Trotsky is no longer in power to enforce its blessings, and Josef Stalin is. No, I hold no brief for the present ruler of Russia. I must, however, point out that Stalin did not come down as a gift from heaven to the hapless Russian people. He is merely continuing the Bolshevik traditions, even if in a more relentless manner. The process of alienating the Russian masses from the Revolution had begun almost immediately after Lenin and his party had ascended to power. Crass discrimination in rations and housing, suppression of every political right, continued persecution and arrests, early became the order of the day.
    [Show full text]
  • Pure Anarchism in Interwar Japan M
    Alm by John Crump Hatta Shftze) and NON·MARKET SOCIAUSM IN THE NINETEENTH AND TWENTIETH CENTURJES (edited with MaximilimRI.lkl) Pure Anarchism in STATE CAPITALISM: The Wages System under New Management (co-authOT�dwith Adam Buick) THE ORlGINS OF SOCIALIST THOUGHT IN JAPAN Interwar Japan John Crump I SO.h YEAR M St. Martin's Press C>John C""np 1993 This book is dedicated to Derek and Marjorie All rights rese,,,ecl. No reproduction, copy or t ....nsmiMion of this public:uion may be made: w,thout writlen penniMion. Crump, who taught me that no things are more No paragraph of IIlis pUblication may be reproduced, copied or important than mutual love, social justice, and u-:ansmiued 1a''C with wriuen permi!05ion or in accordance with the prO\'isions or the Cop)'right. Designs and PalCntsAct 1988, decency in human relations or under the terms or any licence permiuing limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90TotlCnham Coun Road,Loudon WIP 911E. Any person "'ho does any unauthorised act in rdation to this publication may be liable to criminal prwcnuion and d"il claims ror damages. First published in Great Britain 1993 by THE MACMILl..A!'l" PRESS LTD Houndmills. Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 2XS and London Companies and rt:prc.w:ntatives throughout the world A catalogue l"ei:onl ror this book is available from the Boitish Library. ISBN 0-333-56577-0 P,inted in Great Britain by Ipswich Book Co Ltd Ip$wich. Suffolk first published in the Un'ted Slates of America 1993 by &hoJariyand Reference Division, ST.
    [Show full text]
  • “For a World Without Oppressors:” U.S. Anarchism from the Palmer
    “For a World Without Oppressors:” U.S. Anarchism from the Palmer Raids to the Sixties by Andrew Cornell A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Social and Cultural Analysis Program in American Studies New York University January, 2011 _______________________ Andrew Ross © Andrew Cornell All Rights Reserved, 2011 “I am undertaking something which may turn out to be a resume of the English speaking anarchist movement in America and I am appalled at the little I know about it after my twenty years of association with anarchists both here and abroad.” -W.S. Van Valkenburgh, Letter to Agnes Inglis, 1932 “The difficulty in finding perspective is related to the general American lack of a historical consciousness…Many young white activists still act as though they have nothing to learn from their sisters and brothers who struggled before them.” -George Lakey, Strategy for a Living Revolution, 1971 “From the start, anarchism was an open political philosophy, always transforming itself in theory and practice…Yet when people are introduced to anarchism today, that openness, combined with a cultural propensity to forget the past, can make it seem a recent invention—without an elastic tradition, filled with debates, lessons, and experiments to build on.” -Cindy Milstein, Anarchism and Its Aspirations, 2010 “Librarians have an ‘academic’ sense, and can’t bare to throw anything away! Even things they don’t approve of. They acquire a historic sense. At the time a hand-bill may be very ‘bad’! But the following day it becomes ‘historic.’” -Agnes Inglis, Letter to Highlander Folk School, 1944 “To keep on repeating the same attempts without an intelligent appraisal of all the numerous failures in the past is not to uphold the right to experiment, but to insist upon one’s right to escape the hard facts of social struggle into the world of wishful belief.
    [Show full text]
  • Counterrevolution All Power to Soviets, and Not Parties
    RUSSIANthe COUNTERREVOLUTION ALL POWER TO SOVIETS, AND NOT PARTIES SOVIETS, AND NOT A CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY, ARE THE LABORER’S STRONGHOLD DOWN WITH THE COUNTERREVOLUTION OF THE LEFT AND THE RIGHT! Lenin said, “Communism is Soviet power plus electrifcation,” but the people have become convinced that Bolshevist Communism is commissarocracy plus executions. -Slogans printed in Kronstadt Izvestia, the daily newspaper of the Kronstadt uprising, in March 1921. Soviets were originally grassroots popular assemblies before every word came to signify its own opposite in the so-called Soviet Union. N©! 2018 CrimethInc. Ex-Workers’ Collective CrimethInc. is a think tank producing anarchist analysis—a banner for anonymous collective action— This book is dedicated to all who gave an international network of aspiring revolutionaries. their lives fghting against capitalism and This text is informed by decades of participation in social struggles as well as historical research about the state for a truly free society. our predecessors. Printed and distributed by Active Distribution activedistribution.org ISBN: 978-1-909798-54-0 The Russian Counterrevolution Introduction 9 Fanya Baron 109 Aron Baron 111 The Bolshevik Counterrevolution 23 The Kronstadt Rebels 114 Alexander Berkman 124 A Predictable Disaster 23 Emma Goldman 126 Lenin: Butcher of the Working Class 28 Errico Malatesta 128 Timeline: A Revolution Derailed 33 Mollie Steimer 130 The USSR: Force for Global 60 Victor Serge 136 Counterrevolution, Accomplice of Fascism Peter Arshinov 139 The Relevance of the Communist 74 Fedor Mochanovsky 141 Counterrevolution Voline 144 Restless Specters of the Anarchist Max Nettlau 148 Dead 82 Luigi Camillo Berneri 153 In Conclusion 157 Mikhail Bakunin 83 Leon Trotsky 87 Bibliography 158 Anatoli Zhelezniakov 89 Colophon 164 Golos Truda, The Voice of Labor 93 Peter Kropotkin 97 Nestor Makhno 100 Lev Chernyi 107 INTRODUCTION Since the mid-19th century, anarchists have maintained that the key to liberation is not to seize the state but to abolish it.
    [Show full text]
  • A Case Study on the Relationship Between Anarcho-Syndicalists and Bolsheviks in Revolutionary Russia, 19
    THE BOLSHEVIK ILLUSION: A CASE STUDY ON THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN ANARCHO-SYNDICALISTS AND BOLSHEVIKS IN REVOLUTIONARY RUSSIA, 1917 A Thesis Presented to the faculty of the Department of History California State University, Sacramento Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in History by Kyle Joseph Brislan SUMMER 2018 © 2018 Kyle Joseph Brislan ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii THE BOLSHEVIK ILLUSION: A CASE STUDY ON THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN ANARCHO-SYNDICALISTS AND BOLSHEVIKS IN REVOLUTIONARY RUSSIA, 1917 A Thesis by Kyle Joseph Brislan Approved by: __________________________________, Committee Chair Dr. Aaron Cohen __________________________________, Second Reader Dr. Christopher Castañeda ____________________________ Date iii Student: Kyle Joseph Brislan I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University format manual, and that this thesis is suitable for shelving in the Library and credit is to be awarded for the thesis. __________________________, Graduate Coordinator ___________________ Dr. Rebecca Kluchin Date Department of History iv Abstract of THE BOLSHEVIK ILLUSION: A CASE STUDY ON THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN ANARCHO-SYNDICALISTS AND BOLSHEVIKS IN REVOLUTIONARY RUSSIA, 1917 by Kyle Joseph Brislan The revolutionary semblance between anarcho-syndicalism and Bolshevism, amplified by the reemergence of populist ideals among factory workers, engendered a temporary alliance between Russia’s anarcho-syndicalists and Bolsheviks at various times during 1917 and the Civil War. Lenin’s vague and politically elusive concepts of revolution and social organization persuaded some anarcho-syndicalists to join the Bolshevik vanguard. Many of Russia’s anarcho-syndicalists fell victim to the Bolshevik illusion, which necessitated the revolution’s success upon the unification of Russia’s revolutionary forces, either to overthrow the Provisional Government or defeat the Whites in the Civil War.
    [Show full text]
  • Woodrow Wilson's Diplomatic Agenda and Strategic Military Interventions
    Southern New Hampshire University Woodrow Wilson’s Diplomatic Agenda and Strategic Military Interventions: How They Affected the Russian Civil War 1918-1920 A Capstone Project Submitted to the College of Online and Continuing Education in Partial Fulfillment of the Master of Arts in History By Richard A. Rinehart Killeen, Texas June 2017 Copyright © 2017 by Richard A. Rinehart All Rights Reserved ii Student: Richard A. Rinehart I certify that this student has met the requirements for formatting the capstone project and that this project is suitable for preservation in the University Archive. October 3, 2017 __________________________________________ _______________ Southern New Hampshire University Date College of Online and Continuing Education iii Abstract This thesis aims to understand the factors that affected Woodrow Wilson’s foreign and military policy actions, which subsequently led to decisions that dictated United States’ intervention into the Russian Civil War, 1918-1920. The background information discussed demonstrates the importance of the Russian Civil War. This chaotic time in history surrounding World War I caused much of Woodrow Wilson’s dilemma and consequentially changed future of Soviet-American relations. It details how it would take numerous foreign policy shifts to convince Mr. Wilson to send U.S. troops to intervene into North Russia and Siberia. Lenin’s opposing perspective will encompass what is contained in much of the supporting information surrounding this thesis. In conjunction with military operations there, the allies attempted to broker peace with Lenin and the Bolsheviks in the form of the Prinkipo Proposal, the Bullitt Mission, and the Hoover-Nansen Proposal. The concluding question that frames the argument of this research will answer what happened because Wilson intervened on Russian soil and how it affected the Communist world revolution.
    [Show full text]