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Nineteen Days in April: Urban Protest and Democracy in Nepal

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Nineteen Days in April: Urban Protest and Democracy in Nepal 47(6) 1279–1299, May 2010 Nineteen Days in April: Urban Protest and Democracy in Nepal Paul Routledge [Paper first received, February 2008; in final form, October 2008] Abstract For 19 days in April 2006, Nepal witnessed a popular uprising against the royal-military coup staged by King Gyanendra in February 2005. The Jana Andolan II (People’s Movement II) demanded a return to democracy, the establishment of a lasting peace in Nepal and more political and economic inclusion for the various ethnic and caste groups historically marginalised in Nepali society. Through an analysis of the Jana Andolan (particularly within the urban space of Nepal’s capital, Kathmandu) and the subsequent peace process that has unfolded in Nepal, this paper will consider how and why the city was a key terrain for the prosecution of conflict by the people’s movement, and how such protest entailed the articulation of particular democratic rights discourses. The paper will also consider the role of civil society within urban protest in order to reflect upon debates concerning liberal and radical democracy, and the ‘politics of the governed’. State of Reversal On 22 April 2006, hundreds of thousands of staged by King Gyanendra in February 2005. people filled Kathmandu’s 27 km long ring The Jana Andolan II (People’s Movement II, road, effectively encircling the city.1 Amid named after the first people’s movement of road blockades, burning tyres, liberated 1990) demanded a return to democracy, the spaces and destroyed police posts, the demand establishment of a lasting peace in Nepal and of the protestors was for a democratic repub- more political and economic inclusion for the lic, in a country that had experienced persis- various ethnic and caste groups historically tent political corruption, a ten-year Maoist marginalised in Nepali society. The move- insurgency and a royal-military coup. For 19 ment was successful in toppling the King’s days in April 2006, Nepal witnessed a popu- direct rule of the country, forging the way lar uprising against the royal-military coup for the reinstatement of political parties in Paul Routledge is in the Department of Geography, University of Glasgow, East Quadrangle, University Avenue, Glasgow, G12 8QQ, UK. E-mail: [email protected]. 0042-0980 Print/1360-063X Online © 2010 Urban Studies Journal Limited DOI: 10.1177/0042098009360221 1280 PAUL ROUTLEDGE the political life of Nepal, the establishment three strands that are pertinent to discussions of an interim government and the holding of about events in Nepal—namely, liberal national elections (in April 2008). democracy, radical democracy and what A consideration of this “state of reversal” Partha Chatterjee (2004) terms the ‘politics and “collective deliverance from the stings of the governed’. First, liberal interpretations of command” (Canetti, 1962, p. 67) provides of democracy envisage the practice of fair, insights into the character of Nepal’s transi- competitive elections between individuals, tion to democracy. Through an analysis of organisations and political parties for political the activities of the Jana Andolan (particularly positions within the state; inclusive participa- within the urban space of Nepal’s capital, tion of all social groups; and civil liberties Kathmandu) and the subsequent peace process such as freedom of expression, freedom of that has unfolded in Nepal during 2006–08, the press and freedom of association. From this paper will consider how the city was a key the perspective of liberal democracy, civil target and terrain for the prosecution of con- society is a terrain of social action consisting flict by the people’s movement and how such of interest-groups that do not question the protest entailed the articulation of particular dominant social, economic or cultural values democratic rights discourses. The paper will within society (Olesen, 2005, pp. 155–165). also consider the role of civil society within Secondly, radical democracy, as espoused by urban protest in order to reflect upon debates Chantal Mouffe (1993, 2000, 2002, 2005), con- concerning liberal and radical democracy, and ceives of the political as premised upon a rela- the ‘politics of the governed’ (Chatterjee, 2004). tional understanding of identity constituted In order to ‘place’ an analysis of the Jana through (for example, religious, ethnic and Andolan and its aftermath, this paper will economic) difference and inequality. Radical first consider certain debates regarding the democratic practice is open ended, perme- practice of democracy, before proceeding to ated by inequalities of power and centred on discuss the political economy of Nepal (and conflict and contestation between adversarial the importance, therein, of Kathmandu) since collective political identities. Mouffe espouses the initial transition to democracy in 1990 an agonistic model of democracy, where (including the delineation of caste power in ‘enemies’ are reconfigured as ‘adversaries’ the country, the effects of the Maoist insur- who share common democratic values (for gency upon the integrity of the Nepali state example, of equality and liberty) and whose and the role of the monarchy). The paper will differences (and the conflicts that arise from then consider how democratic practices have them) can be negotiated through democratic been articulated prior to, during and after the procedures (such as voting) that are accepted Jana Andolan of 2006 in the light of the theo- by the adversaries. Radical democracy views retical debates concerning democracy and the civil society in a Gramscian sense as an role of civil society.2 In so doing, the paper will integral part of the state and as a sphere of consider the importance of the urban in the hegemony, albeit a politicised arena of conflict prosecution of conflict in Nepal. and the development of contentious identi- ties and counter-hegemonic claims (Olesen, Liberal Democracy, Radical 2005, p. 179). Democracy and the ‘Politics Thirdly, the ‘politics of the governed’ of the Governed’ (Chatterjee, 2004) is concerned with the rela- tionship between political participation and Amongst the plethora of debates about the forms of governance, in particular, the role the character of democracy, I want to draw out post-colonial state (in the global South) plays NINETEEN DAYS IN APRIL 1281 in shaping its subjects. Focusing primarily of more lasting democratic change in Nepal upon subaltern politics in India, Chatterjee and what kind of change that will be. Before draws a distinction between two ways in discussing how various elements of the which the modern state views people: as aforementioned interpretations of democracy rights-bearing citizens, and as populations, or are pertinent to an understanding of con- ‘subjects’ (in the Foucauldian sense) who are temporary politics in Nepal, I shall briefly targets of government policy. He argues that describe Nepal’s political economy following the post-colonial state deals with its people the revolution of 1990. primarily as governed populations and that this mode of operation has been reinforced in The Political Economy of part through its expanded interventions con- Nepal since 1990 ducted in the name of ‘development’, whereby groups of people have been classified (for Economic Liberalisation and example, by means of caste, ethnicity) into the Role of Kathmandu suitable targets for administrative, legal, eco- With the restoration of democracy in 1990, nomic or electoral policy. Chatterjee argues following the Jana Andolan I, a popular that, under such conditions, the politics of movement against the panchayat regime civil society is élitist, dominated by NGOs and (see Routledge, 1997),3 the new constitu- other institutions that treat communities as tion confirmed the position of the King as a subjects through discourses (and policies) of constitutional monarch, with political parties reform that serve to marginalise the politics competing for electoral office. There have of poor people. Therefore, lacking full citizen- been three general elections (in 1991, 1994, ship, the marginalised make claims on the and 1999) since 1990, and 12 changes of gov- state from the political space of negotiation ernment between 1991 and 2002.4 and brokerage that Chatterjee calls ‘political Since the mid 1980s, there has been an society’. This is a space of possibility where ideological shift to economic liberalisation new forms of democratic representation can and market-led approaches to develop- be created and where the needs of the mar- ment, according to the conditions of donor ginalised are voiced (for example, through aid and IMF structural adjustment pro- social movements) and are sometimes met, grammes, through deregulating capital and but always as conditional claims rather than labour markets, removing price controls, formal rights. privatising state-owned enterprises, liber- alising trade and introducing convertibility Urban Space, Protest and Democracy of the domestic currency (Sharma, 1997). Following the 1990 people’s movement, Development functions have been increas- there was a clear spatial outcome to the ingly ‘contracted out’ to non-government struggle for democracy in Nepal. Whereas, organisations (NGOs)—partly as a response in the cities, people experienced greater to the failures of government institutions, but freedom of expression and association, in also contributing to their increased decline. rural Nepal these freedoms continued to be The increasing privatisation of state enter- seriously compromised
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