Why France Did Not Have an American Revolution
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Quick Study Guide
WH07_te_ch06_rev_MOD_s.fm Page 240 Monday, March 5, 2007 5:10WH07MOD_se_CH06_rev_s.fm PM Page 240 Friday, January 26, 2007 12:12 PM Quick Study Guide CHAPTER Progress Monitoring Online 6 6 For: Self-test with vocabulary practice 6 Web Code: nba-1851 Quick Study Guide ■ Have students use the Quick Study ■ What Inspired the French Revolution? ■ Causes and Effects of the French Guide to prepare for this chapter’s Revolution test. Students may wish to refer to • Social: Enlightenment ideas such as equality and justice the following pages as they review: • Political: Ideas from the American Revolution • Economic: Inequalities among classes; unrest due to Cause and Effect extravagant monarchy Long-Term Causes Immediate Causes What Inspired the French Revolution? • Corrupt and inconsistent • Huge government debt Section 1, pp. 210–213 leadership • Poor harvests and rising ■ Reforms of the National Assembly • Prosperous members of price of bread Third Estate resent • Failure of Louis XVI to Causes and Effects of the French Revolution Political privileges of First and accept financial reforms Second Estates. Section 1, pp. 210–215; Section 2, • Proclaimed all male citizens equal before the law. • Formation of National • Spread of Enlightenment • Limited the power of the monarchy. Assembly pp. 217–222; Section 3, pp. 223–227; ideas Section 4, pp. 230–238 • Established the Legislative Assembly to make laws. • Storming of Bastille • Granted all tax-paying male citizens the right to elect members of the Legislative Assembly. Reforms of the National Assembly The French Revolution Section 2, pp. 217–220 Social and Economic • Abolished special privileges of the nobility. Immediate Effects Long-Term Effects • Announced an end to feudalism. -
Nationalism in the French Revolution of 1789
The University of Maine DigitalCommons@UMaine Honors College 5-2014 Nationalism in the French Revolution of 1789 Kiley Bickford University of Maine - Main Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors Part of the Cultural History Commons Recommended Citation Bickford, Kiley, "Nationalism in the French Revolution of 1789" (2014). Honors College. 147. https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors/147 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UMaine. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors College by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UMaine. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NATIONALISM IN THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1789 by Kiley Bickford A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for a Degree with Honors (History) The Honors College University of Maine May 2014 Advisory Committee: Richard Blanke, Professor of History Alexander Grab, Adelaide & Alan Bird Professor of History Angela Haas, Visiting Assistant Professor of History Raymond Pelletier, Associate Professor of French, Emeritus Chris Mares, Director of the Intensive English Institute, Honors College Copyright 2014 by Kiley Bickford All rights reserved. Abstract The French Revolution of 1789 was instrumental in the emergence and growth of modern nationalism, the idea that a state should represent, and serve the interests of, a people, or "nation," that shares a common culture and history and feels as one. But national ideas, often with their source in the otherwise cosmopolitan world of the Enlightenment, were also an important cause of the Revolution itself. The rhetoric and documents of the Revolution demonstrate the importance of national ideas. -
!Bastille Day!
!Bastille day! From Emily Southcoat My Drawing :) Richmond School Y7 Facts about Bastille Day French National Day, is celebrated on July 14 th every year in France. It is a day to celebrate and remember the beginning of the French Revolution, following the storming of the Bastille in Paris, which was a fortress and prison representing French Royalty in 1789.Bastille day is not actually called Bastille day it's actually called in french “le 14 juillet” or simply “la fête nationale”. July 14th became France’s National Day in 1880 as a compromise between Republicans and Royalists.Did you know that Van Gogh painted twice about Bastille day the first was at 1886 and 1890.The first one that Van Gogh painted (1886) was full of red,white and blue flags and the other (in 1890) representing the city hall of Auvers-sur-l’Oise where he was mentally treated by a doctor. In this one, the flags and garlands’ colors actually appear almost unnoticeable in the cool-toned painting. P.2 July the 14th always begings witha refused to go until he had finished his military parade.The Bastille was roast pheasant dinner. originally a royal state prison built in the 1370s to defend Paris from the English during the Hundred Years War. Once a busy state penitentiary, it only held seven prisoners when it was stormed. The seven prisoners comprised four forgers, two lunatics and one aristocrat. The aristocrat was Comte Hubert de Solages, whose family had asked for him to be imprisoned for committing incest with his sister. -
Place Saint-Michel the Place Saint-Michel Is
Place Saint-Michel The Place Saint-Michel is simple – a triangle between two streets, uniform buildings along both, designed by the same architect, a walk of smooth cobblestone. The centerpiece is St. Michael defeating a devil; far above them are four statues symbolizing the four cardinal virtues of prudence, fortitude, temperance, and justice. This monument came to be because of the 1848 Revolution and a cholera epidemic in Paris that followed it which killed thousands. This idea of abstract concepts given human form had been popular during the Revolution, the big one, representing the kind of big virtues – like the Four Cardinal Virtues – that everyone could strive for, instead of a single human being whose actions and legacy would turn people against each other. Simultaneous with the creation of Place Saint-Michel, Napoleon III’s renovation brought the Boulevard Saint-Michel into being, and that is the next part of our walk. Facing the fountain with the river at your back, walk on Boulevard Saint-Michel, it’s the street to your left. Walk away from the river along that street. Ultimately, you’ll be turning left on Rue des Écoles, but it’ll be about five minutes to get there, and you can listen to the next track on the way. Boulevard Saint-Michel The character of the street you’re on – wide-open space lined with trees and long, harmonious buildings, plus, often, a view of some landmark in the distance – was a central part of the renovation plan, or the Haussmann plan, as it’s also known. -
Jacques-Louis David's 'Oath of the Tennis Court'
EXTENSION ACTIVITIES – Jacques-Louis David’s ‘Oath of the Tennis Court’, 1791 Read the discussion of Jacques-Louis-David’s ‘Oath of the Tennis Court’ (1791) on p. 3-8 of this handout. Then complete the following extension activities: 1. One of the big problems which faced David as the Revolution progressed was that many of the figures to whom he had given prominence in the 1791 drawing fell from favour as political conditions changed. Using Liberating France (including the Who’s Who) and other sources, find out what happened to Mounier, Mirabeau, Bailly, Barère, Barnave, and Robespierre. Then research the clergymen, Abbé Grégoire and Abbé Sieyès. 2. David alludes to the popular movement which became known as the sans-culottes through the strong and robust figure in the red bonnet of liberty in the lower left hand corner. Referring to Liberating France (including the Section B Timeline), write a paragraph to outline the role played by the sans-culottes movement from 10 August 1792 until the days of Germinal and Prairial Year III, (1 April and 20-23 May 1795). 3. Using Liberating France (including the Who’s Who) and other sources, outline David’s revolutionary career – both as a painter and as a politician. In your answer consider the importance his paintings and drawings 1789-1795, and his role in organising public ceremonies. Then investigate his political activities as a deputy in the National Convention. 4. David uses at least eight revolutionary ideas in his 1791 study of the Tennis Court Oath. Locate them and any other revolutionary ideas not mentioned in the summary above. -
The Democratic Sphere Communications with the French National Assembly's Committee of Research,1789-1791
The Democratic Sphere Communications with the French National Assembly's Committee of Research,1789-1791 Maia Kirby Queen Mary, University of London Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 1 I, Maia Olive Claire Kirby, confirm that the research included within this thesis is my own work or that where it has been carried out in collaboration with, or supported by others, that this is duly acknowledged below and my contribution indicated. Previously published material is also acknowledged below. I attest that I have exercised reasonable care to ensure that the work is original, and does not to the best of my knowledge break any UK law, infringe any third party’s copyright or other Intellectual Property Right, or contain any confidential material. I accept that the College has the right to use plagiarism detection software to check the electronic version of the thesis. I confirm that this thesis has not been previously submitted for the award of a degree by this or any other university. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without the prior written consent of the author. Signature: Maia Kirby Date: 24.08.16 2 Abstract On 28 July 1789 the National Assembly established the Committee of Research as a mechanism through which it could identify threats to its existence from amongst its large correspondence. In the time it was active, the committee received thousands of letters from across France. In the early 1990s the archivist Pierre Caillet wrote a thorough inventory and a general synthesis of the communications which further opened them up as a resource that could provide insight into popular reponses to various themes. -
Inviolability Controversy in the Trial of Louis XVI Ronald L
Journal of the Arkansas Academy of Science Volume 20 Article 19 1966 Inviolability Controversy in the Trial of Louis XVI Ronald L. Hayworth University of Arkansas, Fayetteville Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.uark.edu/jaas Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Hayworth, Ronald L. (1966) "Inviolability Controversy in the Trial of Louis XVI," Journal of the Arkansas Academy of Science: Vol. 20 , Article 19. Available at: http://scholarworks.uark.edu/jaas/vol20/iss1/19 This article is available for use under the Creative Commons license: Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-ND 4.0). Users are able to read, download, copy, print, distribute, search, link to the full texts of these articles, or use them for any other lawful purpose, without asking prior permission from the publisher or the author. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UARK. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of the Arkansas Academy of Science by an authorized editor of ScholarWorks@UARK. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Journal of the Arkansas Academy of Science, Vol. 20 [1966], Art. 19 111 Arkansas Academy of Science Proceedings, Vol. 20, 1966 THE INVIOLABILITYCONTROVERSY IN THE TRIAL OF LOUIS XVI Ronald L. Hay worth Arkansas College The attempt at constitutional monarchy during the French Revolu- tion ended abruptly on August 10, 1792, with the dethronement of Louis XVI in what has been termed the Second French Revolution. 1 One major problem that the new National Convention faced when it convened in mid-September was the determination of the fate of the ci-devant roi. -
Introduction
© Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. CHAPTER 1 Introduction French Society in 1789 Historians working on the French Revolution have a problem. All of our attempts to find an explanation in terms of social groups or classes, or particular segments of society becoming powerfully activated, have fallen short. As one expert aptly expressed it: “the truth is we have no agreed general theory of why the French Revolution came about and what it was— and no prospect of one.”1 This gaping, causal void is cer- tainly not due to lack of investigation into the Revolution’s background and origins. If class conflict in the Marxist sense has been jettisoned, other ways of attributing the Revolution to social change have been ex- plored with unrelenting rigor. Of course, every historian agrees society was slowly changing and that along with the steady expansion of trade and the cities, and the apparatus of the state and armed forces, more (and more professional) lawyers, engineers, administrators, officers, medical staff, architects, and naval personnel were increasingly infusing and diversifying the existing order.2 Yet, no major, new socioeconomic pressures of a kind apt to cause sudden, dramatic change have been identified. The result, even some keen revisionists admit, is a “somewhat painful void.”3 Most historians today claim there was not one big cause but instead numerous small contributory impulses. One historian, stressing the absence of any identifiable overriding cause, likened the Revolution’s origins to a “multi- coloured tapestry of interwoven causal factors.”4 So- cial and economic historians embracing the “new social interpretation” identify a variety of difficulties that might have rendered eighteenth- century French society, at least in some respects, more fraught and vulnerable than earlier. -
Peasantry and the French Revolution
“1st. What is the third estate? Everything. 2nd. What has it been heretofore in the political order? Nothing. 3rd. What does it demand? To become something therein.” -Abbe Sieyes 1789 Pre-Revolution • Louis XVI came to the throne in the midst of a serious financial crisis • France was nearing bankruptcy due to the outlays that were outpacing income • A new tax code was implemented under the direction of Charles Alexandre de Calonne • This proposal included a land tax • Issues with the Three Estates and inequality within it Peasant Life pre-Revolution • French peasants lived better than most of their class, but were still extremely poor • 40% worked land, but it was subdivided into several small plots which were shared and owned by someone else • Unemployment was high due to the waning textile industry • Rent and food prices continued to rise • Worst harvest in 40 years took place during the winter of 1788-89 Peasant Life pre-Revolution • The Third Estate, which was the lower classes in France, were forced by the nobility and the Church to pay large amounts in taxes and tithes • Peasants had experienced a lot of unemployment during the 1780s because of the decline in the nation’s textile industry • There was a population explosion of about 25-30% in roughly 90 years that did not coincide with a rise in food production Direct Causes of the Revolution • Famine and malnutrition were becoming more common as a result of shortened food supply • Rising bread prices contributes to famine • France’s near bankruptcy due to their involvement in various -
50 H-France Forum, V
H-France Forum Volume 4 Page 50 ______________________________________________________________________________ H-France Forum, Volume 4, Issue 2 (Spring 2009), No. 5 Michael Sonenscher, Sans-Culottes: An Eighteenth-Century Emblem in the French Revolution. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2008. x + 493 pp. $45.00 U.S. (cl). ISBN 978- 0691124988. Response Essay by Michael Sonenscher, King’s College Cambridge, to the review essays of his book by John Hardman, Thomas E. Kaiser, Charles Walton and Johnson Kent Wright. Perhaps the easiest way to begin a reply to this array of thought-provoking comments is to start with the two factual questions raised by John Hardman. The first concerns the comte d’Angiviller, while the second concerns Charles-Alexandre de Calonne. Answering them is a good way into the questions set out by Thomas E. Kaiser and Charles Walton about the relationship of the sans-culottes to Robespierre, Saint-Just and the Jacobin leadership in 1793 and 1794 and, more broadly, about the similarities and differences in their respective moral values, economic priorities and political visions. Answering their questions is, in turn, a helpful entry point to the questions about eighteenth-century versions of ancient moral and political thought and about the politics of the ancient constitution raised by Johnson Kent Wright. John Hardman asked whether I had any evidence that the comte d’Angiviller was, as I put it, “a strong advocate of a patriotic coup against the nation’s creditors in 1787 and 1788” (p. 378). I made the claim on the basis of a remark by d’Angiviller in the autobiographical fragment entitled Episodes de ma vie that was published posthumously in 1906. -
The Beginning of the French Revolution
New Dorp High School Social Studies Department AP Global Mr. Hubbs The Beginning of the French Revolution Causes of the French Revolution The finances of the French Empire were a major cause for revolution. By 1789, France was bankrupt. The king’s of France had abused their power and France became a victim of deficit spending. The French king began to borrow enormous amounts of money to pay for their spending and incurred debt. These debts were also a result of war. An example of this was by 1789; France was still paying off debts incurred by the wars of Louis XIV that occurred in the late 17th and early 18th centuries. The country could no longer pay its debts, and the people of France began to suffer. Furthermore, a number of social groups and institutions did not pay taxes of any kind. Many universities were exempt from taxation as were the thirteen Parlements, cities like Paris, the Church and the clergy, the aristocracy and numerous member of the Bourgeoisie. And of course, it was simply brilliant planning to continue to tax the peasants- peasants who, having nothing to contribute were, over the course of the century, forced to contribute even more. The French social structure was divided into three estates. The First Estate was made up of the clergy. The clergy were a very privileged group and had a number of responsibilities. They included the registration of births, marriages and deaths, they collected the tithe (usually 10%); they censored books; served as moral police; operated schools and hospitals; and distributed relief to the poor. -
Jean-Sylvain Bailly (BUY-Yee) Member of the National Assembly
ROUSSEAU, BURKE AND REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1791 FEUILLANT FACTION Jean-Sylvain Bailly (BUY-yee) Member of the National Assembly ou are cultured and influential. You were born 55 years ago in Paris and raised in its environs and in Versailles. Your family has always been deeply involved in court life. Both your father and grandfather were court painters and you originally intended Y to follow in their footsteps. You became attracted in the course of your studies to astronomical science, however, and prepared a career in that path instead, building an observatory in the Louvre and promoting the new science everywhere. You were elected to the French Academy in 1783, and by the time the Revolution began, you were a renowned astronomer and a bril- liant philosophe. Your Essay on the Theory of the Satellites of Jupiter added to Galileo and Kepler’s vision of the universe, and your literary reputation was not far below that of your scientific one. Everyone knows who you are and admires you. This is France, after all, and to be a brilliant philosopher is to be influential. It is not surprising, then, that when you wished to take part in revolutionary politics, you found the path wide open. You presided over your district’s elections for delegates to the Estates General, and you yourself were elected. The Third Estate contingent was thrilled to have such a brilliant mind as yours; it brought prestige and honor to the delegates (who were, after all, mere commoners). When the Third Estate fol- lowed Sieyès and declared itself to be the National Assembly, it chose you as its president.