National History Colloquium, with international participation 22nd edition, 2020 NATIONAL MUSEUM

NATIONAL HISTORY COLLOQUIUM WITH INTERNATIONAL PARTICIPATION 22nd edition, May 2020

HISTORY SECTION

I. MODERN - ADMINISTRATIVE, SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC POLICIES FOR THE MODERNISATION OF THE STATE drd. Ancuța BRAȘOVEANU, Universitatea Ovidius, Constanța The modernization of Romania in the vision of Ion C. Brătianu in 1857 dr. Ștefania DINU, Muzeul Național Cotroceni The ceremonial at the Court of

Cătălin MANEA, Muzeul Național Cotroceni The statute of the public employee in the reign of Alexandru Ioan Cuza dr. Nicoleta ROMAN, Institutul de Istorie „”, Academia Română In Mid-Nineteenth Century : the orphans and the patronage of the Reigning Princess dr. Ligia LIVADĂ-CADESCHI, Facultatea de Științe Politice, Universitatea București The dilemmas of the health system in modern Romania. The official public doctor dr. Cristina GUDIN, Facultatea de Istorie, Universitatea București Measures to modernize the rural area in the second half of the 19th century dr. Lelia ZAMANI, cercetător independent The economic and social evolution of the city of in the second half of the nineteenth century, important stage of the development and modernization of the future capital of Great Romania dr. Virgil Aurelian BĂLUȚĂ, Universitatea Spiru Haret The philosophy of Romania’s social and economic policies during the reign of King Carol I dr. Maria-Camelia ENE, Muzeul Municipiului București Balls in 19th century Bucharest

II. PACE CONFERENCE (1919-1920) AND ITS CONSEQUENCESON THE EVOLUTIONOF CENTRAL AND SOUTH-EAST EUROPE dr. Mihai MILCA, Școala Națională de Științe Politice și Administrative Romania’s politico-diplomatic steps regarding the international recognition of the in the period preceding the signing of the Peace (1920) dr. Leonida MOISE, Universitatea Hyperion Trends in the evolution of international security after the First World War drd. Giulia CHIELLI, Universitatea „Aldo Moro” din Bari Woodrow Wilson: utopia or realism dr. Alda KUSHI, Universitatea „Aldo Moro” din Bari Albania: the traded commodity in the policies of the Great War dr. Ursula OLLENDORF, Universitatea „Aldo Moro” din Bari The Perception of the Treaty of Paris in Germany dr. Mariana LAZĂR, Muzeul Național Cotroceni Minorities Treaty - divergent topic between the Romanian delegation and the Supreme Council at the Peace Conference (May-December 1919) dr. Ștefan PETRESCU, Institutul de Studii Sud-Est Europene Romanian Journalists in Southeast Europe between 1919 and 1923 dr. Cristina VOHN, Institutul de Științe Politice și Relații Internaționale „Ion I. C. Brătianu”, Academia Română Central and South-Eastern Europe after the Trianon Treaty dr. Ian BROWNE - cercetător independent Nationalism and failure - nation states after the Treaty of Paris dr. Dan PAVEL, Facultatea de Științe Politice, Universitatea București Violation of the provisions of the Paris Peace Conference: geopolitical consequences and historical controversies dr. Fabrizio FIUME, Universitatea „Aldo Moro” din Bari Cassandras dr. Ioan OPRIȘ, Universitatea Valahia, Târgoviște Gheorghe Taşcă - an illustrious economist, ambassador to dr. Nicola NERI, Universitatea „Aldo Moro” din Bari The Holy See and Romania in the first post-war period

III. POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES ȘI PRACTICES IN THE 19th and 20th CENTURIES dr. Viorella MANOLACHE, Institutul de Științe Politice și Relații Internaționale „Ion I. C. Brătianu”, Academia Română Cassiu Maniu: scientific-ideological foundation of the Romanian political field dr. Ioana DRĂGULIN, Muzeul Național Cotroceni Antonio Gramsci and the First World War dr. Doru TOMPEA, Universitatea „Petre Andrei” din Iași Political ideologies in the Romanian space during the national modernity dr. Maria CERNAT, Institutul pentru Solidaritate Socială Sofia Nădejde and the Socialist Feminism dr. Alice Năstase BUCIUTA, cercetător independent The status of the woman reflected in Romanian women’s magazines of twentieth century dr. Angelo CHIELLI, Universitatea „Aldo Moro” din Bari The suffering of living in German culture after the First World War: Thomas Mann dr. Lorenzo SCARCELLI, Universitatea „Aldo Moro” din Bari The crisis of the liberal state and the emergence of fascism dr. Florin GRECU, Universitatea Hyperion Ideology under the authoritarian monarchy dr. Emil BOBOESCU, Muzeul Militar Național Regele Ferdinand I The Medal System during the communist period. Second Part: Ideological changes in the Medal System (1958 - 196)

IV. INTERWAR ROMANIA - POLITICAL THINKING AND PRACTICE dr. Cristian-Ion POPA, Institutul de Științe Politice și Relații Internaționale „Ion I. C. Brătianu”, Academia Română Constitutional order and societal performance in Interwar Romania dr. Mihai GHIȚULESCU, Universitatea din , Departamentul de Istorie, Ştiinţe Politice şi Relații Internaționale The Parliamentary Elections of May-June 1920 - Old Practices in New Conditions dr. Jănel TĂNASE, Academia Forţelor Aeriene „Henri Coandă” Braşov, drd. Cristian MANOLACHI, Statul Major al Forțelor Aeriene The program of the Air Subsecretariat for the preparation of the aeronautical weapon in order to participate in the liberative war in the first part of the east campaign (september 1940 - august 1942)

SECTION VALUES OF THE NATIONAL CULTURAL HERITAGE

I. MEDIEVAL CULTURAL HERITAGE

Arhimandrit dr. Policarp CHIȚULESCU, Biblioteca Sfântului Sinod Precious Editions of the Orthodox Witness (Ὀρθόδοξος Ὁμολογία) of Saint Hierarch Petru Movila, Metropolitan of Kiev, Kept at the Holy Synod Library of Bucharest dr. Oana-Mădălina POPESCU, Biblioteca Academiei Române Wallachian charters adorned with icons: a typology of them in terms of content Mihai-Alex OLTEANU, Muzeul Mitropolitan Iași, Mitropolia Moldovei și Bucovinei Identification of Russian marks and markings from the imperial period on the cult silverware from the patrimony of the Metropolitan Church of and dr. Șarolta SOLCAN, Facultatea de Istorie, Universitatea București Traditions in the preservation and modernization of medieval constructions in the Romanian Principalities

II. CULTURAL HERITAGE WITH MEMORIAL VALUE dr. Nicoleta BĂDILĂ, Muzeul Municipiului București Building an identity: the Brancovenești Settlements founders’ portraits dr. Dana Roxana NICULA, Muzeul Municipiului București The armorial bearing objects in the collections of the Bucharest Municipality Museum, which belonged to the Royal Family of Romania dr. Florin GEORGESCU, Muzeului Național de Istorie a României Brătianu Family - representations in the patrimony of the National Museum of on the 145th anniversary of the founding of the National Liberal Party dr. Adriana Cristina MAZILU, Muzeul Național Cotroceni Constantin Tănase - „Cockchafer” of the magazine theater

III. ARTISTS - COLLECTIONS - COLLECTORS dr. Elena Olariu, Muzeul Municipiului București Carol Pop de Szathmári, in the „ and Cecilia Cuțescu Storck” Museum Collection dr. Eduard ANDREI, Institutul de Istoria Artei G. Oprescu Cultural heritage: the works of the Italian-French artist Elvezia Paini in Romania drd. Ana Rusan-Görbe, Institutul de Istorie Nicolae Iorga Painter 's correspondence with his wife: between career and private life

Magdalena CHITILĂ, Muzeul Municipiului București Anton Kaindl and images from Bucharest

Felicia RAETZKY, Muzeul Municipiului București The Interwar Artist Who Sculpted A Visual History of the Romanian National State drd. Gabriela BALABAN, Facultatea de Litere, Universitatea București Idel Ianchelevici. Cultural exchanges dr. Mădălina NIȚELEA, Muzeul Național Cotroceni Graphics by Silvan Ionescu, in the patrimony of the Cotroceni National Museum

Livia GEORGESCU, Muzeul Național Cotroceni Miniature and chromatic harmony in decorative art objects from the patrimony of the Cotroceni National Museum

Lucia BRAD-PARASCHIVESCU, cercetător independent Textile object from shape to message drd. Delia BRAN, Muzeul Municipiului București George Oprescu and the ongoing exhibition dr. Cristian Andrei SCĂICEANU, Banca Națională a României A forgotten donor: Jacques Wertheimer-Ghika

Loredana OPRICA, Muzeul Național al Pompierilor Heritage exhibits from the National Museum of Firefighters dr. Irina HASNAȘ HUBBARD, Institutul de Investigare a Crimelor Comunismului și Memoria Exilului Românesc The patrimony hidden from (in) the eyes of children

HISTORY SECTION

MODERN ROMANIA - ADMINISTRATIVE, SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC POLICIES FOR THE MODERNISATION OF THE STATE

drd. Antoaneta-Ancuța BRAȘOVEANU, Universitatea „Ovidius” din Constanța The modernization of Romania in the vision of Ion C. Brătianu in 1857 Abstract: The need to unite the two Principalities, Moldavia and Wallachia, developed since the eighth century, returned after the Crimean War both in the forefront of Romanian and international politics. The project of unifying the principalities seemed possible, being favoured by the defeat of Russia and the political hegemony of . The Emperor of France, Napoleon III, in the fight against the expansion of Russia, but also out of the desire to divide the Austro-Hungarian Empire, supported the construction of a bastion on the territory of Romania to support him in implementing his policies. Ion C. Brătianu, who had established himself politically in the Romanian space during the 48’ revolution, dedicating his body and soul to the Romanian cause, was noted as the youngest member of the revolutionary government since 1848 and would play an important role in this unionist propaganda. His mission was carried out both internally and internationally, through appeals to the European media, memoirs to Napoleon, the establishment in Paris of a committee whose motto was “Justice! Fraternity! Unity!”. Significant is the fact that he sold his wife’s estate to ensure the material support necessary for propaganda. In exile until 1857, due to his active participation in the Pașoptist revolution and as a promoter of the ideas of European liberalism, acquired as a result of his studies abroad, Bratianu returned to the country as a member of the Ad-hoc Divan, and on October 9, 1857 he read the report that promote the unanimous wishes of the Romanian nation. The liberal politician's keynote address was reminiscent of the Paris Peace Treaty. This Treaty, ended in 1856, gave the freedom to express their ideas regarding the union of the two Principalities, the new formula of state organization, within the Ad-hoc Assemblies, which had no decisional force, but only consultative character. As a parenthesis, the union of the principalities was, as we mentioned above, intensely supported by Napoleon III strictly in the light of France's strategic interest, that of weakening Russia's external force, but also to undermine the objectives of the Congress of The Vienna of 1815, therefore, of the Austrian authority, a congress which had hitherto established the geopolitical order of Europe. Brătianu asked the members of the Assembly to support the state neutrality towards the , the union of the two Principalities, Moldavia and Wallachia, a foreign prince at the head of the new state and a constitutional government representative of the two Principalities. Therefore, it was wanted the involvement of all the representatives in the creation of a bigger, stronger Romania, which could have been registered through the new form of organization together with the other states on a common path of modernization. Keywords: Paris Congress, 1856, Ion C. Bratianu, nationality, state, Europe, Romanian

dr. Ștefania DINU, Muzeul Național Cotroceni The ceremonial at the Court of Prince Alexandru Ioan Cuza Abstract: The concern for the elaboration of “norms” in terms of protocol and ceremonial has been a constant to all states since very early days, which demonstrates the importance that these regulations had for the prestige of a princely, royal or imperial court. The ceremonial is the one to indicate the succession of a civil, military or religious solemnity act and determines the external forms, creates the setting and atmosphere in which they are to take place, and shows what those presiding over or conducting a ceremony must do. In the organization of his court, Prince Alexandru Ioan Cuza was inspired by the customs of the court of Emperor Napoleon III, reunited under the title “Ceremonial” and printed in Paris, in February 1860, at the Imperial Printing House. The Court ceremonial of Prince Alexandru Ioan Cuza was prepared by Colonel Theodor Cazimir, a close associate of the ruler and holder of a new position at the court in Bucharest, that of “marshal of the Princely Court”. The ceremonial has two major titles, each with several articles, some adapted and some copied ad-literam after the French Imperial Ceremonial. The Ist title contains three articles on the composition of the Princely Court staff: Chief of Ceremonial, Chief of the Princely Staff, the Princely Adjutants, The Princess’s Equerry, Lady-in-waiting, and 12 other ladies-in-waiting, whose number could increase at the will of the First Lady, the Director of the and the Court Commission (Art. I). Article II established in great detail the attributions of the personnel mentioned in the first article, the most important role being, without a doubt, that of the Head of Ceremonial. He regulated and took care of all the official receptions, made all the invitations and visits on behalf of the Prince, and presided over all ceremonials and solemnities. It was imperative that the Chief of Ceremonial be a military career soldier, who was assisted in performing his duties by the princely adjutants. Article III established the manner in which the palace apartments were assigned: the honor apartments (The Throne Hall, The Blue Hall, The Yellow Hall, The Green Hall and The White Hall) and the private apartments of the Prince and Princess. It also described the types of events hosted in the official salons and what the ceremonial regarding their development was. The Second Title of the Ceremony contained seven articles on Court etiquette or how the people who were to appear at official receptions before the Prince and the Princess were to be dressed, more precisely, how the principal authorities of the state were received by the Prince (Legislative Body, Ministries, Clergy, High Court of Justice, Trade Court, Municipality, Civil and Correctional Courts, Police Prefecture, County Prefectures, other administrative authorities), the manner in which private and public hearings took place, what was the ceremonial for receiving representatives of the Diplomatic Corps who were already accredited and the reception of foreign representatives who came to present their credentials, how the gala dinners, balls, parties and dinners were held, but also how the oath of allegiance was taken by the military. It is very interesting to notice, as far as etiquette is concerned, that the people (men) who were to appear in Court, in order to be received by the Prince, had to wear a tailcoat and black tie in the morning, with white or black pants during summer, and only black during winter. As for the ladies, if they were received by the Princess in the morning, the outfit had to be a regular one for visiting, and if they arrived after 5 o’clock, the attire had to have décolletage. The elaboration of this particular ceremonial at the court of Prince Alexandru Ioan Cuza demonstrates the fact that the Romanian modern state adopted and legislated from the first years of its existence protocol norms recognized in the main European countries, which were adapted to its own social realities, and then perfected them, together with the evolution of the Romanian society. Keywords: Prince, Princess, Princely Court, ceremonial, protocol, etiquette Mention: The original text, in French, the „Ceremonial of the Princely Palace” was kindly made available to me by the collector Daniel Obreja, whom I would like to thank through this means. Translate: Oana ZLĂTEANU, Muzeul Național Cotroceni

Cătălin MANEA, Muzeul Național Cotroceni The statute of the public employee in the reign of Alexandru Ioan Cuza Abstract: Union of Romanian Principalities (24 January 1859) was a diplomatic as well as an administrative challenge. The administration of the new state was a hybrid of old and new, of Wallachian and Moldovan customs and laws. The new ruler therefore had to deal with new administrative realities, which needed urgent solutions. This legislative unification was slow, and civil servants, following the model taken from the West, had to submit to new rules and regulations. At the same time, they obtained social and economic measures to improve their standard of living and professional training. The civil service was not always immune to integrity issues. Members of the administrative apparatus have quite often committed abuses and irregularities in the performance of their duties. There are numerous testimonies and complaints of the irregularities of some of them that resulted in arrests, penalties and damages. In the fund of the Council of State, from the National Archives of Romania, there are numerous documents that present a complicated situation. Most irregularities exist in the management of public money. From almost all the counties of the country there are petitions that have as subject the embezzlement and acts of corruption that blocked the good development of the activity of the local and central administration structures. In order to prevent these organizational problems, Prince Al. I. Cuza proposes the establishment of service registers in two copies, corded and initialled by the Council of Ministers, in which all state officials should register with annotations on their morality and services. The avalanche of laws, codes and institutions has led to the emergence of an entire army of state employees in a hitherto unknown number. From the communal law of 1864, to the organization of the army, the judiciary, the education system, the servants of the Orthodox Church who became state servants, all these legislative projects bring with them an increase in the civil service in a modern sense. No rural or urban commune, no county or ministry escapes this extensive process of reorganization. It is a revolution of the whole system, which has never been done in such a way in the recent history of the two Principalities. Measures had to be taken for the proper functioning of the state apparatus. Thus, rules and regulations were established for the occupation of the functions of copywriters, ascertaining agents, for the military personnel and that of the judicial functions. All this was necessary to impose common rules and to harmonize and modernize the entire administrative system. At the same time, the salary scales of the state staff as well as the daily allowances were regulated. The first social measures also appeared, one of the first being that of the draft law for the right to pension of civil servants. In Muntenia there were regulations on this since 1853. Now, the pension plan extends to the entire territory of the new state, with a new unitary law. In order to combat abuses, but also to mitigate the state budget, new rules were introduced that regulated the way in which the granting of the right of pensioners to hold public positions was done with the option of pension or salary. Finally, the legislators of the State Council proposed that all public employees benefit from provisions that ensure their right to a state pension. It also regulated the establishment of the retirement of lower military personnel, non-commissioned officers and soldiers. Due to the economic crisis and the lack of financial means, the state proposed in less favourable times and temporary reductions in the salaries of civil servants and pensioners. All these measures have led to the establishment of a new society, the viability of which will be seen over time. The efforts of Alexandru Ioan Cuza and the various ministerial teams to give a new restart to the fragile state construction, started after January 24th, 1859, will materialize through the huge number of legislative projects. Their efficiency remains debatable, the perception of the majority of the population remaining sceptical of this modernization effort. As the Prime Minister of that time Barbu Catargiu observed that „it is a thousand times more disastrous for a country to have good laws, but trampled on, than to have mediocre laws, but respected or even not at all”. Keywords: Modern Romania, Prince Alexandru Ioan Cuza, legislative system, civil servant, status of public employee, organization of public administration

dr. Nicoleta ROMAN, Institutul de Istorie „Nicolae Iorga” & New Europe College In Mid-Nineteenth Century Wallachia: the orphans and the patronage of the Reigning Princess Abstract: Despite the efforts made by the authorities and by rich individuals, the number of orphans was still elevated in mid-nineteenth century Bucharest. After the union of the Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia (1859) starts an entire project that aims to solve this issue and expand social assistance for orphan children at the national level. This project is done in the capital, through the „Elena Doamna” Hospice. Our paper intends to follow the trajectory of this initiative from three perspectives: the one of the founders (Elena Cuza); the one of its reach to the larger population and, as much as it is possible, from the children’s side. Although this subject has already been tackled by the Romanian historiography, we propose a new approach that includes both edited sources (press, legislation) and archival documents. One of the objectives is to link this project, which highly mirrors of the image of Elena Cuza in the public’s eyes, to the modernization of the Principalities with reference to social assistance. Keywords: Modern Romania, Reigning Princess Elena Cuza, orphan assistance, „Elena Doamna” Hospice, administrative modernization

dr. Ligia LIVADĂ-CADESCHI, Facultatea de Științe Politice, Universitatea București; Institutul de Studii Sud-Est Europene, Academia Română The dilemmas of the health system in modern Romania. The official public doctor Abstract: In the second half of the 19th century, in Romania, hygienic-sanitary and public health aspects were among the tasks of prefects and subprefects, without occupying a privileged position. In the Romanian space, both hygiene/medicine and the prefectural institution are initially imported products. In 1864, the Romanians chose the French model for the communal administration and the prefectural institution. Doctors, most often public doctors, are the product of European medical schools (especially French, in the second half of the 19th century). France remains throughout the 19th century the turning point of theoretical debates on hygiene, healthcare and social care, but here hygiene institutions have only been advisory, not being empowered to take and impose sanitation or medical prevention measures that many other states, of very different sizes and forces have managed to adopt. Romania imported the prefect's institution on the French line, where its explicit tasks concerned only unsanitary industries. The Law for Urban and Rural Communes and the Law for County Councils (1864) instead granted important sanitary tasks to both the prefect of the county and the mayor of the commune. The law created the legal framework for the administration's involvement in hygiene and public health issues, but it left a lot of freedom of action for those who were to apply it. The first modern health law (1874) organized the health service as a state service, in the form of a Directorate within the Ministry of the Interior. Modern in itself, this model will be tainted by the lack of autonomy of the health administration, the advisory nature of its organs, the permanent financial deficits, but also by the lack of imperativeness of the sanitary regulations. The health reports, drawn up exclusively by doctors, show that the legislation was partially and defectively or simply not at all applied, and the main cause was the lack of cooperation of local authorities. Our study is based on three health reports of the Higher Health Council (established since 1885), which were made up following annual inspections that council members carried out in the territory, accompanied by the prefects of the respective counties. The first is of Dr. Râmniceanu, for the counties of Constanta, , Dolj and Mehedinți, since 1886. In three out of four counties the overall balance sheet is negative and the main responsible are the representatives of the local government. The only one who enjoys a fundamentally positive appreciation is Tulcea, where the results are due to the constant involvement of the administration. The other two reports (1886; 1897) belong to one and the same person, Dr. Gheorghe Sabin, department doctor in Vâlcea County, then primary physician of Râmnicu Vâlcea and finally, prefect of Vâlcea between 1904-1907 and 1910-1912. Dr. Sabin captures the full range of relationships that the doctor, the villagers and the local authorities could develop, from the overt opposition of the locals to the health policy measures decided by the mayor at the doctor's requirement, to the dodges or the effective refusal of the mayors to collaborate with the doctor. Dr Sabin's conclusions are of disarming sincerity: „After 5 years of experience I can state in the knowledge that if an epidemic ceases, it is not due to the struggles of the most conscientious doctor, who will struggle like fish on land, without being able to carry out neither the prophylactic measures nor the preventive ones...smallpox did not cease when we wanted to, but from other unknown circumstances”. Communication between doctors and authorities has always been difficult, as the health system and local governments respond to fundamentally different internal logics. If the first operates, to achieve concrete results at the level of decades, the latter think in terms of election cycles and immediate results. In 1907, an excellent anonymous pamphlet, starting from the premise that „The doctor has no executive power. He orders and the administration executes”, advised his fellow brothers who had arrived in the communes to always look „ which [electoral] college the mayor belongs to and who he is married to”. The networks of relations in the territory are always political, even if in theory they are administrative functions. In his memoirs (1938), Dr. I. Bordea recounted how „the doctor, being a county employee, was exposed to losing his post, even if he opposed the Directorate- General of the Health Service, which named the doctor and here is how: by the budget the prefect disbanded the network run by a so-called instigator doctor [...]. After 2-3 months he would re-establish it and ask for the appointment of another doctor. In fact, the network doctor had no stability and the prefect of the time could do whatever he wanted with him”. In the case of prefects, the political burden of the function prevailed, in practice, over the administrative one, and in the evaluation of their activity, hygienic-sanitary concerns remain marginal and are invoked almost accidentally. Keywords: Modern Romania, public health system, official public doctor status, hygienic- sanitary measures, public administration, prefect

dr. Cristina GUDIN, Facultatea de Istorie, Universitatea București Measures to modernize the rural area in the second half of the 19th century Abstract: In the second half of the nineteenth century, the authorities intensified their efforts to improve the living conditions of the peasants, which produced changes in the image of the village itself, but also in their daily routine. Given that the mortality rate was very high, and the incidence of contagious diseases was alarming, the authorities initiated policies to improve the health status among the peasants. These aspects will be developed in the communication. Keywords: Romania, nineteenth century, modernisation, rural world, social policies

dr. Lelia ZAMANI, independent researcher The economic and social evolution of the city of Bucharest in the second half of the nineteenth century, important stage of the development and modernization of the future capital of Great Romania Abstract: Over time, starting from its attestation as a seat fortress, Bucharest has acquired a special place in the life and history of Romanians. The nucleus of the city was formed on the place of the old settlements on the left bank of Dâmboviţa, at the meeting with Bucureştioara, now dried water. The fair (because for a long time Bucharest had such a meaning) experienced a continuous progress, at first quite slow, then more accelerated, until it became the definitive capital of the country; but the city began to take shape, as it is today, with the second half of the nineteenth century. Over time, there have been a number of other reasons why Bucharest has begun to gain increasing importance, but the factor that has constantly prevailed has been the economic one, the town being for a long time a significant source of sales or transit on the roads of the merchants who came from the , to Brasov and , and further, to Western Europe. Trade has always been one of the important branches of the Romanian economy. As one of the freedoms enjoyed by foreigners was the freedom of trade, it was no wonder that most were merchants. Monopoly of outsiders, trade was considered an easy occupation and quite profitable for those who practiced it. The business of Greek, Turkish, Armenian, Bulgarian, Serb, German, Jewish, etc. merchants prospered over time, and the number of all those who did business grew. In addition to the existence of an increasingly intense commercial life, divided into two branches: stable and itinerant trade, Bucharest was also an important craft center, the trades also having a significant role in the economy. Starting from the second half of the 17th century, inns appeared, safe places for sheltering people, animals and goods, and this not only along the roads to Bucharest, but also in the city, where goods could easily be found by buyers. By the middle of the 19th century, the city seemed to have had over a hundred larger or smaller inns, of which the largest and most important were grouped in the Old Court area. For a long time, trade and crafts were also sheltered between the strong walls of the inns, but with their decline and new economic and urban-urban transformations, the number of shops and stores had increased along the central and peripheral streets. Foreign travellers who come to us remembered, among other things, the streets of the city full of expensive and diverse goods exhibited for sale in the city by many merchants, who were also Romanians, but especially foreigners, who had concentrated mainly in the city center, where, on the streets there opened shops with goods of all kinds. The election, in 1859, of Bucharest as the capital of the two Romanian Principalities: Wallachia and Moldavia, resulted in the development of the city at an accelerated pace from an economic point of view, but also socially, urban and cultural. At the same time, Bucharest became the main arena of national political life, of confrontations of opinion. As the importance of trade and trades continued to be overwhelming in the economy and life of the people of Bucharest at that time, when the industry was just booming, many of the streets were named after those who carried out certain trades and, implicitly, a trade in their labour products. The main street of merchants and craftsmen was for a long time Lipscani Street, former “The Big street”, the first street in Bucharest mentioned in a document, on June 5, 1589. In turn, other streets appeared that were named after the trade or the trades carried out by those who populate them: Gabroveni Street, Şelari Street, Blănari Street, Covaci Street, etc. Gradually, the place of Lipscani Street was eclipsed by the Mogoșoaiei Bridge, which from 1878 received the name of Calea Victoriei, becoming the center of gravity of the city where were the most expensive stores that sold only luxury goods. The shops in the center, most with large and bright windows, loaded with goods and resounding advertisements, enticed passers-by. Thus, customers with a helping hand no longer had to bring their desired goods from Paris, or Vienna, as often happens, but could buy them from luxury stores on Calea Victoriei, or elsewhere in the central area. The Western influences that had encompassed Bucharest - starting, timidly, with the first decades of the century -, to the detriment of the Eastern ones, were becoming more and more felt in the way of thinking, dressing and living of the rich. The formation of the modern Romanian state and the full acquisition of Independence created a wide space for the country's development. From the second half of the nineteenth century and in the first decades of the twentieth century, handicraft production developed; the pace of economic development had increased significantly, the country's business volume had increased, industry was beginning to gain momentum, new companies and modern stores had been created, the Stock Exchange, the Chamber of Commerce and Industry and a number of banks had been set up. Bucharest became a strong center of Romanian finances, and after the Union of 1918, it became the capital of the whole of Romania, a modern capital in a time meant to no longer stand still. Keywords: Bucharest, economy, trade, trades, foreigners

dr. Virgil Aurelian BĂLUȚĂ, Universitatea Spiru Haret The philosophy of Romania's social and economic policies during the reign of King Carol I Abstract: The article includes the main elements of Romania's social and economic policies during the reign of King Carol I (1866-1914). I consider in this article the understanding and generalization of sound principles of public management applied through Romania’s social and economic policies at that time, under the direct guidance of the . A first approach is the one in which the concrete evolutions of the parameters of the economic and social policies are presented, as they are recorded in official documents, with the explanation of the mechanisms and policies that generated them. Another research plan is that of well-known comments and analyses related to that period, with applicability to social and economic policies. The third plan of the research follows the personal opinions of King Carol I regarding Romania’s social and economic policies, representing as a whole, a true philosophy of balance and reason in the government of the state. Each of the 3 axes of research puts them face to face with elements of social and economic theory valid today and with policies applied by Romania after the “era of the Great King Carol I”. Through this article, I capitalize on documents related to the reign of King Carol I and statistical results recorded for that period. At the same time, I make a connection between the results of historical research of the reign of King Carol I and the current state of knowledge of the theory in the field of social and economic policies. In the article, I have identified the following fundamental elements of social and economic policies during the reign of King Carol I: the wise combination of continuity and innovation in the act of government, balanced budget, long-term policy design, clear targets, perfect accordance between stated and real objectives (accordance between thought and deed), firmness in the application of policies, decisions made on the basis of fair reasoning, knowledge and application of advanced management rules. Keywords: social and economic policies, King Carol I, modern Romania, budget, public finance, development

dr. Maria-Camelia ENE, Muzeul Municipiului București Balls in 19th century Bucharest Abstract: As part of the cultural and artistic entertainment, the balls, true performances of the high society, were the most important events of Romanian social life in the 19th century. The intense and complex social life maintained by these manifestations, the luxury carried out on such occasions have attributed to the balls a special popularity, with resonance in the collective imagination, in the memoirs, literature and press of the time. The process of modernization of Romanian society, perceivable since the last decades of the 18th century and evident in the first half of the 19th century, puts the coat of a long and contrasting transition from a Phanariot, patriarchal and quasi-oriental society, to an European one, dynamic and modern, of Western influence. This complex process of Europeanization is very visible at the level of the elites, the social group which, through the cultural, material and symbolic resources at its disposal, was most prone to the reception of cultural innovation. Located mainly in cities, the elites have circulated and disseminated, through imitation mechanisms, some of these cultural imports into the urban environment, the most visible changes being recorded in terms of fashion, public conduct, social representation, everyday practices, etc., but also in society entertainment. According to the laudatory confessions of contemporary observers, these numerous and lavish manifestations, held both in the private and public sectors, offered consistency and brilliance to the social life in the Romanian cities, especially in the two capitals of the , Iasi and Bucharest. The military conflicts between Russia, Austria and Turkey in the second half of the 18th century also had important consequences for indigenous society life. A.D. Xenopol claimed that the taste of the balls increased especially after the Russian entered the Romanian countries during the war of 1769-1774. In the article entitled “Society and morals during the Phanariot rule”, published in “The Archive. The organ of the Scientific and Literary Society of Iasi” (1889), he made the statement: “In these balls given by the Russian generals and returned by the Romanian boyars, more and more new models and customs have been inserted, which in the beginning had completely changed the art of the old delights”. The opening of consulates in Bucharest contributed, by virtue of rules imposed by the diplomatic protocol, to the multiplication of balls and dinners in the two capitals. A similar role in encouraging the balls have the clubs, also set up in the last Phanariot decade, at the initiative of Russian officers. Remarkable between these was the “noble club” or “the great club”, frequented by the members of the royal family and the great nobility. The main attractions of the club were mainly the masquerade balls held here two or three times a week, the club becoming very crowded especially in the last days of the carnival. Although the carnival had the importance of a stand-alone institution existing from time immemorial, however, it was never celebrated with more fervor than in the 19th century. Costumed balls were held from January to the Shrove Tuesday. The people of the 19th century felt an acute need to travel to past eras with specific fashion, especially through dressing-up. After “Europeanization” (so, after 1830) this custom was adopted - until then unknown and unrelated to ancestral traditions - in Romanian principalities, along with all the other trends from the West (clothing, gastronomic, musical, literary, behavioral, etc.). Last but not least, the royal courts were favorable environments for the reception and propagation of foreign fashion, being the places where the presence of foreigners, whether secretaries and teachers in the private service of the price, or military, diplomats, merchants or mere foreign travelers, is almost permanent. Sensible to the reactions of the Great Powers on which the fate of the Danubian principalities depended, like their predecessors, the first local rulers organize, in turn, receptions and lavish balls in honor of the important diplomats who pass through Bucharest. Traditional Romanian and Levantine dances were practiced by the boyars only for the amusement and curiosity of the Russian officers, who, in turn, taught the Romanians “polkas, quadrille and other European dances”. A similar contribution was made by the “tailed Germans” of Prince Coburg, during the war of 1789-1791. Bals had a pronounced modernizing role. Whether it is the ambience and amenities of the dance hall, or the music, dance , fashion, manners, education, social language, etc., the transition between East and West is highly visible and alert in the ballroom. The modernizing effect of these manifestations of social life was also reflected in urban life, which they socially energized, culturally enriched and economically stimulated, while giving it local brilliance and color. We, therefore, intend to make a foray into this colorful age, not only through words, but also through images. The ball scenes from the Fine arts and Photography Collections of the Bucharest Municipality Museum will introduce us to that atmosphere. Keywords: Romanian society, nineteenth century, social life, balls, modernization

Theodor Aman, At a soiree, oil on wood, „Theodor Aman” Museum, heritage of the Bucharest Municipality Museum

Theodor Aman, Soiree at Ştirbey Palace, oil on wood, „Theodor Aman” Museum, heritage of the Bucharest Municipality Museum

Irina Suțu in ball dress, Irina Suțu in ball dress, photo by Franz Duschek, photo by Franz Mandy Photography Collection, PhotographyCollection, Bucharest Municipality Museum Bucharest Municipality Museum

Costume ball at the , photo by Franz Mandy, Photography Collection, Bucharest Municipality Museum PARIS PACE CONFERENCE (1919-1920) AND ITS CONSEQUENCES ON THE EVOLUTION OF CENTRAL AND SOUTH-EAST EUROPE

dr. Mihai MILCA, Școala Națională de Studii Politice și Administrative Romania’s politico-diplomatic steps regarding the international recognition of the Great Union in the period preceding the signing of the Peace Treaty of Trianon (1920) Abstract: The dynamics of the events that followed the historical act of December 1, 1918 meant for Romania an intensification and an absolute orientation of the actions undertaken by the top political leadership abroad, the diplomatic and military options being subsumed to a strategic objective supreme-international legal consecration the cause of national unity, the territorial integrity of the country and its post-war borders. The Paris Peace Conference highlighted throughout its time a difficult gap between the generous principles of the Wilsonian vision of the right of nations and nationalities to live in a Europe with secure and equitable interstate borders and the interests of the great victorious powers to dominate and intervene in the internal affairs of small nation-states. For Romania, the challenges of this stage - the years 1919 -1920 - were multiple, demanding and often loaded with tensions, fears, disappointments and undeserved treatments. The Peace Treaty with Hungary was announced from the beginning as a desideratum that involved not only negotiations on sight or behind the scenes but also persistent efforts to counter obstructions of all kinds to which the Hungarian side indulged, sometimes with the tacit encouragement of Romania's own allies, as well as a raging revisionist propaganda of Budapest, with counterproductive echoes in European capitals, in political circles, in the press and at the level of public opinion. The issue of minorities strangely turned into a diplomatic casus belli meant to complicate Romania's situation and favor Budapest's claims against the successor countries of the late Habsburg Empire in which Hungary had a privileged position. The battle for the international recognition of Romania's western border, for resolving the affiliation of and Maramureș to the mother country was doubled by a tenacious and energetic approach to resolve at the same time de jure, not only de facto, the problem of , which Western allies did not give proper importance, but gave Romania the mission to function as part of a “sanitary cordon” configured to stop the expansion of Bolshevism in Europe. Trianon undoubtedly also had the role of ensuring a political and legal framework for the security and stability of Central Europe and the Danube area, which would be achieved through the Little Agreement, a defensive alliance of Romania, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia and in response to Hungary's revisionist policy in the 1920s and 1930s. The Peace Treaty signed at Trianon in 1920 was from a European perspective a moment of major reference, a component of resistance of any European construction, including the current one, the European Union, in which security, stability, trust, good neighbourliness and mutual respect between nations equal and sovereign are the cornerstone and the true historical necessity understood. Keywords: Trianon Peace Treaty, nation-states, nationalities, minorities, revisionism

dr. Leonida MOISE, Universitatea Hyperion, București Trends in the evolution of international security after the First World War Abstract: Following the conclusion of the Peace Treaties, an important issue was the creation of an international framework for cooperation and the elimination of war from international practice. The basic principle in the new security strategy was that of collective security, which consisted in identifying ways to eliminate any sources of conflict likely to degenerate into war, a goal to which all states had to engage. A decisive role in promoting the principle of collective security was played by the United States, namely President Woodrow Wilson, who advocated a new approach to security, whereby the right to prevail against any selfish aggression, to prevent one alliance from rising against another. America condemned the principle of the balance of power that had dominated international relations until the outbreak of and considered the practice of so-called real politik immoral. This view of international relations began with the Americans' confidence in essentially peaceful human nature, and hence, by extrapolation, to democratic nations, which, with guaranteed self-determination, would have no reason to go to war. Collective security also took into account the importance of public opinion in combating and eliminating countries of conflict and war and the ability of democratic societies to show solidarity in order to condemn war. Starting from the statement that human nature is not always reduced to selfish motivations, it was appreciated that ideals determine human behaviour and, consequently, the interests of individuals, states and the entire international community are in a potential harmony and that it is possible , with the help of reason, that the universal principles be transformed into norms and laws that replace the existing state of nature in the relations between states. The instrument proposed for the implementation of the principle of collective security was the (League of Nations), which functioned on the basis of a Pact negotiated with the allied and associated powers, adopted by the Paris Peace Conference on 28 April 1919, which entered into force in January 1920. Keywords: peace, war, collective security, human nature, harmony of interests, international relations, norms, laws

drd. Giulia CHIELLI, Universitatea „Aldo Moro” din Bari Woodrow Wilson: utopia or realism Abstract: The post-war period placed the fate of Europe in the hands of the United States. Europe was totally dependent on the United States during the war for material aid (food, clothing, and durable goods) and was, to an even greater extent, financially dependent after the war. At the Paris Conference (January 18, 1919 - January 21, 1920), two alternative perspectives were confronted that are supported by diametrically opposed logics, in order to draw the future geopolitical spaces of the old continent. Thomas Woodrow Wilson, President of the United States, set out his vision in the famous fourteen points, while Georges Clemenceau, French Prime Minister and Minister of War, had a much tougher view of the punitive attitude towards Germany by imposing greater compensation, guaranteed by the military occupation of the Rhine. The Wilsonian vision, although strongly impregnated with ethical-political contents, focused on a humanitarian front and ideal goals, which did not appear to be too convincing from a practical point of view and of the concrete solutions that had to be applied. It is therefore no coincidence that, during the proceedings of the Paris Conference, those principles, solemnly stated in the fourteen points, were ignored or substantially changed. Indeed, many times, among the victorious powers, behind the bombastically stated principles were hidden the exact opposite, so much so that an acute observer and witness of the proceedings of the Paris Conference, Lord John Maynard Keynes, argued that the main feature of the negotiations was the lack of sincerity. The aim of this study is to question the traditional historiographical reconstruction, which tends to contrast Woodrow Wilson, considered a selfless defender of the principles of affirming a new world order based on self-determination of peoples and equal dignity, participation in the birth of the League. Nations, etc. with the interests of other European countries, which were led by France (which did not lose their resentment towards Germany after the disastrous defeat they suffered in the Franco-Prussian conflict of 1870-1871), which aimed to divide the spoils, of the territories of the defeated countries and ensuring as many gains as possible, even to the detriment of the other allies. Is it possible to see another project behind the utopian principles asserted by the American president? Does the US President's insistence on the recognition of global trade freedom and the refusal of a peace that would impose on Germany the status of a second-tier power, which has caused major crises among the winning nations and prevented a global balance, not hide a policy cruel and realistic? Was it not perhaps a first step in the project of asserting a global hegemony of the USA? Who else could have benefited from a free trade system if not the United States, which had become the world's leading economic power anyway? Who would have benefited from a Europe without a dominant country (given the particular situation of Russia, which, however, due to its industrial and economic backwardness was not, at that time, an imminent danger), if not the United States whose overwhelming military force was backed by a war industry that demonstrated its inexhaustible production capacity during the First World War? Keywords: Woodrow Wilson, World War I, Paris Peace Conference, Germany, France

dr. Alda KUSHI, Universitatea „Aldo Moro” din Bari Albania: the traded commodity in the policies of the Great War Abstract: Some historical events leave indelible imprint on the destiny of some states. This is the case of the Paris Conference for Albania, even though this state was not directly involved in the conflict. Political chaos engulfed Albania after the outbreak of World War I: the Principality had lost its legitimacy following the departure of the Prince William of Wied and soon Albania, from being a state, turned into a traded commodity for the Great Powers. Even though the Country of Eagles did not build alliances during World War I, it became a battlefield for seven different forces, which entered its territory: Austrian, Serbian, Montenegrin, Greek, French, Bulgarian and Italian. Overlooking the Adriatic Sea, Albania represented an attractive location for neighbouring States that were expanding their boundaries, and for Italy, which intended to have power over the Adriatic Sea through the control of Otranto Channel. Greece, Montenegro and Italy profited from an unstable situation: Albania lacked a single recognized government, and the alliances among European states, that strongly supported the creation of the Albanian State in 1913, now lacked political balance on the issue of Albania. The three countries tried to satisfy their geo-political ambitions: they invaded Albania and concluded treaties to divide among themselves the land. In this context, the most important treaty was the Pact of London, concluded in 1915 between Italy and the Powers of the Entente. After one year from the outbreak of World War I and following a series of negotiations with both the blocks, Italy put an end to its neutrality and decided to take part in the conflict by siding against the . The Pact of London was the document that contained the conditions under which Italy would enter the war with the Entente. Italy’s requests were focused on two specific areas: on the one hand Trento, Istria and Dalmatia, on the other hand the control on the Adriatic Sea. Italy’s interest in the Adriatic Sea directly involved Albania because it requested the full sovereignty on Valona and the isle of Saseno, together with the control on a sufficiently large territory, to ensure the defence of these areas. Italy would not stand opposite the possibility of a division of the Northern and Southern part of Albania between Montenegro, Serbia and Greece, if Italy’s above requests and the request to preserve a small autonomous and neutral state in the central part of Albania were satisfied. Italy was not very concerned with pursuing Montenegro, Serbia and Greece’s expansionist intents. Quite the contrary. But it was positively aware that the Powers of Entente wished to promote the aspirations of the allied countries. However, fearing that, after the war, they would increase their aspirations, thus destroying Albanian territories and reaching Durrëss, Italy explicitly requested to preserve a small autonomous Albanian state that Italy itself would represent in external relations. Italy’s conditions to go to war coincided with the project of dissolution of the Albanian territory.

The partition of Albania according to the Pact of London - 1915

• North West to Montenegro • North East to Serbia • South West to Italy • South East to Greece

Edith Durham wrote these words to remember Albania situation during World War I „The new Albanian State was thrown to the wolves to save the oldest”. If during the Paris Conference they had taken into account the ambitions of the neighbouring states and of the deals done behind the Albanians' backs on the destiny of Albania, today’s geographical map would have appeared completely different. President Wilson played a fundamental role in this context: he put an end to the secret diplomacy and to the world order based on the Great Powers. He was determined to support small nations and the principle of self-determination of people, as part of his Fourteen Points post war goals. The Versailles Conference did not decide on the post war status of Albania, and postponed the topic to future meetings; however, it contributed once and for all to prevent the dissolution of its land. Keywords: Albania, World War I, Paris Peace Conference, dismantling/dismemberment projects, chaos, the principle of self-determination

dr. Ursula OLLENDORF, Universitatea „Aldo Moro” din Bari The Perception of the Paris Treaty in Germany Reality does not exist except for that created by the word, Humboldt, 1822 Only one Science exists: the Science of History, K. Marx, 1851 Economy does not deal with objects, but with relationships between men, Fr. Engels, 1857 Abstract: Texts and writings of democratic authors dealing with the Nazi period in Germany, although with different historical or sociological approaches, most of the time, are based on the following question: “how could it have happened?”, and the aim of their research is in unison to commit to “never again!”, while reading texts that speak of the Paris Treaty, of recent articles the authors express themselves with a lexicon belonging to the emotionality, an indicator of many open wounds, where resentments still revolve around both the loss of territories and colonies, and if not more, on the perceived spite from the representatives of the winning states. While the Italian Wikipedia site states the keywords „Conferenza di Pace di Parigi” („Paris Peace Conference”), it clearly lists the facts of the dates and locations of the Conference; in the German site with the same keywords „Pariser Friedens-Konferenz 1919”, we find two paragraphs on the two-part theme of the Conference. In the first paragraph one complains that in the specific literature, the authors often overlook the fact that an interallied pre-conference took place with the exclusion of the Germans, which upon the proposal of the French, was set for 18 January. In the second paragraph, the German Wikipedia remembers that this was the date of the proclamation of the First Reich, and if that was not enough, in the same Hall of the Chateau de Versailles where, in 1871, Wilhelm I was crowned King. The comparison between the Italian site and the German one of Wikipedia is only one among several examples of the mighty power of words as well as of a text and the mechanisms in which they give birth to our image of the world. Furthermore, as described by Mike Scott and Christopher Tribble, there is the intention to make the reader aware of the human beings inability to see things „as they are” without immediately creating any links that like in the specific case, takes him to better times, or rather, for Germans, to victorious times. And in the same moment, words like „coronation” create a further link in the human mind, to a world of fairy tales like, for example, Sissy. An observation that makes one reflect in times when Europe slides from one identity crisis to another, when a pandemic requires a tight union any way you look at it, then issues concerning territories are the least of our worries. From there, the invitation to continue the analysis with a method based on linguistic aspects, in this way, avoiding to take a text as a pure source of information, and opening, on the other hand, the possibility of reading these texts in an 'astorical' way, in order to give the historical moment under discussion a position from which to draw conclusions for the current situation. After a very synthetic summary of the historical situation of the conferences in favor of the Treaty in order to recall the constellations between the states in the situation after the First World War, the report analyses texts chosen from the theme booklet: „1919 - der Vertrag von Versailles, und warum er keinen Frieden brachte” („1919 - the and why it did not lead to peace”) by the newspaper’s publishing house Die Zeit with the method of analysis of the corpus of texts and keywords. A method that allows to bring to the reader’s awareness that he is reading a text that speaks of a bygone era and invites him to reflect on the fact that, with the lexicon of the article, he is automatically relating it to his world and experiences of today, a vicious circle that, by breaking it, allows a detached vision of his own history. Keywords: Guilt of War, Obligations of reparation payments, Pre-conference inter-alliance, Reorganization of the world, Corpus - Text - Analysis

dr. Mariana LAZĂR, Muzeul Național Cotroceni Minorities Treaty - divergent topic between the Romanian delegation and the Supreme Council at the Peace Conference (May-December 1919) Abstract: In January 1919, representatives of the Allied and Associated Powers in the Great War (32 states) were meeting in Paris, with the mission of restoring world peace after the most devastating military conflict that humanity had ever experienced and to draw the new borders, mainly in Central and Eastern Europe. It was an extremely difficult mission, in the sense of taking into account various, often contradictory interests, even between allies and to eliminate, as far as possible, justifications or pretexts for further conflicts. For the Romanian delegation, headed by Prime Minister Ion I.C. Brătianu, the main objective was to obtain international legal recognition of the plebiscite acts in 1918, to unite Basarabia, Bukovina, , Banat, Crișana and Maramureș with the Romanian Kingdom, and to establish the new borders according to ethnic, political and economic criteria. It was not an easy task, given that in the hierarchy of decisions Romania had been included among states with „particular/limited interests”. The consequence was that in negotiating and achieving the treaties’ stipulations with the defeated states, even on subjects concerning the country’s interests, the Romanian diplomats were not always consulted or some of their opinions had not been taken into account. Given that in drafting the stipulations of the peace treaties one of the central principles of the new diplomacy, promoted mainly by President Wilson, was that of nationalities, with its corollary, the right to self-determination, it was also natural to impose the idea of protecting the minorities. The relatively large number of ethnic minorities in newly created countries, such as Poland, Czechoslovakia, or which had significantly expanded their area, such as Romania, Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, Greece, which had to be guaranteed certain rights was taken into account. A certain role was also played by Jewish organizations in addition to the Conference officials, in order to obtain rights for their communities spread across European countries. On the 1st May 1919, the Committee of New States and Minorities was established, under the chairmanship of the French Minister Philippe Berthelot, composed of the representatives of the five Great Powers (France, England, USA, Italy, Japan). Its aim was to draft the Minorities Treaty, which the new successor states were obliged to sign, as a prerequisite to their diplomatic recognition. It was the context in which disagreements between the Romanian delegation and the Conference officials would begin, which would lead to the departure of Ionel Brătianu from Paris and, subsequently, the resignation of the liberal government. At the end of May, when they were briefly presented the stipulations of the Treaty with Austria, I. Brătianu contested the content of Article 60, which specified that Romania agreed to conclude a separate Treaty with the Allied and Associated Powers, which would include the stipulations they would „consider necessary in order to protect in Romania the interests of the inhabitants who distinguish themselves through race, language or religion from the majority of the population”. The Romanian Prime Minister did not oppose to granting minorities rights, but appreciated that such a treaty attempted to the status of Romania as a sovereign state and, through the possibility of foreign intervention, undermined the action to achieve a cohesion of Romanian society and the state's foundation. He proposed that instead of this clause it should be included in the Treaty with Austria that „Romania grants all minorities of language, race and religion living within its new borders, equal rights to those that other Romanian citizens have”. In reply, G. Clemenceau, W. Wilson and Lloyd George made it clear that their intention was not to humiliate or violate the rights of a sovereign state. However, they considered it absolutely necessary for the governments of the new states or of the states who benefited from the expansion of their territories to assume, by a Treaty signed with the Great Powers, their commitment to a liberal policy towards minorities. It was considered that this would eliminate one of the key factors of instability that would have threatened peace in the area, an idea that was not shared by Brătianu or the other prime ministers, especially the Serbian one, who saw in the possibility of this appeal for an external forum a cause for the non-integration of minorities. At the conclusion of the Treaty with Germany (28 June 1919), only Poland agreed to sign the Minorities Treaty. Since his proposals had not been taken into account, although they provided sufficient guarantees to the status of minorities, Ion I.C. Brătianu would leave Paris as a sign of protest at the beginning of July and would adopt the „policy of resistance”, in agreement with King Ferdinand and the government. On the 25th of August, the Minorities Treaty draft was sent to Romania, with unacceptable formulations since the preamble, which called into question its status after forty years as an independent and internationally established state. Brătianu's reaction was downright, conveying to the Supreme Council that Romania does not sign the treaty with Austria, nor that of minorities, with those formulations and clauses. The Romanian state, however, agreed to adopt any provision on the issue of minorities, which all the states joining the League of Nations admitted to their territories. On the 10th of September, the Allied and Associated Powers signed the Treaty with Austria, at Saint-Germain en Laye, in the absence of the Romanian delegates and those of the Serbian-Croatian-Slovenian Kingdom. In these circumstances, considering also the complaints against Romania with regards to the occupation of Budapest, on the 12th of September, Prime Minister Brătianu submitted the resignation of the government to the King. Although he was aware that it was a necessity for the Romanian state to remain with the Allied Powers, he rejected the clauses imposed on Romania by the Supreme Council and the attitude towards the Romanian delegation. Following the consultations, King Ferdinand appointed General Arthur Văitoianu to form a new government, which continued the same political line in relation to the Conference officials. Romanian diplomats who found themselves in the French capital, V. Antonescu, Nicolae Mișu (became Foreign Minister), Al. Vaida-Voievod, Gen. C. Coandă, continued their efforts to obtain an agreement agreed by both sides, noting that the political and economic interests of the Great Powers in the Central and South-Eastern European area were important in taking decisions. The exchange of notes continued, until the Supreme Council addressed an ultimatum to the Romanian government, delivered by the ambassadors of Great Powers on the 24th of November. Specifying that Romania owed its new territorial configuration to the victory of the Allies, it was asked of them to evacuate the territory of Hungary up to the borders that had been communicated to it and to sign the treaty with Austria and that concerning the Minorities. If Romania would not send a positive response within eight days, the allies would interrupt diplomatic relations with it, it would be excluded from the Peace Conference, and its rights in the regulation of the country’s borders would not be recognized. Meanwhile, on the 27th of November, in Neuilly, the peace treaty with was also signed, in the absence of the Romanian delegates, whose presence had been conditioned by the signing of the Treaty with Austria. The situation was extremely complicated, including the internal one, because following the elections the new Parliament was to meet and then form a new government, which implied a certain period, especially since the King had difficulty in identifying a Prime Minister. Through the sustained efforts of King Ferdinand and Queen Maria, as well as several Romanian and foreign dignitaries, including V. Antonescu, the Romanian ambassador to Paris, certain adjustments to the clauses of the Minorities treaty and a delay in the ultimatum were negotiated. Thus, the Committee of Minorities would consider the proposed amendments, in order to remove from the preamble the reference to the and the conditional independence of Romania, to mention that the treaty was agreed upon by mutual accord and to leave out the two articles dedicated to the Jews, noting the decree-law of May to naturalize them. On the 6th of December, the government led by Alexandru Vaida-Voevod took the oath. The new Prime Minister, who had supported Brătianu's opposition policy, considered that in the current circumstances it was dangerous for the Romanian people to continue this strategy. Consequently, since the amendments proposed by the Romanian side had been accepted, Vaida-Voevod informed the Allied ambassadors to tell their governments that Romania accepted to sign the two treaties and together with King Ferdinand delegated General C. Coandă, in Paris at the time, to sign. On the 9th of December 1919, the Allied and Associated Powers and Romania concluded „by mutual agreement” on the Minorities treaty, signed on behalf of King Ferdinand by General Coandă, a significant aspect if we were to take into account the responsibility involved and taken by a military man and not a politician. The Treaty was structured into two chapters, the first concerning the rights that Romania recognized to minorities, and the second one referred to the free transit of people and goods on its territory. By this international act, the Romanian Government undertook to grant full protection to the life and freedom of all its inhabitants, regardless of their nationality, language, race and religion, the free exercise of religion and faith, as long as it did not achieve public order and good morals, equality before the law, the same civil and political rights in accessing public functions and services, as in the exercise of any profession or industry. Romanian nationality was acquired by the simple act of being born on Romanian territory, including Jews who lived on Romanian territory and who had no other nationality. The Romanian subjects belonging to an ethnic minority, religion or language, had the right to establish, manage and control, at their own expense, charitable institutions, religious or social, schools in their own language. All these stipulations were international obligations, under the guarantee of the Society of Nations, as Brătianu had requested, and not of the Great Powers. At the same time with this Treaty, on 10th December, the plenipotentiaries C-tin Coandă and Ion Pelivan signed on behalf of the Romanian sovereign the accession declaration, whereby the „accesses without any condition or reservation” the peace treaty with Austria (including Articles 60 and 61, on the minorities clause and the free transit clause), to the Agreement on the contribution to the „expenditure spending on the liberation of the territories of the former Austro-Hungarian monarchy”, as well as the peace treaty with Bulgaria. This brought an end to the crisis that had generated disagreements and resentment on both sides, Romania gaining international legal recognition for its northern and southern borders. However, the mission of the Romanian diplomacy had not yet been completed, the following year, 1920, continuing equally complicated negotiations. Keywords: Paris Peace Conference, minority rights, Ion I.C. Brătianu, Minorities Treaty

dr. Ștefan PETRESCU, Institutul de Studii Sud-Est Europene Romanian Journalists in Southeast Europe between 1919 and 1923 Abstract: This paper analyses the international framework and focuses primarily on balance of war and peace in the Balkans during the early years of the post-war period as they are reflected in the main daily Romanian newspapers. In 1918, the Great War had not ended for the eastern part of the continent. One by one, the Russian, Austro-Hungarian, and Ottoman empires disintegrated, and their territories came under the rule of the neighbouring nation-states. The Greco-Turkish war in Asia Minor (1920-1922) overturned the victors’ peace plans, changing the geopolitical configuration that had been established by the Treaty of Sèvres (1920). We draw the attention to the fact that the press correspondences from inside and outside Romania, although an extremely valuable source of documentation, have been completely ignored by historians. Romanian researchers who have dealt with the history of the press have addressed other topics, such as the biographies of some newspaper editors and journalists, cultural history and the history of advertising. The external column of the Romanian newspapers did not draw the attention that it would have been entitled to. We identified 11 correspondents from five Bucharest dailies: „Universul”, „Adevărul”, „Lupta” and „L’Indépendence Roumaine”. Of the five newspapers mentioned here, four had a long history, temporarily interrupted by Romania’s entry into the war. Following some misunderstandings, Constantin Mille left the management of the newspaper „Adevărul”, to found „Lupta”, where he brought some of his old collaborators as associates. Our presentation covers the following topics: the marriage in Belgrade of King Alexander of Serbia to the daughter of the royal family from Romania, Princess Maria; the marriage of the Crown Prince of Romania, Carol, to Princess Elena of Greece in Athens; the assassination of the Prime Minister of Bulgaria, Alexander Stamboliiski; the Greco-Turkish war (Mustafa Kemal’s revolution in Anatolia, the gloomy atmosphere of the last days of the Ottoman Empire in Constantinople); The Treaty of Lausanne. Of the 11 correspondents making the subject of this communication, three travelled on various occasions to the Balkan capital cities, namely Athens, Belgrade, Constantinople and Sofia: Mihai Negru from „Universul” (Belgrade, Sofia, twice to Constantinople and twice to Athens), Albert Hönigmann, aka Emil Fagure from „Lupta” (Athens and Constantinople), Stelian Popescu, director of the newspaper “Universul” (Constantinople and Lausanne), Mihail Mora from „Universul” (Athens), Vasile Canarache from „Dimineața”(Sofia), Henri Durand from „L ’Indépendence Roumaine” (Belgrade), Constantin G. Costa-Foru from the Romanian Press Association and from „Adevărul” (Belgrade), Ion Nedelea from „Dimineața” (Belgrade), Iosif Nădejde from „Dimineața” (Russe), George Rosin from „Lupta” (Belgrade) and Iacob Rosenthal, director of the newspaper „Adevărul” (Lausanne). We mention here another correspondent of „Universul”, called „Floridor”, who reached Angora (Ankara), at the camp of Mustafa Kemal. In lack of clear indications, we may only assume that „Floridor” is one and the same with Mihai Negru. In the autumn of 1922, the Romanian journalist interviewed Mustafa Kemal, the leader of the Turkish Revolution and the winner of the war against the Greeks. In 1921 and 1922, Mihai Mora and Mihai Negru obtained an audience with King Constantine of Greece. In the summer of 1922, Mihai Negru recounted the events that followed the overthrow of the Stamboliiski government in Sofia. The Romanian public opinion, which was altogether troubled by the state of permanent disorder from Southern , where the armed groups of Bulgarians threatened the authorities and the population, was receiving, from Sofia, news that were meant to calm the spirits. The itineraries of the Romanian journalists through the Balkan countries present today's reader with another perspective on the events. Journalists were not part of the political decision-making process, and their influence on backstage games cannot be quantified in any way. However, they were able to bring reality, as they perceived it, to the public. Through their work, they prevailed on the public opinion the feeling that the information was reaching the receiver from a secure and unaltered source. Keywords: Romania, daily newspapers, foreign correspondences, Southeast Europe, 1918-1923

Mihai Negru Mihai Negru

dr. Cristina VOHN, Institutul de Științe Politice și Relații Internaționale „Ion I. C. Brătianu”, Academia Română Central and South-Eastern Europe after the Trianon Treaty Abstract: The Treaty of Trianon enshrined the international recognition of the new states of Central and South-Eastern Europe, which were created or completed at the end of the First World War. The map of Central and South-Eastern Europe was officially redrawn from now on, so that the nations that had been integrated into the Habsburg Empire for centuries could obtain within their nation-states the rights and freedoms they had been deprived of within the empire. The Treaty of Trianon was part of the Paris Peace Conference which had produced a fundamental change in the geography of Central and South-Eastern Europe, while, at the same time, a similar change in the security equation of the European continent. The subject of security was almost exclusively the result of the balance of forces between the great empires, until the beginning of the First World War; at the end of the war, small and medium-sized states entered this equation, which, even though they had a much lower share of European security, they have their main goal was to ensure their own security, which is now becoming fundamental to their external policies. During the negotiations of the Paris Peace Conference, these small and medium-sized states had a special status, decided by the great victorious powers in the world conflagration. They were included in the category of “limited interests” States and were going to participate only in the work of sessions in which matters directly related to them were discussed. We consider it a symptom of how these states were treated during the negotiations of the peace treaties for their status in international relations during the interwar period. On the other hand, studying the relations between these countries and the great winning powers in the First World War can help to better understand the mechanisms underpinning a relationship between a great power and a small or medium state within the international system - a relationship that is less in the attention of international relations theorists. The Treaty of Trianon and the Paris Peace Conference meant for the small and medium-sized states, their international recognition in the new borders, which was the most important gain for them and the very reason they had entered First World War for some of them. For other states, international recognition of their state existence had been a dream they did not even believe was achievable before the outbreak of war. The creation or consolidation of the Central and South-Eastern European states has not been without criticism, which persists to this day. There is a whole literature that claims the vacuum of power that emerged in Central and Eastern Europe after the break-up of the great empires and the creation of the national states. This concept was a specific one for international relations until the 19th century, a conception with a simplistic view of the international relations that are greatly reduced to relations between the great power/empires. The formation of the states on national bases was a necessity claimed by the persecuted nationalities of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, by millions of people who did not enjoy rights and freedoms within multinational empires. This moment was one in which desiderates of so many individuals of different nationalities met with the political will of the leaders of the great victorious powers in the war. We are dealing with a process started from the bottom up, from the demands of individuals who wanted to be citizens in their own states, which was fulfilled by the decisions made by politicians at the Paris Peace Conference. Central and South-Eastern Europe became an area where the new national states had as main objectives the affirmation of their new state identity and its securitisation in international politics, at the end of the First World War. These objectives conflicted with the interests of some of the neighbouring states and thus generated disputes and conflicting states in the area, most often between the neighbouring states resulting from the break-up of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Keywords: Paris Peace Conference, Central and South Eastern Europe, Great Powers, little and middle states, power in international relations

dr. Ian Browne, independent researcher Nationalism and failure - nation states after the Treaty of Paris Abstract: In the immediate aftermath of the First World War the borders and the geographical distribution of Central and Eastern Europe’s population changed dramatically, with the forced movement of millions of people. The Treaty of Paris took as one of its aims the creation of independent nation states. The settlement negotiated there lasted barely 25 years and the political geography of Europe after 1945 bears little resemblance to that established by the Treaty of Paris; the human cost of the creation of the borders of modern European states was enormous. In the context of the European Union, which has dramatically reduced the importance of national borders within Europe, nationalism has come to be regarded as backward looking and reactionary, and progressive politics is seen as the overcoming of national identity. Many of the states in Central and Eastern Europe were either new entities or had new borders. The issue facing them was how to include these new citizens within their new nation states, as the allegiance of these citizens to their new nations was by no means clear. Some were from groups with different languages and traditions, and others, even though they might share the same language and perhaps some of the traditions and culture of the new nation were by no means wholeheartedly committed to membership of their new nation. There is a well-established school of thought within anthropology, based on extensive field work, that ethnic identity is a fluid concept, as much created as given. Building on the idea that national identities are created, and on the ideas of Ernest Renan, the political theorist Professor David Miller of Oxford University takes the view that there is a form of nationalism, based on the real and created differences between peoples, that can be a positive and socially liberal force in the creation of collective identity. However, Miller offers no philosophical guarantees that an inclusive collective identity will be created. The chances are just as great of creating an exclusionary conception of national identity, one which sees some inhabitants of a country as being less than equal citizens or even as not being real members of the national community at all. Since Miller sees nations as moral communities, a locus where the virtue of human solidarity can be given practical expression through political decisions and policies, it raises the possibility of certain conceptions of nationalism serving as the basis for immoral / amoral communities. That is to say, national communities that are the site of exclusion and discrimination, of political ills rather than political good. The interwar period posed the question to many of the new and expanded states of Central and Eastern Europe of what sort of conception of national identity they wanted to create, and the failure of many of these states to establish stable geographical boundaries and stable populations whose ethnic composition survived after the end of the Second World War is indicative of a failure to establish the kind of inclusive conception of national identity which Miller sees as vital if nations are to be moral rather than immoral / amoral communities. In the light of David Miller’s theoretical model of a liberal nationalism that is both substantive and inclusive, I propose to look at what options were available and what went wrong in the aftermath of the decisions taken by the Big Four on national boundaries and ethnic homogeneity in the Treaties of Paris. Keywords: nationalism, David Miller, Treaty of Paris, inclusive, human solidarity, self- determination, citizenship

dr. Dan PAVEL, Facultatea de Științe Politice, Universitatea București Violation of the provisions of the Paris Peace Conference: geopolitical consequences and historical controversies Abstract: The world order established after the First World War was one of the most controversial issues of the international community. The deep dissatisfaction with the way the borders were drawn was the basis of the activity of the revisionist states, being one of the direct causes of the outbreak of the Second World War. Violations of the agreements established by the totalitarian communist and Nazi regimes during the interwar period and during the Second World War were considered crimes against peace. Only some of those guilty were tried, punished and sentenced (to death) after World War II by the International Tribunal in Nuremberg. Only some of the changes made against international agreements have been corrected. Many of the borders illegally changed by Nazi Germany (Third Reich) and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics have remained, despite the fact that those states had disappeared. At the end of World War II, after the unconditional defeat of Germany led by Adolf Hitler, Western leaders surrendered to Communist dictator I.V. Stalin, which led to the redistribution of spheres of influence between the victorious powers and the establishment of totalitarian regimes in the states occupied by the Red Army. Winston Churchill and Franklin Delano Roosevelt violated even the principles they had established at the beginning of the war of non-recognition of changes made by force after the war. And the change of political regimes without the consent of the nations, even by their repression, by committing crimes against humanity, was not agreed by any agreement, formal or informal. The text aims to analyse the international legal bases on the basis of which in the decades following the Paris Peace Conference even the agreements that laid the foundations of the new order were violated. There are several variants of reasoning, including the tacit acceptance of the principle of establishing new borders and the nature of political regimes by force, meaning by the states whose armies occupied the new territories. According to the latter principle, West Germany (Federal Republic of Germany) and East Germany (German Democratic Republic) should have remained separate, in accordance with the agreements between the leaders of the states and armies that occupied the Third Reich in the fighting at the end of World War II. However, through the will of the peoples and the acceptance of the guaranteeing occupying powers, the reunification of Germany was possible. And Germany has become the most developed state in Europe, the engine of the EU. A similar case, even worse, was that of Romania and the Republic of . Following the non-aggression pact between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union concluded between Hitler and Stalin (known as the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact), with its secret protocols, the territories were divided between the aggressor states. The case was more serious because following the Soviet ultimatum; Romania was forced to give Bessarabia and Bukovina. In addition, the USSR forced and obtained the territorial surplus of Herta. The only reason why Romania entered the Second World War was to correct that illegal act. But all national political forces (except the Communist Party of Romania, which was a subsidiary of the Comintern) agreed with the need to enter the war. Romania led by Marshal became an ally of Nazi Germany, continuing the war beyond the former borders and recovering the stolen territories. Due to the way the war took place, Romania was ultimately among the losers. But the loss of the war did not justify retaining the territories taken by the Soviet Union, following the agreement with Nazi Germany. In the wake of the collapse of Soviet-style communist regimes and the disappearance of the USSR as a state, the text will analyse the legitimacy of the debates on the violation of the provisions of the Paris Peace Conference. Keywords: historical and geopolitical revisionism, crimes against peace, change of borders, Nazi-communist pact, observance of international treaties

dr. Fabrizio FIUME, Universitatea „Aldo Moro” din Bari CASSANDRAS Abstract: 1922, the war had just ended and already one of the most brilliant officers of the German General Staff, Erich Ludendorff, warns not to confuse the recent armistice with the start of a season of peace. For the Prussian general, historical development now makes it necessary to overthrow the terms of von Clausewitz's ancient assumption: war is no longer the continuation of politics by other means, but politics to constitute the temporary development of the war, the indispensable moment of preparation for the new cycle of hostility. The war would have lost by now its character of extraordinary nature becoming the norm, thus reducing peace to mere “non-war”, a physiological break in a world in constant struggle. While not sharing its assumptions, it is almost undeniable that the twenty-year period 1919-1939 could have appeared, in the eyes of contemporaries, as a sensational confirmation of Ludendorff's prediction. Even today, on a quite different basis, historiography often thinks about the First and Second worldwide conflicts in terms of a unique event, like a sort of twentieth-century Thirty Years War. With hindsight, many share the idea that the Paris Conference, and in particular the Treaty Versailles, have produced more problems than solutions, heavily mortgaging the emerging peace, but at that time only few perceived the risks with clarity and denounced it. Once again, the prophecy of Cassandra was made in vain. In this report, we will focus on three critics, very different from each other in education, culture and political orientation: John Maynard Keynes, Antonio Gramsci and Alain (aka Émile-Auguste Chartier). For them Apollo will renew the gift, for them Apollo will renew the curse: they will see, but nobody will believe their visions. The common observation that, if a phenomenon was predicted exactly, it means that it was foreseeable, namely that already before its deployment all the necessary information was accessible in order to anticipate its dynamics and effects, in our case it will not be used to launch a sort of exercise of “counterfactual history”, but to better enlighten, even if by reflection, just the real actors of that tormented season, better defining the ideological boundaries, the cultural limits, the inadequacy of political and economic thought that formed the bars of the cage in which they move. Keywords: Erich Ludendorff, John Maynard Keynes, Antonio Gramsci, Alain Émile- Auguste Chartier, counterfactual history

dr. Ioan OPRIȘ, Universitatea Valahia, Târgoviște Gheorghe Taşcă - an illustrious economist, ambassador to Berlin Abstract: Gheorghe Taşcă (30 January 1875-12 March 1951) belongs to the group of very valuable Romanian economists trained in respected European schools, in his case, in the French one. He earned two doctorates from Sorbonne, in law and political economy. Gh. Taşcă is a typical case of success by his own qualities, being raised in a yeoman's family from Tutova, who had 15 children. He, who was the fifth child, and 11 other brothers succeeded in their lives, acquiring honorable titles. He was a university lecturer (since 1911) and a professor (since 1920), co-founder of the Academy of High Commercial and Industrial Studies, where he also served as a rector (1929-1930). At the height of the economic crisis he was appointed as Minister Plenipotentiary and Extraordinary Envoy to Berlin. He began his term on May 12th,1930 and concluded it on May 1st, 1932 with a meritorious result, signing the Romanian-German trade agreement. During these two years, the prestigious professor knew closely and in detail the political life of Germany, the protagonists of the public scene, witnessing events like the rise of fascism that smoothed the way for Hitler. A democratic spirit, a follower of protectionism and economic liberalism, Gh. Taşcă supported the independence and sovereignty of Romania. He belongs to the Greater Union's generation and ended his life as its leaders: being arrested with the group of dignitaries (May 5th/6th,1950), he later added his name to the long list of personalities who died in Sighet prison. Keywords: personalities of the Greater Union, Gheorghe Tașcă, Romanian ambassadors to Berlin, economists, political detainees

dr. Nicola NERI, Universitatea Aldo Moro din Bari The Holy See and Romania in the first post-war period Abstract: With the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian, Ottoman and Russian empires, after the end of the First World War, conditions were created for the emergence of new independent states in Central and Eastern Europe. This process had not always been done on the basis of equilibrium principles and total consistency. It would probably not have been easy to comply with these conditions, perhaps it would have been impossible. Among the problems that arose were those of recognizing and establishing new diplomatic relations, and the Holy See made no exceptions in the exercise of its policy, especially due to the existence of a large number of Catholics present in these states. Some of these countries were made up of citizens with a predominantly Catholic religion, such as Slovakia, Hungary and Poland, who considered that relations with the Vatican were an added value that should be assumed and represented. In the context of the emergence of new states, several problems arose that concerned, on one hand, church-type relations and, on the other hand, involved a series of political, identity and national sensibilities that had to be considered and respected. Given these aspects, the problems were not simple. The complex territorial clauses of the peace treaty often dismembered dioceses that had a secular history, or led to a change in the status of entire communities, which posed many problems of organization and administration. In addition, it was necessary to take into account the many cases, such as Romania, in which there was on the same territory a majority presence of the Orthodox denomination, along with Greek Catholics and Catholics, not to mention the ever-present and dynamic Jewish community and, as is well known, a victim of Nazi persecution during the Second World War. The Holy See certainly did not underestimate the extent of the challenge and stakes imposed by Europe's new territorial situation, and it is no coincidence that two of the future popes held positions in these areas, such as Achille Ratti in Poland and Angelo Roncalli in Bulgaria. In many cases, this intense diplomatic activity gave rise to concordats, seen as the definitive instruments with which the relations between the state and the Church were regulated, with all the related and complex implications and consequences that they involved. The 1929 agreement with Romania is the first document of this kind concluded with a non-Catholic majority country. The document played a particularly important role because it allowed the access, under the provisions of the peace treaty, to the Catholic authorities to pastor a large community, mostly of Hungarian origin, which was a factor that had to be governed with great sensitivity. These were the reasons that made the negotiation long and complex. The special role embodied by Romania derives from its neo-Latin identity, unique in Central and Eastern Europe, as well as from its status as heir to the Eastern Romanity, which was the most developed in the second part of the history of the Roman Empire. All these elements could not fail to arouse the special care and attention of the Roman . Another foundation on which the relations between Romania and the Vatican would be built was that of the perfection of “”, which emerged after the signing of the post-war treaties in Paris and which opened the doors to a new centrality of Orthodoxy and imposed a new way of acting in relation to minorities. The common Christian faith and Latin roots had made constructive dialogue and negotiations easier than in other countries, although the absolute novelty of this relationship had been unknown to many. The first apostolic nuncio in Bucharest was appointed Monsignor Francesco Marmaggi, who served as undersecretary of the Congregation for Extraordinary Ecclesiastical Affairs, who would become cardinal after the 1935 consistory. Keywords: World War I, Central and Eastern Europe, Holy See, Romania, diplomatic relations

POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES ȘI PRACTICES IN THE 19th and 20th CENTURIES

dr. Viorella MANOLACHE, Institutul de Științe Politice și Relații Internaționale „Ion I. C. Brătianu”, Academia Română Cassiu Maniu: scientific-ideological foundation of the Romanian political field Abstract: The present communication/text reaffirms the ideate context from the article „Philosophical-Political Ideas in the Work of Cassiu Maniu”, in Romanian Review of Political Sciences and International Relations, (vol. XVII, no. 1, 2020, pp. 3-17), resonating in this way to what the publication Țara noastră [Our country] (Year X, no. 37, November 23, 1930, pp. 1298- 1299) established as a necessity, through “the in-depth knowledge of a complicated thinking personality”, as it is Cassiu Maniu, In this sense, we will focus upon two essential works: Principii de filosofie politică/ Principles of Political Philosophy (1906) and Program politic şi partid politic organizator şi concentrator filozofic-naţional ne trebuiesc/ Political programs and an organizing and concentrating national-philosophical political party, this is what we need (1927). The first one - Principii de filosofie politică/ Principles of Political Philosophy (1906) - approaches the fact political philosophy is a manifesto, a subjective reaction, a form of resistance and an ideatic confessional-combative formulation. The structural formula developed by Cassiu Maniu starts with the recognition of truth, pulling a large set of landmarks, a swivel- deductive reasoning out of the defined directing principle: the revelation of political consciousness in connection with the issue of nations and peoples (with reference to the double register of pain and pleasure); the imperative deferred to the politics of developing organic and dynamic social forms; the affirmation of the idea of national unity as a construct derived from the principles of scientific knowledge; the correlation between the genesis of politics and the time of emergence of national politics. The XI chapters, each one devoted to a principle/essential concept of political philosophy, show a methodological, encyclopedic arrangement of core themes of the field, displaying 201 principles of interest distributed in the form of subchapters. Much more than just conceptual essentialization, Cassiu Maniu opts for a way to enter into an (ideate) dialogue with pivotal texts in the field, in order to add his own comments, explanations or details, and to relate the theoretical substance with the reality of the Romanian context, in a fair dosage of the particular-universal. The second one - Program politic şi partid politic organizator şi concentrator filozofic-naţional ne trebuiesc/ Political programs and an organizing and concentrating national-philosophical political party, this is what we need (1927) - explains through a didactic-university approach-receipt, (from) the university lectern, the importance of harmonizing the political construction (program) with the landmarks of a theoretical-action architecture, perceived, on the filiation of Cassiu Maniu, as force with a synthesizing impact and with a philosophical-national purpose, for the establishment of a political party, structurally rethought on a new foundation. A civilizing project able to annihilate and counteract barbarism caught in alarming perpetuation, the intervention of Cassiu Maniu proposes and supports the accomplishment of the desire for national perfection, as a realistic objective that co-implies the concentration and liberation of the generous energy of the human side of humanity and nationality (because the law of humanity and nationality is subsumed by the laws of spirit and moral manifestations). Detente has the ability to combat and abolish despotism and political immorality or the practice of appealing to impersonal ideas, through a process of conversion of dynamic soul experiences into political results, accompanied by direct, pragmatic reaction - „the triumph of the public good over the common evil”. Political priority is given to those political parties that, by materializing „political ideas and principles of absolute value”, have the capacity of specific awareness for general landmarks: peace, internal and external security, freedom, happiness, guarantees of progress and the future of the nation. Cassiu Maniu uses the primacy of a condition of absolute value, expressing the interdependence of party ideology and the national political program: „a party must have a political philosophical and scientific conception at its base, which is in complete agreement with the fundamental principles of political uplift of nation and state” (p. 3). The initiative contouring, defining and individualizing Cassiu Maniu’s personality (1867- 1943) allows us to place his work inside the ideological construct of Romanian philosophical- political thinking, considering the prevalence of metaphors with mythologizing role and the valorisation of Nicolae Iorga’s project (in Istoria unei legende. [History of a legend. Iuliu Maniu], „Datina Românească” Print, Vălenii de Munte, 1934, with a completely different view from the critical attitude he showed towards Iuliu Maniu, Cassiu Maniu’s brother) to establish, historically, the place and purpose of these legendary individualities. We can all agree from the start on the fact that, in the case of the Cassiu Maniu, he is neither Apollon, nor Orpheus, but Theseus, concerned, as he confessed, with untangling the thread of Ariadne in order to find the best solution and detect openings in/from the labyrinthic world of science, agreed upon up-to-the-end, as well as an „organic body of truth” (Cassiu Maniu, „Știința ca mijloc politic” [Science as a Political Instrument], in Political and Literary Magazine, Year II, no. 6, 1 September 1909, pp. 165-166). From the intentions of the silent man, as N. Iorga noticed, this attitude of fertile passivism is materialized [here], on the one hand, in Cassiu Maniu’s option to dedicate himself exclusively to a career of lawyer, university professor and political philosopher, refusing to (actively) engage in post-1918 Romanian political life; on the other hand, in the decision to dedicate himself to the effort of laying truth at the foundation of politics, through an ideologically fecund construct of “elevation to the theory of political wisdom and skill in the art of applying science as a political means” (Ibidem, p. 165). Cassiu Maniu’s silence and noninvolvement in the active manifestations of Romanian political life find justification in the meditative resignation of his period of fertile silence, as a precursor stage for the process of thinking with the purpose of deliberately delivering viable and deeply structured philosophical-political systems on ideatic grounds. Keywords: Cassiu Maniu, political philosophy, political program, political party, political ideology

dr. Ioana DRĂGULIN, Muzeul Național Cotroceni Antonio Gramsci and the First World War Abstract: The First World War represented that epoch-making phenomenon that ended the process of mass penetration in politics. During this study, the author outlined and explained the main elements, which, in Antonio Gramsci's view, led to the change of economic, political and social realities in Italy after the end of the Great War. During the five years of war, which were compared by Gramsci with „five centuries of history”, the analysis of Gramscian journalism shows a qualitative development of thought, in the context of major transformations that the war imposed. During the period of neutrality (1914-1916), the Sardinian theorist would be one of the most active Italian publicists, discussing the most important arguments of the moment. Initially, Gramsci's arguments were part of the controversy at the level of the Italian Socialist Party, which was facing a major identity crisis. The crisis was triggered at the beginning of the war and the question of the position that would have to be adopted. There were two antagonistic views within the party: the first, which was also the strongest, campaigned for neutrality, while the second, which was also the most vocal, wanted to take part in the war. With the conduct of military operations and the generalization of the war in Europe, the militants of the two wings within the Italian Socialist Party became radicalized. A crucial moment in the development of this controversy was the launch of a violent press campaign through the socialist daily Avanti by Benito Mussolini who was acting as director. In fact, during the two years of neutrality, Mussolini was the spearhead of the interventionists. The dynamics of the discussions on this argument was so intense that, the simple expression of an opinion, led to the accusation that the young Sardinian joined the campaign launched by the interventionists. The position of the young Sardinian was criticized for a long time by the P.S.I. leadership, even leading to his exclusion from the party lists in the local elections in Turin (1920). During the period in which Italy participated in the world conflagration, the young socialist would begin a process of radicalization that would permanently separate him from the ideas and the socialist movement. This evolution is very clear from the way in which the arguments used in his writings deviated from the official line of the socialists. A crucial moment in this process was the outbreak of the October 1917 Revolution in the Tsarist Empire. It is the period in which Gramsci and other socialist militants radicalized their positions and founded the weekly L’Ordine nuovo (May 1, 1919) and the Communist Party of Italy (January 21, 1921). Identifying and explaining the stages of Gramscian thought in this period are fundamental to the way in which, in prison, the Grasmcian theorist developed his critical apparatus, concepts, and categories of interpretation. The notes in the prison notebooks would propel the young socialist, who had become a communist, as one of the most profound and prolific Italian political thinkers. Without creating a unitary work, from the analysis of the articles published before his arrest and imprisonment and from the notes of the notebooks, it is observed how Gramsci managed to explain the emergence of fascism by studying and analysing the whole Risorgimento. In Gramsci’s view, in order to understand the realities of war and the intimate mechanisms of Italian society, it is necessary to study both the bourgeois order during the Risorgimento and the political and economic system that developed. The bourgeoisie was considered guilty for vitiating the character of the Italian people, for promoting a model of modernization in which fundamental concepts had been perverted. The economic and political groups of Turin, which were at the forefront of the Piedmontese government's policy at the time of the unification of Italy, but also those that succeeded it, promoted a kind of domination in which the revolutionary model of transforming society was rejected by adopting an evolutionary model, of changes in stages, transformist, that is, a „revolution without revolution”. Keywords: Antonio Gramsci, war, transformism, passive revolution, socialism, communism, fascism

dr. Doru TOMPEA, Universitatea „Petre Andrei” din Iași Political ideologies in the Romanian space during the national modernity Abstract: The present study aims to x-ray the political ideas that marked the path of modernization of the Romanian state, in the hundred years, from the revolutionary processes of 1848 to the Union of Romanian Countries, 1859, Romanian Independence, 1877, Establishment of Royalty in Romania, country participation to the Great War, the realization of the national ideal of 1918, through the Great Union. However, the twentieth century brought in Romania the apogee of monstrous governments, being defined as a century of international terrorism, mass crimes based on doctrines, ideologies, philosophies which in the name of the „Absolute Good”, of „new man”, of „messianic” promoted and implemented two types of totalitarianism: corporate fascism and Bolshevism, communism “class struggle “, the “dictatorship of the proletariat “ with local, regional variants that had developed monstrous policies. A concrete manifestation of totalitarianism as avatars of the Utopian political thought of the twentieth century highlighted the monstrous policies and total contempt for the human being. In a volume published by „Polirom” Publishing House in Iasi, in 2002, entitled „Political Ideas of the twentieth century” the author Chantal Millon - Delsol reviewed the main ideologies that marked this century: The creative state of the new man, Racist state, corporatist fascism, socialism or egalitarian state, guarantor state or rule of law. In this study I also tried to emphasize the influence of some of the main philosophical “paradigms” in the history of political ideas and doctrines such as Fichte: „Speeches About the German Nation”, Marx: „The Jewish Problem”, Chernashevschi : „What to do? Sketch of new people”, Marx: „Capital” Bakunin: „State and anarchy”, Engels : „The origin of the Family, Private Property and the State”, Lenin : „The State and the Revolution”, A. Hitler : „Meinh Kampf”, Mussolini: „The March on Rome”, Trotsky: „The Betrayed Revolution”, Schumpeter: „Capitalism, Socialism, Democracy”, Yalta - Peace Conference, the creation of the UN, the Nuremberg Trials, the Marshall Plan, the Cold War and the division of spheres of influence. We highlighted some ideologies that marked our history from the National Ideal and the War for the Reunification of the Romanian Nation, Decentralization and regionalization after the Great Union, Romanian Totalitarianism, from Bolshevism to the Legionary State and the establishment of communism in Romania, liberalism and its Romanian variants, national peasantry and the social-democratic ideology in Romania, the federalist doctrines in the Romanian space of Transylvania. I notice the substantial activity of the Faculty of Political and Administrative Sciences of the „Petre Andrei” University of Iasi, the Institute of Ideologies and Polis magazine for relevant analyses dedicated to these ideologies in Romania, as well as marking the essential contributions of scientist Petre Andrei to the definition and scientific analysis of these. Keywords: political ideologies, modernity, Centenary, Romanian space, „Petre Andrei” University of Iasi

dr. Maria CERNAT, Institutul pentru Solidaritate Socială Sofia Nădejde and the Socialist Feminism Abstract: The end of the XIXth century coincided with the journalistic debut of one of the greatest personalities of Romanian feminism - Sofia Nădejde. In 1978 Maria Flechtenmacher, a Romanian actress, teacher and activist, published the journal Femeea Română (The Romanian Woman) where Sofia Nădejde published her first article. As Ionela Băluță shows, in Du Foyer au Forum, pour une Sociogenèse du Féminisme Roumain au XIXe Siècle the journal edited by Maria Flechtenmacher was rather conservative depending on the financial and informal support of powerful men in order to be published - the tacit convention was that the journal would not tackle with heavy subjects such as prostitution or domestic violence, but would instead contribute to the maintaining of social order and to the image of good wife and mother of the Romanian women. By contrast, Sofia Nădejde was a powerful personality of her time. First of all, her connections to the socialists circles through Ion Nădejde, her husband, Gheorghe Nădejde, Vasile Morțun, Constantin Dobrogeanu Gherea and many others and also her own powerful beliefs make Sofia Nădejde a socialist feminist, a thing that was very uncommon for that time. And let us note that the socialism of Sofia Nădejde is not some sort of over-interpretation that takes place in the present and could be suspected to be based on a misunderstanding of her writings. The end of the XIXth century finds Sofia Nădejde moderating the official debates of the socialists, giving speeches, publishing an impressive number of articles, but also starting to write novels, short stories, theatre plays that still wait for the competent literary critiques to be discovered and introduced in the national curricula. Besides that, a closer look to Sofia Nădejde’s texts - either the polemical articles or the literary texts, show us an author with very strong socialist beliefs. First and foremost, Sofia Nădeje does not consider feminism - and this is a debate more actual then ever - some sort of individual emancipation. My recent work as a co-editor of the volume A Woman’s Brain and Other Demons. The Anthology of Sofia Nădejde’s Journalistic Articles where I worked with Adina Mocanu, offered me the possibility to witness first hand her polemical writings that leave no doubt about her political engagements. For her, the women are an oppressed class and the emancipation must be for all of them and especially for those who are less privileged. Furthermore, no matter how bizarre it may seem, she is not interested in the problem of the votes, a thing that may seem very counterintuitive today. But that was the moment that feminism was taking different courses. A feminist like Sofia Nădejde was a militant for the rights of the poor women, for the rights of the many and less privileged, not for the rights of a few rich women. Let us not forget that the end of the XIXth century was a time were the vote was conditioned by money and only a few get to vote during those times. Sofia Nădejde is very clear about that naming those aiming for the vote selfish women that only fight for themselves forgetting the faith of the many and being satisfied with an equal share of inequality, by being the equals of man in an unjust system based on arbitrary hierarchies and violence. The change that Sofia Nădejde wanted is heating the spirits even today - we do not want half of the pie, said Gail Dines in an electrifying discourse, we want to throw the pie in your face! In other words, the aim of socialist feminism of radically replacing an progressive system stays as important today as it was in 1881 when Sofia Nădejde writes her first articles in Contemporanul a journal that she co-edited side by side with her husband, and, unlike him, also taking care of their many children. We do not want corner offices while our sisters of colour from the Global South get to work there only as cleaning women. We do not want to breake any glass ceiling while the poor women are left behind to gather the pieces say the authors of the Manifest of the 99% a famous text written as a reply to the much glamorized feminist neoliberal book Lean in written by the CEO of Facebook Sheryl Sandberg. Today the fight for the feminist ideas that Sofia Nădejde was courageously fighting for is more relevant than ever: the idea that women are oppressed as a class and that the fight for emancipation should be common by realizing that we must lead this fight in solidarity because the chains of oppression break only when we propose ideas that will truly challenge patriarchy. Keywords: Sofia Nădejde, Romanian feminism, individual emancipation, Manifest of the 99%, courageously fighting

dr. Alice BUCIUTA, independent researcher The status of the woman reflected in Romanian women’s magazines of twentieth century Abstract: The doctoral research I’ve conducted on the topic of editorial policies of Romanian women’s magazines and their relationship with feminism, during the course of history, allowed me to follow from the perspective of its reflection in these magazines, the status of the Romanian women, within a patriarchal society which has preserved its characteristics during history, keeping more or less as a constant the deprivation of women from rights and opportunities. The first feminist wave of the West has been overlapped, as timing and concerns, on the first wave of feminism in Romanian countries. For the second international feminist wave the correspondent in terms of timing for Romania has been the socialist period of the popular republic and then socialist republic The feminism of the first wave was fighting and winning considerable battles in obtaining rights of equality, as their objectives have proven, after all, their rightness in front of everyone: obtaining in legal terms equal rights for men and women. The feminism of equality, as the first wave of feminism had been named, led, sooner or later, to consecration of equal rights for men and women in the Constitution, in terms of education and legislation, in all spaces where it was manifested, including Romanian space (territory). After the success of the first feminist wave, did the woman in modern Romania gain her rights that were still claimed by world’s feminist movements during that time? In this paper I started my analysis from the premise that the Romanian woman had gained many valuable rights in the first part of twentieth century and she managed to keep them during the period of communist political system. I applied the quality analysis method of content and the critical discourse analysis on the materials from women’s magazines of twentieth century and my conclusion was that, due to the fact that the communist period was observed as a patriarchal epoch having very particular characteristics, in which the patriarch was not a man or the head of the family - as in traditional or religious communities- but the state itself, essentially the woman has been even more deprived by the rights and the authentic chance to emancipation and autonomy. Feminism during the communist era was treated as a reactionary ideology. In addition, during communism, the Romanian woman seemed to have lost even the right to love. From the Romanian publications meant to women there were never missing articles referring to the admiration towards „The beloved leader”, whilst within the couple, the Romanian woman was encouraged to take the part of the „good wife” who knew how to conquer, take care, keep and support her man. Also, in a compulsory way, the role of heroic mother had been subsumed to the idea of imposed, repeated maternity. The love that had not been identified with none of its complex senses: eros, filia and agape, was not an element of happiness and personal fulfillment, but an instrument of patriarchal ideology, in which the partner was allowed to be dominating and the relationship between the woman and the man was not a partnership but the woman was the man’s subject. The premises I started my research from was proved mostly ungrounded, the analysis revealed aspects that were not taken into prior consideration, aspects that add to a re-design from a historic perspective of twentieth century Romania, in which the road to women’s emancipation has been blocked more than ever. Keywords: feminism, Romanian woman in modern Romania, women’s magazines, patriarchy communism

dr. Angelo CHIELLI, Universitatea „Aldo Moro” din Bari The suffering of living in German culture after the First World War: Thomas Mann Abstract: The crisis of Western civilization, which appeared in a broad and dramatic way in the first two decades of the twentieth century, is articulated in a set of considerations ranging from loss of confidence in the ability to solve human problems by science to distrust the possibility of liberal regimes and parliamentary institutions being a barrier against intrusion and demands from subordinate social groups, to conclude with the perception that the modern world, rather than a place of free expression, is, on the contrary, an obstacle to development human personality. Characteristic of this vision manifested by the so-called “thinkers of the crisis” was to act through the great dichotomies: soul-spirit, civilization-culture, and society-community. The outcome of the First World War affected these authors in two ways: in some it acted by radicalizing pessimism, in others it led to an often profound revision of their beliefs. Among the members of this second group we find Thomas Mann. The great German writer and intellectual, between the end of the war and immediately after the war, was the protagonist of a profound revision of his own political and cultural principles. The two great works that Thomas Mann carried out between 1914 and 1924 testify to this: Le considerazioni di un impolitico, published in 1918 and La montagna magica, published in 1924. Other less important works (a very long study that was considered by Mann as a mixture and a novel where we find long digressions of essay type and sometimes genuinely philosophical), overlap this approach. The novel, for example, was started by Mann after the death of Venice (1912), but was interrupted due to the war. The vicissitudes of the war, on the other hand, gave him the incentive to write that concentration of pessimism and disappointment represented by the Betrachtungen, which is a work composed during the war years, between the end of 1917 and the first months of 1918. Once World War I ended, with disastrous results for the Second German Reich, Thomas Mann resumed projects begun in the pre-war period, which he completely transformed. In fact, he went from the initial design of a short story to a novel that was over a thousand pages in size. From them emerges the scenario of a sick and declining society in which political and cultural options clash that oscillate between democratic progressivism and authoritarian traditionalism. But, above all, the Lübeck writer's effort is visible in the context of a general ideal of political rethinking which, from conservative positions with strong authoritarian veins, led him to adhere to liberalism and democratic parliamentary until he became a staunch of the birth of the unstable and the ephemeral, the Weimar Republic. The study we propose, after briefly presenting the historical and cultural framework in which the philosophers of the crisis worked (in reality it is not just philosophers, but a larger group of intellectuals: writers, poets, essayists, architects, engineers), will analyse the effects that the war and the post-war period had on them. In particular, we will take a closer look at Thomas Mann's intellectual effort, using not only the two works mentioned above, but also the vast non- fiction production that, in the same years, the Nobel Prize-winning writer published them. Keywords: Thomas Mann, conservatism, traditionalism, liberalism, war

dr. Lorenzo SCARCELLI, Universitatea „Aldo Moro” din Bari The crisis of the liberal state and the emergence of fascism Abstract: The drama of the Great War deeply affected Europe, although before the outbreak of this world conflagration, there was a desire for peace and democracy among the peoples of Europe. In the period between the two world wars, we were witnessing the emergence of new political regimes whose characteristics were incompatible with the traditional political-institutional structures of European liberal systems. The fascist parties that took power between 1920 and 1930, first in Italy and later in other Central European countries, the Balkans and the Iberian Peninsula, expressed both a strong nationalist charge and an aggressive attitude in foreign policy along with the policy of imposing the will of the party and its supreme leader on all state apparatuses and institutions. The spread and assertion of fascist ideology was favoured by both external factors (according to German historian Ernest Nolte, one of the greatest exponents of the so-called school of „historiographical revisionism”, the victorious assertion of the Bolshevik revolution in Russia, and its consequence, the establishment communism, was one of the triggering causes of the emergence of European fascism”), as well as internal factors. Among the latter, the most significant was certainly the crisis of liberal regimes that manifested itself with particular virulence in the first post-war period. The mobilization of the masses of people on the front and behind the front, led to the outbreak of major crises at the end of the war. Practically, the authoritarian European elites could not bring into the parliamentary system the legitimate demands of veterans in particular and, more generally, of the subordinate classes. Fascism, as we have already shown, developed in Italy and later throughout Europe with different intensities and in different ways, which corresponded to special national conditions. However, beyond national differences, we can identify within European fascisms similar characteristics, almost a common matrix. Among these common elements that the Anglo-Saxon political school had studied and analysed with acuity (see Stanley George Payne's book, Fascism. Comparison and definition, 1980) we find a totalitarian conception of the state, a strong reference to national traditions and often in a pre-industrial rural world, criticism of parliamentary and democratic regimes, opposition to the ideology of communist parties, racism and anti-Semitism. In the first phase, the reference model adopted by the international fascist movement was the Italian one, because it was the first to succeed in 1922, under the leadership of Benito Mussolini, in conquering political power. Later, after Adolf Hitler came to power in 1933, the National Socialist Party came to impose an internationally imitated model. The essay we propose stops, first of all, on identifying the causes that led to the outbreak of the crises of the liberal regimes, at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, which allowed the success of the fascist movements. Often, these conquests of power were made either explicitly or silently by the support of the movements by the most important liberal ruling groups. Secondly, we will carry out a comparative analysis between the European fascist movements in order to highlight both the common issues and those that have highlighted them at national level. Keywords: liberal state, racism, liberal state, anti-Semitism, totalitarianism, fascism

dr. Florin GRECU, Universitatea Hyperion Ideology under the authoritarian monarchy Abstract: The current article proposes to analyse, resorting to political science references, the way in which an ideology is created under a single party regime. The present study analyses the Romanian authoritarian monarchical regime, which came to be through the coup d’état of the monarch during the night of 10/11 of February 1938. How exactly is an ideology for a political regime created and how does a regime produce its own piece of rhetoric? These are the questions to be answered and demonstrated, that is the authoritarian monarchy created its own politically and ideologically influenced institutions in order to spread its believes, and it even resorted in this manner to the . The coalition between the state and the church is brought to attention through the monarch’s naming of Miron Cristea, the patriarch of Romania, as the head of the council of ministers. The spread of the regime’s ideology was the mission of the single party and of the instruments it was provided with: The National Guard and the Circles of Study. The hypothesis to be proven here consists of the fact that the more numerous the regimes representatives interferences were, the ideas and messages turned into state and party doctrine, the base being represented by the constitutional order introduced on the 27th of February 1938, representing the judicial and ideological frame of the new authoritarian regime, turned undemocratic and unconstitutional. Why did the regime, through its single party, was self-titled to be of national salvation? The concept of national resurgence takes inspiration from the myth of the saviour. The rhetoric of the new regime introduced King Charles the 2nd as the nation’s saviour, this being the pretext for enforcing the dictatorship the monarch wanted ever since his arrival in the country, in 1930. The new regime, lead with an iron fist, where the institutions of the state were taken over by colonels and generals, disbanded political parties, and in their place the monarch proclaimed himself the absolute leader of the political system through the founding of the Front of National Rebirth, a nondemocratic political and corporatist organization. National salvation stood for the national resurgence of Romania. As Delsol states: „all the prerequisites of the traditional dictatorship are present here: the country needs to be rescued, and the saviour only works out of duty for the general interest”. The instability produced in the country by the political parties in the ferocious battle for power, as well as the frantic demagogy, but also the internal and external threats to the very existence of the Romanian state determined the monarch to overthrow the old democratic regime through a coup d’état and proclaim himself, through state propaganda, the saviour of the nation, uplifting the country from the decline it was engulfed in through the turmoil of political parties. The ones to blame for this state of things were the former political parties, which were accused of corruption and selfish political interests. Through the state, „the party spread its ideology by using means of coercion, publicity and propaganda”. The party’s ideology was intended to be an instrument of unity and wholeness, crossing social boundaries and political and cultural affiliations. The introduction of the regime’s ideology in the entire strata of society was the attribute of the single party and its instruments, the National Guards and the Circles of Studies. The new institutions were politically influenced and served the purpose of bringing order to the country, through the means of the coercing surveillance and control components: the army, the police, the gendarmerie and the court. The law decree of 16th December 1938, through which the new law of establishing the Front of National Rebirth was promulgated, was accompanied by the exposition of motives of the government lead by Miron Cristea, the patriarch of Romania, and, after his passing, by Armand Călinescu. In the view of the prime minister-patriarch, „the NRF was the single entity, from within which the parliamentary, administrative and professional foundations were laid, on which the entire life of our state is to be supported in the future. The FRN will open the gates of the public life to all the young Romanian potentials. It was reckoned that any activity outside that of FRN is harmful to the state, and its authors must be punished as criminals of national and social order and civic corruption”. The exposition of motives of the government continued with the rhetoric of the political parties and democracy. Thus, except political unification of establishing political monism, the new regime calls for the elimination of political ideologies and the creation of a peaceful and favourable climate. „The FRN was established from the need to create and organize the elite and to watch over the expansion of the new institutions”. Political monism proclaimed unity of the new regime, of the leading class, but was similar to the methods of authoritarian and totalitarian political organization introduced in 1930’s Europe. The fusing of religion, especially the Orthodox Church with politics was done by naming patriarch Miron Cristea prime- minister that was the president of the Council of Ministers. The concept of religious politics is defining for authoritarian and totalitarian regimes. The sanctification of politics will reach its highpoint with the totalitarian regimes of the 20th century. Nazism and fascism contributed to the sacralisation of politics, but fascism was built and evolved as a political religion. For any regime, be it totalitarian or authoritarian, ideology was the instrument of power in the fight with political adversaries. The modern state is built as the legitimate institution and it is the one that determines the creation of ideological dimensions. Religion, on the other hand, was represented by the Orthodox Church, which contested the democratic parties’ powers by a radical totalitarian rhetoric. On the other hand, the State constitutionally and lawfully limited civil rights and freedom by establishing censorship and the state of emergency, a fundament for the new party’s ideological order. The one party, that is the state, did not identify itself with the Church or with any other military religious order but some doctrines promoted by the party had religious elements, with ideological features or the other way around. The militarization of the National Rebirth Front was done through the National Guard, and the act of supervising and control was put into action by the analysis groups which in the era were called Circles of Studies. FRN activity didn’t mean just the propaganda through which the masses were adhering to the monist political body, but also supervising and influencing it politically and ideologically according to the regime’s requirements. All these features lead to the image of an only party lead by an authoritarian leader. By organizing the Circles of Studies, FRN aimed at establishing the doctrine and ideology of the only-party. The relevant document for the role of ideology in the mobilization of elites is “Regulations for the organisation and functioning of FRN”. From these regulations we can find that the Service of Studies and Documentation made reports on political, social and economic issues. The Circles of Studies “made propositions about the coordination of the Ministry’s general lines of activity, created the legislation referring to the Front’s organization, did research and gave presentations about the ideology and purposes of FRN.” The Front of National Rebirth, through the Service of Security and Propaganda, had major attributions regarding the organization of mass media and way of propaganda to spread the party’s ideology, suggested the adequate ways of diffusing them in the mass media through conferences and public meetings, they presented plans to organize the party’s mass media, they kept in touch with various newspapers in the country through the party’s local representatives, kept track of newspapers and articles about the party’s activity, made and proposed brochures and other propaganda materials to be distributed in the country and abroad. The Front’s declared main goal was creating a new young elite and institutions, but those they proved to be laden with ideology and politics. By the creation of the Circles of Studies, the Front’s ideological build was meant to reshape the youth socially, politically and economically as reported to the total and organic ideals of the One-Party. As such, the ideological remodelling of the Romanian nation was the work of King Charles 2nd. His regime in the 1938-1940 era can be defined as one based on ideology, but one which did not find support in the clerks that were part of it or in the masses in general. Keywords: doctrine, orthodoxy, saviour, ideological monopoly, youths

dr. Emil BOBOESCU, Muzeul Militar Național Regele Ferdinand I The Medal System during the Communist Period Second Part, 1958 - 1968, Ideological Changes in the Medal System Abstract: The second part of this paper which presents the medal system during the communist period refers to this system’s evolution after the withdrawal of the Soviet troops up until 1968. We can notice, in this period, on one hand, a development of the system by enlarging it with new orders and medals like the „23rd August” Order, the „Tudor Vladimirescu” Order and Medal or the „Soldiery Virtue” Medal, ensigns which get close in regards of name or pattern to the old medals system. Here we can also include the first orders which were on special fields. On the other hand, we can observe another reformation, by the passing from People’s Republic to the socialist republic. Here, aside from the changing of coats of arms and state names, a major change in the insignia of orders like the Star of the Republic and the Order and Medal for Special Services brought to the State Order. Keywords: medal, order, People’s Republic, Socialist Republic

INTERWAR ROMANIA - POLITICAL THINKING AND PRACTICE

dr. Cristian-Ion POPA, Institutul de Științe Politice și Relații Internaționale „Ion I. C. Brătianu”, Academia Română Constitutional order and societal performance in Interwar Romania Abstract: This conference is designed as follows: (1) after an Introduction in the Romanian constitutional tradition, it follows (2) a presentation of the Founding documents of the Great Union (1918), then (3) an exposition of some international constitutional Commitments such as the World Peace Program in 14-points of US President W. Wilson (1918) and the „Minorities Treaty” (1919), (4) a presentation of The Constitution of 1923, and, finally, (5) some Evaluations of the historians on the general performances of the Romanian interwar society. In a famous conference entitled „The History of the Romanian Constitution” (1922), the historian and politician Nicolae Iorga categorically stated: „The Constitution of 1866 is springing from a simple work of translating a western Constitution; it has absolutely nothing to do with our own past”. At the opposite pole, the jurist Ioan C. Filitti, in a study entitled „The Sources of the Constitution of 1866” (1934), showed that such widespread view that the first fundamental Pact of the Romanians „was an improvisation, a hasty translation of the Belgian Constitution from 1831 is wrong”. Another severe critic of the „western borrowing” thesis, Theodor C. Aslan, also argued in favor of an alternative conception, long cultivated too in the Romanian constitutional thinking: „The theory of some publicists who claim that our Constitution of 1866 is a dogmatic constitution, out of the minds of some ideologues, cannot be accurate, because historically it is proven that whenever the country’s wishes could be manifested, even in 1822, after the revolution of 1821, either in 1848 or in 1857, the same principles were put forward, which were adopted in the Constitution of 1866” („Parliamentary Law Studies”, 1905). My presentation fully assumes this alternative conception. Therefore, a retrospective look, however brief, on the Romanian constitutional tradition crowned by the Great Union and the Constitution of 1923 must follow in their logical, axiological and chronological structure and succession the main previous proto-, quasi- and constitutional programmatic documents, elaborated on the Romanian territory or referring to Romanians, starting at least a century earlier, but which have kept their full relevance until the Great Union and even until the present time, at this stormy beginning of the 21st century. From this bicentennial historical perspective, I summarize as follows: The Romanian constitutional thinking has conceptualized and at the same time has organized the struggle of Romanians together with and often against their and others elites (Turkish, Russian, Austro- Hungarian foreign imperial dominations) for fundamental, constitutional - civil, political, social and national - rights and freedoms. These rights and freedoms were legislated, institutionalized and practiced in our society, which gradually overcame all internal and external oppositions - especially after the Paris Convention of 1858 and the Union of Romanian Principalities of 1859, after the Constitution of 1866 and the Treaty of Berlin of 1878 recognizing the Independence of the Principalities, until the Great Union of 1918 and the Constitution of 1923. All these „constitutional moments” express the century-old aspirations and efforts of Romanians to be able to live and prosper in a society with fair laws and institutions based on the lasting foundations of modern European constitutional thinking. The general theoretical conclusion of Romanian and foreign historians is disturbing. Although in the interwar period the State increased more than twice as the territory and population under its jurisdiction, the Romanian Economy and Society remained among the most underdeveloped in Europe, increasing, instead of reducing, the gaps with most European countries. The question is: Why? The main theoretical thesis of the conference is that in any society, including in the Romanian society, there is a close correlation between its constitutional order - not only formally established, but also respected, even cultivated and practiced, as a result of its internal and international ultimate normative commitments - and its overall economic and societal performance. Keywords: constitutional order, societal performance, Romanian interwar society.

dr. Mihai GHIȚULESCU, Universitatea din Craiova, Departamentul de Istorie, Ştiinţe Politice şi Relații Internaționale The Parliamentary Elections of May-June 1920 - Old Practices in New Conditions Abstract: The first elections in Greater Romania (November 1919) gave a hung parliament and a coalition government. Shortly after, the Romanian political life seemed in chaos and almost everyone, including King Ferdinand, considered it necessary to form a strong government, able to ensure order. The man most considered appropriate was General . On March 13, 1920, he was appointed to form the cabinet, and on March 25, he obtained from the King the decree dissolving the Parliament (elected only four months before) and calling for new parliamentary elections at the end of May. It thus returned to the traditional upside-down democracy, in which the legislature was issued from the will of the executive. But as the experience of the previous autumn had shown, in the new conditions, after the Union and the electoral reform, it was very difficult for a government to obtain the majority, even if it used the same traditional extra-legal means (mobilizing administration and police for electoral purposes, violence against the opposition and voters, corruption, censorship, etc.). These remained necessary but they became insufficient. The main issues were: (1) the suffrage extension and the PR List system; (2) the large number of political groups and the division of the electorate; (3) the existence of the regional parties from Transylvania, Bessarabia and Bucovina that electorally dominated the provinces, almost not allowing the penetration of the parties from Bucharest. The government tried to deal with all this and, despite its fears and the opposition’s optimism, it succeeded. First, it not only abolished the Ruling Council that had governed Transylvania after the Union (April 4), but also changed the rules during the electoral game, reducing the number of parliamentary seats and thus increasing the majoritarian effect (April 3). Moreover, the share of the representation of the Old Kingdom increased (from 43.5% to 48.8%) reducing that of the new provinces. Secondly, it weakened the regional parties and expanded its influence in the provinces by creating dissent groups (Octavian Goga, - Transylvania; , Dori Popovici - Bucovina; Avram Imbroane - Banat). The elections in Transylvania, initially scheduled together with those in the Kingdom (May 25-31), were postponed for a week (June 3-7), on the ground that it was necessary to redraw the constituencies. In fact, as the opposition reported at that time, the government reserved the possibility of choosing tactics in Transylvania depending on the results in the Kingdom. Third, all administrative and police means were mobilized in support of the ruling party. Both during the election campaign and on election days and after, the opposition parties ( - Iuliu Maniu and Al. Vaida-Voevod; Peasant Party - Ion Mihalache; Democratic Nationalist Party - Nicolae Iorga and others) complained of demagogy, malpractices and even violence. At the end of May, although it won almost 50% of the votes and 70% of the seats in the Old Kingdom (and over 40% of the seats in Bessarabia and Bukovina), Averescu's People's Party was not sure it would have a majority in the Parliament. Therefore, the Prime Minister decided to act by force in Transylvania, breaking even the electoral agreement with NLP (it did not even allow the election of I.I.C. Brătianu in Lugoj). The leaders Al. Averescu and themselves ran, as electoral locomotives, in Timișoara and Brașov. Although they were defeated, due to the involvement of the administration and the expansion of the party network, the result was beyond expectations: the People's Party won 57% of the Transylvanian seats; The Romanian National Party, which had a large majority in the province, was now reduced to 20%. Ironically, Iuliu Maniu declared himself satisfied, because his result was much better than during the Hungarian rule. The government's victory was considered a “moral defeat”. Despite the majority won in May-June 1920, Averescu remained in power for only a year and a half, falling, traditionally, as a result of some political arrangements. All subsequent governments continued the practice of hijacking universal suffrage by legal and / or illegal means. Keywords: Alexandru Averescu, People's Party, parliamentary elections, universal suffrage, constituencies, votes, seats

dr. Jănel TĂNASE, Academia Forţelor Aeriene „Henri Coandă” Braşov, drd. Cristian MANOLACHI, Statul Major al Forțelor Aeriene The program of the Air Subsecretariat for the preparation of the aeronautical weapon in order to participate in the liberative war in the first part of the east campaign (September 1940 - august 1942) Abstract: The dismemberment of Greater Romania in the summer of 1940 through the loss of Basarabia, Northern Bukovina, North-West Transylvania and Southern Dobrogea imposed special efforts from the part of the Romanian state leadership in all fields and, especially, for restoring military potential, the only guarantee of safeguarding fundamental values and the supreme interests of the Romanian state and the national being. It was up to the Undersecretariat of State for Air, in this difficult international situation, the honourable mission, high responsibility and sacrifice to lead and organize the process of strengthening the Air Force of the Country in order to ensure the Romanian Nation, at the decisive moment, the necessary air force, excellently prepared and educated for war, able to weigh heavily in the balance of victory. The complex of measures adopted, materialized in the elaboration of a National Aeronautical Program, simple and adapted to the realities of the moment, but also anchored in the needs of future development, established, besides the basic principles, the main directions of action. These focused on three key areas, namely, the reorganization and preparation for war of the existing aeronautical means in 1940 in the new politico-military situation and the conclusions resulting from the ongoing conflict, the increase of aeronautical capacity in the manufacture of new equipment and the repairing of existing ones and the intensifying of the measures in the field of aeronautical propaganda for the formation and strengthening of the aeronautical spirit among the youth and the mass of the Romanian population. The three directions of action materialized in this complex program had acquired concreteness by channelling all the efforts of the Undersecretariat of State for Air to achieve the general principles stated in all areas of responsibility of the air weapon. In the field of reorganization and preparation for war of the existing aeronautical means, action was taken to achieve the following objectives: - Organizing and reorganizing structures, infrastructures and war preparation systems. The aim was to optimize the organization of the central aeronautical administration and the subordinate air forces, by creating natural, simplified and flexible, according to the attributes of technicality, high specialization and mobility of the air forces, as well as the realization of units corresponding to the available material, with the provision of the necessary reserves to maintain a normal and lasting operational capacity. Through the new concept adopted, the administrative and central command body, the Undersecretariat of State for Air, was established by concentrating and reducing the structures that functioned within the Ministry of Air and Navy, a ministry that was abolished. Under the new structure two central bodies of senior management were organized, the General Secretariat, with the role of technical and administrative senior management of Aeronautics, including specialized directorates and services to perform specific duties and the Air Staff, which was part of the General Staff of the Army, in close connection and at the disposal of the Undersecretariat of State for Air, in order to ensure the conception, coordination and leadership for the preparation of war for the Air Force. The General Secretariat also coordinated three key areas, respectively the Central Meteorological, Aerophotogrammetical and Medical Institute, and under the Air Staff there were two superior command, control, guidance and supervision of war preparation bodies, respectively the Air Force Command for aviation, aerostation, transmissions and aeronautical engineering and the Air Defense Command, for the anti-aircraft defense of the armies and the territory. It started operating on October 1, 1940, based on the Agenda of the General Staff no. 537 of October 15, 1940; - The endowment with aeronautical materials, connected to the qualitative development of aviation equipment, air artillery, aeronautical engineering, passive defense, etc., making the right decisions for new acquisitions of equipment, purchase of manufacturing licenses, improvement and perfecting of existing means. The aim was to standardize different types of combat equipment, ammunition and spare parts in a small number of categories, in order to simplify and ease the problems in the fields of supply, control and maintenance. The endowment problems were very difficult to solve because the reserves of raw materials and semi-finished products were only built for one year, the war production being able to provide only limited needs for new or repaired material, and traditional supply lines were interrupted due to the war, the only option being the new allies and especially Germany. Through increased imports and the increase in domestic production, it was partly possible to complete the existing equipment in the fall of 1940, the equipment increases being made in significant percentages and with modern combat equipment, at the level of enemy air forces - Regarding the equipping of the territory, it started from the need to ensure an aero- port infrastructure and a territorial development at the operational level required by the new politico-military and strategic realities, in order to fully respond to the needs of personnel garrison and subsistence, but also the training needs and use in combat according to the specific servitudes of the air weapon. It started from the reality of the existence of a fairly good distribution and development of airfields, but the vast majority of them had small areas, without proper arrangements for aviation maneuvering and sheltering staff, not having the necessary access roads, various technical and lodging buildings, arrangements for the elements necessary for the safety and protection of the flight. By allocating considerable funds and adequately endowment of the subordinate aeronautical engineering structures with equipment and materials, in order to be able to cope with the growing missions, it has been possible to numerically increase the permanent and campaign airfields, arrange them properly and complete the existing ones, being put into use new infrastructure works, buildings, hangars, sheds, installations, fuel depots, barracks, roads, etc.; - The training and instruction of the personnel together with the effort in the field of endowment marked a leap both quantitatively, but especially qualitatively, to increase the number of units and, implicitly, the power of the weapon. The conditions of the ongoing war necessitated the completion and intensification of the technical-tactical training of the personnel of all categories, appealing in the first phase to the German collaboration, until the training of the necessary specialists in the different training institutions of Aeronautics. The aim was to raise and maintain a high morale by solving in the most favourable conditions the problems related to selection, promotion, interpersonal and legal treatment, rewarding and rejuvenating the staff in the first line units. In addition to increasing enrolment in all categories of personnel, by contributing to increased promotions in all subordinate schools, the aim was to improve the quality of flying and non-flying personnel in all weapons by applying technical and tactical lessons from air warfare, and schools were established for the formation of new specialties, indispensable for the functioning and affirmation of modern Aeronautics. In order to accelerate the training of the navigating personnel, an integral part of the actions destined to the realization of the planned model for the entry of aviation in the war, by the Ministerial Decision of the State Undersecretariat of Air no. 890 of November 26, 1940 the aim was to ensure, in the process of training for combat, the increase of the minimum number of flight hours, at least for the navigating personnel from the first line. Based on the General Directive for Training in the Army, in order to carry out the training of the air weapon in relation to modern warfare, in the autumn of 1940 the Air Force Staff drafted the Special Directive for Training in Aeronautics, which regulated this activity for the war period, being clearly established the method of practical training as the main feature that had to be pursued during the training of the executors, the theoretical education having a strictly necessary minimum”. By adopting these measures, at the same time with organizing courses with German instructors in the country, for intelligence aviation, hunting and air artillery, and for bombing aviation in Germany, personnel trained in the autumn of 1940 and in the first half of 1941 participated successfully in the first Eastern Air Campaign and subsequently operated in newly established training schools according to the operating principles of German schools, in order to improve flight and combat procedures. In the field of increasing the aeronautical capacity in the manufacture of new equipment and the repairing of the existing one, action was taken to achieve the following objectives: - reorganization of the aeronautical industries (I.A.R., S.E.T., I.C.A.R., A.S.A.M., etc.) and the creation of new main industries in order to increase the manufacturing capacity and achieve the technical conditions for the manufacture of the new purchased licenses. Through the efforts made, it was possible to double the manufacturing capacity and triple the repair capacity in difficult conditions from a technical point of view, ensuring with raw materials and specialized personnel. - rationalization of the industrial and technical effort through a beginning of specialization of factories and establishments on two functions, manufacturing and repair, and within them the specialization on types of aeronautical equipment; - increase of skilled labour, machinery and raw material stocks, including the creation of new targets for the production of vital raw materials for aviation in the country. The coherent implementation of these measures has achieved the performance of ensuring the manufacture in the country, in a short period of time, of aircraft of almost all aviation categories. In the field of forming the aviation spirit of the nation by organizing and intensifying the pre-aviation training among the youth and by spreading the idea of aviation in the masses of the Romanian population, action was taken to achieve the following objectives: - introduction of pre-aviation education - plane modelling, gliding, motor flight, compulsory in civil and military education, based on a program developed by all resort ministries and prior preparation of the necessary basic elements, aeronautical infrastructure, instruction material, flight equipment, instructors specialized in fields. Given the limited training possibilities in the schools of navigating officers and non- commissioned officers, the motor flight schools organized by the Civil Pilot Associations were militarized, providing young pilots with an integrated aviation training in the rules of military discipline, corresponding to the needs of military training. In order to attract young people, ensure the necessary aviation education and training, in the theoretical industrial and similar high schools and the military ones, theoretical and practical plane modelling disciplines were introduced in the first 4 years of secondary school, gliding was practiced in grades 5 and 6, and in the last years motor flight. In addition to this organization, in order to increase the quality of personnel to be recruited in the aeronautical units, the basic aviation knowledge of a future military pilot was gradually introduced - engines, aerodynamics, aircraft construction, aviation technology, navigation, meteorology and aviation history; - the creation, through measures of sustained, persevering and organized propaganda by all bodies responsible for the moral and psychological climate necessary to implement actions to prepare young people to support air warfare, but also the spread among the masses of the population of the national aviation spirit. This direction of action was based on the need for the entire people to be prepared to understand, use and support aviation, public opinion and the Romanian people being considered the spiritual, moral and actional support for the realization and full manifestation of the country's air power. Program developed and put into practice by the Undersecretariat of State for Air has fully proven its validity, the Air Campaign for the liberation of the Eastern and North-eastern parts of Romania being a success that brought admiration not only to Romanian public opinion, but also to international public opinion. Keywords: Aeronautics, air weapon, aviation, air mission, program, air victory

SECTION VALUES OF THE NATIONAL CULTURAL HERITAGE

MEDIEVAL CULTURAL HERITAGE

Arhimandrit dr. Policarp CHIȚULESCU, Biblioteca Sfântului Sinod Precious Editions of the Orthodox Witness (Ὀρθόδοξος Ὁμολογία) of Saint Hierarch Petru Movila, Metropolitan of Kiev, Kept at the Holy Synod Library of Bucharest Abstract: Saint Hierarch Petru Movila, metropolitan of Kiev was a personality closely related to the Romanian Principalities, to the Romanian world because besides his Romanian origin he was also related to several voivodes and to a metropolitan of Moldova who happily marked the history. The historical context in which Saint Petru Movila was formed was marked by the political changes and direct threatening of the Catholic proselytism. The spirit of high experience of Pecerska Lavra where Saint Petru shaped his personality was very important for maintaining the Orthodox faith in the space where it activated. The hardships the Orthodox faithful suffered in his Metropolitanate consisted not only in the demolishment, confiscation and shutting of their churches or need to baptise in secret because of the persecution exerted, but also in the aggressive propaganda of the Catholic Jesuits, as well as in the fights between Catholics and Protestants, the Orthodox often caught in the middle. Some Orthodox clergy were influenced by the Catholic books printed in large number and circulated in Galicia and Ukraine, so that they even mixed in their thought, writings, and books, ideas alien to the Orthodox tradition and theology. This is the reason why the young diligent archimandrite of the Lavra of the Caves initiated an extensive process of translation and drafting some original works in which he argued with those who attacked the Orthodoxy, on this occasion essentially contributing to developing the printing activity both in Ukraine and in the Romanian Principalities. But what determined the drafting of a compendium of Orthodox teaching was the appearance in 1629 of a Catholic Catechism by the apostate archbishop Meletie Smotritski. We know that from 8th - 18th September 1640, Saint Petru Movila organised, at the famous church of Saint Sofia, a meeting where he showed the danger of the Catholic books translated into the people’s language. This is why Saint Petru Movila drafted in the Latin language, for scriptural, patristic and canonical reasons, the book entitled Expozitio fidei Ecclesiae Russorum as 261 questions and answers. This writing is divided into three great parts corresponding to the three great theological virtues: Hope, Faith and Love, based on the teaching of Saint Paul the Apostle expressed in Epistle I to the Corinthians, chapter 13, line 13. Nevertheless, two ideas of this book were not in accordance with the Orthodox faith: the place of the souls after death and the time of transforming the gifts at the Divine Liturgy. In order to give it authority in the Orthodox world, the book of Saint Petru Movila was analysed and debated by the Orthodox theologians within the framework of a meeting held, in Iasi, from 15th September -27th October 1642 - under the generous and kind protection of the voivode of Moldova Vasile Lupu - at the monastery of the Three Saints Hierarchs (consecrated on 6th May 1642, where Saint Petru Movila had sent a complete printing installation). Clergy and professors of the highest rank of Constantinople, Kiev and Romanian Principalities participated in this meeting. Because the book by Saint Petru was written in the Latin language, the famous preacher Meletie Sirigul - considered the greatest Greek theologian of the 17th century - translated it into the Greek language. We must mention that part of the writings of this scholar had been printed in 1690, in Bucharest, with the expense of the martyr ruling prince Constantine Brancoveanu. Meletie Sirigul corrected the original text and once translated into Greek, he sent it to the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople, together with the Latin version, for validation. The copy of this version signed in original by several Eastern patriarchs was kept in the library of the King of France, making today the Parisinus graecus manuscript 1285 of the National Library of France (Paris). In December 1642, the ecumenical patriarch Partenie sent a letter by which he approved, together with his synod and archons (high officials), the book of Petru Movila, considering it useful for Christians. Although there were, in the epoch, some other Orthodox Witness compendiums by some Greek scholars: Mitrofan Critopoulos, patriarch of Alexandria, and Dositei Notara, patriarch of Jerusalem, the book by Saint Petru Movila imposed itself most and was quickly spread both in the Orthodox environment, and in the Catholic and Protestant world, interested in the position of the Orthodox Church in regard to certain dogmatic aspects. The Orthodox witness of Saint Petru Movila has become available to the Orthodox world due to its translation into the people’s Greek language by Meletie Sirigul. It was a true support for preachers because it abundantly quoted from the Holy Scriptures and from the Church Fathers, especially from Saint John Damaskin, the dogmatist par excellence of the Eastern Church. But the Orthodox Witness was useful for strengthening the Orthodox faith among the intellectuals and expressed, as I said, a firm position of the Orthodox Church on some dogmatic points. The first edition of the Orthodox Witness in the world was in the Greek language, due to the efforts of the great dragoman of the Ottoman Porte, Panaiotis Nicussios (+1673, in Isaccea, Romania). A copy of this rare first edition, of greatest importance for the history of the Orthodox Church, is kept in the Holy Synod Library of Bucharest (maybe the only one in Romania). The book passed through a true epopee till it came to be printed. The first edition of the Orthodox Witness in the world is the Greek one printed in 1666, in . Printed on high quality paper, the book is size 8°, with 252 pages; the title page was included in the numbering of the book mentioned with Arab figures only from page 17 forward. The title page of our copy is torn, with only the central part and title of the book preserved. The book is bound in brown leather in the style typical for the 17th century. The Romanian Patriarchate purchased it 1961, with the amount of 600 lei. The following edition we deal with is the one published in the in Buzau (Wallachia), in 1691. This is the first translation of the Orthodox Witness into a national language. The Holy Synod Library owns 2 copies of this edition (HSL quota I 4086), but with no title page. Sized 4°, the former copy (inventory number 20200/1962) has 208 pages, but for the two last ones, and the latter (inventory number 105502/2014) has 210 pages. Another important edition of the Orthodox Witness preserved in the collections of the Synodal Library is the one in the Greek language, printed in 1699, in Snagov (near Bucharest) in special graphic conditions, having been the third Greek edition in the world. We own three copies of this edition that can be found today in almost all the libraries of the East (HSL quota III 99). The two next editions of the Orthodox Witness, of our collections, in chronological order, are those published in Moscow, in the Slavonic language, by a Russian publishing house, in 1743 and 1745. Two more copies of the trilingual edition of Bratislava published in 1751 (HSL quota II 25041, inventory number 94281/3004) can be found in the Holy Synod Library, bound in parchment, which bibliographer Em. Legrand considers as rare books (5,401). Another edition worth mentioning is the one of 1764, published with Greek text, indicating a false place of printing: Petroupoli, (Sankt Peterburg). In fact, it is an edition printed in Venice, where the printer and editor Dimitrios Theodosios preferred to mention a fictive place of appearance on the title sheet because of the papal censorship and of the dangers he could have exposed himself to. The Holy Synod Library of Bucharest also owns in its collections many other editions of the Orthodox Witness of the 19th century when new translations of the text were done, as well as from the 20th century, the last translation from Greek done by the Romanian specialist in Byzantinism Alexandru Elian, published in Bucharest, at the publishing house of the Romanian Patriarchate, in 1981. The circulation of the Orthodox Witness in many printed editions, in Greek or in the national languages of the Orthodox peoples or even of the heterodox countries (German, English, Dutch) proves the special impact that the work of the erudite metropolitan Saint Petru Movila had, although his name is no longer mentioned - in quite an inexplicable way - in any other edition. The Orthodox Witness still represents a missionary work today, for expressing the bi-millennial Orthodox teaching on the world and the spiritual realities preserved and preached by the Orthodox Church. Keywords: The Ortodox Church, Saint Petru Movilă, metropolitan of Kiev, Orthodox Witness, printed religious books

Amsterdam, 1666 Buzău, 1691

Snagov, 1699 Bratislava, 1751

Sankt Petersburg (Veneția), 1764

dr. Oana-Mădălina POPESCU, Biblioteca Academiei Române Wallachian charters adorned with icons: a typology of them in terms of content Abstract: The aim of this study is to highlight and analyse the charters adorned with icons, which are rarer in comparison with other types of charters illustrated with miniatures. On the other hand, this type of documents has not been studied so far separately, but with all others official acts (registers, manuscripts, printings, with frames, initial letters and decorated frontispieces). We mention that we are going to examine these princely documents as historic sources, through an internal and external analyse of them, without separating the text from their artistic form, because it is just this common estimation of the internal and external components that lead us to concrete conclusions on the purpose for which they were issued. The documents have been issued for donations, confirmations of properties, exemptions of taxes, granting privileges or establishment the rules for activity, the beneficiaries being the churches, certain lay institutions or some private persons. And, all of these acts, have been decorated with beautiful icons of saints, pictured or rendered with the observance of the traditional Byzantine norms and standards of ecclesiastical painting. The charters presented in this study have been issued by the rulers of Wallachia, in the period of 17th-19th centuries. Keywords: Wallachia, Princely charter, miniature, documents iconography

Mihai-Alex OLTEANU, Muzeul Mitropolitan Iași, Mitropolia Moldovei și Bucovinei Identification of Russian marks and markings from the imperial period on the cult silverware from the patrimony of the Metropolitan Church of Moldavia and Bukovina Abstract: This article has been created after an profoundly study in the expertise of silver objects made in Russia during the imperial period and that are currently in the national cultural heritage, as part of various collections of ecclesiastical heritage, but also in the custody of some museums. Various silver objects arrived in our country, especially in the Moldavian area, by trade, exchange, as gifts or dowries, or ordered directly from various Russian silverware centers. Marks and hallmarks are an extremely important part of studying heritage objects, being often used to identify and differentiate some pieces that seem to be similar at first glance. If we can accurately identify the marks and hallmarks applied to these objects, we can easily and accurately date the objects, establish the name of the master silversmith (manufacturer) and the assay master who analyses the quality of the alloy (controller) and then a corresponding mark (standard silver mark), thus being able to add valuable information so that the expertise can be complete as much as possible. In addition to museum researchers, these marks and hallmarks are also very important clues for accredited evaluators, art historians and auction houses, but so far, although many specialists have studied and published the results of research on this topic, providing help to those seeking more information especially about objects or workshops he has created over time. However, although we have several resources in Romanian and many more in English or Russian, in which various Russian marks and hallmarks are mentioned or repeated, in Romanian there is still no guide containing all this information in a paper that researchers can later use as a basic reference. In this first article I will try to make a short guide about the identification of Russian hallmarks and markings from the imperial period on the cult silverware that is in the patrimony of the Metropolitan Church of Moldavia and Bukovina. It should be noted that the markings on objects of worship are identical with the markings on profane objects. The marking system in Russia is very old, but the first mentions of the application of the marks are documented in 1613 with reference to silver pieces. The marking of silver objects with a title was banned in 1649, and the first stamps of goldsmiths and silversmiths appeared after 1700, with the order of Tsar Peter I on marking objects not only in Moscow but in all regions of the empire. Silver marking guides published abroad contain a lot of information grouped by symbols or letters, so that users can easily access the necessary information. It should be noted that in addition to authentic marks and hallmarks, over time there have been fakes, pseudo-marks that are quite difficult to identify, because sometimes the differences between the real and counterfeit mark can be very small, usually detectable only by experts with experience in the domain. But these pseudo-markings will be addressed in a separate article. Usually the Russian marks and markings on the silver objects are in the following order from left to right: 1. the maker`s mark, the manufacturer that usually includes the initials of the master silversmith who made the object. Usually these can be with initials are in Cyrillic letters, and sometimes the whole name is stamped; 2. the assayer`s mark, that checks the quality of the alloy and the date of the year under his initials. It was strictly forbidden for the testator to put his mark on an object if it had not been marked in advance by the master who had created it. 3. the standard silver mark, which was usually made up of a two-digit number framed in a rectangle with cut corners or in an oval accompanied by the face of a woman wearing a tiara on her head - kokoshnik. This number indicates the fineness of the silver or the purity expressed in “zolotnik”, equal in the metric system to 4,266 grams. 4. the brand of the city, which usually derives from the coat of arms of the indicated city. Keywords: goldsmithing, silverware, branding, marking, expertise, ecclesiastical heritage

dr. Șarolta SOLCAN, Universitatea din București, Facultatea de Istorie Traditions in the preservation and modernization of medieval constructions in the Romanian Principalities Abstract: Researching the fate of some heritage monuments, secular and ecclesiastical, from all over Romania (from the churches in Densuș and Alexander the Good's Bistrita to the Matei Basarab’s church Arnota, fortified mansion in and to the Coltea Tower and the Assan mill in Bucharest) we observed a tradition of neglecting them from The Middle Ages to this day. The consolidation and modifications aimed at increasing their surface area and the degree of comfort did not take into account / consider their initial structures. In many cases changes were dictated by the desire for comfort, the fashion trends and the taste of the sponsor.

The plan of the church in Gurasada

Church Arnota (1633-1636, 1694)

Victims of these improvements were also the original mural paintings, which were destroyed and covered.

Bucharest, Church Batiște (2019) Frequently, old church buildings were abandoned in favour of new buildings.

Bucharest, Assan mill

In the 21st century it is necessary to stop these unfortunate customs, so heritage buildings are protected, and in their consolidation their historical originality and heritage value take precedence. Keywords: heritage, church, house, Wallachia, Moldova, Transylvania, Middle Ages

CULTURAL HERITAGE WITH MEMORIAL VALUE

dr. Nicoleta BĂDILĂ, Muzeul Municipiului București Building an identity: the Brancovenești Settlements founders’ portraits Abstract: Since the 16th century, Europe has known an abundance of portraits when the artistic craft is elevated higher than in previous centuries. Individuals are increasingly interested in being represented and portrayed for posterity in various attitudes or positions of power that they try to associate with their own image for the world to see. Thus, conventions of the body are born, and social emblems are codified in painting and their decoding leads to the disclosure of a social context for each character. In Europe, rulers and courtiers held the monopoly of portrait orders due to the financial means at their disposal and managed to attract artists into their circles. In the Romanian Principalities, the portrait permeated more difficult due to the lack of schools or painting workshops to prepare artists who would have to form a taste for the public or just to provide a service to people who could afford to pay for a portrait. The phenomenon of portraits began to take place in the first half of the 19th century, when foreign painters arrived here for various reasons, and starting around the 1840s, the first Romanian names appeared in this field. The preference of the Wallachians was to be depicted in a simple posture, seated, with few things around him and, of course, wearing sumptuous clothes with a great appearance, most often indicated by leaning his head slightly on his back, which gave them a superior attitude. Towards the middle of 19th century, visions of human painting changed, they began to benefit from a prop that denotes comfortable spaces, and faces began to be humanized by emotions expressed in the lines of the face and gaze. This paper proposes a case study on the portraits we still have from the Brâncovenești Settlements. These were created around the Domnița Bălașa Church. Manolache Lambrino invested in a Romanian learning school, his wife, princess Bălașa Brâncoveanu, opened a shelter for the elderly women, so that after their death it thrived and received a new form in 1838, through the construction of the Brâncovenesc hospital, a project initiated by Safta Brâncoveanu (1776-1857 ), the wife of Grigore Brâncoveanu (1767-1832). In this complex, a space was reserved in which seven portraits were immortalized in a technique less used in our space, oil on plaster. They were painted on the walls of the assembly hall between 1838-1839. Later this hall became the hall of section I of the hospital. According to the old documents, the following portraits were painted: Constantin Vodă Brâncoveanu, Constantin Brâncoveanu (nephew of the Voivode), Manolache Brâncoveanu, Grigore Brâncoveanu, Safta Brâncoveanu and Zoe Brâncoveanu (the adopted child of the couple Safta and Grigore). The seventh portrait is unknown or the fresco depicting the Domnița Bălașa Church passed as a portrait in expenditure documents, as their author did not make a difference between the painting genres. In July 1899, the fresco room was demolished, and the frescoes removed and preserved were those that represented Constantin Brâncoveanu's nephew, his son, Manolache, and Safta. Previously, it ordered copies of the portraits, in oil on canvas, so that, at the time of the demolition, there were six paintings with the characters listed above in the hospital inventory. In the collection of the Bucharest Municipality Museum there are both frescoes and several oil paintings of the Brâncoveni family members from the Brâncovenești Settlements. Here came four frescoes depicting Constantin Brâncoveanu, the nephew (fig. 1), Manolache (fig. 2) and two portraits of Safta (fig. 3) in which she appears dressed identically, with a difference in framing. And among the oil portraits depicting the founders of this complex came to us: - four oil copies of Safta's portrait in the assembly hall, one of which is signed by an Italian artist and dated 1892; - a portrait of young Safta made at the beginning of the 20th century, a copy of a 19th century portrait; - two portraits of Grigore, Safta's husband, who depicts him at the age of 62; they are copies after a painting made when he fled in Brașov, in 1829; - a portrait of young Grigore made by Oscar Obedeanu (1868-1915) in 1914; - a portrait of Zoe Brâncoveanu, copy from 1899 after the fresco; - a portrait of Constantin Brâncoveanu, the nephew, the 1899 copy of the fresco; - a portrait of Manolache Brâncoveanu, copy from 1899 after the fresco. Keywords: portrait, founder, Brâncovenești Settlements, fresco, 19th Century

Constantin Brâncoveanu, nepotul domnului Constantin Brâncoveanu

Manolache Brâncoveanu, mare ban

Safta Brâncoveanu (născută Balș)

dr. Dana Roxana NICULA, Muzeul Municipiului București The armorial bearing objects in the collections of the Bucharest Municipality Museum, which belonged to the Royal Family of Romania Abstract: The armorial bearing objects represent real certificates of authenticity for the museum institutions. The Bucharest Municipality Museum is the owner of a rich and valuable heritage, having in its collections armorial bearing objects which represent a genuine treasure from a historical, artistic point of view. The coats of arms and monograms recreate the symbolical universe of the old noble families, they keep the signature of the owners, their written or unwritten, known or unknown story. The coat of arms itself is a mystery that urges you to reveal it. In addition to the multitude of special pieces, a special note deserve the pieces that belonged to the Royal Family of Romania. From this multitude we will present some pieces made of crystal, porcelain and metal with the state coat of arms and the monograms of some of the Royal Family members, everyday objects and decorative Art. Among the special porcelain objects kept in the collections of the Bucharest Municipality Museum, there is a Sévres porcelain plate having the , a 1872 version engraved in the center. This plate, a unique piece in our museum’s heritage was decorated using the model of the plates of Alexandru Ioan Cuza’s dinnerware. The only difference is the coat of arms in the center, which has the following heraldic composition: quartered shield, with blue in quarters one and four and red in quarters two and three. A golden is also represented in the first quarter. It is crossed and crowned, made of the same kind of metal, having a scepter in the left claw and a sword in the right one. At the top of the canton, on the right side there is a golden sun. In the second quarter, on the top left side there is a bull's head with a star in six corners between its horns and a new crescent moon, both made of gold. In the third quarter the coat of arms of Oltenia is represented: a crowned golden , coming out of a crown and holding a six corners star, also of made of gold. The fourth quarter was dedicated to the Sea Land: two gold facing to each other. After 1878 the dolphins will be designated to represent Dobrogea. Over the four quarters the symbol of the ruling family was laid. The shield is stamped by a closed crown and supported by two lions with their tails between their legs, a symbol of . At the bottom, there is a blue ribbon with the motto of the ruling family written in gold: “NIHIL SINE DEO”. All these elements are placed under a purple flag lined with ermine, with gold tassels and fringes, caught in a closed crown. After 1878 it was replaced by the steel crown of Romania. This coat of arms was used until 1921. Probably the plate was a component of the dinnerware ordered by Prince Alexandru Ioan Cuza in France. A part of it (it is not known how many plates) was repainted by Prince Carol (photo1). The cypher of Queen Mary is also found on an ornamental painting of English porcelain, representing an angel with an olive branch at his feet. It has a bouquet of holes on his left hand and a scarf in his right. The year 1893 is inscribed on it (the year of her marriage to Prince Ferdinand), with embroidered edges in golden metal. The cypher is a stylistically improved M, stamped with a closed princely crown, decorated with precious gems, purple and ermine. On the back of the painting is the stamp T. GOODE & CO. LONDON, COPELANDS CHINA ENGLAND, topped by a closed princely crown. This fine porcelain manufactory was founded in 1827 by Thomas Goode and it became the favorite porcelain brand of the British royal family. The painting is protected by a wooden box lined with leather and silk. The signature of Queen Maria is stamped with gold on the box. (photo 2a, b). A special piece from a heraldic point of view is a hanap (beer mug) which has on its container the coat of arms of the counts of Hohenzollern, the branch of Brandenburg having the fields and furniture in different colors. The lid in the shape of a German medieval helmet with bird wings in the crest is made of silvered metal. The coat of arms consists of the shield everywhere (in the heart) having in quarters 1 and 3 the chess pattern, black and white. The second and fourth quarters are red 2 with a brown stag running on green field (a universal good symbol of life, wisdom and virility). In the heart there are two crossed scepters as a sign of power and the nobleness. The shield is stamped with three open princely crowns, placed on three armors. On the right side of the crown a dog with a dragon like tongue and neck comes out. Its body is decorated with a chess pattern, the body resembling with a Phoenix bird with black and white plumage. In the center a scepter comes out of the crown; two stag antlers come out of the crown. The motto is DIE GRAFEN ZU HOHENZOLLERN (HOHENZOLLERN ACCOUNTS) (photo 3a.b). The Royal Family also has a silver homage vessel, a unique piece in the Romanian collections, which was ordered in 1894 to celebrate the silver wedding of the royal couple Carol I and Elizabeth. The vessel is placed on three legs, lapis lazuli spheres, with staples in the shape of fantastic fish attached to the circular soles, with a frustoconical body adorned with a decoration of garlands of leafy branches. On the front side,there are two heraldic shields decorated with enamel: the one of King Carol Ist of Romania with the chess element of the coat of arms of the Hohenzollern- family and the one of Queen Elizabeth that’s missing, probably the insignia of Wied family, surrounded by a laurel wreath fastened with a ribbon. The upper part is decorated with engraved vignette motifs. The lid is removable, richly decorated with patterns and floral-vegetable motifs. The piece is made by the prestigious house WALLENWEBER, the silverware supplier of the Bavarian Royal Court and one of King ’s favorites. (photo 4). The armorial bearing objects representing the Royal Family of Romania and the monograms of its members are an important component of the national and cultural heritage. They are historical sources of an indisputable value. Keywords: coat of arms, monogram, history, royalty

dr. Florin GEORGESCU, Muzeul Național de Istorie a României Brătienii - representations in the patrimony of the National Museum of History of Romania on the 145th anniversary of the founding of the National Liberal Party Abstract: The year 1875 represents a significant landmark in the modern history of the National Liberal Party. It is the year of the establishment of the political party whose founding members manifested themselves in the national spirit since 1848, continued on the same coordinates in the year of the Union in 1859 and dedicated themselves to consolidating the independent Romanian state in 1877. Those who followed him contributed to the achievement of the Romanian unitary national state in 1918, to its consolidation between the two World conflagrations and were some hallmarks of resistance in the front of the undemocratic regimes of extreme right and left present in Europe during and after the World War Two. The Brătianu family, a true political „” dedicated to the Romanian nation, is found in the historical and artistic heritage of the National Museum of Romanian History through lithographs and engravings, plastic and decorative art and also photographs - significant testimonies of what they have represented in the history of the Romanians. The study whose theme are Brătienii aims to contribute to bringing back to the scientific environment and not only the heritage present in the collections of the National Museum of History of Romania, while illustrating the determination by which Ion C. Brătianu, Dimitrie Brătianu, Ion I.C. (Ionel) Brătianu and last but not least Constantin I.C. (Dinu) Brătianu, dedicated themselves to the establishment of the modern Romanian national state, to the consolidation of its Independence, to the unification of all Romanian provinces into one state on December 1st, 1918, as well as to the defence of the democratic and European values of the Romanian nation around the second half of the last century. Regarding the artistic documentation and the description of the plastic art creations in which Ion C. Brătianu and Dimitrie C. Brătianu are represented, these were made with the support of Mrs. Dana Crișan, expert in the field, to whom I thank for her remarkable contribution. The photography and editing of some of the images of the cultural heritage assets that are the subject of the study is due to Mr. Marius Amarie to whom I also thank for the support provided. The beginning of the study focuses on Ion C. Brătianu. A sculptural creation, signed and dated on the back of the pedestal, is the one made of marble in 1892 by Ion Georgescu and in which the founder and first president of the National Liberal Party is represented (photo 1).

Ion C. Brătianu

The founder of the National Liberal Party is represented in the plastic art of the end of the 19th century by a painting with an anonymous and undated author in which he is surprised semi-profile bust, on a gray-green background, being made in oil on canvas (photo 2)

Ion C. Brătianu

Ion C. Brătianu, as Prime Minister (1876 - 1888) and in the context of the effort to achieve Independence, acted politically and diplomatically to protect national interests against the seven major European signatory powers (Germany, United Kingdom, Austria- Hungary, France, the Ottoman Empire, Italy and the ) of the Peace Treaty concluded in Berlin on July 1st/13th, 1878, and which provided for the recognition of the Independence of the modern Romanian State. In this framework of obtaining independence and closely related to the aspect of the Berlin Peace Congress, in the patrimony of the National Museum of History of Romania is found the fountain pen used by Ion C. Brătianu at the Berlin Peace Congress of 1878 (photo 3). The pen- holder has floral motifs engraved on it, and at the place where the nib is attached, the inscription „Berlin 1878” appears and is kept in a box lined with green velvet and white atlas (silk).

Turning our attention to Dimitrie C. Brătianu (1818, Pitești - June 8th, 1892, Bucharest), the brother of the one who was president of the Council of Ministers between 1876 and 1888, we highlight the existence in the plastic art collection of the National Museum of History of a drawing in which the young Dimitrie C. Brătianu is represented (photo 4). The author is anonymous, the framed drawing being made in the first half of the 19th century in the pencil technique of paper. One aspect that must be remembered, through its significance, is that of the appointment of Dimitrie C. Brătianu as Prime Minister between April 10th, 1881 and June 8th, 1881. As a Prime Minister, Dimitrie Brătianu presided over the coronation ceremony as King of Prince Carol Ist on May 10th, 1881.

Dimitrie C. Brătianu

An exceptional contribution to the modernization of Romania, to the internal consolidation of the Romanian unitary national state and to the international recognition of the perfect unifying effort during 1918, is due to Ion I.C. (Ionel) Brătianu (1864 - 1927), the son of the founder of the National Liberal Party, Ion C. Brătianu, Ionel Brătianu being prime minister between 1908 and 1927. We should pay attention to the exceptional sculptural effort of , who in 1926, represented in bronze, the great politician. (photo 5). On the left shoulder, in the upper part, backside, appears the name of the artist and the year of the sculpture: „I. Jalea / 1926”. The sculpture is fixed on a black marble pedestal.

Ion I.C. Brătianu

An important representative of the National Liberal Party and the Brătianu family was Constantin I.C. (Dinu) Brătianu (1866 - 1950), the second son of Ion C. Brătianu. Constantin I.C. (Dinu) Brătianu was president of the National Liberal Party between January 4th, 1934 and November 1st, 1947. Regarding the photographic testimonies whose protagonist was Dinu Brătianu, we stopped on a workshop photo, dated between 1885 and 1890, in which he is represented portrait (Illustration 6). At the bottom of the photo is marked in blue ink „Dinu I. Brătianu”. The name of the photo studio „ERNST PFLANZ / Maler & Photograph. / MARIENBAD / Waldquell - Allee‟ also appears.

Dinu Brătianu

The remembrance of the Brătianu family and implicitly of the history of the National Liberal Party through the cultural patrimony represented in the collections of the National Museum of History of Romania constitutes a means of enriching the cultural-artistic horizon, of knowing the history of the Romanian State since the second half of the 19th century; the political party founded in 1875 having a primary role in consolidating the modern Romanian State, in obtaining its Independence in 1877 as well as in achieving the Romanian unitary national State in 1918. Keywords: Brătianu family, Ion C. Brătianu, Ion I.C. Brătianu, National Liberal Party, modern Romania, Romanian painting, decorative art Translate: Irina Răitaru, National Cotroceni Museum dr. Adriana Cristina MAZILU, Muzeul Național Cotroceni Constantin Tănase - „Cockchafer” of the magazine theater Abstract: On the occasion of the 140th anniversary of his birth and the 75th anniversary of the death of the great actor Constantin Tănase (July 5th, 1880 - August 29th, 1945) it is necessary to pay homage on the open stage of his artistic activity on the one hand, and the influence which he had on the evolution of the Romanian theater, on the other hand. He perfectly combined his artistic vocation with his ability as a leader, because he 63kilfully led the „Cockchafer” theater, which was considered a national institution in the interwar age. There was a symbiotic relationship between the master and his theater; there was no barrier, perfectly intertwined. Thus, on May 23th, 1919, the foundation stone of the „Cockchafer” theater was placed, located on Academiei Street and with a capacity of 2000 seats, whose first magazine show „Cat on rice” premiered in the summer of 1919. For about 20 years (1919-1939), the theater would carry out its activity presenting numerous shows that will write the history of the magazine theater thanks to the main animator, Constantin Tănase, who presented, in his unmistakable style, numerous verses, among which are mentioned: „The Tomcat is on cabbage, the cat is on rice”, „Clayton System” - an expression widely used at the time that designated a „lubrication” mechanism for solving any administrative business problems, thus „anointed” politicians, businessmen, state officials, „Like no one else”, „Aimlessly”, „Since when is the world and the earth”, „On What?”, „Until when?”, „But what did I do with that?”, „Small world, big world”, „The good time, the bad time”, „The polenta”, „The skirt”, „So far!”, „They had reached us, the noose!”, „As usual”, „You have, you don’t have, you give!”, „With what?”, „You want, you don’t want” etc. In most of the verses, the actor appeared as a humble citizen, overwhelmed by needs, a taxpayer, a civil servant or an indignant out of whack, who just wondered, and the audience applauded at the „open stage”, asking for „encores”. They interrupted approvingly, and at the fall of the curtain they acclaimed for a long time. The success of „Tănase’s verses” was tributary to the incisive satire with a precise target and to the critical spirit applied to the present, elements that managed to offer throughout its existence to the interwar public throughout the country and abroad a minimum of moral satisfaction. Another appearance that still reminds of the „Cockchafer” theater is the way in which the magazine shows were directed. They were made with gorgeous settings, backgrounds, scenography, special effects and fashionable costumes in the entertainment industry in interwar Europe. Along with these aspects, it should be remembered that the scene from „Cockchafer” hosted international stars such as Zizi Moustic, from Folies Bergère, and the „scandal-ridden” black-woman Josephine Baker, also nicknamed „The Tropical Mermaid” who played in the magazine „Black on white” from 1928. The name of the theater is also related to the debut of artists such as Maud Mary, Maria Tănase and Elena Zamora, and the appearances of Ion Vasilescu, Vasile Vasilache and Gherase Dendrino - which gave birth to a new musical style - the light music. The success of „Cockchafer” was due to the talent of the actor Constantin Tănase who, although he played comedy, opera and operetta, gained his popularity due to the magazine shows. The actor’s strength was given by the couplets/sau verses sau satirical songs which he interpreted unmatched, due to the virulent satire mixed with the dose of free comedy and the way he uttered the verses, especially the chorus, looking over the heads of the audience in front, addressing the audience, which responded when appropriate. The actor would manage to build a true manifesto from the couplet, or satirical song denouncing on stage injustice, corruption and demagoguery, always presenting the „ah” of the common man, because in the vision of the actor - the ordinary man had to revolt, to say what grinds him. All these aspects made „Tănase’s verse” a bold petition, which thus lost its notion of poetry on music. Constantin Tănase remained in the annals of the history of Romanian theatre as a father of magazine theatre, but also as an actor who had the gift of communicating and transmitting. Beyond any difference in the profession of the public, of concern, of individual formation, he provoked a current that crossed the theatre room, turning the roars of applause into acclaims. He became, without his will, the megaphone of public opinion, of real, unconfessed opinion. Constantin Tănase quickly ceased to be a simple actor, in time to become a national public institution. Keywords: actor, „Cockchafer”, theater, verse, show Translate: Irina RĂITARU, Muzeul Național Cotroceni

ARTISTS - COLLECTIONS - COLLECTORS

dr. Elena OLARIU, Muzeul Municipiului București Carol Pop de Szathmári, in the „Frederic Storck and Cecilia Cuțescu Storck” Museum Collection Abstract: During the 19th century, the documentary, historical and ethnographical types of drawing developed unprecedentedly - a phenomenon stimulated by the fact that a vast process of ideological quest for national specificity had started in the European countries. The 19th century was also an epoch of great travels to discover other cultures and civilizations, thus travel literature brought forth graphical versions, due to the illustrations which accompanied that special kind of books. Artists and scientists mobilized and started to go abroad, in order to discover the nature or the cultural richness of their own countries, or of their neighbouring states. At the Eastern Gates of Europe, the interference of cultural models had imprinted a particular specificity to the Romanian society, with reverberations in the fine arts. In the case of painting, the interest in ethnography and orientalism has developed on a background of nostalgia for the Phanariote epoch, but also due to the presence of an important community of Turks, Tartars, Armenians in Dobrudja, and in areas located on the Danube shores. Travels through the country or to Constantinople, undertaken by almost all the painters of the time, are revealing. In this context, by the half of the 19th century, we notice the exceptional personality of Carol Pop de Szathmári, an artist known in the Occident, but also in Romania, mostly for his qualities as a photographer. But Szathmári is much more than this, he is the first painter in the Romanian space strongly attracted by ethnographic and Oriental topics, both occupying an important place in the whole of his work. He often travelled to the West, but also to Constantinople, reaching Minor Asia - travels that have become revealing, and during which he gave the full measure of his talent as an artist. The necessity to quickly render details observed in his ethnographical documentation trips, or while looking for exotic topics, determined him to experiment a few personal ways of graphical representation - epurated, modern and extremely suggestive. Szathmári has worked frenetically, using many graphical techniques: drawing, watercolor, lithography, chromolithography, heliochromolithography, schalepapier. He took an impressing number of photographs rendering the portraits of political personalities but also of peasants in their folk costumes, Orientals, military men, churches, picturesque places, royal feasts. His works are preserved, today, in important cultural institutions and museums in Romania: the Municipality Museum of Bucharest, the Frederic Storck and Cecilia Cuțescu Storck Museum - part of the Municipality Museum of Bucharest, - the National Art Museum of Romania, the Library, The National Peasant’s Museum, the National „King Ferdinand I” Military Museum, the Art Museum of Cluj Napoca, The Art Museum of Craiova, or the Brăila Museum. The graphics works owned by the Frederic and Cecilia Cuțescu Storck Museum come from the collection of Ortansa and Alexandru Satmari (Alexandru has used a simplified form of his family name), who was the artist’s unique son. Ortansa Satmari was Cecilia’s sister, and this explains the presence of the respective collection in the Storck Museum. Coming from Ardeal, in 1843, Szathmári decided to remain in Bucharest because, as he himself confessed: „Bucharest is a large, beautiful town, with and pompous halls. Here, we can say, we are on the threshold of the Orient, Turkish things: clothing, customs, food, are usual things, matching our homely ones, so that a person from Ardeal can find here more affinity than in Vienna”. This Levantine atmosphere in the Romanian area he noticed during his trips, when visiting places like Galaţi or , and when rambling through the Greybeard Fair in Bucharest, where he was fascinated by the picturesque folk costumes which he often drew or painted. He travelled through various places in the country, immortalizing mountain landscapes on the Prahova Valley, on the Olt river shores, in the Piatra Craiului mountains, at the Văratec monastery, - generally wide perspective landscapes, rendered with much verve and nerve, in works of special artistic value, preserved today in the Frederic Storck and Cecilia Cuțescu Storck Museum. For landscape painting, he used watercolors, proving he perfectly mastered this technique, Szathmári being considered, in the Romanian art history, the father of modern watercolor painting. Throughout his lifetime, he painted an impressing number of portraits of peasant women or men, and there are such works in the collection of the Frederic Storck and Cecilia Cuțescu Storck Museum, with characters wearing exceptional costumes from: Mehadia, Teleorman, Argeș, Oltenia, Romanați, Dolj or Belgrade. Szathmári gradually became a painter agreed by several Romanian rulers - Gheorghe Bibescu, Barbu Ştirbei, Alexandru Ioan Cuza and Carol I, - working at their request, even travelling with the latest to Constantinople. At the Frederic Storck and Cecilia Cuțescu Storck Museum we can find a few watercolors representing portraits of Oriental people - works completing an exceptional collection that can trace a new perspective over the work and personality of Carol Pop de Szathmári. Keywords: Carol Pop de Szathmári, Romanian painter, photographer, watercolor paintings Translate: Liana Ivan-Ghilia

Mehadia-Herculane

Paraschiva din Mehadia dr. Eduard ANDREI, Institutul de Istoria Artei ,,G. Oprescu” Cultural heritage: the works of the Italian-French artist Elvezia Paini in Romania Abstract: This study deals - for the first time in the historiography of art in Romania - with the life and work of the Italian-French artist Elvezia Paini (1862, Copparo, Italy - 1953, Fumel, France), also known under the names/ pseudonyms of Elvezia Gazzotti, Lotus de Païni or Lotus Péralté. Praised by André Breton (who made a collage portrait of her after her death) and by Théophile Briant for her esoteric writings - Les trois Totémisations (1924) and La magie et le mystère de la Femme (1928), among them -, she remains little known as a painter nowadays. Elvezia Paini is of particular interest to us for her relations with Romania at the end of the 19th century and for some of her works that belong to the collections of several major Romanian museums. Our analysis of these works will present them in the broader context of the artist’s biography and career. Born Elvezia Gazzotti, of a Swiss father of Italian origin and a French mother, she receives, following a first marriage (c.1890) with Baron Nicolas Païni, the noble title of “Baroness Païni”. She then borrowed the name of her second husband, Dr. Paul Pératé, whom she married in 1900 and who, in his turn, officially changed his name to Péralté in 1903. She spent her adolescence in France, on the Cote d’Azur, at Vallauris, initiating herself in painting around the age of 20. In 1889 she sent two works, Théodora and Chrysanthemums, to the Salon de la Société des Artistes Français in Paris. The same year, the artist was in London for a while, where she attended the silver wedding of Louis Philippe Albert d’Orléans, Count of Paris, and made two drawings to illustrate the event. In the 1890s, between her two marriages, Elvezia Paini traveled to Europe; she spent a longer time in Bucharest, where her sister, Fiametta, had settled by marriage and where she taught private lessons in painting and drawing, which used to be very popular among the young ladies at that time (the announcement of beginning of her classes was advertised in the French- language newspaper “L’Indépendance Roumaine”, published in Bucharest, on November 13, 1895; the classes started the next day, at the Athenaeum, in a room on the ground floor, which had been made available to her by ). Having no children of her own, she was particularly concerned with the artistic education of his niece, Noëlla. At the same time, she became a portraitist of the high society in Bucharest and even of the Romanian Royal Court. Thus, in 1894 she painted the portrait of Queen Elisabeth / Carmen Sylva (unidentified), with whom she shared an interest in art, occultism, and theosophy. During her stay in Bucharest, she meets Anastase Simu (1854-1935), an academician, politician, doctor of political and administrative sciences, important art collector and founder, in 1910, of the private museum in Bucharest that bore his name (the museum would be demolished in 1960). Elvezia Paini paints the portrait of the famous collector and that of his wife, Elena Simu (1864-1934). The two portraits, made in pastel on paper, were displayed, along with the queen’s portrait, at the Exhibition of Living Artists, organized in the hall of the Romanian Athenaeum in Bucharest, in 1896. This participation brought her a mention for a “portrait”. In the same year she also exhibited with the group “The Artistic Circle”. The portraits of the Simu couple are today at the Museum of Art Collections (MAC) in Bucharest, in the Collection named after the donors: “Elena and Anastase Simu”. This museum also holds a third pastel by the artist, a Portrait of a Woman. On the back of these pastels one can see the German mark of paper: “M. & H. Dresden.”. Preserved in the museum’s storage, these works are primarily remarkable for the artist’s skill of rendering the physiognomy of each model. In addition, the pastel technique gives a special freshness to colors. The last time they were on view for the public was in 2006, at the exhibition “Graphic Art from the Anastase Simu collection”, opened at the National Museum of Art. The three pastels belonged to the former Simu Museum and officially entered the collection of MAC in 1979. In Bucharest, the artist also paints a monumental full-length portrait of Princess Ecaterina Cantacuzino, the wife of Gheorghe Grigore Cantacuzino, surnamed “The Nabob” (due to his impressive fortune). Still in its initial place, in the Music Hall of the “George Enescu” National Museum, the painting strikes the viewer by the spontaneity of the brushstrokes. In 1897 Elvezia Paini moves to Paris, where she exhibits at the Salon de la Société Nationale des Beaux-Arts (SNBA) in the following years: in 1898, the paintings Les Indiscrètes (1898, in Pre-Raphaelite style) and the Portrait of Countess Tornielli (the Italian ambassador to Paris), signed “Lotus”; in 1899, the painting La Vie (visibly influenced by the French Symbolism, particularly by Puvis de Chavannes). In 1904 the artist starts a series of initiatory trips to India, Ceylon, Western Tibet, Mongolia, the Middle East, followed in 1910- 1911 by those to Egypt, Sudan, Palestine, and Greece. In 1908 and 1911, the Péralté couple donated to the Musée Guimet in Paris a number of 24 and, respectively, 15 works (paintings and sketches), executed by the artist during her trips to the Orient, as well as numerous ethnic and religious artifacts collected on the occasion of those travels. The works and the objects from the first donation were presented, in the respective year, in a temporary exhibition at the Musée Guimet. In 1909, Elvezia Paini was appointed “Officier de l’Instruction Publique”, at the recommendation made by Émile Guimet himself. Under the influence of the great philosopher, occultist - and also architect, sculptor, and painter - Rudolf Steiner, in 1914, the artist is in Dornach, in neutral Switzerland (where she will remain throughout the war), and gets involved, financially and artistically, in the project of building the First Goetheanum, conceived as a temple of anthroposophical knowledge. Thus, she climbs the scaffolds in order to experience the mural painting: along with other artists and according to Steiner’s own directions, then looking for a new style, she paints a fresco of about 8m2 in the Great Dome, with the theme “The Initiate of Ancient India”. Unfortunately, the work was destroyed, along with the building, in the fire on New Year’s Eve 1922/1923. In the 1920-30s, the artist split her time between Paris and Golfe-Juan (on the Cote d’Azur), while she continued to travel extensively: in 1925 - to Central and South America, to Caracas, Venezuela; in 1929 - to Palestine, Jerusalem and Nazareth. While the mural painting from Dornach no longer exists, another series of her works, considered long gone, was discovered relatively recently: 14 canvases illustrating the “The Way of the Cross”, signed by “Lotus de Païni”, were found by chance in the sacristy of the Church of Notre- Dame d’Auffay (in Normandy, France). The 14 paintings, with their original wooden frames sculpted by Jean Hesse, were made by the artist in 1936, then exhibited at the Hesse House in Rouen and, eventually, installed in the church in the same year; but around 1939, shortly before the WWII outbreak, they were hidden so as not to be destroyed or stolen; once found and restored, they were reinstalled in their original place in 2016, after 80 years... Ignoring - it seems - the importance of this artist, probably because so far she has not been the subject of any study in Romania, the Ministry of Culture has included on the list of the national cultural heritage only one of her works: the Portrait of Princess Ecaterina Cantacuzino (classification order, in the “Treasure” legal category, no. 2159 / 03.13.2015). Keywords: Lotus de Païni, Princess Ecaterina Cantacuzino, The Simu Museum, The First Goetheanum, The Collegiate Church of Auffay.

Claymoor [pseudonimul lui Mişu Văcărescu, n.n.], Carnet du High-Life, în “L’Indépendance Roumaine”, 5e Série, No 6003, Mercredi 1 (13) Novembre 1895, p. 2

Elvezia Paini, Portretul lui Anastase Simu, fără dată [ca. 1896], pastel pe hârtie, 57,5x49,5 cm (nesemnat). Muzeul Colecțiilor de Artă, Colecția Elena și Anastase Simu (inv. 90 376)

Elvezia Paini, Portretul Elenei Simu, fără dată [ca. 1896], pastel pe hârtie, 59,5x47,5 cm (semnat „ELVEZIA Paini” în stânga-jos) Muzeul Colecțiilor de Artă, Colecția Elena și Anastase Simu (inv. 90 374)

Elvezia Paini, Portret de femeie, fără dată [ca. 1896], pastel pe hârtie, 57x48,5 cm (semnat „Paini” în dreapta-mijloc). Muzeul Colecțiilor de Artă, Colecția Elena și Anastase Simu (inv. 90 375)

Elvezia Paini, Portretul Prințesei Ecaterina Cantacuzino (născută Băleanu), fără dată [ca.1896-1906], ulei pe pânză (șasiu încastrat în zid), 198x138 cm (semnat „Elvezia Paini” în stânga-mijloc) Muzeul Național „George Enescu”, Salonul de muzică (inv. P 5116)

Elvezia Paini (ca. 1900) painting in the park of Bosmelet Castle, the Norman residence of one of her friends, in Pays de Caux en Seine-Maritime, France. Sursa: http://www.archerjulienchampagne.com/article-7020349.html. drd. Ana RUSAN-GÖRBE, Institutul de Istorie „Nicolae Iorga” Painter Nicolae Vermont's correspondence with his wife: between career and private life Abstract: Nicolae Vermont was born on 10 October 1866 at Bacău in a Jewish family, but when he grew up, he became a Christian. He studied with Theodor Aman at the School of Fine Arts in Bucharest. Later on, Vermont went to Munich because he wanted to learn more about European art, so he enrolled at the Academy of Fine Arts. He loved very much this city and returned here many times. However, the completion of his artistic studies took place in 1895, in Paris, where he improved his engraving technique. He was one of the collaborators of Ileana magazine who was supported by the collector Alexandru Bogdan-Piteşti, also his patron. Vermont was among the founders of the „Tinerimea Artistică”, a long-lasting group that promoted young talents. The artist sent his wife, Frederica Vermont, also called Fridi, a lot of postcards and a few letters from each place he travelled to honor an order or to take care of his health. This correspondence introduces us to the artist's privacy who tells his wife all his joys and shortcomings during his travels. These postcards mark important events in the artist's life such as the birth of their two daughters, Margareta and Zoe. Although he often complained about financial problems, the artist travelled largely both in his country and abroad, so he had a very rich cultural and social life. He visited exhibitions in major European cities, such as Munich or Vienna, went to concerts and plays or went on various trips with friends. He has travelled to cities such as Leipzig, Nuremberg, Salzburg, Berlin, Budapest, Prague, Sibiu, or Braşov. Vermont has worked quite a lot in both fresco and easel painting. He painted with Serafim and Artachino the Romanian Cathedral in Sofia, he painted the Church of Saint John the Baptist in Tecuci and he also contributed to the Stelea Church in Târgovişte. He showed both talent and desire to work so he painted and engraved quite a lot, exhibited with Tinerimea Artistică, and even organized personal exhibitions at the Romanian Athenaeum. Because he had health problems and struggled with being overweight, he went to the baths in Germany almost every year, either in Bad Reichenhall or Karlsbad. He was an artist who preferred to paint outdoors, and often sold his paintings for very modest prices just to ensure a decent living for his family. His wife used to negotiate the prices of the paintings when the painter went abroad, and the money obtained was either sent to him or used to maintain the house. Sometimes they shared the money because living was expensive for both of them, no matter where they were. His letters liberate jealousy, alternating with reproaches and affective words, as he demanded that his wife has to write to him every day, which did not happen very often. However, the correspondence of the two spouses is a testimony of the love they had one for another and is also an important historical source as the artist describes the places he travels to, talks about their level of modernization if they have or not electricity and often mentions the prices he pays for various goods. He points out the conditions in which he travels, the trains and carriages he uses, and sometimes pointed customs restrictions. Therefore, Vermont was a fine observer of the surrounding world who wrote in real time what he felt and saw leaving us now to witness the transformations that have occurred over time. Keywords: Nicolae Vermont, Romanian painters, Tinerimea Artistică, Frederica Vermont, private correspondence

Magdalena CHITILĂ, Muzeul Municipiului București Anton Kaindl and images from Bucharest Abstract: In 1921, at the invitation of the Royal Family, Anton Kaindl arrived in Romania, who will prove to be one of the most impressive engravers of the 20th century. Very little is known about the journey of the painter and engraver Anton Kaindl (1872 -1951) until his arrival in Romania. It is known for certain that he lived in Germany. However, once he arrived in our space, he did not leave, and his unique works made here preserve and bring before us important landmarks for the religious and secular architecture of the Romanian space. Anton Kaindl travelled the country and his works exemplify this. In the patrimony of the Museum of Bucharest within the Writings and Printed Collection there is an Album of engravings made by the artist in aquaforte technique - depicting historical monuments from the capital and country. The works number 218 and render through a meticulous graphic churches, hermitages, monastic ensembles from Oltenia, Moldavia, Maramureș, Wallachia, Bistrița, crucifixes from Oltenia, Bistrița, Wallachia, the famous Cule Oltenești, houses with traditional architecture from Oltenia and Transylvania, mills in the rural area of Transylvania, Oltenia, Wallachia and Bistrita. Along with these works in large numbers, , Banloc Castle and Neamț Fortress in Moldavia are also on display. The album is completed by two self-portraits and an engraving with decoration that is dedicated to the presentation of the album: MY FRIENDS / 30 YEARS - IN ROMANIA / ANTON KAINDL For the Bucharest space, the author made 16 works in this album, these being: the Cathedral and Palace of the Patriarchate, Bucur Church, the Bell Tower of the Udricani Church, St. Anton's Church, Bărăția Church (although the work does not show the Bărăția church, another image appears building), Văcărești Street (1921), Fundenii Doamnei Church, Antim Monastery, Radu-Vodă Monastery, Plumbuita Monastery, Văcărești Monastery (2 works), shepherds at Plumbuita, Apostolic Nunciature Building, the building of French Embassy, Deposit House Building. The engravings in the album are generally signed with the monogram AK. Some are unsigned, and the dating was sporadic. Returning to the Bucharest space, I suggest you to view two images from Bucharest and one from the immediate vicinity of Bucharest, three Orthodox places of worship accompanied by several mentions related to these works, namely: St. Anthony's Church (photo 1), Fundenii Doamnei Church (photo 2) and the Cathedral and the Palace of the Patriarchate (photo 3) Buna Vestire Church “Curtea Veche” (St. Anthony's Church) - Bucharest The current title of the church presented in the engraving is - The Church of Buna Vestire “Curtea Veche” (or the Church “Domnească Mare” or “De jos Church”), it is known as the church of St. Anton after the patron saint who was taken from the old nearby St. Anton’s Church, that burned in the great fire that engulfed Bucharest in the spring of 1847. The image shows the silhouette of the oldest church in Bucharest, which retains at the bottom the plaster that was removed after the restoration carried out between 1928-1935. Currently the facade is made of exposed brick. Returning to the image, in front of the church there are, made on a small scale, several stalls with umbrellas behind which are vaguely sketched human silhouettes placed in their shadow, and the right side is a multi-storey building. The space (partially) around the church was occupied by the well-known St. Anton's Square, which later became the Flower Square, a square that disappeared today from this space. The work is signed with the monogram AK lower left. Fundenii Doamnei Church The current title of the church is the Church of St. Eftimie “Fundenii Doamnei”, in Fundeni village, Dobroești commune, Ilfov county. It is the foundation of the Spatharious Mihail Cantacuzino. The construction of the church was completed in May 1699 “date recorded on the north wall of the narthex and in the inscription” as mentioned in the Encyclopedia of Places of Worship in Bucharest by authors Lucia Stoica, Neculai Ionescu-Guinea. The church is different by the unique stucco decoration of the exterior and by the approach for this decoration of the oriental style of Persian influence. The name of Fundenii Doamnei comes as it happens many times in history from the one who renovated this church in 1860, namely Doamna Maria Ghica. Extensive restoration and consolidation works were carried out while still respecting this different and surprising ornamentation between 1997-2003. The work of the engraver Anton Kaindl (presented in the image) presents in an exceptional accuracy, the Church “Fundenii Doamnei” that unfolds towards the viewer with approx. 2/4 of one of its facades, in a spring landscape. The author reproduces in detail the stucco decoration that adorns the church on the outside, accessing the same details to reproduce its architecture. Thus, in this exterior decoration of the church there are fountains, palaces, peacocks, pieces of furniture, flowers, flowerpots, cypresses, woven branches, and to all this are added geometric motifs. Instead, the lower part of the church is caught in a state of degradation. The churchyard has a micro- ejection, and here you can see three small, slightly bent crosses and a tombstone. The engraving is signed lower left with the monogram AK. The Cathedral and the Palace of the Patriarchate In a sober note, an engraving unfolds before your eyes, presenting in two registers, parts of the ensemble that still forms today the Patriarchal Cathedral of Bucharest, made by the engraver Anton Kaindl somewhere after 1921. In the upper register is presented the Patriarchal Cathedral, seen from a side angle, with details of structure and decoration (it is shown especially the front of this Cathedral). A coat of arms is shown in the upper left. The lower register shows the Patriarchal Palace (Metropolitan or Patriarchal Residence) also rendered with architectural details. Their correspondence with the present time exists, but there are also small differences. The ensemble on Metropolitan Hill is representative in our space and currently includes the Patriarchal Cathedral “St. Emperors Constantine and Helen” (founded by Prince Constantin Serban Basarab), the Bell Tower, the Chapel and the Patriarchal Residence and the Patriarchate Palace. The work is signed lower right in the second register, lower right with the monogram AK. Keywords: Anton Kaindl, religious architecture, secular architecture, Romanian space, heritage

S

Felicia RAETZKY, Muzeul Municipiului București The Interwar Artist Who Sculpted A Visual History of the Romanian National State Abstract: The new Royal Palace, as it stands today, as erected in 1937 under the direct supervision of Queen Marie and her son, King Carol II. The central part of the Old Palace was burned by the flames of the 1926 fire, but the central staircase was only partially destroyed. In order to acquire the image, which was pronounced at the end of the third decade of the twentieth century, that of the definition of the national state, the Ladder of Honor is preserved and transformed into the Voivodship’s Staircase, through the ceiling decorated with the effigies of made by Cornel Medrea and completed by mural made by Arthur Verona. The sculptor Cornel Medrea (1888-1964) Born in multi-ethnic Transylvania, he attended the courses of the Royal University of Decorative Arts in Budapest (1905-1910). He was a professor of the Department of Sculpture and Modelling at the Academy of Fine Arts in Bucharest and between 1933 and 1964 he educated some of the biggest names in Romanian sculpture. The Medrian creation “barely fits in a museum. Wherever you meet it, you notice it: it expresses the nobility and grandeur that were her own”, as the Romanian painter Corneliu Baba related, reflects the 50 years of artistic creation that were marked by the passage through the bloody periods of the World Wars. Even today, we owe to him through his donations, the memory of the first museum of sculpture in Romania and the collection that sums up 380 objects, from sculpture to graphic and painting works, which are today in the heritage of the Bucharest Municipality Museum . Medrea’s portraiture is noted by a large number of art critics and historians, and part of this panoply are the effigy medallions, which he sculpted for the Voivodships' Staircase, the main component of the Royal Palace of Romania, the center of monarchical power at that time. This architectural route, which starts from the Hall of Honor and continues to the Throne Hall, through a marker, the Voivodeship Staircase, which brings together the spirit of the 13 great voivodes of Moldavia and Wallachia, who unite their faces in the same frieze, chronologically, on the same longitudinal position with the first kings of Greater Romania: Carol I (1839-1914) and Ferdinand (1865-1927). The Great Union of Alba Iulia honors in its form painted by Arthur Verona, the allegorical completion of the ceiling that followed in the footsteps of all those who crossed these official steps. The choice of the sculptor Cornel Medrea for the creation of these important reliefs that founded the history of the nation state is not accidental. With an international recognition through the presence of the sculptor, but especially of his works, which accompanied and honoured Romania's participation in Amsterdam, The Hague, , Barcelona, Venice Biennale, recognition that brings him a Grand Prix at the Universal Exhibition in Paris from 1937 and it was possible because of this acquired status of recognition, determined the sculptor to realize, in the same period in which he sculpted, the frieze from the Royal Palace and the bas-reliefs representing the winged Victories for the Arc de Triumph, but also the monumental relief from the Mausoleum of Mărășești, both monuments dedicated to the heroes of the Great War for the Unification of the Nation. It is possible that, in addition to the talent of the interwar artist, his Transylvanian roots weighed significantly, the decision of his choice demonstrated and strengthened the unifying success of the Greater Romania, Medrea being the first Transylvanian sculptor to settle in Bucharest. Cornel Medrea’s portraiture went through the most intense periods of our history, which is why it is so important to revive the cultural heritage left by this master of Romanian art. Keywords: Cornel Medrea, Romanian sculptor, Romanian Royal Palace, the Voivodship’s Staircase

drd. Gabriela BALABAN, Facultatea de Litere, Universitatea București Idel Ianchelevici. Cultural exchanges Abstract: With this short text, I would like to make a short introduction into Ianchelevici world, touching few of the themes that the artist approaches, mentioning the context of his work in , but also the cultural heritage that Ianchelevici brings with him from Romania and that he will carry all his life and will reflect it into his drawings and sculptures. On 5th of May 2020, there are 111 years from the birthday of the Romanian-Belgium schulptor and graphician Idel Ianchelevici, of whom’s art broke the frontiers and found its place among the universal artists. After he finalizes the military service in Galati, the place where he starts his artistic career at the request of the commander of the military unit, Ianchelevici left Romania for Belgium. The military unit commander could help him to find a very good job at the War Ministery, for a safety and relaxing life, where Ianchelevici should draw maps. But, in the same time, the colonel advises him to follow his dream and use his talent, having a totally different way of life. This is the reason why, at the beginning of the 1930s, Ianchelevici arrives in Liège. He enrolls at the Faculty of Medicine, but quite fast, because he is attracted by the sculpture. He works almost continuously in the loneliness of his workshop. He is already known in the Belgium artistic world that he is in contact with since its first arrival in Belgium, in 1928. Even if he refuses at the beginning to enrol at the academy, due to the long period of time till graduation and full recognition, he follows the advice of his friends, who tell him that he will regret all his life the missing of the diploma for studies, and goes at the Académie Royal des Beaux-Arts de Liège. Due to his talent and the introduction to the director of the academy, Ianchelevici is accepted in the last year of the studies, at the monumental sculpture class of Oscar Bergmans. He graduates in three months, with the sculpture called The Revolt for which he receives the first prize. The work is today in the collection of Ianchelevici Museum in La Louvière, Belgia. The artist is dedicated to the figurative art, that he will be devoted till the end of his life, despite the evolution of his style, the material that he chose and his method of working.

Idel Ianchelevici, The Revolt, 1933, gypsum, MiLL Source: Ianchelevici Foundation

The Revolt is inspired by the reality of the 1930s in Belgium, years with a lot of social movements, strikes, demonstrations and introduces us two young men who revolt against the working conditions. Their dramatic faces are very expressive, and they transmit their emotions and feelings. From 1930s, the years of the beginning, there are a lot of big size dimensions sculptures, for indoor. These sculptures present us simple people naked, with huge shapes, oversized legs and arms. The artist said about him, referring at his art models: „I love the man because he is the most real, the most honest in his gestures. But among the people, the primitive man, the instinctive man is the one who interests me. In a brute, there is generally, a pure sensitivity”.

Idel Ianchelevici, Piet laughing,1937, Idel Ianchelevici, The armonic,1937, gypsum, MiLL gypsum, MiLL Source: Ianchelevici Foundation Source: Ianchelevici Foundation Many of his first sculptures were made by gypsum, using the modelling technique, which keeps the marks of the artist’s fingers, the movements of them over the material, which transmit themselves, the state of anxiety of the one who lives and creates in those difficult times. If the artist is influenced by the environment of his new country, of the state of the Belgium society in the years of 1930s, Ianchelevici will keep in his mind and his work, the influence of his basarabean roots of the country side, all his life. The peasants - children women, men, all with bare feet, the animals that he lived with during his childhod on Prut’shore, will be all his life in his art. Also missing his family that he left forever at the beginning of the 1930s is visible, because the subjects of maternity, paternity, of the older sister who replaced his mother who died when Ianchelevici was seven years old. These subjects are realized by modelling technique in gypsum or clay but also in bronze or, from the end of 1950s, by direct carving in stone or marble.

Idel Ianchelevici, The Little Rascal, 1932, Idel Ianchelevici, The Older Sister 1980, gypsum, marble Collection Art Museum Bucharest Collection Art Museum Bucharest

The first important change in the art of Ianchelevici is in the late of 1950s, when he receives three grants from the Belgium Government, to travel in Congo. From that moment, his models of figurative art, become elongated, supple, with a new report between the body parts. But the cultural exchanges are not related only to the art of Ianchelevici. Even if he arrives and lives in a very industrialized city, directly from his village on the Prut river, then moves to Bruxelles and in the end close to Paris, Ianchelevici didn’t delete completely the connection with the habits of his born places. He continued to cook Romanian dishes and in the interviews that I had with the people who met Ianchelevici, they told me that during his meeting with Brancusi in Paris - is known that Brancusi was not a fan of figurative art - they discussed about the Romanian food, about the way of cooking it. The recordings from the 1980s, show us Ianchelevici who sings in Romanian, at more than 50 years since he left his country. In art, we see what he brings with him in Belgium, but also what he borrows there, connected with the life that he lives, with the social movements of the time. We can see also the changes that those three grants from the Belgium Government bring to Ianchelevici’s art, this period being called the transition period of the artist. With his own declaration: „I am Jewish. I am an artist. But I am not a Jewish artist”, Ianchelevici recognizes his Jewish origin, but, as an artist, he puts himself in the universality of the art, deleting in this way the borders of his country, but also of the European continent. Keywords: Ianchelevici, figurative art, sculpture, Jewish, artist, cultural exchanges, modelling, direct carving, marble, stone, bronze, gypsum.

dr. Mădălina NIȚELEA, Muzeul Național Cotroceni Graphics by Silvan Ionescu, in the patrimony of the Cotroceni National Museum „A father imposes both respect and fear” Abstract: Recently, an exceptional donation of some graphic works-comic portraits, faces of great men of culture, was given to the patrimony of the Cotroceni National Museum, by the well-known art historian and critic, Adrian Silvan Ionescu. The author of these memorable works is the father of the historian, the famous portraitist, Silvan Ionescu (1909- 1999). With a perfect education in the Germanic space, he has studied between 1930-1936, at the Technische Hochschule in Berlin-Charlottenburg and took art classes at the Kunstacademie. The young Silvan Ionescu has captured his teachers and personalities that he met in such portraits. During his studies, he became friend with Herbert von Karajan and Petre Tuţea and he met Bertholt Brecht. Over seven decades, writers, actors, directors, scenographers, musicians, art critics, could be found in the gallery of great figures, rendered by the portraitist Silvan Ionescu, in the pages of the most important Romanian cultural periodicals of the last century: „Universul Literar”, „Cuvântul”, „Viaţa”, „Bis”, „Vremea”, „Cortina”, „Gazeta Literară” - later „România literară” -, „Contemporanul”, „Luceafărul”, „Neuer Weg”, „Teatrul”, „Secolul XX”, „Tribuna”, „Manuscriptum”. The portraits are expressive, with a moderate touch in the deformation and exaggeration of the distinctive features on the faces of the chosen characters, with a permanent subtlety, often dated with exaggerated precision, as someone remarks, “of watchmaker of the time of culture”. In a confession, this image chronicler of the Romanian-international cultural-artistic life, who delimits himself both from the „photographic” portrait and from the caricature. However, he resembles to a writer: “Personally, I thought it was pointless to 'photograph' the face of a character, a model, who resembles to reality - a genre called 'portrait' - or, in some cases, to exaggerate the nose, or the eyes, or the mouth, by naming in this kind of „caricature”. We have portraits through words, through sentences and phrases, in literature - in other words a description. I tried to make this description with lines”. Regarding the method, the representation manner is significant. He is a professional image maker. The elements of composition alternate from person to person. A portrait of his prestigious friend Herbert von Karajan is like a magic, of conducting, of course. The figures of the actors Constantin Nottara, Grigore Vasiliu Birlic, , or Amza Pellea are unmistakable. The actor and director Grigore Gonţa, embodies a role, from a well-known play. Like a writer, but in the art of graphics, the portraitist Silvan easily transposes himself in the rendering of the pursued characters, meaning writers such as Marin Sorescu, Nina Cassian, , Marin Preda, or Geo Bogza. In 2011, the Publishing House of the Romanian Cultural Institute dedicated a monographic volume to this Romanian graphics personality. Silvan portretistul/The Portrait Artist was published in a bilingual edition, with introduction, chronology and selection of works, under the care of his son, Adrian Silvan Ionescu. „What can I say about him?” He was DAD!”, as Adrian-Silvan Ionescu wrote in the introduction of the volume dedicated to his father. „Even now, seven years later he passed the Styx, I shyly approach his memory, his striking personality. A father imposes both respect and fear “. Today, some of Silvan signed works have entered the patrimony of the Cotroceni National Museum, thanks to the generosity of Mr. Adrian Silvan Ionescu. Keywords: Romanian graphics, Silvan Ionescu, 20th century, portraits, caricatures

Constantin Nottara Herbert von Karajan

Grigore Gonța Marin Sorescu

Livia GEORGESCU, Muzeul Național Cotroceni Miniature and chromatic harmony in decorative art objects from the patrimony of the Cotroceni National Museum Motto: „Strong essences are kept in small bottles” Abstract: The history of decorative art is intertwined with the history of various cultures, in a winding path, but with vibrant accents. Delicate by its nature, the miniature can make its place in any collection, either museum or private, acquiring distinctive values over time. This theme supports the idea of popularizing miniature objects from the ceramics, glass and metal collections of the Cotroceni National Museum, through expressive images and relevant information, offering to the virtual visitor an accessible support for understanding the universe of decorative art. Seemingly banal in repetitiveness (either in series or individually), but remarkable in material, technique or design, amply or stylizedly decorated, these „little beauties” have become documented symbols of aesthetic values as well as creative power stored in so many generations. Starting from a handful of earth and reaching the rank of Weibes Gold (white gold, porcelain is part of a large number of models (from the most accessible to rarities) in the aesthetics of all times, especially the one of extreme - oriental origin, categorized as: „white as jade, thin as paper, sounding like a bell, bright as a mirror”. In fact, this type of porcelain is distinguished by an amazing decorative abundance, based on tradition and nature, imprinting on the pieces that note of harmony and originality. With dimensions not exceeding a few centimetres, hand-painted, in a vivid chromatic, subject to the conventional by those floral-vegetable compositions or by friezes with geometric elements, complemented by oriental style genre scenes, there are both the pair consisting of a cup and a saucer (height: 4 cm; base diameter: 2.5 cm; mouth diameter: 5 cm / diameter: 9 cm)

as well as the indispensable set of spice dishes (height, 3 cm; base diameter, 2 cm; mouth diameter, 5 cm / height,13 cm; base diameter, 4 cm; mouth diameter, 2 cm).

They are added a decorative plate (diameter: 14 cm) that bears another Asian symbol - the fan - this time, present on the border only in terms of shape. The zoomorphic and the avimorph elements are a leitmotif that often highlights the depths of Asian mythology.

All these pieces are authenticated by the very marking of the workshops, present in the form of ideograms. Equally, pieces from the same period of the early twentieth century, but of European workmanship, can arouse curiosity and admiration, through a perfectly integrated decorativism. An interesting box with a lid (height, 9 cm), remarkable for its elegant contour (inverted pyramid shape, faceted, raised on three legs, arched at the top in the shape of acanthus leaves) and with a vigorous chromatic, enriches the group of miniatures.

The second box with a lid (height, 6 cm; diameter, 10.5 cm), this time made in a workshop from the famous Bohemia, denotes good taste by the contour of the shape, perfected with an extremely oriental-inspired decor (arranged under the shape of a stylized mountain landscape) continued on the lid (by two female characters in kimonos) in the same fresh colour gamut. The marking also gives it authenticity.

Over time, porcelain has become appreciated in our country too, and the Cotroceni Museum possess a decorated vessel (height, 8 cm; base diameter 8.6 cm; mouth diameter, 4 cm) made at the Iris Porcelain Factory, fom Cluj, in a bold way, with geometric elements, in shades of gold and gray, on a cobalt blue background.

The set of three filigree (height, 3 cm; base diameter, 2 cm; mouth diameter, 4.5 cm) succeeded by the execution technique, dated 4/4 sec. XIX, is characterized by hand-painted decoration - the Greek text and laurel branches suggesting the intention to capture some symbols, in a natural transposition, which reminds us of the incomparable art of the ancient Greece.

The ancient times are also reminded to us by a German lamp (height, 4 cm; base diameter, 4.3 cm; mouth diameter, 3 cm) made of gilded porcelain, made in one of the elite centres of Europe - Germany, which warns us by the simplicity of shape. The bulbous lid, processed in the form of stylized flames, as well as its dimensions reflect the expression of German precision.

Showcase objects, miniature figurines lived periods of glory alternating with an apparent decadence. Although numerically reduced in the patrimony of our museum, they bear the stamp of several German workshops such as Rosenthal, Ilmenau - Thuringia, Hertwig Katzhütte, illustrating four hand-painted figurines, with colourful accents that make them expressive and enliven. Two of these small artistic emblems are represented by the “Child with the Violin” (height, 17 cm; length: 16 cm; width: 9 cm), a miniature with a simple hand painting denoting candor and sensitivity, and the “Child with the Butterfly” ( height, 13.5 cm; base diameter, 5.5 cm) - piece imprinted as a style and intention of nostalgia. This time, the colours are essential: green, bright red, blue - becoming the means of composition.

In fact, the same combination of warm / cold between colours is visible in the piece „Butterfly” (height, 5 cm; length: 9 cm; width, 8.5 cm) with the mention that the shade of red, visible in „Child with butterfly” has been replaced with a note of intense yellow that gives it more brightness.

The journey through the German artistic space in the twentieth century, ends with the presentation of a piece (height, 6 cm; length: 11 cm; width, 3 cm), made in a Rosenthal workshop - “German Dog” (covered in smoky white, over which are arranged spots in shades of brown with pink accents), revealing that the man's best friend was not neglected.

In fact, the usefulness of these figurines lies precisely in the purely decorative function of expressing the imagination of craftsmen. Through a long tradition, glassware joins the decorative art in various shades, shines and cuts, producing the effect of fascination to the eye. As a solid argument, a series of five soliflor vases, in slender shapes, whose green in shades enhances the central floral details, giving them a radiant coloristic look, is required. The artist Moser proved his skill and exact sense of form. In this miniature ensemble, there is also a bottle with a stopper (height, 8 cm), from the same period of the twentieth century, reminiscent of eternal feminine coquetry - a hand- painted piece (with the spheroidal body flattened on the sides) with two landscapes of extreme Oriental workmanship. The layer of transparent glass, applied over the painting, enhances the decorative effect in a surprising way.

The craft of metal processing was passed down by its creators in eras with the same artistic experience as potters or glassmakers. Even in miniature form, by the very nature of the material, the metal objects are characterized by a robustness that does not prevent them from transforming into real jewel. Brilliant through their creations, the goldsmiths created a whole repertoire of objects on the scale of meticulousness. The Russian workshops, famous for their quality and special processing techniques (such as casting, stamping, “au repousse” engraving, watermarking, gilding, etc.), are illustrated in the museum heritage by two sets of glasses: one dated to 4/4 sec. XIX, consisting of six pieces of embossed, engraved and partially gilded silver, with tiny dimensions (height, 4.7 cm; base diameter, 2.6 cm; mouth diameter, 4.4 cm), the other having a quarter of a century more, but within the same technical and dimensional register (height, 8 cm; base diameter, 3 cm; mouth diameter, 3 cm). The engraved decoration, distinctive for its linear, geometric or phytomorphic motifs, blends harmoniously with the shape, emphasizing the refinement specific to Russian miniature works.

The local model followed the European line, by borrowing stylistic elements and implicitly the way of processing, the proof being a set consisting of twelve egg-holders (height, 5.3 cm; diameter, 4.8 cm) from the beginning of the century XX, made of engraved “au repousse” silver, personalized precisely by narrowing the decorative element, but with a delicate base made in a festooned outline, like a flower with ten petals.

In essence, ceramics, glass and metal, taking different forms in a mixture of real and bizarre, intertwined in all these miniatures the mark of time (19th-20th centuries). By inviting you to meditation, let us make decorative art a pleasant advisor to us, as “art purifies the soul from the dust of everyday life” (Pablo Picasso). Keywords: decorative art, miniature decorative objects, Asian ceramics, European ceramics, 19th and 20th centuries Translate: Irina Răitaru, Cotroceni National Museum Lucia BRAD-PARASCHIVESCU, independent researcher Textile object from shape to message Abstract: Each textile object is a small cultural universe that consolidates around three factors - raw material, instrumentation and working technique. Within the working techniques there are basic techniques and ornamentation techniques, the latter being made through weaving, embroidery, drawing or application. The custom of inserting symbols on personal objects, through ornamental techniques, was specific to the ancient civilizations and had a predominantly ritual role. It has been preserved to this day, but the original function has changed over time, becoming today purely decorative. The presence of the sacred in textile objects can be decrypted by contextualizing them. Whether religious in character or referring to popular beliefs deeply grounded in the traditions of the community, the sacred is intangible and transcends beyond the world known to human beings. Decorative art, at its origins, was nothing more than a form of outsourcing beliefs, transcendental dialogue, punctuation of ritual thresholds and invocation of divine protection. In the case of textile objects this result was obtained by inserting signs and images with a well-determined symbolic value. The symbolism of these representations can only be decrypted by using a common code, known to the members of a community, who can discern the message sent by the transmitter. Communication through symbols is therefore substituted for the same mechanism as in the case of verbal communication, its components being similar. The communication channel and the descriptive code are often unconsciously acquired by the viewer, through cohabitation and adaptation to the community life. Starting from the idea of Henri Focillon and adapting it to the textile context, we can say that a textile object is first and foremost an empty form of content, a piece of cloth cut and assembled so as to adjust, either on the shape of the body or on that of some objects and inner spaces; it turns into a subliminal message when the viewer holds the code by which decryption is possible and only then the details of the object acquires a spiritual meaning. “For it is not the sign itself that matters but the spiritual beliefs that were represented by that symbol.” It is important to mention that the same symbol can have several meanings if we analyze it in different cultural or religious contexts. In textile ornamentals we often speak of poles of influence and taking over new symbols or changing the meaning of old symbols is a common fact. There is also a recurrence of themes in the textile and clothing arts. The propagation of symbols is possible either by cultural exchange or by adhering to a new religion, or by living under the same political and administrative regime. Some authors consider that influences and loans in decorative textile arts took place together with the spread of Christianity, based on the existence of similarities between the symbols and ornamentals present on traditional textiles in the Balkan area with textiles found in areas of northern Africa and regions of Asia, where Christianity was embraced. If we refer to religious ornamentation, however, we can generalize whether we are referring to the ornamental of traditional textiles, yet this generalization cannot be supported with clear evidence. An important role in the unity of religious ornaments of Eastern Christianity was Byzantine art, which remained consistent over the centuries in the preservation of canons and herminia, being by definition a religious art. In the context of a world where only a few could read, the scenes or characters painted, sewn or woven had a defining impact, inviting the viewer to live the experience by transposing himself. Some religious themes were also picked up on garments and household objects that were of no importance in worship. We find in this gesture the same ancestral practice in which man sought transcendental ways of invoking divine protection. With regards to old, pre-Christian symbolism, the signs and symbols were perpetuated, transferred, mixed, simplified and multiplied, in meaning and representation, depending on their identification, within the cultural context, as the corresponding potential of the message. It is important to note that the message of textile objects does not stop at the symbols resulting from ornamentation. Chromatic associations, volumetric analysis, and the addition of some pre-existing components can also become message creators. When we talk about decoding a visual message, we also talk about the unity in interpretation of those involved: the creator, the user and the viewer of the message. The code in which the message is issued is a convention generally accepted by all of them. The signs used, either through writing or symbols, may have a different interpretation if the context changes. Even if some textile objects lose their original message and seem to be emptied by their content, they can gain a new life in another cultural or religious context. Keywords: decorative art, textiles, ornamental, religious symbolism, intangible heritage

drd. Delia BRAN, Muzeul Municipiului București George Oprescu and the ongoing exhibition Abstact: Although it had not a very favorable beginning, the Toma Stelian Museum, became a standard in Romanian museology. All the struggle and the process of making are due to one important figure: George Oprescu. And today if you begin a research in the Romanian museology or museum studies it`s impossible not to discuss Geroge Oprescu`s position along with Toma Stelian Museum and the others important ones such as: Simu Museum or Marius Bunescu, Elena Simu. The purpose of this material is to analyze the position of Geroge Oprescu from the angle of cultural policies and his struggle to impose o timeline of artists in the Romanian Art History. The express wish of Geroge Oprescu during his management at Toma Stelian was to open a functional permanent exhibition and annually another one, where it could assemble both Romanian and European art. In order to accomplish his vision, he started organizing a permanent art collection of the institution. Because of his tutorship in art history he also aimed that the museum would have an art library. He managed to achieve both of them, the collection and the library, and furthermore, he managed to profile a specificity of the collection in the museum field in Bucharest at those years (mid 1930). One particular attribute we do owe to George Oprescu`s way of putting together an exhibition, the internationality of the process. He`s aim was to express the empathy, the otherness, in exhibiting, not the one-way road. So, he always aimed to have a partner in his curatorial, we would say today, view of making an exhibition. One year, its partner was France and the French art, the other England and the English art, and then Italy, , and even Hitler’s Germany would be partner in one year. All of his actions were due to the fact that he understood the importance of the institution of `exhibition` in cultural diplomacy. In time, this practice would be an important tool in Ceausescu`s way in foreign diplomacy. On the other hand, George Oprescu wanted to make a museum, a permanent art exhibition. He chose to do that by combining the contemporary art of his time, by convincing artists to donate or loan their paintings. He also mingled with the artists putting/ exhibiting together male and female artists, which was something very new for Romanian art exhibiting. At the beginning of the Second Word War Toma Stelian was one of the most important museums in Bucharest. He succeeded with all his intentions, but he also succeeded in making a standard. And his standard in exhibition Romanian art was after 1964 renewed and put up again in the National Gallery of Romania art. This is why he succeeded in assembling a timeline of artists that make the Romanian art history, and putting it on, is an ongoing exhibition. Keywords: George Oprescu, Second Word War, Toma Stelian Museum, Romanian museology, Romanian Art History

Photo 1, 2: - from Ioana Apostol, „Cercetătorul” în atenţia securităţii: G. Oprescu în arhivele C.N.S.A.S., in STUDII ŞI CERCET. IST. ART., ARTĂ PLASTICĂ, serie nouă, tom 7 (51), 2017, p. 161-200.

dr. Cristian Andrei SCĂICEANU, Banca Națională a României A forgotten donor: Jacques Wertheimer-Ghika Abstract: In June 1951 Georgetta Wertheimer donated to the People’s Council of Bucharest the collection of „tables, sketches, notes, drawings and personal belongings, as well as furniture belonging to the painter Gh. Tattarăscu”. This is how Gh. Tattarăscu Memorial Museum was established in the nationalized building on No.7 Domnița Anastasia St., bought by the painter in 1857. The museum has been opened until the early 1990, when it was closed to renovate the building. Since then it has not been opened to the public, being used for the storage (under not exactly optimal conditions) of works within Bucharest Pinacotheca. In the act of donation, the painter’s niece, Georgeta Wertheimer conditioned the donation on the appointment of her husband, Jacques Wertheimer-Ghika, as administrator of the building and the museum, as well as on the right to live in the building, together with her family throughout their life. Three years later, in June 1954, Jacques Wertheimer-Ghika made another donation, composed of documents „in connection with the past of Romanian post offices for the purpose of establishing a museum unit under the name of «Old Post office in Bucharest of another time»“. The Executive Committee of the People's Council of the Capital issued a decision in June 1954 by which the newly established museum was to be located on the ground floor of the building on No.7 Domnita Anastasia Street (then the street was called Dobrogeanu-Gherea). For reasons not clear, the museum has never been opened to the public. The destiny of the donated heritage, whose inventory containing 2,139 positions we discovered in the research undertaken, has remained unknown so far. In 1960 Jacques Wertheimer-Ghica made a new donation offer to establish a Post Office Museum. This time it is addressed to the Ministry of Transport and Telecommunications to which the Romanian Post Office belonged. The inventory of the donation was valued at 125,000 Swiss francs and included 33 philatelic pieces and documents. Jacques Wertheimer-Ghika mentioned that in the event of the failure to establish a Post Office Museum or if the documents are not presented to the public, the donation is considered annulled and the material will re-enter the full ownership of the donor. It’s just that the authorities took a different approach. The Ministry of Transport and Telecommunications addressed the Ministry of the Interior, signalling that Jacques Wertheimer- Ghika owns some philatelic pieces that are considered by the international forums a to be false and that he has an „attitude not permitted to a citizen of the R.P.R.”. The Minister of Transport and Telecommunications referred the proposed donation to the Prosecutor General of the R. P. R.. Following investigations, the prosecutors closed the case on the prescription „for the withdrawal of documents and postal machinery as well as the use of false postmarks”. In 1964, however, they ordered the confiscation of the false postmarks and documents and their submission to the Romanian Post. In his memoirs submitted to the authorities in the late 1960s, Jacques Wertheimer- Ghika threatened to address to Nicolae Ceaușescu to have his confiscated pieces returned. Jacques Wertheimer-Ghika was a complex character. He was born in Bucharest in 1897. He attended the primary and the high school in Berlin. He fought for the German army in World War I on the Western Front, he returned to Bucharest in 1922 and went to Argentina in 1926. He went back to Germany in 1929. In 1931, he came back again to Bucharest. He married Ortansa Lazarus in 1922, whom he divorced in 1926. They had a daughter together, Florance. In 1936, a certain Grigore Constantin Ghika, who declared himself a descendant of the rulers of the same name, recognized the paternity of Jacques Wertheimer and declares that after the birth he was entrusted to Dr. von Wertheimer to be raised. On the basis of this adoption act Jacques Wertheimer also adds the name of Ghika. In 1938 he married Georgeta Eleutheriade, the granddaughter of the painter Gh. Tattarăscu and the sister of the painter Michaela Eleutheriade. Being a conflicting person, Jacques Wertheimer-Ghika had a long, very long even, string of trials in the country and abroad, with authorities but also with private individuals. He has made countless memoirs and audience requests to various authorities. He's been tracked for a long time by the Secret Service (Securitate). His name is still associated even today with some philatelic forgeries, which appeared in the 1940’s and deceived many collectors, including important names of the Romanian philately. All the surveys carried out, in the country and abroad, have concluded that the philatelic pieces are false. Jacques Wertheimer- Ghika, however, claimed, until the last years of his life, that they were original. It could never be established if he was the author of those fakes, but the fierceness that he defended them made him a disliked character of the philatelic world, thinking less and forgetting his research and studies carried out and retaining only his association with the forgeries. Keywords: Jacques Wertheimer-Ghika collector, Bucharest museums, painting, philately, cultural heritage, Romanian Security

Loredana OPRICA, Muzeul Național al Pompierilor Heritage exhibits from the National Museum of Firefighters Abstract: The history of the existing Fire Tower started in 1890, when they decided to begin building it in accordance with George Mandrea’s plans, the chief architect of the Town Hall of Bucharest, the capital of Romania. Its construction was determined by solving two problems which the administration of the city was concerned about at the time: 1. The surveillance of Bucharest and alerting the fire men in case of a fire; 2. The modernization of water supply system in the east zone of the city. Thus, the idea of a compensation reservoir arose and thanks to its height, it should have been a fire tower. In 1892 the Town Hall took over the building finding the quality of the execution, but at the same time the fact that the water plant had not received the new increased capacity pumps that could raise the water to the height of the reservoir. For this reason on the 22nd April, 1892 the Town Hall submitted the whole building to the Fire Men Company. The supervision of the city from the height of tower was made until 1910 when it was replaced by phone advertisements. In 1935, the fire-fighters moved to new barracks, and the building changed more destinations until 1963, when it became “The Fire Tower - The Museum of Romanian Firemen”. In 1992, in recognition of its entire activity, the museum got the title of a national museum. The heritage of the museum is rich and various. This museum exhibits several objects, documents, photos, uniforms, flags, medals that give the image of an evolution in time of the organization, equipment, concerns of those whose noble mission is to save the assets and lives of people. For example, some documents and exhibits partially show the biggest fire in Bucharest. „The Big Fire”, which started on March 23rd, 1847, because of a child’s play and intensified by a strong wind, remained in the people’s memory due to the material havoc and human loss. „The Memorable Big Fire” a book written and printed in 1854 by Anton Pann (a well- known poet and writer of the time) describes in details the fire and its havoc as well as the heroism of the firemen fighting the fire. Also, I present the first Romanian medal - „Pro Virtute Militari”, that was granted to the fire-fighters. Keywords: fire-fighters, museum, medal of military virtue, „The Big Fire”, flag.

dr. Irina HASNAȘ HUBBARD, Institutul de Investigare a Crimelor Comunismului și Memoria Exilului Românesc The patrimony hidden from (in) the eyes of children Abstract: In this article, I will address themes that are seldom discussed with children (12 and under), which are avoided or distorted, or for which adults have trouble finding words. I will dwell on several categories of events and details extracted from the pages of history: 1. those that are inconvenient and unpleasant to address with children due to being negatively emotionally charged; 2. those which are absent or have been eliminated from school curricula; 3. those considered to be of secondary importance or minimized by social and cultural policies or local mores; 4. those which involve wars and abuse where children were involved and affected. I will enumerate several organizations and programs which have taken on the risk of approaching themes from local or global recent history and present their results and examples of best practice that could be assumed and adapted by families, educational and cultural institutions, NGOs, etc. My object of study is the patrimony of recent history being adapted for assimilation by children and delievered to them through non-formal methods from the sphere of art history and oral history, of artisans’ studios and debate, etc. This patrimony, underappreciated by specialists as too close to the present, is, on the other hand, easier for the young generation to grasp for this same reason. This recent past extends into their lives as well through contact with the material and dialog with the survivors - the witnesses of history. In the family history, which is fused with the current, children can also approach the inconvenient and unpleasant parts of both family and world history. Patrimony is an extraordinary field of play for observation and learning; we involve children in creating and telling about themselves, identifying with other children, with heroes or nobodies. If they become part of the story, they will become stronger and better prepared in the future to confront, to change and to understand. Spurred by the new conditions of life and activity imposed by the COVID-19 pandemic, I will put forward themes for experimentation and research of methods to disseminate knowledge related to dealing with states of emergency, of the various dangers at the local and global level, which demand actions such as first aid, refuge, self-defence, volunteering, alternative means of communication, etc. The aim is to prepare children for crisis situations and, when they occur, to encourage them to deal with them, to properly inform themselves and to involve themselves as they can, motivating adults, for the generations to sustain and inspire each other. Conclusion: In children’s eyes, the history related to them by adults can be a string of harsh or tragic events, of disappearances and losses, separations and isolations, lack and conflict, questions without answers, or answers without sense, thrashings and threats, in which the young are also caught up. Confronted with such perspectives, adults are rarely proud of much that happened in history if they were on one side or the other, whether through their own fault or not. In my study I expect a series of inconveniences and obstacles: 1. the reticence of adults to tell of sad or humiliating events from their own lives; 2. the language barrier - we cannot have access to specialty literature and experience in relevant trans disciplinary domains without resorting to several European languages; 3. little involvement on the part of families and their delegation of the development of children’s programs to professionals; and 4. the lack of a program for children on the mentioned themes, adapted and developed constantly and gradually, for all age groups. There are, still, advantages to study and work involving children. They sustain us morally, they remind us to play, they draw smiles and laughter from us, they clear our minds, and they ask us to tell stories, where we are permitted to unite imagination to reality, desire to ability. Keywords: Patrimony for children, non-formal education, recent past, trauma, identification