DOCSLIB.ORG

The Pathway to Regionalism: a Historical Sociological Analysis of ASEAN Economic Community*

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Pathway to Regionalism: a Historical Sociological Analysis of ASEAN Economic Community* The Pathway to Regionalism: A Historical Sociological Analysis of ASEAN Economic Community* Ahmad Rizky Mardhatillah Umar Graduate Student, MSc Politics with Research Methods, Department of Politics, University of Sheffield Elmfield, Northumberland Road, Western Bank, Sheffield, England S10 2TU [email protected] **This Paper is prepared for the International Studies Association (ISA) Asia-Pacific Conference, City Univesity of Hong Kong, 25-27 June 2016. Please do not cite without explicit permission from the author** * The author acknowledges financial support from the Indonesian Endowment Fund for Education (LPDP). The author is also grateful to Dr Simon Rushton for constructive comments over this draft. Umar | The Pathway to Regionalism “The most important revolutionary force at work in the Third World today is not communism or socialism but capitalism…” Richard Robison Introduction The beginning of 2016 has marked a new phase for the regional integration project in Southeast Asia: the coming of ‘ASEAN Community’ era. By this date, all member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has agreed to transform the region into a more complex form of cooperation under one regional community. The development dates back to the aftermath 1998-1999 financial crisis, when ten ASEAN member states have agreed to give more power for its regional organisation. Since the 2nd ASEAN Summit in Bali, 2003, ASEAN member states have agreed to establish ASEAN Community by 2015, which comprises three pillar of cooperation, including political security, economic, and social cultural. The ASEAN Summit in 2015 has extended this area of cooperation into a deeper multi-sectoral basis until 2025. The development of latest political and economic integration in Southeast Asia has embraced a debate on the nature of regional integration: what makes the regionalism project in Southeast Asia possible? Early regionalism theorists basically argue that it is economic cooperation that enables the growing ‘resurgence’ of regionalism in world politics (Haas, 1958; see Hurrell, 1995; Hettne, 2005). The economic cooperation is arguably possible due to growing interdependency in world politics, particularly after the 1970s (Nye, 1970). This argument has been further developed by liberal-institutionalist approach, who believes on the institutionalisation of cooperation beyond state boundaries (Aris, 2009). On the other side of this debate was the critical theory, who contends that the ‘regional turn’ was in fact enabled by the changing discourse of capitalism in the region, which put the state at the sidelines of emerging regulatory capitalist regime in the region (see Jayasuriya, 2009; Jayasuriya and Hameiri, 2011). This paper aims to offer both theoretical and analytical critique of those perspectives in order to explain the origin of regionalism in Southeast Asia. In so doing, it would be important to further understand the origin of capitalism in Southeast Asia before moving forward to analyse regionalism in Southeast Asia. Capitalist regional project, however, is not new for the region. Recent studies has demonstrated that Dutch and British regional project in Southeast Asia has been established during their mercantilist expansion in Southeast Asia, and contribute to the formation of ‘modern’ political economy(see Lawson and Buzan, 2015; Anievas and Nisancioglu, 2015). However, even though their rules are formative to the capitalist system at that age, there has been also the role of local ruler who maintain feudal economy at the region in the capitalist system (van Klaveren, 1953). Their strong role was evident, for example, in maintaining culturrstelsel in Dutch Indies or performing local rule 2 Umar | The Pathway to Regionalism through British indirect rule in Malaya (see Frankema and Buelens, 2013; van Klaveren, 1953; Hamid, 2007). These ‘local’ origins also contributes to the formation of capitalism in the region. With the decolonisation in 1950s, which leads to the formation of ‘developmental states’ in the 1960s, these historical trajectories characterise the unique characteristics of ‘ersatz capitalism, which put strong state control alongside the capitalist economic development (Kunio, 1987). How could we explain the rise of such that phenomenon? The ‘colonial’ origin of capitalism in Southeast Asia, which takes its root in the mercantilist political economy during the colonial era and its relations with local ruler the region, has led this paper to consider the framework of uneven and combined development –as developed by Trotsky (1930), and elaborated by Rosenberg (2009, 2010)— to comprehend the origin of economic regionalism in Southeast Asia. Drawing upon such framework, which is based on a broader Historical Sociological perspective, this paper argues that the construction of regionalism is neither driven by economic interdependence in the global economy nor the emergence of neoliberal form of ‘global governance’, but constructed historically ‘from within’ the social contestation in the region. Instead of tracing the origin of regionalism from the existing global order, as Hurrell (2007) suggest, this paper argues that it is the transformation of capitalism in the region, which is characterised by an uneven and combined nature of historical development in the region, that enables the ASEAN Economic Community. This paper will build that argument on the longue duree analysis of capitalism in Southeast Asia until the formation of ASEAN Economic Community. To do so, this paper will be divided into four parts. The first part will discuss the theoretical approach to understand the origin of regionalism in Southeast Asia. More specifically, this research will outline the framework of ‘Uneven and Combined Development’ (UCD), as developed by Trotsky (1930) and several proponents of Historical Sociology in International Relations as the main theoretical approach (see Rosenberg, 2009; 2010; Anievas and Nisancioglu, 2015). The second part will trace the historical trajectory of regionalism during the colonial era, which is arguably formative to capitalism in the region. This part will also trace the uneven and combined historical development that enables colonial mercantilist project and set birth to ‘Southeast Asia’ as a region. The third part will elaborate the rise of ‘third world nationalism’ and ‘developmental state’ as post-colonial project in the region, which was slowly emerged in Southeast Asia after the World War. The moment of decolonisation was enabled by several factors, including the rise of nationalism, Japanese expansion, and the post-war crisis that gave momentum for declaration of independence in some countries. The fourth part will understand the formation of capital-based regionalism in ASEAN, which was began by the establishment of ASEAN, and moved forward to its transformation into a more complex form of regionalism under SEAN 3 Umar | The Pathway to Regionalism Community. This paper argues that the transformation is related to the changing discourse of capitalism in both domestic and global level. This part will bring about the framework of uneven and combined development to capture the recent trajectory of regional integration in Southeast Asia. Theorising Southeast Asian Regionalism: The Framework of Uneven and Combined Development Contending Perspectives on Southeast Asian Regionalism There have been many attempts to theorise the recent regionalism in Southeast Asia from a wide range of perspectives, from ‘realism’ to ‘critical theory’ (see, for example, Narine 2002; Acharya and Stubbs, 2006; Kim, 2011; Quayle, 2013; Plummer, 1997; Gerard, 2014; Ikenberry and Mastanduno, 2005; Jayasuriya, 2004; 2008; Hameiri and Jayasuriya, 2009; Jones, 2011). This theoretical development enabled by some developments in the integration project in the region, which is arguably important in locating Southeast Asia in the changing context of world politics. Acharya and Stubbs (2006) argues that the rising theoretisation in Southeast Asian relations reflects the changing discourse of international politics that turns to ‘non- Western’ world, particularly after the financial crisis and growing crisis in world politics. This bourgeoning literature has built up two competing views about integration and regionalism in Southeast Asia. The first view sees regionalism and regional integration in Southeast Asia as merely ‘state-led’ project. This view is shared by realist, constructivist, and to some extent ‘English-School’ approach that posits ‘state’ as the main actor in Southeast Asian relations. Realists, of course, believes that state is the only actor in Southeast Asian relations and is quite skeptical with the regional integration project, having emphasise security and stability as the centre of international relations of the region (Emmers, 2012). Constructivist, even though more ‘critical’, in terms of placing the importance of ‘structure’ over the agential status of the state, also believes that the state is remain central in the region (Haacke, 2003; Easton and Stubbs, 2006; also Acharya, 2003). This standpoint has also been acknowledged by the ‘English School’, who believes on the hierarchical nature of regional politics rather than ‘anarchy’ (see Narine, 2006; Quayle, 2013). The second view, on the contrary, argues that regionalism and regional integration in Southeast Asia are also involving some non-state actors. Liberal-institutionalist and Critical Theory develops this anti-statist theoretical approach, albeit with
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Malaysia, September 2006
    Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Country Profile: Malaysia, September 2006 COUNTRY PROFILE: MALAYSIA September 2006 COUNTRY Formal Name: Malaysia. Short Form: Malaysia. Term for Citizen(s): Malaysian(s). Capital: Since 1999 Putrajaya (25 kilometers south of Kuala Lumpur) Click to Enlarge Image has been the administrative capital and seat of government. Parliament still meets in Kuala Lumpur, but most ministries are located in Putrajaya. Major Cities: Kuala Lumpur is the only city with a population greater than 1 million persons (1,305,792 according to the most recent census in 2000). Other major cities include Johor Bahru (642,944), Ipoh (536,832), and Klang (626,699). Independence: Peninsular Malaysia attained independence as the Federation of Malaya on August 31, 1957. Later, two states on the island of Borneo—Sabah and Sarawak—joined the federation to form Malaysia on September 16, 1963. Public Holidays: Many public holidays are observed only in particular states, and the dates of Hindu and Islamic holidays vary because they are based on lunar calendars. The following holidays are observed nationwide: Hari Raya Haji (Feast of the Sacrifice, movable date); Chinese New Year (movable set of three days in January and February); Muharram (Islamic New Year, movable date); Mouloud (Prophet Muhammad’s Birthday, movable date); Labour Day (May 1); Vesak Day (movable date in May); Official Birthday of His Majesty the Yang di-Pertuan Agong (June 5); National Day (August 31); Deepavali (Diwali, movable set of five days in October and November); Hari Raya Puasa (end of Ramadan, movable date); and Christmas Day (December 25). Flag: Fourteen alternating red and white horizontal stripes of equal width, representing equal membership in the Federation of Malaysia, which is composed of 13 states and the federal government.
    [Show full text]
  • Legacies of Colonialism and Islam for Hausa Women: an Historical Analysis, 1804-1960
    Legacies of Colonialism and Islam for Hausa Women: An Historical Analysis, 1804-1960 by Kari Bergstrom Michigan State University Winner of the Rita S. Gallin Award for the Best Graduate Student Paper in Women and International Development Working Paper #276 October 2002 Abstract This paper looks at the effects of Islamization and colonialism on women in Hausaland. Beginning with the jihad and subsequent Islamic government of ‘dan Fodio, I examine the changes impacting Hausa women in and outside of the Caliphate he established. Women inside of the Caliphate were increasingly pushed out of public life and relegated to the domestic space. Islamic law was widely established, and large-scale slave production became key to the economy of the Caliphate. In contrast, Hausa women outside of the Caliphate were better able to maintain historical positions of authority in political and religious realms. As the French and British colonized Hausaland, the partition they made corresponded roughly with those Hausas inside and outside of the Caliphate. The British colonized the Caliphate through a system of indirect rule, which reinforced many of the Caliphate’s ways of governance. The British did, however, abolish slavery and impose a new legal system, both of which had significant effects on Hausa women in Nigeria. The French colonized the northern Hausa kingdoms, which had resisted the Caliphate’s rule. Through patriarchal French colonial policies, Hausa women in Niger found they could no longer exercise the political and religious authority that they historically had held. The literature on Hausa women in Niger is considerably less well developed than it is for Hausa women in Nigeria.
    [Show full text]
  • The French Model of Assimilation and Direct Rule - Faidherbe and Senegal –
    The French Model of Assimilation and Direct Rule - Faidherbe and Senegal – Key terms: Assimilation Association Direct rule Mission Dakar–Djibouti Direct Rule Direct rule is a system whereby the colonies were governed by European officials at the top position, then Natives were at the bottom. The Germans and French preferred this system of administration in their colonies. Reasons: This system enabled them to be harsh and use force to the African without any compromise, they used the direct rule in order to force African to produce raw materials and provide cheap labor The colonial powers did not like the use of chiefs because they saw them as backward and African people could not even know how to lead themselves in order to meet the colonial interests It was used to provide employment to the French and Germans, hence lowering unemployment rates in the home country Impacts of direct rule It undermined pre-existing African traditional rulers replacing them with others It managed to suppress African resistances since these colonies had enough white military forces to safeguard their interests This was done through the use of harsh and brutal means to make Africans meet the colonial demands. Assimilation (one ideological basis of French colonial policy in the 19th and 20th centuries) In contrast with British imperial policy, the French taught their subjects that, by adopting French language and culture, they could eventually become French and eventually turned them into black Frenchmen. The famous 'Four Communes' in Senegal were seen as proof of this. Here Africans were granted all the rights of French citizens.
    [Show full text]
  • Lake, Indirect Rule, Chapter 1 (September 2020) Table of Contents
    Indirect Rule The Making of U.S. International Hierarchy David A. Lake University of California, San Diego [email protected] Incomplete first draft. Comments welcome. (c) copyright Lake, Indirect Rule, Chapter 1 (September 2020) Table of Contents Part I: Indirect Rule and International Hierarchy Chapter 1: Introduction Chapter 2: Indirect Rule Part II: Invited Empire: The United States and Europe Chapter 3: Interests and the Rules of Rule Chapter 4: Indirect Rule Chapter 5: Variations in Rule Chapter 6: Consequences Part III: Informal Empire: The United States and the Caribbean Basin Chapter 7: Interests and the Rules of Rule Chapter 8: Indirect Rule Chapter 9: Variations in Rule Chapter 10: Consequences Part IV: The Quest for Empire: The United States and the Middle East Chapter 11: Interests and the Rules of Rule Chapter 12: Indirect Rule5 Chapter 13: Variations in Rule Chapter 14: Consequences Part V: Lessons of Empire Chapter 15: Conclusion Lake, Indirect Rule, Chapter 1 (September 2020) 2 Part I: Indirect Rule and International Hierarchy Lake, Indirect Rule, Chapter 1 (September 2020) 3 Chapter 1 Introduction Once the United States decided to build a canal through Panama in 1903, Nicaraguan President Jose Santos Zelaya reached out to Germany and Japan about sponsoring a competing route through his country. This route had long been planned and, indeed, preferred until President Theodore Roosevelt supported a revolt in Panama, then a province of Colombia, and “stole” a canal the United States could control in its entirety. For his temerity in courting extra- regional powers, Zelaya lost favor with the United States, as the saying goes.
    [Show full text]
  • Direct and Indirect Rule in the Early Ottoman Empire: Evidence from the Sancak of Arnavıd?* Bogdan G
    Direct and indirect rule in the early Ottoman Empire: Evidence from the Sancak of Arnavıd?* Bogdan G. Popescu† Abstract Empires have been the norm for much human history. Many empires ruled over indigenous populations using violence, while others ruled peacefully by cooperating with local elites. The article answers why empires collaborate with local elites and how. I provide an elite-based explanation and argue that in order to ensure durability of rule, the imperial center needs to make concessions and rent-sharing arrangements to local elites. I use quantitative evidence from an Ottoman fiscal register from the mid 15th century about the province of Arnavıd (part of modern-day Albania). I show that the sultan makes more concessions and rent-sharing to locals whose preferences are in tandem with his. Specifically, local elites who converted to Islam have higher income from taxes collected and more villages assigned to them. In contradistinction, local elites who come from old noble families whose preferences are far from the sultan’s, have fewer concessions and less rent. These findings have implications for the way we understand imperial rule and for the power trade-off that occurs between ruler and the ruled. Thank you for taking the time to read this piece. I would like this to be a stand-alone article that can be submitted to a journal. Due to conventions within political science, I cannot include details about the manuscripts (e.g. facsimiles, transliteration and translation) used in this paper or about the historical cartography (how the map of Europe and of the province of Arnavıd were made), but I strongly encourage you to read the sections on cartography and facsimiles and translation in the appendix.
    [Show full text]
  • Indirect Colonial Rule and the Political Salience of Ethnicity
    Working Paper No. 169 Indirect colonial rule and the political salience of ethnicity by Lachlan McNamee | October 2016 1 Working Paper No. 169 Indirect colonial rule and the political salience of ethnicity by Lachlan McNamee | October 2016 Lachlan McNamee is a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of Political Science at Stanford University. E-mail: [email protected]. Abstract This paper identifies indirect colonial rule as an important determinant of whether ethnicity becomes politically salient in the post-colonial context. We first demonstrate the existence of a cross-national relationship between indirect colonial rule and the salience of ethnicity in sub-Saharan Africa. We then identify the effect of indirect colonial rule through a within-country natural experiment in Namibia. Northern Namibia was indirectly ruled by German and later South African authorities, whereas southern Namibia experienced direct rule. Whether a locality in the border zone was directly or indirectly ruled was shaped by the spatial extent of direct German colonial rule at the time of an 1897 rinderpest epidemic. Exploiting this plausibly exogenous assignment to treatment in the border zone, we show that in indirectly ruled areas, today’s party system is more ethnically divided, ethnic parties do substantially better than non-ethnic parties at securing electoral support, and individuals are more likely to identify with their ethnic group than in directly ruled areas. We explore potential causal mechanisms and find evidence for the importance of the legacy of institutionalized ethnic divisions in indirectly ruled areas of Namibia. Acknowledgements This paper was written with the generous assistance of the Stanford Center for International Development and the John Emerson Marble and Miriam MacLaren Marble Fellowship.
    [Show full text]
  • Imperialism Colony, Protectorate, Sphereofinfluence, Imperialist Nationshadfourformsofcontrol: Each Imperialpowerhadgoalsforitscolonies
    mwh10a-RSG-0311_P3 12/16/2003 10:56 AM Page 117 Name ______________________________________________________________ Date ______________________ CHAPTER 11 Section 2 (pages 345–351) TERMS AND NAMES paternalism Governing in a “parental” way by providing for Imperialism needs but not giving rights assimilation Absorbing colonized Case Study: Nigeria people into the culture of the imperialist nation BEFORE YOU READ Menelik II Leader of Ethiopian In the last section, you learned about the reasons resistance for imperialism. In this section, you will read about how the colonies were controlled. AS YOU READ Use the chart below to contrast direct and indirect rule. DIRECT RULE INDIRECT RULE Colonizers controlled colonial affairs Local powers controlled daily matters A New Period of Imperialism; refers to a situation where an independent nation is controlled by foreign businesses rather than for- A British Colony (pages 345–348) eign governments. What forms and methods did Imperialist nations also developed two basic imperialist nations use to control methods to manage their colonies. France and their colonies? other European nations used direct control. They felt native peoples could not handle the tough job Each imperial power had goals for its colonies. of running a country. Instead, the imperialist Imperialist nations had four forms of control: power governed. This policy was called paternal- colony, protectorate, sphere of influence, and eco- cDougal Littell Inc. All rights reserved. ism. The French also had a policy of assimilation. nomic imperialism. ©M All colonial institutions were patterned after A colony is an area ruled by a foreign govern- French institutions. The French hoped that the ment.
    [Show full text]
  • The Relationship Between Indirect Rule and Quranic Education Considerations for the Emergence of Boko Haram Terrorism in Northern Nigeria
    The relationship between indirect rule and Quranic education Considerations for the emergence of Boko Haram terrorism in Northern Nigeria D Ukwandu Department of Public Management and Governance University of Johannesburg ABSTRACT This article reviews the historical legacy of the British policy of indirect rule and how its colonial policy of preserving the local traditions of the people through Quranic education contributed to the rise of Boko Haram terrorism. The narrative of hatred and anger against Western education is deeply ingrained and rooted in the political and religious culture of the region. Hence, the article traces the continuities between the colonial past and post-colonial Northern Nigeria and unveils the similarities contained therein. This article asserts that the policy of indirect rule and the official apathy towards Islamic and Quranic education in the region has led to this rise of unregulated and unreformed fundamentalist Quranic schools in Northern Nigeria. Under British rule, Quranic education in Northern Nigeria was left unregulated and unchecked due to fear of a backlash from the region’s religious and political leaders. The British needed these leaders to further consolidate colonial rule in the area. Although the colonial government was aware of the enormous danger of spreading Islamic fundamentalism, the region remained unregulated. This governmental apathy towards reforming the basic tenets of Quranic schools persisted in post- independence Nigeria. The article also suggests that efforts to combat Boko Haram terrorism in Northern Nigeria should involve policies to reform and regulate the thousands of Quranic schools in the north. These schools target desperately poor, unemployed and unemployable young men and women, who are recruited easily as foot soldiers by Boko Haram leaders.
    [Show full text]
  • Indirect Rule and State Weakness in Africa: Sierra Leone in Comparative Perspective
    Indirect Rule and State Weakness in Africa: Sierra Leone in Comparative Perspective Daron Acemogluy Isaías N. Chavesz Philip Osafo-Kwaakox James A. Robinson{ This Version: April 2014 Abstract A fundamental problem for economic development is that most poor countries have ‘weak states’which are incapable or unwilling to provide basic public goods such as law enforcement, order, education and infrastructure. In Africa this is often attributed to the persistence of ‘indirect rule’ from the colonial period. In this paper we discuss the ways in which a state constructed on the basis of indirect rule is weak and the mechanisms via which this has persisted since independence in Sierra Leone. We also present a hypothesis as to why the extent to which indirect rule has persisted varies greatly within Africa, linking it to the presence or the absence of large centralized pre-colonial polities within modern countries. Countries which had such a polity, such as Ghana and Uganda, tended to abolish indirect rule since it excessively empowered traditional rulers at the expense of post-colonial elites. Our argument provides a new mechanism which can explain the positive correlation between pre-colonial political centralization and modern public goods and development outcomes. Keywords: state strength, indirect rule, development. JEL Classi…cation: D7, H11. This paper was prepared as part of the NBER Africa Project. yMassachusetts Institute of Technology and the Canadian Institute for Advanced Research. Address: Massa- chusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Economics, E52-380, 50 Memorial Drive, Cambridge MA 02142; E-mail: [email protected]. zDepartment of Economics, Stanford University, 579 Serra Mall, Stanford, CA 94305-6044, email: [email protected].
    [Show full text]
  • THE MILITARY SYSTEM of BENIN KINGDOM, C.1440 - 1897
    THE MILITARY SYSTEM OF BENIN KINGDOM, c.1440 - 1897 THESIS in the Department of Philosophy and History submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Hamburg, Germany By OSARHIEME BENSON OSADOLOR, M. A. from Benin City, Nigeria Hamburg, 23 July, 2001 DISSERTATION COMMITTEE FIRST EXAMINER Professor Dr. Leonhard Harding Doctoral father (Professor für Geschichte Afrikas) Historisches Seminar, Universität Hamburg SECOND EXAMINER Professor Dr. Norbert Finzsch (Professor für Aussereuropäische Geschichte) Historisches Seminar, Universität Hamburg CHAIR Professor Dr. Arno Herzig Prodekan Fachbereich Philosophie und Geschichtswissenchaft Universität Hamburg DATE OF EXAMINATION (DISPUTATION) 23 July, 2001 ii DECLARATION I, Osarhieme Benson Osadolor, do hereby declare that I have written this doctoral thesis without assistance or help from any person(s), and that I did not consult any other sources and aid except the materials which have been acknowledged in the footnotes and bibliography. The passages from such books or maps used are identified in all my references. Hamburg, 20 December 2000 (signed) Osarhieme Benson Osadolor iii ABSTRACT The reforms introduced by Oba Ewuare the Great of Benin (c.1440-73) transformed the character of the kingdom of Benin. The reforms, calculated to eliminate rivalries between the Oba and the chiefs, established an effective political monopoly over the exertion of military power. They laid the foundation for the development of a military system which launched Benin on the path of its imperial expansion in the era of the warrior kings (c.1440-1600). The Oba emerged in supreme control, but power conflicts continued, leading to continuous administrative innovation and military reform during the period under study.
    [Show full text]
  • The Review of Economics and Statistics
    The Review of Economics and Statistics VOL. XCII NOVEMBER 2010 NUMBER 4 DIRECT VERSUS INDIRECT COLONIAL RULE IN INDIA: LONG-TERM CONSEQUENCES Lakshmi Iyer* Abstract—This paper compares economic outcomes across areas in India India and have since been subject to a uniform administra- that were under direct British colonial rule with areas that were under indirect colonial rule. Controlling for selective annexation using a specific tive, legal, and political structure. The analysis in this paper policy rule, I find that areas that experienced direct rule have significantly therefore cannot answer the question of what outcomes lower levels of access to schools, health centers, and roads in the postcolonial would have been like in the complete absence of colonial period. I find evidence that the quality of governance in the colonial period has a significant and persistent effect on postcolonial outcomes. rule, but it does illustrate the persistent effects of different degrees of colonial rule. The major issue in such a comparison is, of course, the I. Introduction problem of selection. It is unlikely that the British randomly HETHER the experience of colonial rule has had a annexed areas for direct colonial rule. I am able to solve the Wlong-term impact on economic development is a selection problem by taking advantage of a unique feature topic that has generated considerable debate. Several schol- of British annexation policy in India. Between 1848 and ars have emphasized the negative effects of colonial rule on 1856, the British governor-general, Lord Dalhousie, imple- development, citing factors such as excessive exploitation mented the notorious Doctrine of Lapse, under which he of colonies, drain of resources, or the growth of a depen- refused to recognize adopted heirs and annexed several dency complex (see Frank, 1978, or Bagchi, 1982).
    [Show full text]
  • Comparing British and French Colonial Legacies: a Discontinuity Analysis of Cameroon∗
    Quarterly Journal of Political Science, 2012, 7: 1–46 Comparing British and French Colonial Legacies: A Discontinuity Analysis of Cameroon∗ Alexander Lee1 and Kenneth A. Schultz2 1Stanford University; [email protected] 2Stanford University; [email protected] ABSTRACT Colonial institutions are thought to be an important determinates of post-independence levels of political stability, economic growth, and public goods provision. In particular, many scholars have suggested that British institutional and cultural legacies are more conducive to growth than those of France or other colonizers. Systematic tests of this hypothesis are complicated by unobserved heterogeneity among nations due to variable pre- and post-colonial histories. We focus on the West African nation of Cameroon, which includes regions colonized by both Britain and France, and use the artificial former colonial boundary as a discontinuity within a national demographic survey. We show that rural areas on the British side of discontinuity have higher levels of wealth ∗ We are grateful to Rachel Stein and Luke Condra for assistance with ArcGIS and to Claire Adida for assistance in translating the survey instrument, and participants at the Stanford Comparative Politics Workshop and the American Political Science Associations 2011 annual meeting for their comments. Online Appendix available from: http://dx.doi.org/10.1561/100.00011022 app Supplementary Material available from: http://dx.doi.org/10.1561/100.00011022 supp MS submitted 23 March 2011 ; final version received 21 February 2012 ISSN 1554-0626; DOI 10.1561/100.00011022 c 2012 A. Lee and K. A. Schultz 2 Lee and Schultz and local public provision of piped water.
    [Show full text]