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FOREWORD the Need to Prepare a Clear and Comprehensive Document
FOREWORD The need to prepare a clear and comprehensive document on the Punjab problem has been felt by the Sikh community for a very long time. With the release of this White Paper, the S.G.P.C. has fulfilled this long-felt need of the community. It takes cognisance of all aspects of the problem-historical, socio-economic, political and ideological. The approach of the Indian Government has been too partisan and negative to take into account a complete perspective of the multidimensional problem. The government White Paper focusses only on the law and order aspect, deliberately ignoring a careful examination of the issues and processes that have compounded the problem. The state, with its aggressive publicity organs, has often, tried to conceal the basic facts and withhold the genocide of the Sikhs conducted in Punjab in the name of restoring peace. Operation Black Out, conducted in full collaboration with the media, has often led to the circulation of one-sided versions of the problem, adding to the poignancy of the plight of the Sikhs. Record has to be put straight for people and posterity. But it requires volumes to make a full disclosure of the long history of betrayal, discrimination, political trickery, murky intrigues, phoney negotiations and repression which has led to blood and tears, trauma and torture for the Sikhs over the past five decades. Moreover, it is not possible to gather full information, without access to government records. This document has been prepared on the basis of available evidence to awaken the voices of all those who love justice to the understanding of the Sikh point of view. -
Militancy and Media: a Case Study of Indian Punjab
Militancy and Media: A case study of Indian Punjab Dissertation submitted to the Central University of Punjab for the award of Master of Philosophy in Centre for South and Central Asian Studies By Dinesh Bassi Dissertation Coordinator: Dr. V.J Varghese Administrative Supervisor: Prof. Paramjit Singh Ramana Centre for South and Central Asian Studies School of Global Relations Central University of Punjab, Bathinda 2012 June DECLARATION I declare that the dissertation entitled MILITANCY AND MEDIA: A CASE STUDY OF INDIAN PUNJAB has been prepared by me under the guidance of Dr. V. J. Varghese, Assistant Professor, Centre for South and Central Asian Studies, and administrative supervision of Prof. Paramjit Singh Ramana, Dean, School of Global Relations, Central University of Punjab. No part of this dissertation has formed the basis for the award of any degree or fellowship previously. (Dinesh Bassi) Centre for South and Central Asian Studies School of Global Relations Central University of Punjab Bathinda-151001 Punjab, India Date: 5th June, 2012 ii CERTIFICATE We certify that Dinesh Bassi has prepared his dissertation entitled MILITANCY AND MEDIA: A CASE STUDY OF INDIAN PUNJAB for the award of M.Phil. Degree under our supervision. He has carried out this work at the Centre for South and Central Asian Studies, School of Global Relations, Central University of Punjab. (Dr. V. J. Varghese) Assistant Professor Centre for South and Central Asian Studies, School of Global Relations, Central University of Punjab, Bathinda-151001. (Prof. Paramjit Singh Ramana) Dean Centre for South and Central Asian Studies, School of Global Relations, Central University of Punjab, Bathinda-151001. -
Regional Political Parties Are Adjusting Their Priorities Within the Broad
REVISED PUNJAB : CHANGING POLITICAL AGENDA If the mid-twentieth century was a period of the consolidation of nationalism into nation states, the last decade of this century witnessed the assertion of sub-nationality identities. It seems that the bone and flesh of a self-determined nation state is either being substituted by redefined (not organic) sub-nationalities on the part of the people or by an aggressive state-controlled nation. These redefined and reformulated sub-nationality identities have also acquired fundamentalist overtones as it has happened in Punjab, India. These fundamentalist assertions have reinforced the „traditional purity of culture‟ and perceived the dominant culture as a threat to its existence. The interaction of these fundamentalist assertions and the mono-cultural nature of the state-controlled nation with the multi-cultural social reality has created conditions for conflicts. The gradual process of de-democratisation of politics and flouting of the precious facet of democracy coupled with the steady erosion of the vitality of democratic institutions, has presented violence as a viable form of grievance redressal mechanism in the eighties. Terrorism in Punjab resulted in the killing of more than ten thousand people. It fractured the social fabric and blunted the sensibilities of the people. These developments made democratic institutions and processes, political parties and moderate leadership irrelevant. Liberal political parties, having lost control over political events, could not articulate and further their ideological and political programmes. The agenda for politics was dictated by the hardliners within the Sikh politics and the repressive state apparatus. 1 Much of the politics in the eighties was nurtured by fundamentalist ideology, ruthless political and administrative acts, and protagonists of brutal and senseless killing. -
PUNJAB POLITICS) LESSON NO.1.5 AUTHOR: Dr
M.A. (Political Science) Part II 39 PAPER-VII (OPTION-II) M.A. (Political Science) PART-II PAPER-VII (OPTION-II) Semester-IV (PUNJAB POLITICS) LESSON NO.1.5 AUTHOR: Dr. G. S. BRAR SIKH MILITANT MOVEMENT IN PUNJAB Punjab witnessed a very serious crisis of Sikh militancy during nineteen eighties till a couple of years after the formation of the Congress government in the state in 1992 under the Chief Ministership of late Beant Singh. More than thirty thousand people had lost their lives. The infamous ‘Operation Blue Star’ of 1984 in the Golden Temple, the assassination of Indira Gandhi by her Sikh bodyguards and the subsequent anti-Sikh riots left a sad legacy in the history of the country. The Sikhs, who had contributed to the freedom of the country with their lives, were dubbed as anti-national, and the age-old Hindu-Sikh unity was put on test in this troubled period. The democratic movement in the state comprising mass organizations of peasants, workers, government employees, teachers and students remained completely paralysed during this period. Some found the reason of Sikh militancy in ‘the wrong policies pursued by the central government since independence’ [Rai 1986]. Some others ascribed it to ‘an allegedly slow process of alienation among a section of the Punjab population in the past’ [Kapur 1986]. Still others trace it to ‘the rise of certain personalities committed to fundamentalist stream of thought’ [Joshi 1984:11-32]. The efforts were also made to trace its origin in ‘the socio-economic developments which had ushered in the state since the advent of the Green Revolution’ [Azad 1987:13-40]. -
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD— Extensions Of
E550 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — Extensions of Remarks April 20, 2004 their homeland, Khalistan, recently published since 1984. In addition, over 50,000 Sikh youth back our Khalsa spirit. We must remember an open letter to the Sikhs, a Vaisakhi Day were picked up from their houses, tortured, our heritage and tradition of ‘‘Khalsa Bagi message. It urged the Sikhs to use the oppor- murdered in police custody, then secretly Yan Badshah’’ by committing ourselves to cremated as ‘‘unidentified bodies.’’ Their re- freeing our homeland, Punjab, Khalistan, tunity to liberate their homeland. The letter mains were never even given to their fami- from Indian occupation. We need a new Sikh called upon them to remember the Sikh Na- lies! Over 52,000 Sikhs sit in Indian jails as political party which has a dedication to the tion’s heritage of freedom. political prisoners without charge or trial, interests of the Sikh Nation as its sole objec- The letter pointed out the suffering of the according to the Movement Against State tive, to establish Khalsa Raj by liberating Sikhs at the hands of the Indian government. Repression (MASR.) Some of them have been Khalistan, severing all political ties with That repression has taken the lives of over in illegal custody for 20 years! India. If the BJP wants Hindu Raj, it cannot 250,000 Sikhs in the last 20 years, in addition The Indian government forgot the Sikh object to Khalsa Raj. tradition. Sikhs can never forgive or forget The Indian government wants to break the to over 50,000 Sikhs who were picked up, tor- the Indian government’s military attack on will of the Sikh Nation and enslave them for- tured, killed, and secretly cremated, declaring the Golden Temple and 125 other Gurdwaras ever, making Sikhism a part of Hinduism. -
The 2007 Punjab Election: Exploring the Verdict
267 Ashutosh Kumar: 2007 Election in Punjab The 2007 Punjab Election: Exploring the Verdict Ashutosh Kumar Panjab University, Chandigarh ________________________________________________________________ There has been a discernible disconnect between the political economy and the political processes in the recent Punjab, with the former hardly influencing the latter in terms of public policies. Substantive economic issues like the structural crisis in the agrarian sector hardly find space in the political discourse of the state. It is reminiscent of the earlier failure of the political class in negotiating the demand for autonomy resulting in the emergence of militancy. The closed nature of the state politics in terms of caste/community/gender hardly helps. The electoral outcome in the 2007 assembly elections should not be construed as a positive vote in favour of the SAD-BJP alliance but rather an indictment of non-performance compounded by the internal bickering within the Congress Party. In the absence of credible alternatives, the electorate in Punjab has repeatedly been forced to go for what they possibly begin to perceive as a lesser evil with the passage of time. ________________________________________________________________ The 2007 assembly elections in Punjab witnessed one of the most closely fought electoral battles between the two traditional rivals namely the Congress and the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD). The intensity was reflected in the nature of electoral participation among 1.69 crore eligible voters, which at 76 per cent turn out was exceptionally high even by previous Punjab standard.1 The volatility of the electoral process in Punjab can be attributed to the interplay of several determinants of its electoral politics as the state in social terms has been a mosaic of religious, ethnic, linguistic, and caste groups (Kumar, 2004b: 5441). -
Transmission and Regeneration of Sikh Self: Culture in the Making
Kapur - 124 Transmission and Regeneration of Sikh Self: Culture in the Making Preeti Kapur ([email protected]) University of Delhi, India Girishwar Misra ([email protected]) University of Delhi, India Abstract The Sikh cultural narrative was explored using social representations in the public sphere. To this end textual analysis of newspaper articles (N=200) published from January 2003 to April 2005 was done. These analyses addressed four major domains: religio-cul- tural, political identity, contemporary trends, and redressing self-perception. The emerging themes evinced negotiation for creating a distinct space within the multicultural society of India. The task of putting one’s self-identity together, of making it coherent and presenting it to others as ‘their culture’, was warranted for making the boundaries of their community distinct from other existing groups. Bonding with the group emerged as the main source of motivation at the individual and community levels to assert a commu- nity’s identity. The relationship between self and culture is both intricate and complex. When we avidly search for their linkages, we tend to lose sight of the ability and adroitness with which individuals and their collectivities mould and fashion them and their cultures. Slow and steady, and hence often unobserved, are the individual and collective responses to contexts; the action in the form of resistance and struggle which takes place in everyday life. Thus the ‘making of culture’ needs to be explored in the context of meaning at both the symbolic level as well as in the concrete embodiments in which the self is able to cast itself. -
3. Separatist Movement in East Punjab, Rizwan Ullah Kokab
Separatist Movement in East Punjab: Factors of Failure Rizwan Ullah Kokab ∗ Akhtar Hussain Sandhu ♣ Abstract This paper offers an analysis of the factors behind the failure of the Khalistan Movement in East Punjab. It examines why the Khalistan Movement, in confronting the Indian leadership, today appears less forceful than it was in the late 1980s or early 1990s. The study highlights such factors as the time of emergence of the basic idea of a separate state, the language issue, the methods employed by the activists and the militants, as well as changes in counter-movement tactics, the division of the movement into factions, and the policies of the Indian leaders. Due to all these reasons, even continuing discontent over various issues and the perpetual presence of separatist elements do not ensure the success of such separatist movements in East Punjab. Introduction Since the emergence of the two states out of British India in 1947, separatism has been a challenge for India as well as Pakistan. Pakistan faced a separatist movement of ethnic Bengalis in East Pakistan and India has had to deal with a separatist movement among the ethnic Sikhs in East Punjab. Both these movements met with the different fates, notwithstanding their many similarities in the elements and ∗ Assistant Professor, Department of History & Pakistan Studies, G. C. University, Faisalabad. ♣ Associate Professor, Islamia College, Civil Lines, Lahore. 42 Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, Vol.XXXIV, No.I, 2013 natures. This paper deals with the factors affecting the results and final outcome of the Sikh separatist movement. In general, the success of a separatist movement is often affected by ethnic struggles, cooption, the military strategy adopted by a country in regard to the movement, and political bargaining. -
Militancy and Counter-Militancy Operations: Changing Patterns and Dynamics of Violence in Punjab, 1978 to 1993
65 Satnam Singh Deol: Militancy in Punjab Militancy and Counter-Militancy Operations: Changing Patterns and Dynamics of Violence in Punjab, 1978 to 1993 Satnam Singh Deol Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar _______________________________________________________________ How did the patterns of violence committed by Sikh militants and the state security forces change during different phases of the insurgency from 1978 to 1993 and, most importantly, what explains the difference in these patterns? This study attempts to answer these questions. It argues that this variation in the patterns and dynamics of violence can be explained by changing socio-political circumstances and compulsions during this period. The violence committed by the militants intensified until this violence was eventually delegitimized by the common Sikh masses due to changing dynamics within the militant movement and the nature of its violence. Simultaneously, the violence committed by the state overpowered the militancy only after it was firmly backed by the political regimes in power, including providing de facto legal impunity to the police and security forces for a brutal and controversial counterinsurgency campaign. Thus, this article disaggregates the various phases of violence committed by both the militants and the state from 1978 to 1993, and examines the interrelationship between the forms of violence committed by both sides in the conflict. Important observations emerging from this empirical study are offered in the concluding section. ________________________________________________________________ Introduction and Historical Background The Sikhs, even after being defeated by the British and losing their political control in the north-western region, maintained a unique religious, ethnical and political legacy, which was separate from Hindus in various domains (Singh, 1963; Dhillon, 2006). -
Postscript: November 1985
Postscript: November 1985 In the time since the typescript of this book went to the publishers, events have highlighted a number of its themes. Perhaps the most important - the agreement between Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and Harchand Singh Longowal, announced on 24 July 1985 1 - emphasised a basic argument of the book: that political decisions, rather than inexorable social forces, determine the form and intensity of ethnIc conflict. On the face of it, Punjab's problems should have been more intractable by July 1985 than ever before. The mood of Sikhs, for example, should have been more intransigent. The army had been deployed in Punjab for more than a year, the Sikhs there complained of violations of civil rights. In addition, Sikhs everywhere shared the anger and humiliation, if not the loss and death, of those who suffered in the rioting following Mrs Gandhi's murder. 'National opinion', too, might have been expected to have hardened against Sikhs. The death of more than 80 people in terrorist bombings in New Delhi and other parts of north India on 11 and 12 May ought to have embittered feelings further, as should the mysterious crash of an Air India jumbo jet off the coast of Ireland on 23 June which killed more than 320 people. Furthermore, the 'Memorandum of Settlement' of July 1985 between the central government and Longowal's Akali Dal appeared to contain nothing new. Indeed, wrote The Tribune, it ran 'along lines known and agreed upon almost two years ago'.2 The 'Indian Talks' section of this book (pp. -
Punjab: the Right to Organize and the Power to Develop
209 Murray Leaf: Right to Organize Punjab: The Right to Organize and the Power to Develop Murray J. Leaf University of Texas, Dallas _______________________________________________________________ India as a whole is not closing its development gap with the West. Economic growth in Punjab exceeded that of the rest of India during the period of the Green Revolution. Since then it has dropped to less than the national average. The most direct reason is that increasingly intensive application of the technologies of the Green Revolution has become ecologically and economically unsustainable. The deeper reason is that the governmental mechanisms at the national and state levels that were used in introducing these technologies in 1965 are still in place and prevent the development of alternatives. In the West, particularly the United States, the Constitution and laws support an enormous number of organizations that can engage in activities for the public good and support themselves by taxes or compulsory fees. The Constitution and laws of India restrict this power mainly to the central government and the states. This article describes the features of the Indian political system that do this, how the Punjab government used them effectively to create the Green Revolution, and how they have been perpetuated and have prevented the development of alternative productive strategies since. It concludes with a description of how the Punjab government might empower the people of Punjab to engage in a much wider range of productive activities even without change in the constitutional set-up at the national level, although it would be better to install such changes at the national level as well. -
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD— Extensions Of
E552 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — Extensions of Remarks April 20, 2004 COMMEMORATING COMMUNITY The Council of Khalistan published a press pendence for the Sikh homeland, Khalistan, BANKS OF PENNSYLVANIA release on April 6 which details the betrayal of as declared on October 7, 1987. ‘‘We pray for the Sikhs by Mr. Tohra. It is excellent reading them in their time of loss and may Guru bless this departed soul,’’ he said. ‘‘However, HON. MELISSA A. HART and I recommend it to my colleagues. it is better to leave a legacy of service and OF PENNSYLVANIA In that press release, the Council of sacrifice rather than a legacy of betrayal as Khalistan took note of Mr. Tohra’s invitation to IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tohra did,’’ he said. ‘‘What Tohra did in life the Indian government to launch its military at- will remain a part of the history of the Sikh Tuesday, April 20, 2004 tack on the Golden Temple, the most sacred Nation. He will not be remembered as a Ms. HART. Mr. Speaker, I would like to take of Sikh shrines, in June 1984, in order to friend of the Sikh Nation,’’ Dr. Aulakh said. this opportunity to commemorate the Commu- eliminate his political rival, Sant Jarnail Singh Tohra connived with the Indian govern- ment prior to its invasion of the Golden nity Banks of Pennsylvania and the more than Bhindranwale, who was a strong advocate of Temple, the center and seat of the Sikh reli- 40,000 full- and part-time employees who an independent Sikh state, Khalistan. Sikhs gion.