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Non-~onfucian Society in North China during the Seventeenth Century Yifeng zhao O A thesis submitted to the Paculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Department of Bistory and Classics Edmonton, Alberta Spring 1997 Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibiiognphic Services - semes biMiographiques The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence aiiowing the exclwe permettant à la Naîiod Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distni-bute or seii teproduite, prêter, distnibuer ou copies of his/her thesis by any means vendre des copies de sa thèse de and in any fonn or fomat, maljng qyelque manière.et sous cpelque this thesis available to interested forme que ce soit pour mettre des persons. exemplaires de cette thèse à la disposition des personnes intéressées. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copwght in hider thesis. Neither &oit d'auteur qui protège sa thèse. Ni the thesis nor substantial extracts la thèse ni des extraits substantiels de fkom it may be printed or othewise celle-ci ne doivent êîre imprimés ou reproduced with the author's autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. Canada To my parents This study examines the cultural characteristics of the rural commonets in northeni China during the 17th century. It argues that the rural conunoners formed a non-confucian society in which the state ideology, Confucianism, was not followed as a standard. The major religious character of such a non-Confucian society is pluralism, which was receptive to various religious influences. Confucianism family morality and institutions were largely ignored by the rural commoners, especially in the North. The Ming government actually applied a double standard in dealing with the family regulation of the gentry and the commoners. Without an ethical restriction from Confucianism, the rural commoners played a dynamic role in the commercialization of the late Ming and early Qing period. When Confucianism was in decline, there was an obvious departure of the scholar-commoners from Confucian values and lifestyle. As a part of the social changes since the midoMing, various marginal groups among the commoners became very active in society, including male and female religious clergy, women business people, and rascals. This further deepened the crisis in the Confucian order of society. The rise of such a non- confucian society in late imperial China indicates a growth of the early Chinese civil society, which meant profound crisis of Confucian and gentry domination and a destructive ending of the imperial age of China. Methodologically, this study argues that Confucian-centered approach of Chinese study is not sound. Original sources, such as local gazetteers, private work collections, governmental documentation, as well as modern Chinese and English works in this issue are examined. Preface and Acknowledgments Approaching the completion of this thesis, I try to imagine myself a first time reader of these pages. What would 1 like to know about this study before 1 start reading? Obviously a brief explanation about why and how this subject was selected and came to this shape is necessary. Moreover, 1 feel obligated to acknowledge the contribution of the people who gave me training, influences, help, and love during the past years. Growing up in a small city in the north part of China, I got to know the ordinary rural people in my youth. As a matter of fact, my father is the very first one in his family for several generations who moved to cities. From 1971 to 1973, 1 lived in a small village a hundred kilometers away from my hometown. During that time, 1 had to identify myself as a rural man. Although fifteen years later 1 found myself an associate professor in Changchun, a provincial capital inhabited by nearly two million people, 1 kept having a strong feeling about the rural commoners. They are simple, frank, forgiving, largely illiterate, extremely hard working, frugal, poor, sometimes tricky. They have the dynamic energy to act econornically and even culturally. Nevertheless, they had been helplessly restricted from using their energy in private means by the goverment. Since 1980rsr rural people have suddenly appeared everywhere, as store owners in cities, as wanyuanhu (ten thousand yuan family) in the countryside, or, as independent trading entrepreneurs. How is it that the same people who could do little but manage to survive during the 1960's and 1970ts, now apparently can do anything? 1s this the magic of another great sage king such as Mao or Deng? 1s this the achievement of university professors or govermental officials? 1 did not think so. The dynamism is in the common people themselves. They will likely play an even more important role in China in the coming future. Recently, in Canada, as a visiting scholar and later a graduate student, 1 am impressed by two things. Firstly, Confucianism is very highly emphasized in the interpretation of Chinese civilization and history, which 1 think is a perspective of viewing the commoners as the dependents of the higher classes. Secondly, the recent studies of Chinese social history in the West demonstrate obviously constructive results, especially the concept of social diversity outlined in Susan Naquin and Evelyn S. Rawski's study of late imperial China. My persona1 strength in late imperial history is in economic and political history of the Ming. Nevertheless, 1 eventually decided to examine the social history of 17th-century China so that 1 can learn more from Western scholarship. In doing Sot my primary concern remains a methodological one: how to understand late imperial Chinese history from the grassroots of Chinese society. 1 know it is too arnbitious for an individual researcher to reach an overall conclusion, nevertheless, 1 am happy to have done some thing, this dissertation. During the past years in Canada, my academic debt is first of al1 to Dr. Brian Evans. 1 have been lucky to work with him, the first year as a member in my supervisory committee and later as my supervisor. This dissertation, from the selection of topic, revision of proposal, and al1 the steps of carrying it out to the present shape, has demanded countless hours of work by him. Training a Chinese student must be rnuch more difficult than training a Western student. He not only read through al1 the four versions of this lengthy dissertation, discussed al1 the major points of this study with me, but also corrected my writing mistakes. He is critical in academic issues. Meanwhile, he is so patient that he explained every correction he has done on my work. He did not simply set up a standard to ask me to reach. Rather than that, he led me walk from a lower stage to a higher one. Beyond these, 1 am privileged to have hirn as a friend, a friend who would give me his hands whenever 1 need them. Dr. Jennifer Jay conducted my supervision in my first year in this program and later worked as a member of my supervisory cornmittee. She read most of my written work, provided very critical and important suggestions for the dissertation. 1 enjoyed the collaborative research and translations with her. Dr. Sinh Vinh provided me training of Japanese history. His quality as an extremely industrious and effective researcher always reminded me to work hard and well, When 1 was experiencing a persona1 difficulty in 1993, 1 was happy to work with Dr. Vinh as his research assistant and enjoyed his trust and kindness. Special thanks should be given to Dr. Timothy Brook. His comments on this study (given at the time of the thesis defense) not only improved the dissertation itself, but also broadened my view of late imperial China as a field of study. 1 also want to mention my appreciation to Dr. Richard Lynn. He rd U) cd 2 # Qi .ta( m; 3 aO fu *mO-4 '-4 N O 3 4 *-l 4 'cl 2 .; .; 3 '.c tn -4 4 9a lifetime dedication and pays you out only when you enjoy the work itself. In 1994, 1 visited Professor Li Xun in China after five years away from him. He advised me to go back as early as possible to carry on his research projects since he was already in his late 70s. My study process, however, has been longer than it was supposed to be. Last year, before 1 was ready to resume a commitment. Professor Li Xun died of cancer. Many friends of mine encouraged me to finish this long expedition, academically or personally. They are Professor Zhao Yi, Yin Fengyou, Zhang Xiumei, Gao Eryin, Dr. Wang Xu, Dr. Liu Wenxi, Yu Shuo, Professor Ren Shuang, Dr. Leng Dong, Professor Chen Nan. Dr. Gui Xiang, Wang Dongfang, and Philip Manson. Dusing these years, the University of Alberta gave me teaching and research assistantship, temporary teaching position, and the J Gordon Kaplan Graduate Student Award. These not only supported me financially, but also rewarded me with valuable experiences. 1 would like to express my appreciation of Past Imperfect for publishing my first article in English. "Concubinage in Seventeenth-Century Chinese Literature: A Historical Study of Xing-shi yin-yuan zhuan. " The libraries of University of Alberta, British Columbia University, Columbia University, Northeast Normal University, and Beijing Library allowed me to use their collections and facilities. Without that, the completion of this study would be simply impossible. Finally, 1 want to express my appreciation to Xu Shuping, my wife. When 1 started working on this project, she was left in China single handedly looking after my daughter's life and education and struggling to reunite with me in Canada.

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