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The Changing Face of American White Supremacy Our Mission: to Stop the Defamation of the Jewish People and to Secure Justice and Fair Treatment for All
A report from the Center on Extremism 09 18 New Hate and Old: The Changing Face of American White Supremacy Our Mission: To stop the defamation of the Jewish people and to secure justice and fair treatment for all. ABOUT T H E CENTER ON EXTREMISM The ADL Center on Extremism (COE) is one of the world’s foremost authorities ADL (Anti-Defamation on extremism, terrorism, anti-Semitism and all forms of hate. For decades, League) fights anti-Semitism COE’s staff of seasoned investigators, analysts and researchers have tracked and promotes justice for all. extremist activity and hate in the U.S. and abroad – online and on the ground. The staff, which represent a combined total of substantially more than 100 Join ADL to give a voice to years of experience in this arena, routinely assist law enforcement with those without one and to extremist-related investigations, provide tech companies with critical data protect our civil rights. and expertise, and respond to wide-ranging media requests. Learn more: adl.org As ADL’s research and investigative arm, COE is a clearinghouse of real-time information about extremism and hate of all types. COE staff regularly serve as expert witnesses, provide congressional testimony and speak to national and international conference audiences about the threats posed by extremism and anti-Semitism. You can find the full complement of COE’s research and publications at ADL.org. Cover: White supremacists exchange insults with counter-protesters as they attempt to guard the entrance to Emancipation Park during the ‘Unite the Right’ rally August 12, 2017 in Charlottesville, Virginia. -
A Typology of Right-Wing Terrorism and Violence in Western Europe By
Summer /15 Nr. 3 ISSN: 2363-9849 Thugs or Terrorists? A Typology of Right -Wing Terrorism and Violence in Western Europe By: Jacob Aasland Ravndal 1 Abstract Despite Western Europe’s extensive history of right-wing terrorism, a systematic categorization of key actors and events is lacking. This article aims to narrow this gap by proposing the first empirically derived typology of right-wing terrorism and violence in Western Europe. The article begins by introducing a method for reviewing and developing typologies, informed by relevant social science literature. This method is first used to review Ehud Sprinzak’s seminal typology of right-wing terrorism. While Sprinzak merits recognition for having developed the only universal typology in the field, the review shows that his typology does not satisfy established criteria for typology building. Combining quantitative and qualitative post-WWII data, a new typology is therefore proposed, based on attack frequencies and differences in perpetrators’ strategy and organization. This new typology facilitates sharper distinctions, both between different types of perpetrators and between different forms of violence. 1 Jacob Aasland Ravndal is Research Fellow at the Norwegian Defence Research Establishment (FFI), Jacob- [email protected] . I thank Jon Hovi, Tore Bjørgo, Thomas Hegghammer, Jan Oskar Engene, Johannes Due Enstad, Helge Renå, Daniel Köhler, and two anonymous reviewers for providing useful comments to earlier versions of this article. 1 Jacob Aasland Ravndal: Thugs or Terrorists? A Typology of Right-Wing Terrorism and Violence in Western Europe Summer /15 Nr. 3 ISSN: 2363-9849 Introduction Having attracted relatively little attention for some time, right-wing terrorism returned to Western Europe's public eye in 2011 with the terrorist attacks in Norway and the disclosure of the German terrorist cell Nationalsozialistischer Untergrund (NSU). -
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fascism 4 (2015) 209-212 brill.com/fasc Book Review ∵ Mats Deland, Michael Minkenberg and Christin Mays, ed. In the Tracks of Breivik: Far Right Networks in Northern and Eastern Europe (Berlin/ Vienna: lit Verlag, 2014). Four years have already passed since Anders Behring Breivik, apparently single-handedly, committed the most murderous and destructive terrorist atrocity by the far right in post-war Europe. In 2011–2012, particularly during his criminal trial in Oslo, there was a lively public debate in in the Scandinavian media as to whether Breivik was a fascist, or represented some other permuta- tion of the contemporary European far right – an Islamophobic ‘counter-jihad- ist’; a militant, conservative nationalist; or a Christian extremist.1 Somewhat counterintuitively, since then relatively little scholarly attention has been devoted within comparative fascist studies to the implications of Breivik’s deeds, ideology, and self-proclaimed pan-European revolutionary movement. The title of this anthology – In the Tracks of Breivik – would suggest that its primary purpose is to map the far right networks of northern and eastern Europe in relation to the terrorist acts of July 22, 2011. Even if we realize that this formulation is an unfortunate literal translation of the Swedish phrase ‘i spåren av [Breivik]’ – for which a more idiomatic English rendering would be ‘in the wake of [Breivik]’, the implication would still be that the findings of the book are located in some direct relation to Breivik and his crimes. Even the promotional blurb on the back cover, as well as the opening and closing words of the introduction, reinforce this expectation. -
The Global New Right and the Flemish Identitarian Movement Schild & Vrienden a Case Study
Paper The global New Right and the Flemish identitarian movement Schild & Vrienden A case study by Ico Maly© (Tilburg University) [email protected] December 2018 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/ The global New Right and the Flemish identitarian movement Schild & Vrienden. A case study. Ico Maly Abstract: This paper argues that nationalism, and nationalistic activism in particular are being globalized. At least certain fringes of radical nationalist activists are organized as ‘cellular systems’ connected and mobilize-able on a global scale giving birth to what I call ‘global nationalistic activism’. Given this change in nationalist activism, I claim that we should abandon all ‘methodological nationalism’. Methodological nationalism fails in arriving at a thorough understanding of the impact, scale and mobilization power (Tilly, 1974) of contemorary ‘national(istic)’ political activism. Even more, it inevitably will contribute to the naturalization or in emic terms the meta-political goals of global nationalist activists. The paradox is of course evident: global nationalism uses the scale- advantages, network effects and the benefits of cellular structures to fight for the (re)construction of the old 19th century vertebrate system par excellence: the (blood and soil) nation. Nevertheless, this, I will show, is an indisputable empirical reality: the many local nationalistic battles are more and more embedded in globally operating digital infrastructures mobilizing militants from all corners of the world for nationalist causes at home. Nationalist activism in the 21st century, so goes my argument, has important global dimensions which are easily repatriated for national use. -
COVID-19: How Hateful Extremists Are Exploiting the Pandemic
COVID-19 How hateful extremists are exploiting the pandemic July 2020 Contents 3 Introduction 5 Summary 6 Findings and recommendations 7 Beliefs and attitudes 12 Behaviours and activities 14 Harms 16 Conclusion and recommendations Commission for Countering Extremism Introduction that COVID-19 is punishment on China for their treatment of Uighurs Muslims.3 Other conspiracy theories suggest the virus is part of a Jewish plot4 or that 5G is to blame.5 The latter has led to attacks on 5G masts and telecoms engineers.6 We are seeing many of these same narratives reoccur across a wide range of different ideologies. Fake news about minority communities has circulated on social media in an attempt to whip up hatred. These include false claims that mosques have remained open during 7 Since the outbreak of the coronavirus (COVID-19) lockdown. Evidence has also shown that pandemic, the Commission for Countering ‘Far Right politicians and news agencies [...] Extremism has heard increasing reports of capitalis[ed] on the virus to push forward their 8 extremists exploiting the crisis to sow division anti-immigrant and populist message’. Content and undermine the social fabric of our country. such as this normalises Far Right attitudes and helps to reinforce intolerant and hateful views We have heard reports of British Far Right towards ethnic, racial or religious communities. activists and Neo-Nazi groups promoting anti-minority narratives by encouraging users Practitioners have told us how some Islamist to deliberately infect groups, including Jewish activists may be exploiting legitimate concerns communities1 and of Islamists propagating regarding securitisation to deliberately drive a anti-democratic and anti-Western narratives, wedge between communities and the British 9 claiming that COVID-19 is divine punishment state. -
Political Trends in Russia
russian analytical russian analytical digest 60/09 digest analysis Fascist Tendencies in Russia’s Political Establishment: The Rise of the International Eurasian Movement By Andreas Umland, Eichstaett, Bavaria Abstract Aleksandr Dugin, a prominent advocate of fascist and anti-Western views, has risen from a fringe ideologue to deeply penetrate into Russian governmental offices, mass media, civil society and academia in ways that many in the West do not realize or understand. Prominent members of Russian society are affiliated with his International Eurasian Movement. Among Dugin’s most important collaborators are electronic and print media commentator Mikhail Leont’ev and the legendary TV producer and PR specialist Ivan Demidov. If Dugin’s views become more widely accepted, a new Cold War will be the least that the West should expect from Russia during the coming years. The Rise of Aleksandr Dugin course that must be taken seriously. Dugin’s numerous In recent years, various forms of nationalism have be- links to the political and academic establishments of a come a part of everyday Russian political and social life. number of post-Soviet countries, as well as institutions Since the end of the 1990s, an increasingly aggressive in Turkey, remain understudied or misrepresented. In racist sub-culture has been infecting sections of Russia’s other cases, Dugin and his followers receive more se- youth, and become the topic of numerous analyses by rious attention, yet are still portrayed as anachronis- Russian and non-Russian observers. Several new radi- tic, backward-looking imperialists – merely a partic- cal right-wing organizations, like the Movement Against ularly radical form of contemporary Russian anti-glo- Illegal Emigration, known by its Russian acronym balism. -
Spencer Sunshine*
Journal of Social Justice, Vol. 9, 2019 (© 2019) ISSN: 2164-7100 Looking Left at Antisemitism Spencer Sunshine* The question of antisemitism inside of the Left—referred to as “left antisemitism”—is a stubborn and persistent problem. And while the Right exaggerates both its depth and scope, the Left has repeatedly refused to face the issue. It is entangled in scandals about antisemitism at an increasing rate. On the Western Left, some antisemitism manifests in the form of conspiracy theories, but there is also a hegemonic refusal to acknowledge antisemitism’s existence and presence. This, in turn, is part of a larger refusal to deal with Jewish issues in general, or to engage with the Jewish community as a real entity. Debates around left antisemitism have risen in tandem with the spread of anti-Zionism inside of the Left, especially since the Second Intifada. Anti-Zionism is not, by itself, antisemitism. One can call for the Right of Return, as well as dissolving Israel as a Jewish state, without being antisemitic. But there is a Venn diagram between anti- Zionism and antisemitism, and the overlap is both significant and has many shades of grey to it. One of the main reasons the Left can’t acknowledge problems with antisemitism is that Jews persistently trouble categories, and the Left would have to rethink many things—including how it approaches anti- imperialism, nationalism of the oppressed, anti-Zionism, identity politics, populism, conspiracy theories, and critiques of finance capital—if it was to truly struggle with the question. The Left understands that white supremacy isn’t just the Ku Klux Klan and neo-Nazis, but that it is part of the fabric of society, and there is no shortcut to unstitching it. -
Illiberalism Studies Program Working Papers
ILLIBERALISM STUDIES PROGRAM WORKING PAPERS M A Y 2 0 2 1 An Identitarian Europe? Successes and Limits of the Diffusion of the French Identitarian Movement M A R I O N J A C Q U E T - V A I L L A N T An Identitarian Europe? Successes and Limits of the Diffusion of the French Identitarian Movement Marion Jacquet-Vaillant Illiberalism Studies Program Working Papers no. 7 May 2021 Photo Cover: “Generation-identitaire” by Pulek1 licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0 ©IERES2021 The Identitarian Movement (IM) was born in France in 2002-2003, founded by Fabrice Robert, Guillaume Luyt, and Philippe Vardon in the weeks following the dissolution of the far-right group Unité radicale. Over the past 19 years, several associations have been involved in the French IM: Les Identitaires (LI) and the Bloc Identitaire (BI) have alternated as the “adult” organizations, while Les Jeunesses Identitaires (JI), Une Autre Jeunesse (UAJ), and Génération Identitaire (GI) have successively embodied its “youth” branch. Génération Identitaire (GI), founded in 2012, progressively became the figurehead of the IM before being administratively dissolved by the French government in March 2021. Since then, activists have been barred from carrying out any action in the name of Génération Identitaire. If the decision has not affected Les Identitaires or local associations (such as the Identitarian bars or cultural associations), it has thrown into jeopardy the GI brand they have successfully diffused throughout Europe. The French Identitarian movement1 claims an attachment to a certain civilizational identity linked to the European continent. In addition to structuring their movement into local chapters, each of which is responsible for the defense and promotion of local identities, the activists strive to embody this common European identity at the European level.2 They have, it seems, succeeded in doing so: since its creation, the French Identitarian movement has effectively maintained links with counterparts in Europe. -
Identity & In-Group Critique in James Mason's Siege
A Paler Shade of White: Identity & In-group Critique in James Mason’s Siege J.M. Berger RESOLVE NETWORK | April 2021 Racially and Ethnically Motivated Violent Extremism Series https://doi.org/10.37805/remve2021.1 The views expressed in this publication are those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the RESOLVE Network, the U.S. Institute of Peace, or any entity of the U.S. government. CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ......................................................................................... 1 INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................... 2 HISTORY AND CONTEXT ...................................................................................... 4 METHODOLOGY: LINKAGEBASED ANALYSIS ............................................... 6 OVERVIEW OF CONTENT ..................................................................................... 7 INGROUP CRISIS: A PALER SHADE OF WHITE .............................................13 INGROUPS IN CRISIS ........................................................................................20 THE OUTGROUP IN THE INGROUP ...............................................................23 CONCLUSION: INSIGHTS & RECOMMENDATIONS .....................................25 BIBLIOGRAPHY .....................................................................................................28 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Discussions of extremist ideologies naturally focus on how in-groups criticize and attack out-groups. But -
Printed Covers Sailing Through the Air As Their Tables Are REVIEWS and REFUTATIONS Ipped
42 RECOMMENDED READING Articles Apoliteic music: Neo-Folk, Martial Industrial and metapolitical fascism by An- ton Shekhovtsov Former ELF/Green Scare Prisoner Exile Now a Fascist by NYC Antifa Books n ٻThe Nature of Fascism by Roger Gri Modernism and Fascism: The Sense of a Beginning under Mussolini and Hitler by Roger n ٻGri n ٻFascism edited by Roger Gri Black Sun: Aryan Cults, Esoteric Nazism, and the Politics of Identity by Nicholas Go- A FIELD GUIDE TO STRAW MEN odrick-Clarke Gods of the Blood: The Pagan Revival and White Separatism by Mattias Gardell Modernity and the Holocaust by Zygmunt Bauman Sadie and Exile, Esoteric Fascism, and Exterminate All the Brutes by Sven Lindqvist Confronting Fascism: Discussion Documents for a Militant Movement by Don Hamerquist, Olympias Little White Lies J. Sakai, Anti-Racist Action Chicago, and Mark Salotte Baedan: A Journal of Queer Nihilism Baedan 2: A Queer Journal of Heresy Baedan 3: A Journal of Queer Time Travel Against His-story, Against Leviathan! by Fredy Perlman Caliban and the Witch: Women, the Body, and Primitive Accumulation by Silvia Federici Witchcraft and the Gay Counterculture by Arthur Evans The Many-Headed Hydra: Sailors, Slaves, Commoners, and the Hidden History of the Revo- lutionary Atlantic by Peter Linebaugh and Marcus Rediker Gone to Croatan: Origins of North American Dropout Culture edited by Ron Sakolsky and James Koehnline The Subversion of Politics: European Autonomous Social Movements and the Decolonization of Everyday Life by Georgy Katsia cas 1312 committee // February 2016 How the Irish Became White by Noel Ignatiev How Deep is Deep Ecology? by George Bradford Against the Megamachine: Essays on Empire and Its Enemies by David Watson Elements of Refusal by John Zerzan Against Civilization edited by John Zerzan This World We Must Leave and Other Essays by Jacques Camatte 41 total resistance mounted to the advent of industrial society. -
The Alt-Right on Campus: What Students Need to Know
THE ALT-RIGHT ON CAMPUS: WHAT STUDENTS NEED TO KNOW About the Southern Poverty Law Center The Southern Poverty Law Center is dedicated to fighting hate and bigotry and to seeking justice for the most vulnerable members of our society. Using litigation, education, and other forms of advocacy, the SPLC works toward the day when the ideals of equal justice and equal oportunity will become a reality. • • • For more information about the southern poverty law center or to obtain additional copies of this guidebook, contact [email protected] or visit www.splconcampus.org @splcenter facebook/SPLCenter facebook/SPLConcampus © 2017 Southern Poverty Law Center THE ALT-RIGHT ON CAMPUS: WHAT STUDENTS NEED TO KNOW RICHARD SPENCER IS A LEADING ALT-RIGHT SPEAKER. The Alt-Right and Extremism on Campus ocratic ideals. They claim that “white identity” is under attack by multicultural forces using “politi- An old and familiar poison is being spread on col- cal correctness” and “social justice” to undermine lege campuses these days: the idea that America white people and “their” civilization. Character- should be a country for white people. ized by heavy use of social media and memes, they Under the banner of the Alternative Right – or eschew establishment conservatism and promote “alt-right” – extremist speakers are touring colleges the goal of a white ethnostate, or homeland. and universities across the country to recruit stu- As student activists, you can counter this movement. dents to their brand of bigotry, often igniting pro- In this brochure, the Southern Poverty Law Cen- tests and making national headlines. Their appear- ances have inspired a fierce debate over free speech ter examines the alt-right, profiles its key figures and the direction of the country. -
1 U.S. White Supremacy Groups Key Points
U.S. White Supremacy Groups Key Points: • Some modern white supremacist groups, such as The Base, Hammerskin Nation, and Atomwaffen Division, subscribe to a National Socialist (neo-Nazi) ideology. These groups generally make no effort to hide their overt racist belief that the white race is superior to others. • Other modern white supremacist groups, however, propagate their radical stances under the guise of white ethno-nationalism, which seeks to highlight the distinctiveness––rather than the superiority––of the white identity. Such groups, which include the League of the South and Identity Evropa, usually claim that white identity is under threat from minorities or immigrants that seek to replace its culture, and seek to promote white ethno- nationalism as a legitimate ideology that belongs in mainstream political spheres. • Most modern white supremacist groups eschew violent tactics in favor of using demonstrations and propaganda to sway public opinion and portray their ideologies as legitimate. However, their racial elitist ideologies have nonetheless spurred affiliated individuals to become involved in violent altercations. • White supremacist groups often target youth for recruitment through propaganda campaigns on university campuses and social media platforms. White supremacists have long utilized Internet forums and websites to connect, organize, and propagate their extremist messages. Executive Summary Since the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) first formed in 1865, white supremacist groups in the United States have propagated racism, hatred, and violence. Individuals belonging to these groups have been charged with a range of crimes, including civil rights violations, racketeering, solicitation to commit crimes of violence, firearms and explosives violations, and witness tampering.1 Nonetheless, white supremacist groups––and their extremist ideologies––persist in the United States today.