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WHEN HOME IS the NAVEL of the WORLD an Ethnography of Young Rapa Nui Between Home and Away

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WHEN HOME IS the NAVEL of the WORLD an Ethnography of Young Rapa Nui Between Home and Away WHEN HOME IS THE NAVEL OF THE WORLD An ethnography of young Rapa Nui between home and away Olaug Irene Røsvik Andreassen A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of Sociology and Anthropology, University of New South Wales March 2008 ii ABSTRACT Rapa Nui (Easter Island) has for centuries been known as an isolated island of archaeological mysteries; yet after a rapid modernisation this is today an international tourist destination, a World Heritage Site and a glocalised community. This anthropological study based on long-term fieldwork among young Rapa Nui on the island and away, describes how it can be to grow up in and to belong to such a place. Place is seen as a continually constructed social space and is influenced by Miriam Kahn’s use of Henri Lefebvre’s concept thirdspace. Rapa Nui, as a place, people and community, is here understood as continuously formed by global and local influences. Thus, although historical, global and national influences can seem overwhelming in such a small tourist destination with a turbulent colonial history, this study also sees the opinions and practices of the inhabitants as important agents. This thesis shows how young Rapa Nui are both influenced by and influencing what Rapa Nui is and becomes. Above all, their guiding principle seems to be a continuing strong attachment to their land –also called Te Pito o te Henua (“The Navel of the World”). iii PREFACE Illustration i: Volcano Rano Raraku seen from Poike Text 1: “Right in the centre at the end of the world” “Sitting in the shade of a miro tahiti tree, Amelia demonstrated kai kai, the traditional cat’s cradle game of patterns formed with a loop of string around the fingers, accompanied by song. A great-granddaughter, just in from school, dropped a pink plastic Mickey Mouse lunch box on the grass and, taking out a loop of string to shape on her own fingers, stood behind and mouthed the words of the songs” (Conniff 1993:70-71). Manahine slowly worked her way through these words. In an attempt to hike around the island, we had ended up lodging in the old guardian hut on the Poike hill, and Manahine had gotten the random idea of practicing her English with the only piece of text available – some wrinkly pages of an old National Geographic magazine. The article, titled “Easter Island Unveiled”, was about the very same island where she had grown up and where she now was sitting reading in the dim light of a candle. There were a few old electricity poles outside the hut, but they looked as if they had never worked and simply added a nostalgic touch of “end of the world” to the landscape of the Rapa Nui countryside. Manahine had first found my idea of wanting to walk around the island quite absurd as one could go by car instead, but she was probably getting used to the strangeness of her newly acquired anthropologist and agreed to walk as long as no car passed by to offer us a hike. “The Mickey Mouse box!” she exclaimed suddenly. It was not iv such a surprise that the article was about the island, as Rapa Nui is just the kind of place the public of popular science magazines likes to read about. Yet I got once more the strange impression of being both at the end of and in the centre of the world at the same time when realising that the text passage was actually about the very same Manahine now reading it!i Cords of belonging to Te pito o te Henua. This feeling of being both in the centre and at the end of the world found additional inspiration in name interpretations of the island and has come to symbolise my understanding of belonging. Rapa Nui is more known under the name Easter Island, but it is also Te Pito o te Henua.ii This name is probably older than Rapa Nui and Easter Island, but both its origin and specific meaning is uncertain (Mc Call 1976: footnote1). In the Rapa Nui language the word pito can mean navel, centre or umbilical cord, while henua can be land, earth, world or placenta. Te Pito o te Henua is popularly translated as “The Navel of the World”, while it also can mean “The End of the World” (Hotus 2000:141). Both translations sound delightfully poetic for this place which tourists know as “the lonely island of the moai” and which despite its small size and location is known throughout the whole world. Te Pito o te Henua also seems to give a perfect image, maybe more comical than poetic, for writing on belonging. We enter the world with the umbilical cord and placenta still attached, but as soon as we are out, this physical tie to our mother is cut and disappears in the hospital waste.iii Earlier, in societies like the Polynesian, the placenta (henua, pū- i Based on participant observation, Rapa Nui 2002. ii Following the example of the Rapa Nui, anthropologist Miki Makihera and linguists Nancy and Robert Weber, I will use Rapa Nui both as noun and adjective here, although most English- speaking authors have been using Rapa Nui for the island, and Rapanui for the people and as adjective – and although Grant McCall might be right in arguing that it would be more Polynesian to use Rapanui in all three cases. iii Apparently, in some hospitals in Chile the nurses ask the pregnant women whether they want to give the placenta to research and some women take the placenta home only to be sure that it will not be sold. Pers. com., Rapa Nui midwife student, Valparaiso, April 2005. v henua or henua o te poki in Rapa Nui) and the cord (pito) are buried and symbolically returned to the mother land (henua, kāinga). This practice was for instance documented by anthropologist Margaret Mead in Samoa in the 1920s and by Robert Levy in French Polynesia of the 1960s, but without elaborations on its possible symbolism (Mead 1973:12, Levy 1973:144). Anthropologist Bruno Saura later interpreted this ritual as meaning that Polynesians picture themselves as born attached to a life-giving core of land and that the burial ritual symbolises the mutual belonging between humans and the earth (Saura 2002:133). Placenta burial is still practised in parts of Polynesia, but on Rapa Nui it seems to have disappeared with the introduction of hospital births in the late 1950s, although a few recent cases have been observed.iv Ethnologist Alfred Métraux wrote in the 1930s that in ancient times on Rapa Nui, the placenta and the cord were sometimes put into a calabash and thrown into the sea or buried under a stone (Métraux 1971:102-103). Saura writes that the sea can be seen as symbolising the ultimate ceremonial place (marae), whereas Métraux’s description of the cord being thrown and accompanied by the charm: “May it be lost in a foreign country!” reminds us of Polynesian navigators leaving to settle down on new islands (Metraux, ibid).v This also makes me think of the young Rapa Nui of today who are motivated to leave the island in order to get an education. In ancient Tahiti, the separate cord burial seemed to have a more religious meaning than the placenta, and this religious connotation was probably the reason why this part of the ritual disappeared with the arrival of missionaries iv Retired Rapa Nui nurse, pers.com, Hanga Roa, Nov 2004 and young Rapa Nui students, pers.com, Viña del Mar, April 2005. it would be interesting to see if this ritual is coming back in the wake of the current ethnic revival on Rapa Nui, as the recent cases of placenta burial may indicate. v If the cord was buried on land under a stone, the accompanying charm was: “May you stay strong in your land!” (Metraux, ibid). On Samoa in the 1920s, the sea burial was practised with the cords of baby boys in order to make them good fishermen, whereas girls’ cords were buried under a tree close to the house to make them good housewives (Mead 1973:12). vi (Saura 2002:127).vi It is uncertain whether this was also the case on Rapa Nui, but at least Metraux wrote that the stones under which cords were buried became tapu (religiously forbidden). Metraux focused mostly on the importance of tying two knots on the cord and thereafter cutting it (by biting it off) – a ritual meant to keep the life force in the newborn’s body. He also wrote that this ritual followed the description of the navel cutting of king Hotu Matu’a’s son in the story of the Rapa Nuis’ arrival to the island, and that the possible naming of the island as Te Pito o te Henua could be linked to this (Metraux, op.cit:64). Today some Rapa Nui say that this name actually means “The Umbilical Cord of the Earth” and picture the island as the top end of a long pillar (like an umbilical?!) from the nucleus of the earth.vii This would surely be poetic support to the idea that Rapa Nui with its monumental moai and a place called “the navel” (Te Pito Kura)viii might always have been known as special island within Polynesia -long before the Europeans named it a world-wonder.ix Yet Saura writes that all Polynesian islands are pictured as having “navels” (simply another name for an island’s geographical centre point) and that the name Te Pito o te Henua for Rapa Nui seems to be rather new (Saura 2002: footnote 5).
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