The Budgetary Effects of the Raise the Wage Act of 2021 February 2021
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Social Sciences: Achievements and Prospects Journal 3(11), 2019
Social Sciences: Achievements and Prospects Journal 3(11), 2019 Contents lists available at ScienceCite Index Social Sciences: Achievements and Prospects Journal journal homepage: http://scopuseu.com/scopus/index.php/ssap/index What are the differences between the study of Micro Economics and Macro Economics and how are they interrelated with regard to the drafting of economic policies to remain current and relevant to the global economic environment Azizjon Akromov 1, Mushtariybegim Azlarova 2, Bobur Mamataliev 2, Azimkhon Koriev 2 1 Student MDIST 2 Students Tashkent State University Economic ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT Article history: As economics is mostly known for being a social science, studying production, Received consumption, distribution of goods and services, its primary goal is to care about Accepted wellbeing of its society, which includes firms, people, and so forth. The study of Available online economics mainly consists of its two crucial components, which are Keywords: microeconomics and macroeconomics. Together these main parts of economics are concerned with both private and public sector issues including, inflation, economic Macroeconomics, growth, choices, demand and supply, production, income, unemployment and many microeconomics, other aspects. It is already mentioned that wellbeing of society would be indicators, production, established when government, while making economics policies, assume all factors consumers, companies, including those people who are employed or unemployed, so that no one gets hurt economics, government or suffer in the end. When it comes to making economic decisions and policies, governments should take into consideration that decisions made on a macro level has huge impact on micro and the same with micro, firms, households, individuals’ behaviors and choices come as aggregate in total, then turns into macro level, which triggers the introduction of some policies. -
Minimum Wage, Official Workweek, and Overtime Compensation
ADMINISTRATIVE DIVISION POLICY NUMBER HR Division of Human Resources HR 1.84 POLICY TITLE Minimum Wage, Official Workweek, and Overtime Compensation SCOPE OF POLICY DATE OF REVISION USC System July 26, 2021 RESPONSIBLE OFFICER ADMINISTRATIVE OFFICE Vice President for Human Resources Division of Human Resources THE LANGUAGE USED IN THIS DOCUMENT DOES NOT CREATE AN EMPLOYMENT CONTRACT BETWEEN THE FACULTY, STAFF, OR ADMINISTRATIVE EMPLOYEE AND THE UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH CAROLINA. THIS DOCUMENT DOES NOT CREATE ANY CONTRACTUAL RIGHTS OR ENTITLEMENTS. THE UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH CAROLINA RESERVES THE RIGHT TO REVISE THE CONTENTS OF THIS DOCUMENT, IN WHOLE OR IN PART. NO PROMISES OR ASSURANCES, WHETHER WRITTEN OR ORAL, WHICH ARE CONTRARY TO OR INCONSISTENT WITH THE TERMS OF THIS PARAGRAPH CREATE ANY CONTRACT OF EMPLOYMENT. THE UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH CAROLINA DIVISION OF HUMAN RESOURCES HAS THE AUTHORITY TO INTERPRET THE UNIVERSITY’S HUMAN RESOURCES POLICIES. PURPOSE In accordance with the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) and the State Human Resources Regulations, the University of South Carolina has established the following policy on minimum wage, the official workweek, and overtime compensation. DEFINITIONS Call Back Pay: Call back pay is pay for a non-exempt employee to report to work either before or after normal duty hours to perform emergency services. Compensatory Time: Leave time granted to an employee in lieu of overtime pay, subject to limits established in the FLSA. Exempt Employees: Employees of the University of South Carolina who are exempt from both the minimum wage and overtime requirements of the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) due to employment in a bona fide executive, administrative, professional or outside sales capacity. -
Macroeconomics Course Outline and Syllabus
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works Open Educational Resources New York City College of Technology 2018 Macroeconomics Course Outline and Syllabus Sean P. MacDonald CUNY New York City College of Technology How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/ny_oers/8 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] COURSE OUTLINE FOR ECON 1101 – MACROECONOMICS New York City College of Technology Social Science Department COURSE CODE: 1101 TITLE: Macroeconomics Class Hours: 3, Credits: 3 COURSE DESCRIPTION: Fundamental economic ideas and the operation of the economy on a national scale. Production, distribution and consumption of goods and services, the exchange process, the role of government, the national income and its distribution, GDP, consumption function, savings function, investment spending, the multiplier principle and the influence of government spending on income and output. Analysis of monetary policy, including the banking system and the Federal Reserve System. COURSE PREREQUISITE: CUNY proficiency in reading and writing RECOMMENDED TEXTBOOK and MATERIALS* Krugman and Wells, Eds., Macroeconomics 3rd. ed, Worth Publishers, 2012 Leeds, Michael A., von Allmen, Peter and Schiming, Richard C., Macroeconomics, Pearson Education, Inc., 2006 Supplemental Reading (optional, but informative): Krugman, Paul, End This Depression -
Saving out of Different Types of Income
LESTER D. TAYLOR* Universityof Michigan Saving out of Diferent Types of Income IT HAS ALWAYSBEEN A SOURCEof professionalpride to me to be able to tell my undergraduatestudents in macro theory that economists know a lot about what makes consumers tick. However, in light of the experience of the past several years, I now state this proposition much more circumspectly, and perhaps should restrain myself altogether. For the fact is that in the last three or four years, the consumer has done few things predicted of him. To be sure, there have been some new elements in the picture: interest rates at the highest levels in a century; a "roaring" inflation, at least by contem- porary U.S. standards; and a temporary tax increase. But even so, the con- sumer seems to have injected his own element of eccentricity. Among other things, he was thrifty in 1967 and the first half of 1968 on a scale then un- precedented for the postwar period. And while he regained his taste for spending in the last half of 1968, it was rather short-lived. For in the third quarter of 1969, the personal saving rate again began to rise, and from the third quarter of 1970 through the second quarter of 1971, was in excess of the unheard-of level of 8 percent. * Computationsand researchassistance supported by the National Science Founda- tion. I am gratefulto membersof the Brookingspanel for commentsand criticisms,to Daniel Weiserbsand Angelo Mascarofor researchassistance, and to Joan Hinterbichler and PatriciaRamsey for secretarialassistance. I have also greatlybenefited from access to an unpublishedpaper of H. -
MINIMUM WAGE Sheryl Maxfield Director
Mike DeWine Governor STATE OF OHIO Jon Husted Lt. Governor 2021 MINIMUM WAGE Sheryl Maxfield www.com.ohio.gov Director NON-TIPPED EMPLOYEES A Minimum Wage of $8.80 per hour “Non-Tipped Employees” includes any employee who does not engage in an occupation in which he/she customarily and regularly receives more than thirty dollars ($30.00) per month in tips. “Employers” who gross less than $323,000 shall pay their employees no less than the current federal minimum wage rate. “Employees” under the age of 16 shall be paid no less than the current federal minimum wage rate. “Current Federal Minimum Wage” is $7.25 per hour. TIPPED EMPLOYEES A Minimum Wage of $4.40 per hour PLUS TIPS “Tipped Employees” includes any employee who engages in an occupation in which he/she customarily and regularly receives more than thirty dollars ($30.00) per month in tips. Employers electing to use the tip credit provision must be able to show that tipped employees receive at least the minimum wage when direct or cash wages and the tip credit amount are combined. OVERTIME INDIVIDUALS EXEMPT FROM MINIMUM WAGE 1. An employer shall pay an employee for overtime at a wage rate of one and one-half times the employee’s wage rate for hours in 1. Any individual employed by the United States; excess of 40 hours in one work week, except for employers grossing less than $150,000 per year. 2. Any individual employed as a baby-sitter in the employer’s home, RECORDS TO BE KEPT BY THE EMPLOYER or a live-in companion to a sick, convalescing, or elderly person whose principal duties do not include housekeeping; 1. -
Montgomery County (An Employer of One Employee Is Subject to the County Minimum Wage Law After 7/1/19.)
Minimum Wage and Overtime Law Montgomery County (An employer of one employee is subject to the County minimum wage law after 7/1/19.) Montgomery (Chapter 27, Article XI, Montgomery County Code ) Minimum Wage County Most employees must be paid the Montgomery Co. Minimum Wage Rate. Employees age 18 Minimum Wage Rates and under working under 20 hours per week are exempt from this rate. Tipped Employees (earning more than $30 per month in tips) must earn the Montgomery Co. Large Employers with 51 Minimum Wage Rate per hour. Employers must pay at least $4.00 per hour. This amount or more employees: plus tips must equal at least the Montgomery Co. Minimum Wage Rate. Subject to the adoption of related regulations, restaurant employers who utilize a tip credit are required to $14.00 provide employees with a written or electronic wage statement for each pay period showing After 7/1/20 the employee’s effective hourly rate of pay including employer paid cash wages plus tips for tip credit hours worked for each workweek of the pay period. Additional information and $15.00 updates will be posted on the Maryland Department of Labor website. After 7/1/21 Employees under 18 years of age must earn at least 85% of the State Minimum Wage Rate $15.00+CPI-W1 After 7/1/22 Overtime Most employees must be paid 1.5 times their usual hourly rate for all work over 40 hrs. per Mid-sized Employers with week. Exceptions: 11 to 50 employees Employees of bowling establishments, and institutions providing on-premise care (other than hospitals) to the sick, the aged, or individuals with disabilities for all work over 48 $13.25 hrs. -
COVID-19: Unemployment Compensation Benefits Returning to Work and Refusal to Work - Information for Employers
FACT SHEET #144C JUNE 2020 COVID-19: Unemployment Compensation Benefits Returning to Work and Refusal to Work - Information for Employers Michigan’s unemployment insurance law and the Federal Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act requires individuals collecting unemployment benefits to be available for suitable work and accept an offer of suitable work. When an employer makes an offer of suitable work to an employee or makes an offer for an employee to return to their customary work, the employee can possibly lose unemployment benefits if he/she refuses. Wages, workplace safety, and other factors are considered in determining whether work is “suitable.” Suitable work includes that workplace conditions must be safe o Employers must follow current state and federal requirements and guidance to maintain a safe workplace in general and due to COVID-19. o State and federal requirements and guidance on COVID-19 include information from the following sources (as of date of publication): . Michigan’s Stay Home, Stay Safe orders . Michigan Occupational Safety and Health Administration (MIOSHA): . Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) . Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) . Michigan Safe Start Plan Check with each government entity for up-to-date guidance and regulations. Work is not considered to be suitable if the employer is unable or unwilling to provide a safe workplace as required by current state and federal law and guidance. Employers have the burden to prove that workplaces are safe and -
The Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938, As Amended
The Fair LaboR Standards Act Of 1938, As Amended U.S. DepaRtment of LaboR Wage and Hour Division WH Publication 1318 Revised May 2011 material contained in this publication is in the public domain and may be reproduced fully or partially, without permission of the Federal Government. Source credit is requested but not required. Permission is required only to reproduce any copyrighted material contained herein. This material may be contained in an alternative Format (Large Print, Braille, or Diskette), upon request by calling: (202) 693-0675. Toll-free help line: 1-866-187-9243 (1-866-4-USWAGE) TTY TDD* phone: 1-877-889-5627 *Telecommunications Device for the Deaf. Internet: www.wagehour.dol.gov The Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938, as amended 29 U.S.C. 201, et seq. To Provide for the establishment of fair labor standards in emPloyments in and affecting interstate commerce, and for other Purposes. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That this Act may be cited as the “Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938”. § 201. Short title This chapter may be cited as the “Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938”. § 202. Congressional finding and declaration of Policy (a) The Congress finds that the existence, in industries engaged in commerce or in the Production of goods for commerce, of labor conditions detrimental to the maintenance of the minimum standard of living necessary for health, efficiency, and general well-being of workers (1) causes commerce and the channels and instrumentalities of commerce to be used to sPread and Perpetuate such labor conditions among the workers of the several States; (2) burdens commerce and the free flow of goods in commerce; (3) constitutes an unfair method of competition in commerce; (4) leads to labor disputes burdening and obstructing commerce and the free flow of goods in commerce; and (5) interferes with the orderly and fair marketing of goods in commerce. -
Minimum Wages and the Gender Gap in Pay: New Evidence from the UK and Ireland
DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES IZA DP No. 11502 Minimum Wages and the Gender Gap in Pay: New Evidence from the UK and Ireland Olivier Bargain Karina Doorley Philippe Van Kerm APRIL 2018 DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES IZA DP No. 11502 Minimum Wages and the Gender Gap in Pay: New Evidence from the UK and Ireland Olivier Bargain Bordeaux University and IZA Karina Doorley ESRI and IZA Philippe Van Kerm University of Luxembourg and LISER APRIL 2018 Any opinions expressed in this paper are those of the author(s) and not those of IZA. Research published in this series may include views on policy, but IZA takes no institutional policy positions. The IZA research network is committed to the IZA Guiding Principles of Research Integrity. The IZA Institute of Labor Economics is an independent economic research institute that conducts research in labor economics and offers evidence-based policy advice on labor market issues. Supported by the Deutsche Post Foundation, IZA runs the world’s largest network of economists, whose research aims to provide answers to the global labor market challenges of our time. Our key objective is to build bridges between academic research, policymakers and society. IZA Discussion Papers often represent preliminary work and are circulated to encourage discussion. Citation of such a paper should account for its provisional character. A revised version may be available directly from the author. IZA – Institute of Labor Economics Schaumburg-Lippe-Straße 5–9 Phone: +49-228-3894-0 53113 Bonn, Germany Email: [email protected] www.iza.org IZA DP No. 11502 APRIL 2018 ABSTRACT Minimum Wages and the Gender Gap in Pay: New Evidence from the UK and Ireland Women are disproportionately in low paid work compared to men so, in the absence of rationing effects on their employment, they should benefit the most from minimum wage policies. -
Downward Nominal Wage Rigidities Bend the Phillips Curve
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF SAN FRANCISCO WORKING PAPER SERIES Downward Nominal Wage Rigidities Bend the Phillips Curve Mary C. Daly Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco Bart Hobijn Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, VU University Amsterdam and Tinbergen Institute January 2014 Working Paper 2013-08 http://www.frbsf.org/publications/economics/papers/2013/wp2013-08.pdf The views in this paper are solely the responsibility of the authors and should not be interpreted as reflecting the views of the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco or the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System. Downward Nominal Wage Rigidities Bend the Phillips Curve MARY C. DALY BART HOBIJN 1 FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF SAN FRANCISCO FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF SAN FRANCISCO VU UNIVERSITY AMSTERDAM, AND TINBERGEN INSTITUTE January 11, 2014. We introduce a model of monetary policy with downward nominal wage rigidities and show that both the slope and curvature of the Phillips curve depend on the level of inflation and the extent of downward nominal wage rigidities. This is true for the both the long-run and the short-run Phillips curve. Comparing simulation results from the model with data on U.S. wage patterns, we show that downward nominal wage rigidities likely have played a role in shaping the dynamics of unemployment and wage growth during the last three recessions and subsequent recoveries. Keywords: Downward nominal wage rigidities, monetary policy, Phillips curve. JEL-codes: E52, E24, J3. 1 We are grateful to Mike Elsby, Sylvain Leduc, Zheng Liu, and Glenn Rudebusch, as well as seminar participants at EIEF, the London School of Economics, Norges Bank, UC Santa Cruz, and the University of Edinburgh for their suggestions and comments. -
Understanding the Historic Divergence Between Productivity
Understanding the Historic Divergence Between Productivity and a Typical Worker’s Pay: Why It Matters and Why It’s Real By Josh Bivens and Lawrence Mishel | September 2, 2015 Introduction and key findings Wage stagnation experienced by the vast majority of American workers has emerged as a central issue in economic policy debates, with candidates and leaders of both parties noting its importance. This is a welcome development because it means that economic inequality has become a focus of attention and that policymakers are seeing the connection between wage stagnation and inequality. Put simply, wage stagnation is how the rise in inequality has damaged the vast majority of American workers. The Economic Policy Institute’s earlier paper, Raising America’s Pay: Why It’s Our Central Economic Policy Challenge, presented a thorough analysis of income and wage trends, documented rising wage inequality, and provided strong evidence that wage stagnation is largely the result of policy choices that boosted the bargaining power of those with the most wealth and power (Bivens et al. 2014). As we argued, better policy choices, made with low- and moderate-wage earners in mind, can lead to more widespread wage growth and strengthen and expand the middle class. This paper updates and explains the implications of the central component of the wage stagnation story: the growing gap between overall productivity growth and the pay of the vast majority of workers since the 1970s. A careful analysis of this gap between pay and productivity provides several important insights for the ongoing debate about how to address wage stagnation and rising inequality. -
Long-Term Unemployment and the 99Ers
Long-Term Unemployment and the 99ers An Emerging Issues Report from the January 2012 Long-Term Unemployment and the 99ers The Issue Long-term unemployment has been the most stubborn consequence of the Great Recession. In October 2011, more than two years after the Great Recession officially ended, the national unemployment rate stood at 9.0%, with Connecticut’s unemployment rate at 8.7%.1 Americans have been taught to connect the economic condition of the country or their state to the unemployment Millions of Americans— rate, but the national or state unemployment rate does not tell known as 99ers—have the real story. Concealed in those statistics is evidence of a exhausted their UI benefits, substantial and challenging structural change in the labor and their numbers grow market. Nationally, in July 2011, 31.8% of unemployed people every month. had been out of work for at least 52 weeks. In Connecticut, data shows 37% of the unemployed had been jobless for a year or more. By August 2011, the national average length of unemployment was a record 40 weeks.2 Many have been out of work far longer, with serious consequences. Even with federal extensions to Unemployment Insurance (UI), payments are available for a maximum of 99 weeks in some states; other states provide fewer (60-79) weeks. Millions of Americans—known as 99ers— have exhausted their UI benefits, and their numbers grow every month. By October 2011, approximately 2.9 million nationally had done so. Projections show that five million people will be 99ers, exhausting their benefits, by October 2012.