DOCSLIB.ORG

The Rise and Fall of the Ministry of State for Urban Affairs: a Re-Evaluation

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Rise and Fall of the Ministry of State for Urban Affairs: a Re-Evaluation Canadian Political Science Review, Vol. 5, No. 2, 2011, 117-126 117 The Rise and Fall of The Ministry of State For Urban Affairs: A Re-Evaluation Zachary Spicer Department of Political Science, University of Western Ontario. E-mail address: [email protected] Abstract. From 1971 to 1979, the Ministry of State for Urban Résumé. De 1971 à 1979, le Ministère d’État chargé des Affairs operated in Canada. Utilizing a policy networks and Affaires Urbaines a fonctionné au Canada. En utilisant un communities framework, this study identifies five govern- cadre d’analyse fondé sur les réseaux et communautés poli- mental and non-governmental actors who contributed to the tiques, cette étude identifie cinq acteurs gouvernementaux et rise and fall of the Ministry of State for Urban Affairs. non-gouvernementaux qui ont contribué à l’émergence et à Through episodic content analysis of newspaper coverage of la chute du Ministère d’État chargé des Affaires Urbaines. A Canadian urban issues and government publications, this travers une analyse épisodique du contenu de la presse quo- study revisits previous accounts of the Ministry of State for tidienne sur les questions urbaines canadiennes et les publi- Urban Affairs lifespan, creating a more holistic analysis of its cations gouvernementales, cette étude analyse de manière inception and downfall. It is concluded that urban advocacy critique les précédents compte-rendus portant sur la durée groups played a large role in placing urban affairs on the de vie du Ministère d’État chargé des Affaires Urbaines, en public agenda, compelling politicians to respond and that construisant une analyse plus globale de ses débuts et de sa the Ministry of State for Urban Affairs ultimately crossed chute. Elle conclut que les groupes de défense de la ville ont into provincial jurisdiction, causing the provinces to object joué un rôle important en plaçant les questions urbaines sur to its existence. l’agenda public, en forçant les hommes politiques à y ré- pondre, et en poussant le Ministère d’État chargé des Af- Keywords. Ministry of State for Urban Affairs; federalism; faires Urbaines de s’immiscer dans les compétences provin- urban studies; urban engagement. ciales, ce qui a conduit les provinces à s’élever contre son existence Mots clefs. Ministère d’État chargé des Affaires Urbaines; fédéralisme; études urbaines; mobilisation urbaine. Introduction servants, and business leaders, which present an interesting mix of analysis and opinion. Oberlander himself is the for- mer deputy minister of MSUA. With such a comprehensive In 1971, the government of Pierre Trudeau created the Min- analysis conducted on the Ministry of State for Urban Af- istry of State for Urban Affairs (MSUA). Not soon after, fairs, why revisit the ministry? Oberlander and Fallick’s work MSUA was shut down. Using a policy communities and is important, but two aspects require more attention: the networks framework, this study examines the rise and fall of origins of MSUA and the role of the provinces. Each aspect is the Ministry of State for Urban Affairs, attempting to ac- crucial to understanding MSUA’s rise and fall. count for this unique experiment in cross-governmental and The role of the provinces are addressed within the book. cross-departmental collaboration. In his conclusion, Oberlander states that the provinces “un- A very detailed history of the Ministry of State for Urban dercut” MSUA in order to reassert their “explicit and exclu- Affairs has already been written. Entitled, The Ministry of sive” jurisdiction in municipal affairs (1987: 132). This is a State for Urban Affairs: A Courageous Experiment in Pub- relatively minor section of Oberlander’s conclusion though. lic Administration, editors H. Peter Oberlander and Arthur He argues in greater detail that MSUA’s undoing was the Fallick evaluate the successes and weaknesses of MSUA. result of other government ministries, who feared that Originally printed in 1987, A Courageous Experiment is a MSUA was encroaching on their policy areas (1987: 131). collection of essays by contributors to the 1985 Canadian Victor Goldbloom, Quebec’s Minister of the Environment Urban Studies Conference hosted by the Institute of Urban and Municipal Affairs during MSUA’s existence, contributes Studies at the University of Winnipeg (Oberlander and Fal- a short article on how the province’s viewed the federal lick 1987: 1). The book’s contributors are of diverse back- government’s urban policy efforts. He acknowledges that the grounds, including geographers, urban planners, public 118 Canadian Political Science Review, Vol. 5, No. 2, 2011, 117-126 provinces and MSUA reached disagreement on several occa- The Policy Networks and Communities sions but he opens his work with a overly optimistic retelling Framework of tri-level bargaining: “we were, to each other, a stimulating and even an enjoyable intellectual challenge” (1987: 50). The literature on policy networks and communities is quite The origins of MSUA are also of great importance. A rich. The policy communities and policy networks frame- Courageous Experiment contains one section on the origins work evolved from an acknowledgement that policy creation of MSUA, but each of the three articles within it focus largely existed at the sub-state level and that certain non-state ac- on the legislative origins of the ministry. Fallick focuses on tors, such as urban activists, city councils and municipal the need for an urban ministry and presents a legislative associations, can influence, shape and craft policy (Skogstad chronology of MSUA (1987: 7), Oberlander relates the chal- 2008: 205). lenges experienced when attempting to establish the minis- When policy interests align with the interests of many try (1987: 18), and Michael Pitfield evaluates the logic be- like-minded groups they represent a policy network. The hind creating various ministries of state (1987: 27). All three balance of power within these networks determines the accounts provide insights into government decision-making effectiveness of the network. Some actors within these net- during the creation of MSUA, but none addresses the role of works hold veto powers and, as such, exercise more power the public. How did urban affairs arrive on the legislative within the network. Veto powers can control the health of agenda of the government? What prompted the government the network and can dissolve the network if chosen. This to address this policy area? concept is central to this paper, as the federal and provincial A policy networks and communities framework can help governments can be seen has holding veto power and with it, answer these questions. By bringing the public and the prov- the power to end the network. inces back into the equation, the policy network and com- Previously, policy networks and policy communities were munities framework can provide a more holistic approach to viewed as separate phenomenon. Policy communities gener- understanding the Ministry of State for Urban Affairs and ally referred to a set of actors – public or private – that properly situate it within Canada’s experiences with multi- shared an interest in a certain policy area and coalesced level governance. Through an episodic content analysis of around a desire to bring change to that policy area (Skogstad published newspaper coverage and the ministry’s annual 2008: 208). These policy communities were interested in reports, this paper asks two essential research questions: 1) influencing policy through informal means, while policy what led to the creation of MSUA? and; 2) what factors led to networks involved the formal mechanisms of power and the MSUA being dismantled? power relationships between sub-government and govern- Using a policy community and networks framework, this ment policy actors (Skogstad 2008: 208). Over time, these paper will attempt to explain the interdependence of differ- concepts were drawn together and eventually seen as inter- ent groups that were advancing the urban agenda. Five dependent. On policy communities and policy networks, categories of actors that contributed to the creation of the Coleman and Atkinson state that “the community refers to Ministry of State for Urban Affairs can been identified: the actors; the network refers to the relationships among 1. Urban activists actors” (1992: 156). As such, the two are connected. 2. City councils Policy networks and communities rely on actor constella- 3. Municipal associations tions, the basic composition of policy groupings. Actor con- 4. Provincial governments stellations make a distinction between two types of actors: 5. Federal government those who directly participate in policy formulation and those who act as policy advocates (Montpetit 2003: 41). The Each group can be seen as either advancing the urban agen- composition of these groups affects their efficiency and da or responding to it during the 1960s. While Oberlander policy output. If the non-state actors in the network are and Fallick account for the legislative origins of MSUA, it is strong, they can lead the group into one policy direction important to understand why the government became inter- (Schrapf 1997: 71). For groups to be successful however, two ested in urban affairs during the late 1960s and early 1970s. conditions must be satisfied. First, there must be an equilib- By analyzing the role of urban activists, city councils and rium between the goals each actor brings to the group, as municipal associations – three groups hypothesized to have Skogstad states that policy networks are constructed on been urban policy advocates – a deeper understanding of the common world-views (Skogstad 1998: 469). There must be a origins of MSUA can be reached. Similarly, analyzing the basis for cohesion and communication between actors, re- role of the provinces in the urban policy realm and their gardless of whether the links between the actors are formal relations to the federal government’s efforts in a policy area or informal. Second, there must be diversity between the entirely under provincial jurisdiction can help explain the resources that each actor brings to the constellation ministry’s downfall.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Proquest Dissertations
    OPPOSITION TO CONSCRIPTION IN ONTARIO 1917 A thesis submitted to the Department of History of the University of Ottawa in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts. % L,., A: 6- ''t, '-'rSily O* John R. Witham 1970 UMI Number: EC55241 INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI UMI Microform EC55241 Copyright 2011 by ProQuest LLC All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER ONE:IDEOLOGICAL OPPOSITION 8 CHAPTER TWO:THE TRADE UNIONS 33 CHAPTER THREE:THE FARMERS 63 CHAPTER FOUR:THE LIBERAL PARTI 93 CONCLUSION 127 APPENDIX A# Ontario Liberals Sitting in the House of Commons, May and December, 1917 • 131 APPENDIX B. "The Fiery Cross is now uplifted throughout Canada." 132 KEY TO ABBREVIATIONS 135 BIBLIOGRAPHY 136 11 INTRODUCTION The Introduction of conscription in 1917 evoked a deter­ mined, occasionally violent opposition from French Canadians. Their protests were so loud and so persistent that they have tended to obscure the fact that English Canada did not unanimous­ ly support compulsory military service.
    [Show full text]
  • Lesson Plan with Activities: Political
    LESSON PLAN POLITICAL PARTIES Recommended for Grade 10 Duration: Approximately 60 minutes BACKGROUND INFORMATION Parliamentary Roles: www.ola.org/en/visit-learn/about-ontarios-parliament/ parliamentary-roles LEARNING GOALS This lesson plan is designed to engage students in the political process through participatory activities and a discussion about the various political parties. Students will learn the differences between the major parties of Ontario and how they connect with voters, and gain an understanding of the important elements of partisan politics. INTRODUCTORY DISCUSSION (10 minutes) Canada is a constitutional monarchy and a parliamentary democracy, founded on the rule of law and respect for rights and freedoms. Ask students which country our system of government is based on. Canada’s parliamentary system stems from the British, or “Westminster,” tradition. Since Canada is a federal state, responsibility for lawmaking is shared among one federal, ten provincial and three territorial governments. Canada shares the same parliamentary system and similar roles as other parliaments in the Commonwealth – countries with historic links to Britain. In our parliament, the Chamber is where our laws are debated and created. There are some important figures who help with this process. Some are partisan and some are non-partisan. What does it mean to be partisan/non-partisan? Who would be voicing their opinions in the Chamber? A helpful analogy is to imagine the Chamber as a game of hockey, where the political parties are the teams playing and the non-partisan roles as the people who make sure the game can happen (ex. referees, announcers, score keepers, etc.) LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY OF ONTARIO POLITICAL PARTIES 01 EXPLANATION (5 minutes) Political Parties: • A political party is a group of people who share the same political beliefs.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politicization of the Scarborough Rapid Transit Line in Post-Suburban Toronto
    THE ‘TOONERVILLE TROLLEY’: THE POLITICIZATION OF THE SCARBOROUGH RAPID TRANSIT LINE IN POST-SUBURBAN TORONTO Peter Voltsinis 1 “The world is watching.”1 A spokesperson for the Province of Ontario’s (the Province) Urban Transportation Development Corporation (UTDC) uttered those poignant words on March 21, 1985, one day before the Toronto Transit Commission’s (TTC) inaugural opening of the Scarborough Rapid Transit (SRT) line.2 One day later, Ontario Deputy Premier Robert Welch gave the signal to the TTC dispatchers to send the line’s first trains into the Scarborough Town Centre Station, proclaiming that it was “a great day for Scarborough and a great day for public transit.”3 For him, the SRT was proof that Ontario can challenge the world.4 This research essay outlines the development of the SRT to carve out an accurate place for the infrastructure project in Toronto’s planning history. I focus on the SRT’s development chronology, from the moment of the Spadina Expressway’s cancellation in 1971 to the opening of the line in 1985. Correctly classifying what the SRT represents in Toronto’s planning history requires a clear vision of how the project emerged. To create that image, I first situate my research within Toronto’s dominant historiographical planning narratives. I then synthesize the processes and phenomena, specifically postmodern planning and post-suburbanization, that generated public transit alternatives to expressway development in Toronto in the 1970s. Building on my synthesis, I present how the SRT fits into that context and analyze the changing landscape of Toronto land-use politics in the 1970s and early-1980s.
    [Show full text]
  • C,Anadä LIBERÄL PÄRÏY ORGAI{IZÂTIOII AI{D
    N,flonalLtbrav Bibliothèque nationale l*l du Canada Acquisitions and Direction des acquisitions et Bibliog raphic Services Branch des services bibliograPhiques 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa, Ontario Ottawa (Ontario) K1A ON4 K.lA ON4 Yout l¡le Volre élérence Our lile Noue rclércnce The author has granted an L'auteur a accordé une licence irrevocable non-exclus¡ve licence irrévocable et non exclus¡ve allowing the National Library of permettant à la Bibliothèque Canada to reproduce, loan, nationale du Canada de distribute or sell cop¡es of reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou his/her thesis by any means and vendre des copies de sa thèse in any form or format, making de quelque manière et sous this thesis available to interested quelque forme que ce soit pour persons. mettre des exemplaires de cette thèse à Ia disposition des personnes intéressées. The author retains ownership of L'auteur conserve la propriété du the copyright in his/her thesis. droit d'auteur qu¡ protège sa Neither the thesis nor substantial thèse. Ni la thèse ni des extraits extracts from it may be printed or substantiels de celle-ci ne otherwise reproduced without doivent être imprimés ou his/her permission. autrement reproduits sans son autorisation. ISBN 0-612-13090_8 C,anadä LIBERÄL PÄRÏY ORGAI{IZÂTIOII AI{D }'ANITOBA'S 1995 PROVINCIAL ELECTION BY ROBERT ANDREIJ DRI'I'IMOITD A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies of the University of Manitoba in partial fulfiilment of the requirements of the degree of }TASIER OF ARTS @ 1996 Permission has been granted to the LIBRARY OF THE LTNIVERSITY OF MANITOBA to lend or sell copies of this thesis, to the NATIONAL LIBRARY OF CANADA to microfilm this thesis and to lend or sell copies of the film, and LIBRARY MICROFILMS to publish an abstract of this thesis.
    [Show full text]
  • In Crisis Or Decline? Selecting Women to Lead Provincial Parties in Government
    University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository Arts Arts Research & Publications 2018-06 In Crisis or Decline? Selecting Women to Lead Provincial Parties in Government Thomas, Melanee Cambridge University Press Thomas, M. (2018). In Crisis or Decline? Selecting Women to Lead Provincial Parties in Government. Canadian Journal of Political Science/Revue canadienne de science politique, 51(2), 379-403. http://hdl.handle.net/1880/107552 journal article Unless otherwise indicated, this material is protected by copyright and has been made available with authorization from the copyright owner. You may use this material in any way that is permitted by the Copyright Act or through licensing that has been assigned to the document. For uses that are not allowable under copyright legislation or licensing, you are required to seek permission. Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca In Crisis or Decline? Selecting Women to Lead Provincial Parties in Government By Melanee Thomas Associate Professor Department of Political Science University of Calgary 2500 University Drive NW Calgary, AB T2N 1N4 Abstract: The majority of Canada’s women premiers were selected to that office while their parties held government. This is uncommon, both in the comparative literature and amongst premiers who are men. What explains this gendered selection pattern to Canada’s provincial premiers’ offices? This paper explores the most common explanation found in the comparative literature for women’s emergence as leaders of electorally competitive parties and as chief political executives: women are more likely to be selected when that party is in crisis or decline. Using the population of women provincial premiers in Canada as case studies, evidence suggests 3 of 8 women premiers were selected to lead parties in government that were in crisis or decline; a fourth was selected to lead a small, left-leaning party as predicted by the literature.
    [Show full text]
  • MS KATZ Memento Books Coll 00459 Katz Memento
    MS KATZ Memento Books Coll 00459 Katz Memento Books History of the Mementos Book Two-volume book which consists of 341 paintings, sketches, prints, collages, autographs, partial music scores, poetry and prose collected by Katz, with the help of his wife Johanna, over nearly three decades, from 1970-1998. The book has been rebound twice to make room for additional contributions. It has accompanied the Katzes on their travels across Canada, as well as Cuba, The People’s Republic of China, Mexico, and elsewhere. Among the Canadian contributors: Farley Mowat, Margaret Atwood, Northup Frye, Robertson Davies, Michael Ondaatje, Arthur Lismer, Thoreau MacDonald (a frequent contributor), Leon Bellefleur. Interest contributors: Marc Chagall, Rufino Tamayo, Henry Moore, Andy Warhol, among many others. The first Memento Book was given to Katz by his wife Johanna in the late 1960s. It sat unused in a drawer for many years until early in 1971 when Katz conceived of the idea of “Mementos to Leon,” a book to which various artists he had met and would meet in the future could contribute. The first artist with whom Katz discussed the subject of such a book was Carl Schaefer, and it was Schaefer who contributed the first entry: the pen & ink sketch “The Lilac in Winter at 157 St. Clements Ave.” (p. 5). “Mementos For Leon Katz” – Book I Page Author/Artist, Description, date 1 Thoreau MacDonald, ink sketch of two pines, 1970 2 Blank 3 James Wilson Morrice, pencil sketch: “Luxembourg Gardens, Paris, 1924,” 1924 4 Alfred Joseph (A.J.) Casson, Pencil sketch: “Goose Lake,” 1971 5 Carl Schaefer, ink sketch: “The Lilac in Winter at 157 St.
    [Show full text]
  • City of Toronto Customized Global Template
    Jeffrey A. Abrams Acting City Clerk City Clerk’s Tel: (416) 392-8016 City Hall, 2nd Floor, West Fax: (416) 392-2980 100 Queen Street West [email protected] Toronto, Ontario M5H 2N2 http://www.city.toronto.on.ca CERTIFICATE OF AMENDMENTS Certified to be a true copy of amendments to: Report No. 9 of The Administration Committee, Report No. 10 of The Administration Committee, Report No. 5 of The Community Services Committee, Report No. 6 of The Community Services Committee, Report No. 6 of The Economic Development and Parks Committee, Report No. 6 of The Planning and Transportation Committee, Report No. 9 of The Policy and Finance Committee, Report No. 8 of The Works Committee, Report No. 9 of The Works Committee, Report No. 10 of The Works Committee, Report No. 5 of The Downtown Community Council, Report No. 7 of The East Community Council, Report No. 5 of The Midtown Community Council, Report No. 5 of The North Community Council, Report No. 6 of The Southwest Community Council, Report No. 5 of The West Community Council, Report No. 5 of The Audit Committee, Report No. 6 of The Audit Committee, Report No. 4 of The Board of Health, and Report No. 5 of The Striking Committee, and Notices of Motions, Enquiries and Answers, as adopted by the Council of the City of Toronto at its regular meeting held on June 26, 27 and 28, 2001. REPORT NO. 9 OF THE ADMINISTRATION COMMITTEE Clause No. 1 - “Status of the TEDCO Investigation”. The Clause was struck out and referred to the Budget Advisory Committee for information during its deliberations on the 2002 budget for the Toronto Port Authority; and the Acting Chief Administrative Officer was requested to submit a report to the Budget Advisory Committee, for consideration therewith, on the original ownership of the hockey tickets, from whom they were purchased and at what cost.
    [Show full text]
  • 2019 Federal Election: Result and Analysis
    2019 Federal Election: Result and Analysis O C T O B E R 22, 2 0 1 9 NATIONAL ELECTION RESULTS 157 121 24 3 32 (-20) (+26) (-15) (+1) (+22) Comparison between results reflected based on party standings at dissolution of the 42nd parliament • The Liberal Party of Canada (LPC) won a second mandate, although was diminished to minority status. • The result of the 43rd Canadian election is one of the closest in recent memory, with both the Liberals and Conservatives separated by little more than one percentage point. Conservatives share of vote is slightly higher than the Liberals, making major gains in key areas for the party • Bloc Quebecois (BQ) is a winner in this election, moving up to official party status which will give the party added resources as well as significance in the House of Commons • The NDP managed to win enough seats to potentially play an important role in the House of Commons, but the party took a big hit in Quebec — where they were only able to hold one of the Layton era “Orange Wave” seats • Maxime Bernier, who started the People’s Party of Canada after narrowly losing the Conservative leadership contest in 2017, lost the seat he has held onto since 2006 • The former Treasury Board president Dr. Jane Philpott, who ran as an independent following her departure from the liberal caucus, lost her seat in Markham Stouffville to former Liberal MPP and Ontario Minister of Health, Dr. Helena Jaczek. Jody Wilson-Raybould won as an independent in Vancouver Granville NATIONAL ELECTION RESULTS 10 2 32 3 39 24 PARTY STANDINGS AT
    [Show full text]
  • Toronto City Council Decision Document Meeting on May 23, 24 and 25, 2006
    Ulli S. Watkiss City Clerk City Clerk’s Office Secretariat Tel: 416-392-7032 Marilyn Toft Fax: 416-392-2980 Council Secretariat Support e-mail: [email protected] City Hall, 12th Floor, West Web: www.toronto.ca 100 Queen Street West Toronto, Ontario M5H 2N2 TORONTO CITY COUNCIL DECISION DOCUMENT MEETING ON MAY 23, 24 AND 25, 2006 City Council’s actions on each Clause in the following Reports and Notices of Motions considered at the meeting are contained in this Decision Document. Declarations of Interest, if any, are included and all additional material noted in this document is on file in the City Clerk’s Office, Toronto City Hall. Please refer to the Council Minutes for the official record of Council’s proceedings. Deferred Clauses: Policy and Finance Committee Report 3 ............................................................................ 1 Administration Committee Report 2................................................................................... 2 Audit Committee Report 1.................................................................................................. 3 Planning and Transportation Committee Report 2 ............................................................. 5 Striking Committee Report 2.............................................................................................. 9 Works Committee Report 2 ................................................................................................ 9 Etobicoke York Community Council Report 3 ...............................................................
    [Show full text]
  • THE AMERICAN IMPRINT on ALBERTA POLITICS Nelson Wiseman University of Toronto
    University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Great Plains Quarterly Great Plains Studies, Center for Winter 2011 THE AMERICAN IMPRINT ON ALBERTA POLITICS Nelson Wiseman University of Toronto Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly Part of the American Studies Commons, Cultural History Commons, and the United States History Commons Wiseman, Nelson, "THE AMERICAN IMPRINT ON ALBERTA POLITICS" (2011). Great Plains Quarterly. 2657. http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly/2657 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Great Plains Studies, Center for at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Great Plains Quarterly by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. THE AMERICAN IMPRINT ON ALBERTA POLITICS NELSON WISEMAN Characteristics assigned to America's clas­ the liberal society in Tocqueville's Democracy sical liberal ideology-rugged individualism, in America: high status was accorded the self­ market capitalism, egalitarianism in the sense made man, laissez-faire defined the economic of equality of opportunity, and fierce hostility order, and a multiplicity of religious sects com­ toward centralized federalism and socialism­ peted in the market for salvation.l Secondary are particularly appropriate for fathoming sources hint at this thesis in their reading of Alberta's political culture. In this article, I the papers of organizations such as the United contend that Alberta's early American settlers Farmers of Alberta (UFA) and Alberta's were pivotal in shaping Alberta's political cul­ Social Credit Party.2 This article teases out its ture and that Albertans have demonstrated a hypothesis from such secondary sources and particular affinity for American political ideas covers new ground in linking the influence and movements.
    [Show full text]
  • 'Turncoats, Opportunists, and Political Whores': Floor Crossers in Ontario
    “‘Turncoats, Opportunists, and Political Whores’: Floor Crossers in Ontario Political History” By Patrick DeRochie 2011-12 Intern Ontario Legislature Internship Programme (OLIP) 1303A Whitney Block Queen’s Park Toronto, Ontario M7A 1A2 Phone: 416-325-0040 [email protected] www.olipinterns.ca www.facebook.com/olipinterns www.twitter.com/olipinterns Paper presented at the 2012 Annual meeting of the Canadian Political Science Association Edmonton, Alberta Friday, June 15th, 2012. Draft: DO NOT CITE 2 Acknowledgements I would like to thank the following people for their support, advice and openness in helping me complete this research paper: Gilles Bisson Sean Conway Steve Gilchrist Henry Jacek Sylvia Jones Rosario Marchese Lynn Morrison Graham Murray David Ramsay Greg Sorbara Lise St-Denis David Warner Graham White 3 INTRODUCTION When the October 2011 Ontario general election saw Premier Dalton McGuinty’s Liberals win a “major minority”, there was speculation at Queen’s Park that a Member of Provincial Parliament (MPP) from the Progressive Conservative (PC) Party or New Democratic Party (NDP) would be induced to cross the floor. The Liberals had captured fifty-three of 107 seats; the PCs and NDP, thirty-seven and seventeen, respectively. A Member of one of the opposition parties defecting to join the Liberals would have definitively changed the balance of power in the Legislature. Even with the Speaker coming from the Liberals’ ranks, a floor crossing would give the Liberals a de facto majority and sufficient seats to drive forward their legislative agenda without having to rely on at least one of the opposition parties. A January article in the Toronto Star revealed that the Liberals had quietly made overtures to at least four PC and NDP MPPs since the October election, 1 meaning that a floor crossing was a very real possibility.
    [Show full text]
  • Identity Politicking: New Candidacies and Representations in Contemporary Canadian Politics
    Identity Politicking: New Candidacies and Representations in Contemporary Canadian Politics by Teresa-Elise Maiolino A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Sociology University of Toronto © Copyright by Teresa-Elise Maiolino 2017 Identity Politicking: New Candidacies and Representations in Contemporary Canadian Politics Teresa-Elise Maiolino Doctor of Philosophy Department of Sociology University of Toronto 2017 Abstract This dissertation centres on the candidacies and leaderships of three politicians—Justin Trudeau, Olivia Chow, and Kathleen Wynne. It examines the ways in which gender, race, sexuality, and other salient aspects of politicians’ identities are strategically negotiated and mobilized by politicians, political actors, the media, and the grassroots. The cases herein question the extent to which identity matters in Canadian electoral politics at the municipal, provincial, and federal levels, bridging sociological understandings of power and authority with feminist analyses of identity. The project engages broadly with qualitative methods—discourse analysis, media analysis, participant observation, and interviewing. The research contributes to understandings of: (1) the durability of masculinity in Canadian electoral politics; (2) dispositional requirements for leaders; (3) the compensatory labour that minority politicians perform; (4) alignments and allegiances between politicians and grassroots movements. The first case of the dissertation examines media coverage of a charity-boxing match between Liberal Member of Parliament Justin Trudeau and Conservative Canadian Senator Patrick Brazeau. It offers the concept recuperative gender strategies to describe how political leaders work to restore their public gender identities. The second case is focused on the candidacy of visible minority Toronto mayoral candidate, Olivia Chow.
    [Show full text]