CONTRIBUTORS

1. The Transformation of The Nigerian Civil Service From Colonialism To Post- Independence Era Philip Afaha 2. : Could There Ever Be Renaissance? Prof. Usen Smith, 3. An Examination of Election Related Violence and National Security In Charles Akale & Olajumoke Ganiyat Jenyo 4. The Contributions of United Nations To Decolonisation In Africa: An Assessment Suleiman Bilal Ishaq & Abu Leonard 5. The Potentialities of Arabic Language In Promoting And Protecting Islam and Its Culture In Nigeria Busari, Kehinde Kamorudeen, PhD 6. Jesus as The Cosmic Christ and The Ecology of The Human Person Michael Gakbe Gokat and Gideon Y. Tambiyi, PhD 7. The Effects of Violent Students' Protests in Nigerian Universities, 1971-1999 Ajala, B. Luqman, Ph.D \ 8. Forms and Functions of The Nice Properties of English Mohammad Idris S/kudu, PhD & Isa Adamu Haliru, PhD 9. Impact of On Anyigba, North Central Nigeria, 1967- 1970 Ezeogueri-Oyewole, Anne Nnenna & Nda Mariam 10. A Historical Analysis of Political and Electoral Violence in Nigeria Between 2011 – 2018 Ene Gift Linus 11. Cultural Implicity of Naming Among the Mumuye Juliana Aidan, Naomi Ishaya & Azinni Vakkai 12. An Assessment of the Role of River Basin Development Authorities in Agricultural and Economic Development in Nigeria Since 1960 Luka, Nathaniel B. Gimba & Sylvester I. Ugbegeli, PhD, 13. Women's Status in Islam and their Role in Politics and Sustainable Development Maunde Usman Muhammad, Adamu Alhaji Sa'idu & Amina Aminu Isma'il 14. The Role of Women in Traditional Mwaghavul Religion Nakam Nanpan Kangpe 15. La révolte contre les pratiques traditionnelles abusives: Une étude de Le Bistouri des Larmes de Ramonu Sanusi et Rebelle de Fatou Keita Nev Beatrice Nguwasen & Musa Elisha 16. Blind Hatred and Religious Intolerance in Nigeria: Comparing the Biblical Saul and Yerima Musa in AA PUBLICATIONPUBLICATION OFOF Heart of Stone Chentu Dauda Nguvugher, PhD & Bem Alfred Abugh, INSTITUTEINSTITUTE OFOF PEACEPEACE STUDIESSTUDIES ANDAND 17. An Assessment of The Challenges and Opportunities of The De-Radicalisation Programme in North- Eastern State, Nigeria: A Case Study of Operation Safe Corridor Camp, Mallam Sidi, Gombe, Gombe State, Nigeria. CONFLICTCONFLICT MANAGEMENTMANAGEMENT (IPSACM),(IPSACM), Saleh Omar, PhD & Adamu Ahmed 18. Indigenous Knowledge as a Tool for Harmonizing Cultures in Nigerian Societies. Patience Ngunan Kersha, Fagbemi Victoria Yemi, PhD & Linus Nihunga Ahaz 19. Arabic and Fulfulde Grammatical Processes: A Descriptive Comparative Analysis Abubakar Mu'azu & Usman Bobbo Iliyasu 20. Vote Buying and Strategic Use of Money in the 2015 General Elections in Auwal Chul & Isa Mohammed

HPL HAMEED PRESS LIMITED No. 51 Garu Street, Sabon line V o l u m e 2 , N u m b e r 4 , J u l y 2 0 2 0 Jalingo, Taraba State, Nigeria. TEL 08036255661, 07035668900. ISSN 2682- 6194 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

ISSN: 2682-6194

JOURNAL OF MULTI-DISCIPLINARY STUDIES A Publication of Institute of Peace Studies and Conflict Management (IPSACM),

Taraba State University, Jalingo, Nigeria

Volume 2, Number 4, July 2020 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies i

Institute of Peace Studies and Conflict Management (IPSACM), Taraba State University, Jalingo, Volume 2, Number 4, July 2020 ISSN: 2682-6194

Editorial Board Editor-In-Chief Akombo I. Elijah, PhD

Secretary Abdulsalami M. Deji, PhD

Editorial Members Isa M. Adamu, PhD Aboki M. Sani, PhD Atando Dauda Agbu, PhD Haruna M. Suleimuri, PhD Articles should be submitted online to the Secretary, Institute of Peace Studies and Conflict Management (IPSACM), Taraba State University, PMB 1167, Jalingo, Taraba State, Nigeria. Email: [email protected], [email protected], [email protected] Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies ii Editorial Consultants

Professor Talla Ngarka S., Director, Institute of Peace Studies and Conflict Management (IPSACM), Taraba State University, Jalingo, Nigeria. Professor Abolade Adeniji, Department of History and International Studies, State University, Ojo, Lagos, Nigeria Professor Oguntola-Laguda, Danoye, Department of African Traditional Religions, University, Ojo, Lagos, Nigeria Professor Mike O. Odey, Department of History, University, Makurdi, Nigeria. Professor E. C. Emordi, Department of History and International Studies, Ambrose Alli University, Ekpoma, Edo State, Nigeria Professor Adagba Okpaga, Department of Political Science, Benue State University, Makurdi, Nigeria Prof. Umar Habila Dadem Danfulani, Department of Religious Studies, University of Jos, Plateau State, Nigeria. Prof. Olubunmi Akinsanya Alo, Department of Sociology, Federal University, Wukari, Taraba State, Nigeria Professor Saawua Gabriel Nyityo, Department of History, Benue State University, Makurdi, Nigeria. Dr. Gbemisola Abdul-Jelil Animasawun, Centre for Peace and Strategic Studies, University of Ilorin, Nigeria Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies iii

Mission Statement

The world system is increasingly passing through very disturbing phases. Almost every sphere of life is being subjected to unprecedented crises. Both the human and the physical environments have come to crossroads of crises. There are, for instance, unprecedented episodes of global warming; depreciating conditions of soil fertility caused by, mostly, unregulated human activities; overflowing of banks of oceans and rivers on one hand, and alarming rain failures in different parts of the world resulting in protracted droughts and famine; on the other hand unprecedented frictions in human relationships across the globe resulting in unprecedented inter-personal, inter-group, inter-regional and inter- continental confrontations, among others. The Nigerian society is caught up at a similar crossroad. This presupposes that what has become, or is becoming, of the Nigerian society is directly a reflection of the predicament of the international community. Indeed, the entire Nigerian system is increasingly becoming alarmingly chaotic, resulting in unprecedented episodes of conflicts and violent behaviours. For instance, relationship within, and between, families is increasingly becoming very confrontational; the echoes of intra and inter-communal or group conflicts and violence are assuming new disturbing dimensions; the educational system is fast proving highly incapable of producing variables for positive national growth and development; the two dominant religions, Christianity and Islam, are disturbingly proving to be avenues for the promotion of intra and inter-religious rivalries other than peace and unity which are supposedly their main tenets; the political system is fast becoming terrains of unprecedented violence, conflict, misrule on one hand, as the security agencies are increasingly Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies iv proving to be suspiciously incapable of performing their constitutional roles on the other hand, among many other vices. Needless to assert at this juncture that conflict, violence and confrontation have become the dominant features of the Nigerian society. This development results from a network of causes. Apparently, therefore, for us to be able to adequately comprehend the adjoining variables responsible for this down trend in our society, much mental, physical and financial energies have to be exerted. This, of course, is the hallmark of Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies, A Publication of Institute of Peace Studies and Conflict Management (IPSACM), Taraba State University, Jalingo. The Centre appreciates our renown academies who have identified with this mission, particularly, the maiden edition of its Journal through their very valuable articles. Our most reputable senior colleagues who have graciously accepted to be part of this mission as editorial consultants cannot be appreciated enough. The Centre has, indeed, put its hands on the plough and pledges to stick to the philosophy of “Forward Ever, Backward Never”. We remain resolute.

Akombo Elijah Ityavkase, PhD Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies v Notes on Contributors

1. Philip Afaha PhD, Dept. of History and Diplomatic Studies University of Abuja, Nigeria 2. Prof. Usen Smith, Department of Political Science, Federal University, Wukari, Taraba state 3. Charles Akale & Olajumoke Ganiyat Jenyo, Research Fellows, Centre for Strategic Research and Studies, National Defence College, Abuja-Nigeria. 4. Suleiman Bilal Ishaq & Abu Leonard, Department of History and International Studies, Faculty of Art and Humanities, Kogi State University, Anyigba, Nigeria. 5. Busari, Kehinde Kamorudeen, PhD Department of Religion and African Culture, Faculty of arts, Adekunle Ajasin University, Akungba – Akoko, Ondo State, Nigeria. 6. Michael Gakbe Gokat Postgraduate Student, Department of Religion and Philosophy University of Jos, Nigeria and Gideon Y. Tambiyi, PhD, Department of Religion and Philosophy, University of Jos,Plateau State, Nigeria. 7. Ajala, B. Luqman, Ph.D, Department of History and International Studies, Al Hikmah University, Ilorin. 8. Mohammad Idris S/kudu, PhD, Department of English and Literary Studies, Faculty of Arts, Taraba State University, Jalingo & Isa Adamu Haliru, PhD, Department of Languages and Linguistics, Faculty of Arts, Taraba State University, Jalingo. 9. Ezeogueri-Oyewole, Anne Nnenna & Nda Mariam, Department of History and International Studies, Kogi State University, Anyigba, Kogi State 10. Ene Gift Linus, Department of Political Science and International Relational, Istanbul Aydin University, Turkey. 11. Juliana Aidan, Naomi Ishaya & Azinni Vakkai, Department of Languages and Linguistics Faculty of Arts Taraba State University, Jalingo. 12. Luka Nathaniel B. Gimba, Department of History, Adamawa State University, Mubi, Nigeria & Sylvester I. Ugbegeli, PhD, Department of History Faculty of Arts, Benue State University, Makurdi, Benue State. 13. Maunde Usman Muhammad, Adamu Alhaji Sa'idu & Amina Aminu Isma'il, Department of Islamic Studies, Faculty of Arts, Taraba State University, Jalingo, Nigeria. 14. Nakam Nanpan Kangpe, Department of Religion and Philosophy University of Jos, Plateau State, Nigeria. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies vi

15. Nev Beatrice Nguwasen & Musa Elisha, Department of French Language, Taraba State University, Jalingo, Nigeria. 16. Chentu Dauda Nguvugher, PhD, Department of Religion and Philosophy, Faculty of Arts, University of Jos, Jos, Nigeria & Bem Alfred Abugh, Department of Theatre and Film Arts, Faculty of Arts, University of Jos, Jos, Nigeria. 17. Saleh Omar, PhD, Federal University, Kashere, Gombe State, Nigeria & Adamu Ahmed, Department of Sociology Gombe State University, Nigeria. 18. Patience Ngunan Kersha, National Library of Nigeria, Abuja, Fagbemi Victoria Yemi, PhD, Department of Library and Information Science, University of Nigeria, Nsuka, State, Nigeria & Linus Nihunga Ahaz, Department of Library and Information Science, Moddibo Adama University of Technology, Yola, Adamawa State, Nigeria. 19. Abubakar Mu'azu & Usman Bobbo Iliyasu, Federal College of Education, Yola, Adamawa State. 20. Auwal Chul & Isa Mohammed, Department of Political Science and International Relations Faculty of Social and Management Science, Taraba State University, Jalingo.

Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies vii Contents 1. The Transformation of The Nigerian Civil Service From 1-12 Colonialism To Post- Independence Era Philip Afaha 2. Africa: Could There Ever Be Renaissance? 13-24 Prof. Usen Smith, 3. An Examination of Election Related Violence and National 25-37 Security In Nigeria Charles Akale & Olajumoke Ganiyat Jenyo 38-46 4. The Contributions of United Nations To Decolonisation In Africa: An Assessment Suleiman Bilal Ishaq & Abu Leonard 47-56 5. The Potentialities of Arabic Language In Promoting And Protecting Islam and Its Culture In Nigeria Busari, Kehinde Kamorudeen, PhD 6. Jesus as The Cosmic Christ and The Ecology of The Human 57-69 Person Michael Gakbe Gokat and Gideon Y. Tambiyi, PhD 7. The Effects of Violent Students' Protests in Nigerian Universities, 70-78 1971-1999 Ajala, B. Luqman, Ph.D 8. Forms and Functions of The Nice Properties of English 79-85 Mohammad Idris S/kudu, PhD & Isa Adamu Haliru, PhD 9. Impact of Nigerian Civil War On Anyigba, North Central 86-97 Nigeria, 1967- 1970 Ezeogueri-Oyewole, Anne Nnenna & Nda Mariam 10. A Historical Analysis of Political and Electoral Violence in 98-109 Nigeria Between 2011 – 2018 Ene Gift Linus 11. Cultural Implicity of Naming Among the Mumuye 110-118 Juliana Aidan, Naomi Ishaya & Azinni Vakkai 12. An Assessment of the Role of River Basin Development 119-128 Authorities in Agricultural and Economic Development in Nigeria Since 1960 Luka, Nathaniel B. Gimba & Sylvester I. Ugbegeli, PhD, 13. Women's Status in Islam and their Role in Politics and 129-140 Sustainable Development Maunde Usman Muhammad, Adamu Alhaji Sa'idu & Amina Aminu Isma'il 14. The Role of Women in Traditional Mwaghavul Religion 141-146 Nakam Nanpan Kangpe Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies viii 15. La révolte contre les pratiques traditionnelles abusives: Une 147-155 étude de Le Bistouri des Larmes de Ramonu Sanusi et Rebelle de Fatou Keita Nev Beatrice Nguwasen & Musa Elisha 16. Blind Hatred and Religious Intolerance in Nigeria: Comparing 156-164 the Biblical Saul and Yerima Musa in Heart of Stone Chentu Dauda Nguvugher, PhD & Bem Alfred Abugh, 17. An Assessment of The Challenges and Opportunities of The De- 165-178 Radicalisation Programme in North-Eastern State, Nigeria: A Case Study of Operation Safe Corridor Camp, Mallam Sidi, Gombe, Gombe State, Nigeria. Saleh Omar, PhD & Adamu Ahmed 18. Indigenous Knowledge as a Tool for Harmonizing Cultures in 179-189 Nigerian Societies. Patience Ngunan Kersha, Fagbemi Victoria Yemi, PhD & Linus Nihunga Ahaz 19. Arabic and Fulfulde Grammatical Processes: A Descriptive 190-195 Comparative Analysis Abubakar Mu'azu & Usman Bobbo Iliyasu 20.Vote Buying and Strategic Use of Money in the 2015 General 196-204 Elections in Taraba State Auwal Chul & Isa Mohammed

Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 1 The Transformation of The Nigerian Civil Service From Colonialism To Post- Independence Era

Philip Afaha, PhD Dept. of History and Diplomatic Studies, University of Abuja, Nigeria. E-mail: [email protected] Phone: 08035330806

Abstract The Nigerian civil service emanated from the colonial service which was still in force during the early years of Nigeria`s independence. A potpourri of indigenous officers and expatriates, the colonial model civil service was designed as a mere secretariat of government business, but the need to expand its scope and replace the expatriates with local workforce gave rise to series of reforms and challenges hitherto experienced in the service. The height of this disarticulation in the nation`s service occurred during the almost four decades of military rule. The regimented mentality and the customary command-and-control style of the military severely rubbed-off on the psyche and operations of the civil service. The noticeable manifestations of systemic weakness were over- expansion of the service, unification of erstwhile regional services, nepotism, corruption, etc. The colonial model started well in Nigeria and flourished up to the early post-independence years when the system opted for the replacement of expatriates under the Nigerianisation scheme. Although the expatriates were known for dedication and professionalism and even inspired the pioneer Nigerians who took over from them, the service was to witness a steady decline in quality service delivery and professionalism especially from the middle of the 1970s due to unhealthy inter-service rivalries for managerial talent and spurious promotions. In fact, such critical condiments of the public service such as officer deployments, job classification, grading and posting were routinely manipulated by politicians and senior service officials. The practice was for some unscrupulous officials to attach an occupational classification to a staff just to get the staff graded far beyond his mates. The paper opines that it was this state of affairs that pushed every administration to embark on reforms and rationalisation.

Evolution of The Federal Civil Service The Nigerian Civil service as a colonial legacy is rooted in the 1854 Northcote-Trevelyan Report of the British Civil Service. According to that report, the civil service must offer a lifetime career to its officers who are mostly enlisted in their youth. These youths, armed with requisite qualifications, were expected to advance up the ladder of their career through promotion based on an appraisal and seniority until they reach the zenith of the civil service and/or retirement at a certain age. Along this ladder, officers were expected to fully grasp the modus operandi and set rules which make up the system's bureaucracy. This traditional model of public administration is characterised by certain inalienable features which include separation of roles, public interest, functional division of labour, merit- based recruitment, and efficient operational methods based on standardisation of tasks. The Nigerian civil service evolved from the bureaucracy of the Royal Niger Company at the beginning of the 20th century, and had witnessed several pre and post-independence reforms which included His Majesty`s Colonial Service and the Nigerian Civil service of Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 2 1954. While its main objective at inception was the maintenance of law and order, manpower recruitment and placement, mostly with Europeans, were utilized to achieve this objective. The pattern of recruitment and placement policy by the colonial administration had some racial connotation as Africans were deliberately excluded from civil administration.1 The downside of this manpower recruitment and placement policy by a foreign colonial administration aroused political agitation among African members of the Legislative and Nigerian Council. Although members of the Nigerian Council which included both European and Africans were to meet once a year merely to express opinions which were hardly used in shaping institutional policies and structures for the Nigerian civil services. Frederick Lugard conducted the two separate civil services of Northern and Southern protectorates through a central secretariat in Lagos. Whatever such Lugardian separatist policies were intended to achieve, one significant consequence for manpower placement in the Nigerian civil service was the difficulty of finding sufficient number of indigenes from the North to take up some posts in the service even before unification. This explains the relatively high number of Europeans in the civil service who, by 1906, numbered locals by 266. Knowledge of Hausa became the main criterion for appointment into the administrative class just to enhance the recruitment and placement of northerners into the civil service, and also as an avenue to select people from the junior ranks to higher posts. This, no doubt, represented a lowering of qualification and was to have unpleasant consequences not only for recruitment into the Northern civil service but also into the federal civil service. Sustained agitation by local members of the Nigerian Legislative Councils had its first impact in the appointment of the Walwayn Committee in 1942 set up to consider the question of admission of Africans to posts other than secretarial posts in the administrative service. Observers link this change of policy to the Second World War since there was a desire to compensate Nigerians in their support of British war efforts. Due to the Report of the Walwyn Committee, the number of Africans in the senior service rose to 172 out of a total of 2,207 posts as compared with 26 in 1938.2

Richard Constitution and the Nigerianisation of the Civil Service Acceptance in principle of the right to recruit and place Nigerians in the civil service brought about another important policy development, namely that of training. Here, one must mention a related political development, in the form of the Richards constitution, which granted a greater measure of political autonomy than before. Nigerian politicians seemed to have seized upon the Nigerianisation of the civil service and training of suitable Nigerians to occupy posts in it as a quicker way of obtaining the substance of power rather than wait for the development of political institutions. The appointment of the Foot Commission by the Governor-General in 1948/to make recommendations about the recruitment and training of Nigerians fitted in to this policy objective. The report, among others, contained valuable information on student and scholarship plans and resources for the financing of the first 385 scholarship and training awards by the Nigerians Government for the next three years. The creation of the Civil Service Commission's Department to handle civil service matters, as part of the Foot Commission recommendations should be seen as an important structure within which training was pursued. Training of Nigerians was therefore being considered too important to be treated as part of the function of the Establishment Branch Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 3 of the Chief Secretary's Office. The latter, mostly staffed with Europeans and advisory to the Governor-General, had until then had responsibility for staff recruitment into the civil service. The Civil Service Commissioner's Department was therefore an agency with Nigerian representation that advised the Governor-General on all matters relating to senior appointments and promotions in the services. Side by side with it was created a Central Public Service Board to handle recruitment and selection of candidates for scholarship and training to be placed in all Government Authorities or Voluntary Agencies.

Marcpherson Constitution and the Creation of Public Service Commission In 1948, the Macpherson constitution was introduced along with the House of Representatives in operation. In furtherance of the policy of Nigerianisation, an order in council was promulgated in 1951 which provided for the creation of a Public Service Commission in Nigeria. The Commission which came into being in May, 1952, was to advise on matters referred to it by the Governor-General relating to the appointment of any person to an office in the public service of the federation or to the dismissal or disciplinary control of officers in that service. The fact that the Commission had little powers was reflected in the Phillipson-Adedo report, which Commission was set up in 1952 to examine and review the policy of Nigerianisation introduced in 1948. The Report states inter-alia: “The circumstances attendant upon the establishment of the present constitution did not admit of the creation at that time of such a body. Other large change in administrative practice and organization were in progress and those responsible for directing in details the course of those changes recognized that the erection of a full-time Public Service Commission competent to advise the Governor on the full range of subjects referred to in section 169 of the order in Council. They raised many issues relating to composition, procedure, regulation of powers (both advisory and executive) and relations to other authorities, including regional governments and the public service boards, which called for mature consideration in the light of further experience”3 The Phillipson-Adebo Commission, like others that preceded it, was set up as a result of Nigerian public opinion expressed in the House of Representatives. As noted in the Commission's observation above, there was a need to establish machinery for making appointments and promotions, a machinery in which the public would repose confidence in the performance of the existing Public Service Commission which was in doubt, and fears were expressed that in the existing arrangements, expatriates less suitable and qualified than available Nigerians could be appointed. Meanwhile, the Northern politicians had begun to express fears that unqualified application of the policy of Nigerianisation was not in their interest because of the shortage of suitable and qualified Nigerians of Northern origin to make up civil service posts. In its report published in 1953, the Philison-Adebo Commission noted a modest increase in the number of Nigerians in the civil service, including “Senior Service” posts. In view of progress made in Nigerianisation, it recommended the advertisement of vacant posts at home and abroad and the control of expatriate contract renewal. Training schemes for Junior and Senior officers was recommended, including the establishment of the Regions to deal with appointments, recruitment, promotions and discipline within the service. The Public Service Commission in the Regions should be distinguished from the regional Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 4 Public Service Commissions. While the former were branches of the federal set up, the latter, first requested for by the North, were to be under the control of the Regional Governments. The Northern Regional Government's point of view concerning Nigerianisation was that no appointments of non-expatriate officers (southerners in particular) other than Lieutenant Governor, and that if there was a suitable Northerner with the preference to all other claimants. A policy of Nigerianisation with predominant Southern officers was therefore not acceptable. It is only fair to remark that this mutual suspicion between the North and the South was political but its effect on the establishment of an efficient Nigerian civil service was not in doubt. The difficulty of establishing under the 1951 Richard's Constitution a true federal Nigerian civil service staffed mainly with Nigerians had no doubt surfaced under the serious political undertones and reservations expressed by politicians from the North. This explains why the Phillison-Adebo Commission report, especially their recommendations concerning the establishment of a Nigerian Civil Service, were not accepted. It was under the Macpherson Constitution in 1954 that a federal structure of government for Nigeria as opposed to the unitary system was established. The Constitution provided a regionalized civil service in which four Public Service Commissions were setup to advise the Governor-General and the regional Governors on questions relating to the appointment, discipline or disciplinary control of any public servant which might be referred to them. This situation fitted with what the North had desired of the civil service, while the policy of Nigerianisation was also practiced. The Constitution also provided new posts, salaries, allowances and conditions of service for their public services.

Evolution of The Federal Civil Service The breakup of what appeared to be unified civil service under the new Constitution raised some problems that led to the setting up in 1954 of the Gorsuch Commission. The Commission was to make enquiry into the constitutional changes on the future federal and Regional Government since the machinery of government had remained unchanged since 1948 and the Phillison-Adebo Commission dealing with these issues had been overtaken by the political developments since 1953. The Gorsuch Commission Report dealt principally with the Federal Civil Service structure including pay as well as the structure and composition of the Federal Public Service Commission, a commission that would ensure impartiality in the recruitment of civil servants and loyalty to all Governments without political influence and pressures. As a result of the Gorsuch Commission Report, a Federal and three Regional Public Service Commissions were later established on 1st October, 1954, and published in the Gazette as Legal Notice No. 2 of 1955. The setting up of the Federal Public Service Commission with some Nigerians as members, and the implementation of other recommendations of the Gorsuch Report was followed by an important political event in 1956 when the House of Representatives, elected under the self governing constitution of 1954, passed a Resolution on the Nigerianisation of the civil service. The Resolution States that; “this House, realizing the importance of education in the speeding up of the Nigerianisation of the Federal Civil Service, and in the provision of higher training to fit Nigerians for increased responsibility in all walks of life, calls upon the Council of Ministers to make a comprehensive statement and present specific proposal to this end at the next budget meeting of the House”.4 The debate of the Resolution resulted in a far-reaching policy statement highlighting the Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 5 problems of training adequate manpower to fill vacant senior posts in the Federal Public Service and the steps necessary to overcome them. As in the recommendations of the Foot Commission of 1948 on Nigerianisation, the House resolution recognised that, although the needs of the government service had first claim on the Government's met by sufficiently trained number of Nigerians. As in the House debate, the importance of training for the efficiency of the civil service and the utilization of its manpower was not overlooked in the Gorsuch Report. In paragraph 176, it noted that: “it is not enough that the structure of the public service should provide the avenues of advancement. There must be in addition, a comprehensive and coordinated system of training nor should this be merely a phase of limited duration; there will always be room in the services for the two systems to exist side by side-direct entry at various points according to qualifications acquired before recruitment, and promotion from the lower ranks of those whose quality by proved ability and training for higher responsibility”.5 The Report recommended that each of the four Governments should set up a standing committee on training, comprising the Establishment Secretary, the Director of Education and one member of the Public Service Commission. This was to allay the north's fears of domination by the south, and to assure the development of federal service badly undermined by the existence of Regional Public Service Commissions and Houses of Assembly. Recruitment to fill junior posts in the Federal Service was to be drawn from the Regions while recruitment above that level should be opened to all Nigerians irrespective of their locations. The existence of two grades - the junior and senior services - which encouraged the jump and the inefficiency in promotion from one grade to another were recognised. The Commission therefore recommended the full establishment of an executive grade to bridge the gap between the Senior and Junior Services. In spite of all the measures taken to effect rapid Nigerianisation of senior posts in the Civil Service, and with the establishment of the Federal Public Service Commission in 1955, the situation by the eve of independence showed that although there were qualified Nigerians, opportunity to exercise responsibility was denied to them. In contrast, their expatriate counterparts remained indifferent, or were simply opposed to the policy of Nigerianisation. In their books, “The Autobiography of Chief Obafemi Awolowo” and “My life”6, both Chief Awolowo and Alhaji Ahmadu Bello had remarked on the over- bearing attitude and instructiveness of the expatriate administrators. Thus, further agitation by Nigerian politicians in the Federal House of Representatives in 1959 led to the appointment of a Parliamentary Committee to examine the progress made with the Nigerianisation of the Public Service. The report noted the big disparity that still existed between Nigerians and expatriates in the superscale posts that not all Ministries complied with the requirement to review prospective staff needs of their Departments and to inform the Federal Public Service. The Committee further observed that the presence of expatriate permanent secretaries and other highly-placed officers in what was described as “policy-making post” amounted to an “external control, direct or indirect”, of the public service, and that while these officers remained, it cannot be said that the federal service and that the most critical areas of placement of Nigerians were the technical departments where few Nigerians could be Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 6 found in the senior posts. The problem of Nigerianisation at the eve of independence then had two aspects. The first was that qualified Nigerians should take over from the expatriates and to encourage the latter to continue to serve under special conditions or be paid lump-sum compensations on precipitate withdrawal. The second was the problem of finding suitably qualified Northerners to fill positions in the federal service. By 1962, the Northern Regional Executive Council had recommended a Nothernisation policy whereby preference would be given to suitable Northerners over others, mainly Southerners. In place of fixed quotas of senior posts in the federal public service being reserved for Northerners as demanded before independence, it was suggested that the Northern Regional Government should assist in releasing suitable Northerners to fill vacancies in the federal service. Thus, at independence, following the report of the Nigerianisation Offices, and on the basis of an evolving political and administrative developments, a federal civil service emerged well defined but according to Olusanya7, whose personnel still consisted of a sizeable number of expatriates and of many Nigerians with little or no experience. This situation was not surprising because as observed by the Parliamentary Committee and accepted in the government statement of policy on Nigerianisation, it was not possible for a country to get through the transitional phase of independence without deterioration in standard, although it was necessary to avoid an intolerable degree of deterioration. What was uppermost for Nigerian political elites was to achieve political independence together with a reasonable Nigerianisation of the Administrative Cadre of the civil service and to ensure adequate representation in all grades of the service for the entire three regions. The colonial administrative structure of the Federal Civil Service emphasized country- wide administration through field officers which existed under the unitary system of government between 1914-1946 and the federal system which emerged under the Richard's Constitution of 1946. As noted by Nwosu,8 the pillars of colonial administration rested on field officers represented by the Colonial Governor, the Residents and District Officers. It was through them that the principal goals of colonial administration, maintenance of law and order and resources mobilization were achieved. It can be concluded that the then Federal Civil Service was conceived as a colonial institution serving mainly the interest of an external power, and that its structure and personnel recruitment policies reflected this philosophy. The strong nationalist pressure and constant demand for the Nigerianisation of civil service also served as an instrument of gaining independence and political power.

Post-Colonial Civil Service At Independence, there were efforts to transfer both political and administrative responsibilities to the indigenous elites. What this transfer of power and responsibilities translated to for the Nigeria civil service was that the last leg of the race towards full Nigerianisation, a process which started during the colonial period, commenced in 1960. Regardless of the fact that as at that time, full Nigerianisation was yet to be attained, it must be underscored that in contrast to political powers, the service was bequeathed to a Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 7 relatively more sophisticated elites. Although, this has been mentioned early, the reason for the state of affairs was that politician's participation in the colonial government had neither challenging responsibilities nor full power. The pursuit of this colonial phase of Nigerianisation started with the establishment of the Morgan Commission in 1963. This Commission and that of Elwood Grading Team (1966) Adebo (1971) all premised their submission in line with their mandate. Accordingly, the federal civil servants became the beneficiaries of an elevated remuneration package and associated privileges commensurate with their grades. This notwithstanding, and integral to this process, was the gradual increase in the future damage that expatriate civil servants would be averted or controlled. With respect to recruitment, it needs to be noted that there was only a marginal growth in the size of the services from 54,989 in 1966 the Federal Civil Service grew to 98,877 in 1974.9 This public service review commission was understandably the first comprehensive attempt at restructuring the service in all its ramifications. Since the 1970s, the challenges of post war reconstruction and management of the new oil factor in Nigeria rested on the services. Fundamentally, it becomes imperative to gear it up. This necessitated the setting up of Udoji Review Commission in 1972,10 whose term of reference covered structural and conditions of service, examination of all laws regarding pension and rules guiding intra- services movements. Similarly, it was expected to review grading and salary scales, among others. The Commission`s recommendations that the salary grading system be unified, new management techniques be put in place, “open report system to replace the age old confidentially reporting”, among others, are worthy of note. However, of direct relevance here is its prescription for optimum utilisation of manpower and “how to evolve” a development oriented public service. The Commission became popular with the civil servants based on how it facilitated wage increases. It equally called for the recruitment and training of specialised personnel in the application of scientific knowledge and new management techniques, such a Planning, Programming and Budgeting System (PPBS), Management By Objectives (MBO) and other qualitative measures for gauging targets and results. In fact, the size of the federal civil service generally shot from 98,877 in 1974 to 257, 103 in 1984.11 It is never in doubt that manpower development, placement and utilisation can be achieved principally through training. Training in the federal civil service since the Udoji Report has been on the upward trend in terms of resource allocation in the budget. This went up from N500,000.00 in 1974 to N7milion in 1982. ASCON training, especially at management level, increased up to 221 from 1947-79.12 Post training placement problems apart, other problems still persisted, as observed by Adamolekun13, notably in respect of qualitative aspects of training. Further, post-training placement is compounded by the “pool system” centralized control and development of officers, whereas individual ministries are required to manage their training functions within the central framework. The worse that befall the Commission painstaking efforts was that it “Became synonymous with bonus and new wealth”14. The administration of Gowon factored this to attract undue public attention to the salary increase which it retroactively implemented, without implementing other areas of recommendations that could turn the service around. Evidently, it was at this time that a bias was laid for the spade of inter service challenges Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 8 from the state to the federal service which was very noticeable in the 1990s. This reason lends itself to Ademolekun and Ayo's corroboration when they posited that “the state permanent secretaries were portrayed as occupying inferior position below their federal counterparts”.15 The industrial unrest that resulted from the corrupted implementation process was said to constitute a major factor that promoted the taking over of power by Murtala/Obasanjo administration. To show the relationship between this public service malady and the coup that brought Murtala/Obasanjo of power, no sooner did the regime settle on the job that it set up Williams Panel in 1975. The Panel received a mandate to look into complaints which arose out of the grading and salary structure put in place by the Udoji Commission. Consequently, the purge of the 1975 that came as the regime's corrective measure against the prevalent civil service inadequacies, a footstep which Buhari administration followed, visited more damage on the service. The fallout of this was captured by Augustus Adebayo. “Never in the history of any human public organisation had so much havoc been wreaked on the organisation by a ruthless decimation its labour force. Without establishing any rational basis or any ascertainable reason, about ten thousand civil servants were thrown out, a good many of them being the cream and the best in the service. This exercise destroyed morale in the service, led to frustration and uncertainty and inevitably shattered productivity and efficiency since many good ones were thrown out and those who remained lost their morale and sense of devotion to duty (Adebayo, 2000).16

Rationalization Another reforms effort which aimed to holistically overhaul the service structure was the 1988 reforms.17 Broadly, what came under its purview for streamlining were the structure, size and overhead cost as well as how to make the service efficient as well as boost the morale of the civil servants. It equally sought to determine the cause of problems like over staffing, poor management and operation methods which give rise to avoidable bureaucratic inefficiency. As sweeping as this focus was, so unprecedented were the measures that followed from the exercise. The ministers replaced the permanent secretaries as Chief Executives and Accounting Officers of their ministries. The nomenclature of the permanent secretaries was dropped for Director-General, but of critical implication to the service was that the latter “ends of this radical reforms was the professionalization of the civil service”. This meant the service had no place for generalist administrators any longer. Each ministry was mandated to be responsible for all personnel and staff matters excluding recruitment. Virtually all the pillars of the reforms have implication for the central concern of this paper. To start with the impression created by Dotun Philips18 that the minister, by this reform exercise, just assumed the status of Accounting Officer was inconsistent with the reality. In the words of Ogunlowo J., a former Head of Service with the Kwara state government, “we doubt this because since the inception of the 1979 civilian regime, and has been that injury inflicted on the public service by Murtala regime”. The truth has been that “the role of the Permanent Secretaries as Accounting Officers has been meaningless, except where the Ministers/Commissioners were ineffective.19 Moreover, Ministers who could be in office for as period as to be counted in months not years, and with the craze for primitive material accumulation prevalent in our society, they might want to make “as much money as they could” yet the checks and balances between the ministry and the career civil servant (Permanent Secretaries) was now removed by Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 9 politicization that it does not exclude all the officers at senior levels. The service equally loses its major attraction of 'insulated' tenure as a career officer for promising young ones. Hence, they join the seekers of greener pastures elsewhere. All these taken together point in a direction that lends to Amuwo's deduction that “the military can only conceive all these either propitious for pattern maintenance or germane to the extension of political landscape both before and after 1992”.20 The manner the reforms eroded professionalism was such that it limped on job location, that is the ministry, and not the function or ability of a personnel to become an organised team player for goal achievement, is a contradiction of terms. As Olowu21 explicates forthrightly that to professionalise is in consonance with horizontal movement across ministries, Leleye22 buttressed same. The dangers inherent in trying a policy as far reaching as professionalization to the ministerial structure of government can never be overstressed. This idea of each ministry being autonomous in personnel processes put an end to the office of the Head of Service and reduced that of the Federal Civil Service Commission to mere recruiting agents. This severely compromised the critical relevance of the Centralised Personnel Agencies (CPA). In effect, the reforms circumvented the bureaucratic essence of the civil service since it has always been the brief functions of these bodies to harmonize personnel policies and co-ordinate the processes. The CPA is the only unifying cord for all the ministries and extra-ministerial departments while executing their differing schedules. By this autonomy, the 1988 reform exercise equally shots itself in the foot. Its inclusion aimed at reducing the size of the civil service. However, due to the stipulation that “every ministry may have up to a maximum of five operational departments and three common services departments”23 ministry including those with moderate number of schedules aspired to have the minimum number of departments allowed resulting in an increase in the size of the Civil Service instead of reduction as envisaged. The damages that 1988 reforms ushered into the civil services led to the formation of Ayida Panel in 1994. Its report constituted the basis of the government white paper released in June 1997. The Ayida Panel re-invested the service with its much desired structural health and the civil servants' hope for a robust career prospect was equally re- awoken. Placement and utilisation of the permanent secretaries that were restricted in the 1988 reforms regained their pristine career importance. The critical coordinating presence of CPA within the system was restored and reaffirmed. Expectedly, pools system was restored particularly as it concerns certain professions. However, given the inherited bloated size of the service, with the spectra of ghost workers, the Abacha military regime started an arbitrary rationalisation of structure and personnel.

Remuneration Versus Institutional Reforms Public perception of the role of the civil service has raised the issue of its productivity to become an important political question. In the minds of the political elites and that of other Nigerians, the civil service remains an important vehicle for economic development. The significance of this perceived role for the service is its efficiency and capacity to fulfil such role. It underscores the need to make the civil service manpower more productive and emphasizes the importance of the factors necessary to raise their productivity and performance. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 10 Towards this end, a strategy of eliciting, and/or sustaining a describable type of behaviour from civil servants for higher productivity has been an agenda of successive governments. It has been the general rationale behind setting up of service reform commission or panel. Any situation that tends to inhibit the efficiency of the service at a given point in time constitutes the defining variable for the terms of reference for a commission. With this in view, all the reform commissions that ever existed in the annual of the Nigeria Federal Civil Service could be broadly categorized into two depending on a commission or panel primal focus. The Tudor-Davies (1945), Mbanefo (1954), Morgan (1963), Elwood Grading Team (1966) and Adebo (1971) Commissions, to mention but a few, represent structural reformation Commissions whose responsibilities or recommendations cut across the divide. While the Gorsuch Commission (1995) was saddled with the task of determining the necessity for both remuneration and structural changes. Equally worthy of attention is the fact that the implementation of recommendations of such Commissions was shaped not only by their terms of reference but also by political expediency. It is therefore not uncommon in circumstances like the Gorsuch Commission for government to accept most recommendations, be it monetary reward inclined or institutional reform biased. The Udoji public service reform though comprehensive was implemented as if the recommendations were solely on salary increases. In order words, rather than giving at least a levelled or equal emphasis on all aspects of the recommendations, Gowon, who wanted support for his plan to prolong his tenure, effected the recommendations as if all to it was salary increment. The conceptualization of the 1988 reform and its implementation made it look as the administrative component of Structural Adjustment Programme and a self-succession agenda for the Babangida Administration.

Conclusion The colonial model started well in Nigeria and flourished up to the early post- independence years when the system opted for the replacement of expatriates under the Nigerianisation scheme. Although the expatriates were known for dedication and professionalism and even inspired the pioneer Nigerians who took over from them, the service was to witness a steady decline in quality service delivery and professionalism, especially from the middle of the 1970s due to unhealthy inter-service rivalries for managerial talent and spurious promotions. The dynamics of manpower utilization which hitherto relied on planning, forecasting, budgeting and control broke down as even job designs, description and performance were determined by nepotism and other shady factors. In fact, such critical condiments of the public service such as officer deployments, job classification grading and posting became manipulated by politician and senior service officials. The practice was for some unscrupulous officials to attach an occupational classification to a staff just to get the staff graded far beyond his mates. The author opines that it was this “character of the state” that dampened the competence and efficiency of the public service. Every succeeding government grappled with reforms to ensure the much needed transformation of the Nigerian civil service from merely 'administrative to managerial culture' to ensure optimal productivity. In 1974, the Udoji Commission set out to articulate a functional template for the Nigerian public service “for it to become a more effective tool to achieve results in its newer, more demanding roles as agents for development.” It was not until in 1974 when the Udoji unified Grading structure attempted a redress of that dysfunctional grading system in the public service. The grading system was not the only Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 11 challenge that bedevilled the public system as at the seventies and the eighties. The symptom of gradual system's collapse got somehow compounded with the neglect it suffered under the grip of military rule on Nigeria. The next attempt to tinker on the service was in 1985 when the Buhari regime constituted the Professor Dotun Phillips Committee to recommend ways to synchronize the management and operations of the civil service with the presidential system of government envisaged by the 1979 Constitution. This reform proposal was given the force of law by Decree No. 43 of 1988 by the Gen. Babangida regime and was later supplanted by the Ayida Reform of 1995 due to its disarticulated conception of service professionalism. Apart from these conceptual shortcomings, these reforms were stymied by the command and control tradition of the military which inexorably destroyed accountability mechanisms and other core values of the civil service. For instance, between 1988 and 1999, the military had abolished the office of the Head of Service of the Federation with its attendant backlash on the operations and psyche of the civil service. The paramount consequence of that action was inadequacies and overcrowding of the administrative system. The unguarded expansion was to create distortions in the size, skills and structure of the Civil Service and its overall capacity to deliver services. The tradition of symbiosis among different sectors as basis for policy intelligence was eroded, while the sheer size and structure of the government outgrew its capacity for policy making, programme and project implementation as well as effective monitoring and evaluation of same. From the onset of the Fourth Republic in 1999, several efforts has been made to restructure the civil service for optimal outputs. Some of these efforts came in form of reform packages and isolated policies by each succeeding administration.

References 1. Olusanya G.O Evolution of the Nigerian civil Service 1861-1960. The problem of Nigerianisation, Press, 1975, p.2-4. 2. Katagum, sule (Alhaji), The Development of the Public Service Commission System, Lecture delivered to the Public Service Forum, Fed. 22, 1974, p. 4 3. Ibid, p. 4 4. Gorsuch, L.H., Report of the Commission of the Public services of the government in the Federation of Nigeria, 1954-55, Federal Government of Nigeria, 1955. P. 29 5. Ibid, p. 31 6. Awolowo, Chief Obafemi: My Life 7. Olusanya, op.cit., p.16 8. Nwosu 9. Olusanya G.O. op. cit. p.85 10. Federation of Nigeria, Statement of policy of the Government of the Federation on the Nigerianisation of the Federal Public Service and the Higher training of Nigerians, 1956-60; (sessional Paper No.4, 1956) p.8 11. Sessional paper No.6 op. cit. p.5 12. S. Bamidele Ayo, “The Contributions of Practitioners to Administrative Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 12

Reforms” in Nigeria Public Administration past present and Future, Dele Olowo, S. Bamidele Ayo John Erero (Eds.) (Shonenkan C.I.,Ibadan, 1991) p.69; Augustus Ibid. 13. Ademolekun L., Politics and Administration in Nigeria, London, Hutchinson, 1986) p. 17 14. S. Bamidele Ayo, op. cit, p.71 15. Adamolekun, L. and S.B. Ayo “The Evolution of the Nigeria Federal Administration”. Publius: the Journal of Federalism, Winter Volume 19, No. 1, p. 162 cited by S. Bamidele Aya op. cit. p.70. 16. Augustus Adebayo, Public Administration in Nigeria second Edition (Spectrum Ibadan, 2000) p.213 17. Augustus Adebayo, Op. Cit 18. Dotun Phillip, Preliminary Policy-impact Assessment of the Reforms of the Nigerian Civil Service in Journal of Nigerian Public Administration and management, Vol.1. No. of 1991. 19. Ogunlowo J., “Result_Oriented Public Service in Nigeria-Illusion?' University of Ilorin. Master in Public Administration. Guest Lecturer, 28th Fed. 1991. P.5; Bamidele Ayo, Ibid. 20. Amuwo 21. Olowu, Dele and Oshionebo Basil, A Report on the National workshop on Manpower Utilization and Development in Nigeria. A post-Udoji evaluation. (ASCON presses, Badagry, January, 1986) p.5 22. Leleye 23. Ogunlowo J. op. cit. p. 11-12. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 13

Africa: Could There Ever Be Renaissance?

Prof. Usen Smith, Department of Political Science, Federal University, Wukari, Taraba state. E-mail: [email protected] Phone: 08063168529

Abstract Those who seek to understand post-colonial African continent and the problems confronting it could only discern what is taking place. The Cold War and apartheid ended and their departure removed two issues that shaped international interest in the continent. Domestically, continued economic crisis, the collapse of neo-patrimonial post-colonial state, and, in response, a surge in pressure for reform shifted political calculations. These international and domestic transformations altered the topography of power and institutional arrangements across the continent and hence the context in which elites made decisions relating to peace and conflict. In some cases, African leaders responded with difficulty and fragile efforts to reform their economies and political systems while in others the pressures led to violence or state collapse. Many states fell somewhere in between these two extremes, with the future still in the balance. This paper will analytically study the situation and sort of prognosticates whether there could be any hope to move away from the present condition.

Introduction Africa is increasingly an integrated regional political system, that shares a history of colonial oppression; a new but still evolving, state system; a marginalized place in the international political economy that is still reliant on primary commodity exports; and a widespread desire among its people for democracy, prosperity, and secure livelihoods. To understand where Africa's countries are headed to today, including the big players of Nigeria and South Africa, we must understand their common past.1 Current anthropological theories concur that Africa is the cradle of all humankind. The “African genesis” theory holds that the earliest hominids, the primordial ancestors of human race, lived in the Great Rift Valley of Central Africa and the Ethiopian highlands. Thus the beginning of African history is the beginning of human history. African history and its present are marked by extensive cross-border and internal migration, changing structures of authority and governance between traditional and modern forms, evolving boundaries of the state and society, and contested concept of religious, ethnic, and national identity. Historically, great ancient kingdoms developed in Africa, including the Gao in present-day , the Mali dynasties of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries and the regal traditions of the Ashanti in present-day . During these times, Africans interacted with Islamic traders such as the Berbers, and a vibrant system of exchange developed across the sands of Sahara. Early in the fifteenth century, Portuguese fortune-seekers and emissaries of imperialistic monarchies crossed the straits of Gibraltar, and eventually rounded the Cape of Good Hope, and began the European colonization of Africa. This system of colonial domination lasted in some areas until the early 1990s, when independence of Namibia Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 14 marked an end to colonialism. Before European rule, traditional authority in the persons of African monarchs and chief, rooted in agrarian systems of livelihood, was the dominant mode of governance. Colonial rule changed Africa significantly, and its long-term effects to the present cannot be overstated. Over the seventeenth to twentieth centuries, additional imperial powers invaded Africa. They carved up the continent along artificial and illogical boundaries, manipulated social systems, and created economic legacies that continue to bedevil African countries. An initial impetus for the colonial exploitation of Africa was the slave trade, in which at least twelve million Africans were enslaved and forcibly trafficked to destinations in the colonial Americas to work plantations of cocoa, coffee, tobacco, cotton, and sugar. The legacies of the slave trade informed the strength of anticolonial movements into the present in terms of the exploitative relationship that Africans have long had with foreigners who intervene primarily in their own interests. Indeed, just west of the capital of , Senegal, lies Goree Island, once a prison where slaves were auctioned to slave traders in passing ships; today it houses an institute for democracy, development, and human rights.2 With the British decision to abolish slavery in 1833 and the emancipation of slaves in the Americas during the US Civil War, the nature of European subjugation changed. Colonial powers annexed large swaths of African territory in an effort to fuel their industrial revolution with raw materials extracted from the rich natural resources found on the continent. Principally, these resources included cotton, peanuts, cocoa, palm oil, coffee, sisal and minerals such as copper, gold, diamond, and other precious or rare earth metals. Colonization accelerated in the final three decades of the nineteenth century. In 1870, only 10% of Africa was colonized; by 1900 only 10% was not. At the infamous Berlin Conference of 1884, the major European colonial powers-Britain, France, Belgium, Germany, Italy, Portugal, and Spain-divided Africa's territory among themselves. Their colonial “state” was rather arbitrary in terms of then-existing African social patterns. For the most part, the colonial administrative entities simply reflected the pattern of military control exercised by the colonial armies of the European imperialist powers: whoever controlled an area took it as a colony. The borders of most African states today are the legacy of the ill-considered partition of Africa in the mid-nineteenth century, based on the “principle of effective occupation” of territory. These boundaries often did not correspond to a consistent geographic, national, or ethnic logic. Ultimately they set the stage for many of the problems of ethnic tension that challenge the majority of African countries today. This process of change is ongoing, as evidenced by the secession of Eritrea from Ethiopia in 1993 or the independence of South Sudan from Sudan in 2011. Whether Eritrea and South Sudan's independence are still part of decolonization as a broad historical process or the beginnings of the unraveling of contemporary African states into smaller ones will only be known by future observers. For the present, though, it is safe to say the process of nation building and state building in Africa remains incomplete, and that the African state system itself is still very much a work in progress.

Patterns of colonialism The discovery of rich diamond and gold deposits in South Africa in the 1860s heightened what became known as the “scramble for Africa”. To fully exploit Africa's wealth, colonizers required ever more effective occupation and social control. Although, different in their approaches-the British used “indirect rule” whereas the French, Belgians, and Germans preferred more direct administration-the colonial powers engaged in the Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 15 widespread political manipulation of African societies. 1. The British relied on agreements with traditional rulers to impose their policies, usually backed up with superior military might. Consequently, we find today that in erstwhile British colonies such as Ghana, , South Africa, or , traditional rulers remain very powerful as informal institutions with their own authority, legitimacy, governance functions (for example, on land tenure), and de-facto territorial control by ethnic groups remains critically important. 2. In French and Belgian colonies, centralized power was more important and to a certain extent it eroded more fully traditional power structures. The French sought to exert cultural influence through their language policy, and they ruled their colonies as an extension of France itself. Colonial subjects were to become evolues, or “people evolving” into Frenchmen. In contrast, though, Belgian colonies such as the vast Congo were ruled as the personal property of the eccentric King Leopard II. 3. In Portuguese colonies, such as Angola, Mozambique, and Cape Verde, assimilation was encouraged and many inter-racial marriages occurred. As a result, assimilados (or mulattos, the product of mixed marriages) became an important social group that blurred the lines between colonial and indigenous rule.3 Lusophone (Portuguese speaking) countries in Africa today thus have social structures that are remarkably different from those of former British or French colonies, and assimilados are still influential leaders in these countries. Thus another legacy of the colonial period was the stark division of a large part of Africa into Anglophone (English-speaking), Francophone (French-speaking), and Lusophone (Portuguese-speaking) colonies. These language difference affect the way today's African countries relate to one another and stymie the development of a common approach to contemporary problems. Former British colonies tend to have special ties with one another, as do former French colonies. For example, former English colonies are active members of the British Commonwealth,4 while French West African countries have adopted a common currency (the Central African franc, or CFA, which is guaranteed by French treasury). The reliance on African land and labour to grow crops and extract mineral wealth in service to the colonial powers in severe distortion in traditional African societies. The colonial authorities introduced European concepts with no indigenous roots in Africa: Christianity, monogamy, formal education, and wage labour, among others. New stratifications based on socio economic class came into being, ethnic identities were transformed, and basic economic infrastructures and modes of production were created to serve the single- commodity economies needed by the colonial powers. In Southern Africa, European immigrants set up white minority “settler states” that systematically displaced Africans from the land and created a new form of what was described by African liberation leaders in these countries as internal colonialism. In many colonies, the imperial powers imposed a “head tax,” in which an African peasant had to work for a European plantation owner or an enterprise to pay off debt to the metropolitan state (the colonial power). After the creation of the Union of South Africa following the British defeat of the Dutch- origin colonists (then known as the Boers, or today, the Afrikaners) in 1902, and after Germany's defeat in World War I, the shape of colonialism in Africa was nearly complete. European plenipotentiaries and bureaucrats ruled the vast continent, and their oppression of the indigenous population was nearly universal. Once Germany lost its colonies after 1918, most decisions affecting the masses of the continent were made in Paris or London, with little regard for their implications for the millions of people whom colonial policy Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 16 affected. Only Liberia and Ethiopia, each owing to their own historical contingencies, were independent countries. Legacies of Colonialism: Explaining Underdevelopment Colonialism's legacies are thus pervasive throughout Africa some 60years after the system of domination began to crumble beginning with Ghana's liberation in 1957. These legacies are political, economic, and cultural.5 1. Politically, the territorial boundaries of today's countries are the result of the competition among the European powers over arable land, water, blue-water harbors, transportation arteries such as rivers, and precious mineral resources. 2. Economically, the African colonies were reliant on single commodity, resource- extraction economies. Urbanization was inhibited, subsistence agriculture encouraged, and the development of diversified industrial production was stultified. 3. The cultural units that had existed before colonialism were also affected, and in many regions ethnic and linguistic groups are now divided by artificial lines on a map. As a result most African countries today are a mosaic of ethnic, linguistic, racial, and religious diversity. One of the consequences is a pattern of distorted social relations. Conflict in Rwanda, for example, between the minority Tutsi (now 15% of the population) and the Hutu (84%) were fanned by the Belgian colonists' support for the Tutsi. A Hutu revolt in 1959 ended Tutsi domination. Violence erupted periodically after independence in 1962 as the Tutsi challenged Hutu power. In 1994, more than 800,000 people died in a hundred days in the worst genocide since World War II as Hutus lashed out against the Tutsi.

African Nationalism: The Pursuit of the Political Kingdom World War II had significant material and psychological effects on the continent and its people. As a consequence of the war, the colonial powers were weakened and the legitimacy of occupation began to erode; at the same time, the message of the struggle for civil rights in countries such as the United States spread abroad. U.S presidents such as Dwight Eisenhower pressed for decolonization to open Africa's markets to free trade. Encouraged by civil right activism in the United State, African nationalist movements emerged to resist colonial rule and exploitation. Under the leadership of these movements, demands for independence from the colonial powers grew rapidly in the late 1940s and 1950s. Although there had been prior resistance to colonial rule,notably by the Ashanti Kingdom in the late nineteenth century, the Ndebele-Shona uprisings in current-day Zimbabwe in 1896-97, and the Maji-Maji rebellion in present-day in 1905-07, more consequential resistance to European rule emerged in the continent after World War II. Among the most significant of these new awakenings was the Mau Mau rebellion in Kenya in 1950, in which Kikuyu tribe's people articulated the legitimacy of African aspirations to be free of colonial yoke. African nationalism arose from the frustrations of educated elites that deeply resented that the highest positions in commerce, finance, government administration, and even religious organizations were controlled by foreigners, as were the rewards of economic success. African nationalists from within this educated elite sought independence from colonial powers, a goal that would bring them complete control over the state apparatus and territory of their respective countries. Buoyed by the promise of the Charter of the United Nations to promote the “self determination of peoples”, and imbued with the post-war optimism reflected in the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, African leaders began to agitate for decolonization. Western-educated, skilled professional Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 17 leaders organized independence movements and petitioned for independence. Tanzania's Julius Nyerere, Jomo Kenyata of Kenya, Leopold Senghor of Senegal, Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, and Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia, to name a few, articulated philosophies of independence, self-reliance, and economic development for African colonies. The aforementioned men were the founding fathers of today's African states, much like Mohandas Gandhi and Jawaharal Nehru, who led India to independence in 1947. Senghor, for example, argued for a rekindling of traditional African values. He coined the term negritude to encompass “the whole complex of civilized values (cultural, economic, social, and political) which characterize the black people”. Senghor and other nationalists believed that cultural nationalism could unify countries whose people had little in common other than their suffering to bind them in their post-colonial political units. To achieve this unity, African anti-colonial nationalists sought the reins of state power. This drive for power, waged in revolutionary struggles of armed resistance and guerrilla warfare in many colonies, was heralded by Nkrumah's dictum, “Seek ye first the political kingdom”. At the same time, the United States, in conformity with its own anti-colonial past, pressured the European powers to loosen their control of markets and commerce with Africa, in turn, the Soviet Union saw African liberators, especially in the Afro-Marxist movements in countries such as Angola, Mozambique, and Namibia, as vanguards of a global revolution against imperialism, offering them ideological and tangible support.6 Independence came rapidly for many countries in the 1960s. Fueled by UN General Assembly Resolution 1514 (1960), which called for decolonization and the sanctity of existing borders. The claims of African nationalists could not be denied. As early as 1957, Ghana's Nkrumah had succeeded in his effort to seize the political kingdom. His Convention People's Party won a pivotal election, assumed power, and forced the British to relinquish control. In 1960 alone, 26 African colonies became independent, and by 1969 some 42 countries had emerged as sovereign states, becoming full-fledged members of the United Nations. In subsequent years, after bitter struggles for independence, Portuguese colonies such as Mozambique and Angola were finally freed in the mid-1970s. The settler societies of southern Africa, such as Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe), Namibia and South Africa, also came over time to be ruled by African nationalist movements. Across the continent, in the short historical span of some 30years, colonial-era flags went down and the flags of newly independent African countries were crafted and raised. As it happened, however, African nationalism in these formative decades of decolonization was not tightly linked to democracy. Unlike leaders in Britain and the United States, where nationalism and democratic tendencies were virtually inseparable from the beginning, most African independence leaders defined their nationalism in pronouncedly anti- Western terms. Upon taking power, most of them quickly abandoned any pretense to Western liberal democratic ideas and practices, establishing authoritarian or semi- authoritarian regimes based on the military or one-party dominance. African democracy was set back for decades as a result.

From Liberation Struggle to Neo-Patrimonialism Initially, the constitutions of the newly liberated states tended to establish the minimal framework of democracy: constitutionalism, the rule of law, and elections. In countries throughout Africa, the anticolonial nationalist movements, such as TANU in Tanzania, Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 18 KANU in Kenya, and UNIP in Zambia, won elections. With charismatic leaders such as Nyerere, Kenyatta, and Kaunda, these movements inherited a highly centralized state and highly diverse populations. But contrary to the democratic tenets of political pluralism, which rest on free and open competition among political parties and freedom of expression, some of the most prominent leaders of African independence quickly turned to patronage forms of politics, what some scholars have called neo-patrimonialism. Liberation elites then argued that African states needed one-party rule to unify their populations and “build nations”. Creating new countries required emphasizing common struggles and sufferings; competitive, multiparty elections, in their view, would tear the nascent nations apart. The hypothesis that multiparty competition is ill suited to Africa's multiethnic, impoverished societies because it divides rather than unifies is a common and recurrent theme in Africa's political development.7 It reverberates through the region today. For example, Uganda's President Yoweri Museveni experimented with a system of “no-party” politics, in which candidates for office could stand as individuals and are allowed to a party identification. The National Resistance Movement, which he leads, is the guiding force in the country despite a popular referendum on constitutional change in 2005 that abandoned the “no-Party” notion. Although it espouses such democratic notions as market-oriented economics, freedom of expression and free primary education (a rarity in Africa), it resolutely monopolizes power. At the same time, President Museveni maneuvered a change in the constitution that enabled him to serve a third term, circumventing the provision barring more than two terms in office. In election in 2011, Museveni's party won handily with 68% of the vote, even as opposition leaders and international observers claimed the elections were marred by irregularities. While rejecting British-style parliamentarism and other Western models of democracy, most African states in the post-colonial period turned to one form or another of authoritarian or semi-authoritarian rule. In virtually every newly independent African country, the formal institutions of democracy that may have been in place when self-rule began were systematically undermined by power-accumulating elites. Democratic practices and human rights fell victim to political and military elites who sought the reins of office for their own personal power and enrichment.8 These elites relied on the centralized, bureaucratic structures of the states that they inherited from the colonial powers to become Africa's new dominant class. In the worst instances, some countries such as Angola and Mozambique suffered from protracted civil war in which independence movements fought against the Portuguese and among themselves over who would wield power in the independence era. In both instances, the hasty retreat of Portuguese colonizers in 1974-75 left a power vacuum in which the competing local factions vied for dominance. These factions obtained arms and ideological support (and sometimes troops) from their respective benefactors, especially the United States, the Soviets, the apartheid-era South African regime, and the Cubans-who were locked in their global Cold War confrontation. Despite several effort and peace agreements and UN peacekeeping efforts in the 1990s, Anagola's civil war continued nearly uninterrupted for 25years. Tragically, as a result Angola has the highest proportion of victims of land mines of any country in the world, including some 100,000 land-mine victims. In 1999, an estimated 200 people died per day in Angola's tragic war. The war finally ended in 2001 when rebel leader, Jonas Savimbi, was killed on battle field. Today, Angola is yet to see meaningful democratization and the wartime ruling regime, the MPLA (Movement for the Popular Liberation of Angola), Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 19 remains in power in Luanda. The Ivory Coast, Liberia, and Sierra Leone were also embroiled in civil war in the 1990s and into the 2000s. International peacekeeping missions involving British, French, or (in Liberia's case) American troop gathered with troops from many other countries under the UN flag, were sent to these countries to provide security, build peace, and support the development of more legitimate, inclusive, and capable state institutions. Perhaps, no country has seen postcolonial civil war in Africa more than Sudan. Since its independence from British and Egyptian joint-rule arrangement (known as condominium), Sudan was embroiled in almost constant war between the mostly Islamic north and mostly Christian and animist south, a division that also reflected differentiation between Arab and African identities. In the so-called second civil war of 1983-2005, more than 2million people lost their lives, and more than 5million were displaced, with many more suffering from famine and loss of livelihoods. The civil war in Sudan was ended only after years of international mediation in 2005 with a comprehensive peace agreement, one that turned out to be only a segue to the partition of the country with the independence of South Sudan following the UN-facilitated referendum that led to the creation of Africa's 55th country. Even with the creation of South Sudan, the region remains deeply conflicted with armed conflict over disputed territories, ethnic violence, and an on-going food security crisis. Among the several forms of authoritarianism that emerged in Africa between the early 1960s and the late 1980s, one variant is semi authoritarian one-party rule. Examples include TANU in Tanzania and Guinea's Parti democatique de Guinee. In these and similar examples of this political system, political power is monopolized and guided by famous and generally popular political leaders. The government and party structures operate in parallel, with some similarities to the relationship between party and state in communist Russia and China. These parties voiced socialist rhetoric and have sought to achieve economic development by breaking the bonds of dependency that tied the prosperity of their country to uneven and disadvantageous trade relation with Europe. These parties still exist in most countries. Some of them remain in power despite the introduction of multiparty politics; for example, TANU (which was renamed Chama Cha Mapinduzi, or CCM) continues to dominate politics in Tanzania as it has since independence in 1962. Elsewhere, as in Zambia, one-party governments were defeated in elections when political liberation began in the early 1990s. Zimbabwe experienced a fundamental transformation of its one-party system in 2000 as a relatively new party, the Movement for Democratic Change, won nearly half the parliamentary seats up for election, delivering a stunning blow to the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), the party that had dominated the country for 20years under liberation-leader, President Robert Mugabe. In 2002, Mugabe claimed he has won a hotly contested presidential election against Morgan Tsvangirai, a popular trade union leader and democracy advocate. The election outcome was regarded as fraudulent by Mugabe's opponents, and in 2003 Tsvagirai was put on trial for treason. Mugabe's despotic leadership and the country's rapidly deteriorating economy prompted some 3million people to flee the country. In 2008, the main political parties (ZANU-PF and the Movement for Democratic Change, or MDC, headed by Tsvangirai) agreed to a power sharing deal. In reality, though, ZANU-PF under Mugabe continued to wield the levers of power, intimidated MDC officials, and was implicated in human rights abuses such as targeted assassinations and illegal property seizures; more or less collapsed Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 20 power sharing in Zimbabwe, as was meaningful constitutional reforms. And despite elections in 2013, few observers expected much change toward the return of democracy in Zimbabwe until the Mugabe era passed.9 Other countries have had patrimonial rule, which is rule by a domineering and personalistic elite. In Belgian Congo (later known as Zaire and now as the Democratic Republic of Congo, or DRC), a troubled decolonization process in the 1960s was marked by civil war, UN military intervention, superpower rivalry, and assassinations. Eventually, Mobutu Sese Seko seized power and ruled as a veritable monarch until his despotic regime was toppled by rebels in May 1997. Mobutu's assets at the time of his death were estimated at $8 billion in property and money, while his country sunk to the bottom of the global list in virtually every conceivable development indicator. A prolonged war for control of the country involving both Congolese factions and interventions from not less than 11 other African states (which was dubbed Africa's “first world war”) claimed 3.8 lives. Following a South Africa-brokered peace agreement, which led to the deployment of a significant UN peacekeeping force in 2004, the DRC remains a country bedevilled by conflict and a weak state that does not have authority over its vast territory despite the continued deployment of UN peacekeepers. Indeed, in the eastern DRC, an on-going humanitarian emergency persists and rampant rape or gender-based violence has garnered the attention of the entire world as a continuing crime against humanity. In other countries, the military stepped in and took over power from corrupt or incompetent elites. Military coups were rampant in Africa from the 1960s through the 1980s: In 75 instances between 1952 and 1990, military officers gained power through violence or the threat of it and ruled the country as dictators. In Ethiopia, military officers with pro-Soviet leanings and a Marxist ideology seized power in 1974, deposing the aging emperor, Haile Selassie. Under the despotic rule of the military committee, known as the Dergue and led by Mengistu Haile Mariam, the junta unleashed a reign of terror and embroiled the country in devastating civil war and wars with its neighbours (notably the war with Somalia over the Ogaden desert in 1975). It used its radical Marxist-Leninist ideology to justify dictatorial rule at home and to establish international alliances with the Soviet Union, Cuba, and other communist states. After inflicting untold suffering on the Ethiopian people, Mengistu fled the country in 1991 as rebel forces closed in on the capital, Addis Ababa. (Mengistu fled to Zimbabwe, where he eventually became a “security advisor” to President Mugabe). Several countries in Africa, such as Botswana, Mauritius, Gambia, and Senegal, and more recently, Ghana, have managed to remain near or partial democracies with constitutional systems, regular elections, and relatively good human rights records. But only in a few instances have elections ever led to the ouster of the ruling party. For example, in Botswana, Africa's oldest surviving democracy, elections held in 2009 returned to power the only party that has governed the country since independence in 1966. Alternation in power, the periodic transfer of state power from one party to another over a succession of elections, is a key indicator of the vibrancy of democracy as traditionally defined. Unfortunately, until the dawn of the twenty-first century, it was largely absent from Africa. The relative success of some of these countries in avoiding the complete collapse of democracy has tended to stem from the responsiveness of the dominant party to ethnic and religious groups. This type of political system has been labled a hegemonic exchange regime in which for the right to exercise its hegemony over the state and the population, the dominant party provides benefits to the country's main ethnic or religious groups. It is Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 21 equally fair to describe the post-genocide regime of President Paul Kagame of Rwanda in this fashion, although some wonder about whether instability could return to Rwanda over time. In the 1980s and 1990s, global factors such as the collapse of communism in the Soviet Union and in Eastern Europe, together with a new assertiveness of multilateral financial institutions to advance “good governance”, converged with domestic pressures to undermine the alternatives to democracy in Africa. International lending organizations, including the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, along with aid providers such as the United States and Western Europe, increasingly insisted on “good governance”, private enterprise, and trade liberalization as conditions for future economic assistance. They called on the states of Africa to root out official corruption, reduce state control over economic activity and remove tariffs and other barriers to trade with the outside world. They also enjoined them to take more responsibility for their governance, economic development, and human rights records. Sanctions on apartheid-era South Africa in the 1980s, including the country's expulsion from the Olympic Games, placed special external pressure on that country's white minority government to open negotiations with African nationalists with the aim of democratizing the entire country. Under these mounting outside pressures, political practices within individual African countries gave way to new continental and global realities. In many countries, popular movements arose that demanded space for the development of an autonomous civil society outside the single-party framework. They called for multiparty competitive elections, new constitutional framework, an end to corruption, and a more equitable distribution of wealth. In Ghana, Kenya, Malawi, and Zambia, new coalitions of organizations in civil society came together and pressured the incumbent governments to open the political system to multiparty competition. Africa was clearly caught up in the third wave of democratization that spilled across the world in the early 1990s. Over the course of 1990s, nearly all of Africa's then 54 states underwent dramatic political changes. As we've seen, the pressures for democratization were both external, a condition of further loans, foreign direct investment, and foreign aid, and internal, the result of widespread public disaffection with the status quo. Whether through negotiated agreements (“pacts”), the victory of rebel movements on the battlefield, or the passing of long-time liberation-era leaders, the stereotypical African one-party state became a relic of the past in the early 1990s. During the 1990s, Africa witnessed scores of governments that have come to power seeking to inaugurate a new era, such that some dubbed the period of the 1990s “Africa's second independence”.10 More than anything, the process of democratization in Africa was characterized by the rush to multiparty elections. Between 1992 and 1994, 20 countries held national level elections. These elections swept away one-party regimes in the Ivory Coast, Gabon, Mali, and Zambia. In some instances, as in Angola, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Liberia, Mozambique, Namibia, Sierra Leone, South Africa, and Uganda, votes were held to restore and legitimize a new political order after years of civil war or political violence. Many Francophone countries held “national conferences” to arrive at new constitutional rules of the game for democratic politics. The track record of the remarkable attempts at democratization of Africa is demonstrably mixed. Some experiments of the 1990s were relatively successful, in that legitimate government was reconstructed and the stage was set for a long-term evolution to mature Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 22 democracy and its consolidation (e.g., frequent or occasional alteration in power by governing coalitions). In Benin, Madagascar, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Uganda, and Zambia, elections have been more or less successful vehicles for ushering in fledgling democracies. But there have been failures as well. Elections went awry in Angola, Burundi, Liberia, and Sierra Leone, leading to renewed civil violence, the suspension of human rights, and sharp declines in the standard of living as well as in the prospect for future prosperity. Observers have differed over whether the electoral contest of 1990s produced greater accommodation among conflicting groups within these countries, especially along ethnic lines, or whether they exacerbated tensions and undermined national cohesiveness. Among the alternatives to elections as a route to democracy is the promotion of viable civil societies in Africa. Some have suggested that popular participation and consensus building decision-making processes are more suited to Africa's divided societies than are the rough- and-tumble of Western-style competitive elections. John Harbeson suggests that democratization efforts in Africa have relied too much on elections, arguing, “This overemphasis derives from an inaccurate reading of the most widely accepted definition of 'democracy', upon which most of the contemporary democratic transitions appears to rest”. He suggests as an alternative that “a broadened conception of democratization will result in a significantly improved understanding of the status and quality of democracy (in Africa) and the prospect for it”. African countries should engage in more constitution-making exercises that establish a consensus on the rules of democratic game before rushing into elections in the absence of that consensus, Harbeson maintains.

The African Renaissance? In recent years, some African leaders have called for a “renaissance”. This appeal for a rebirth is a response to disillusioned pessimists who decry the persistence of war, authoritarian rule, and poverty in Africa and the continent's marginalization in the international economy. Thabo Mbeki, former president of South Africa, advocates for a renaissance that motivates African leaders to take responsibility for the continent's security and economic well-being. As Mbeki puts it: Renaissance has to be about democracy, peace and stability throughout our continent. It has to be about economic regeneration so that we pull ourselves out of the category “the underdeveloped” permanently. It has to be about vastly improving the quality of life of all our citizens.11 There is widespread agreement that, if the hoped-for African renaissance is to occur, the further broadening and deepening of democracy in African nations will be necessary. Positive signs include the much heralded elections in Rwanda in 2003, the first since the 1994 genocide, and the introduction of a new democratically elected government in Kenya. At the same time, the tainted senate elections held in Zimbabwe in 2005 failed to force Robert Mugabe to step down; instead, Mugabe's forces perpetrated human rights violations against white former settlers and the government's political opponents in a desperate effort to retain power. Food shortages and starvation have resulted, severely halting progress toward Africa's renaissance. In fact, the years 2007-11 saw movement away from democratic practice in Africa, as countries limited the activities of opposition parties and civil societies, restricted mass protests, and conducted elections in which electoral processes lacked sufficient integrity to call the regime fully democratic. Thus, most regimes today in Africa, as seen in the 2012 Freedom House rankings of African states, are at best partial or, perhaps more Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 23 accurately, façade democracies in civil liberties. For 2012, only 21% of Africa's countries were labeled “free”, with 37% coded as “partly free”, and 42% as “not free”. Democratization has also been problematic in postcolonial Africa as electoral processes have at times featured devastating election-related violence. In 2007-08, for example, elections in Kenya generated violence that cost an estimated 800 lives and displaced some 600,000 others. Only after international mediation by former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, who invoked the principle that governments have a responsibility to protect innocent civilian from violence, did the violence subside. Annan succeeded in leveraging the parties into an agreement on power sharing that averted a broader civil war in Kenya. Similarly, elections in Ivory Coast in 2010, verified by the UN, put the country back on the brink of civil war (and produced some 2,000 fatalities until the UN and the former colonial power, France, intervened forcefully to require the incumbent president (Laurent Gbagbo) to step down and hand over power to the presumed winner of the poll, Alassane Ouatarra. Mali, a democracy thought to be stable, succumbed to a military coup in March 2012 following the seizure of the country's north by separatist Tuareg rebels together with Islamist groups, thus reversing democracy in what had been an African success story. The crisis in Mali shows the continued vulnerability of democratic African regimes to instability and conflict that may well be driven by underlying factors such as environmental change, migration, or food insecurity.

Conclusion Democratization continues to be accompanied by crisis, turbulence, and sometimes violence in Africa's varied contexts reflect and further informs some of these broader patterns. Despite these significant obstacles, Africans generally tend to strongly favour democracy. In the systematic sampling on attitude toward democracy of the Afrobarometer (a survey carried out in 18 African countries), more than 70% of respondents preferred democracy to any other elected kind of government, and more than 79% disapproved or strongly disapproved of the statement that “elections and the parliament (can be) abolished so the president can decide everything”. Support for democracy in the Afrobarometer survey was strong in South Africa, with 67% in favour of democracy, and in Nigeria 72% favoured democracy.

References 1.Howard W. French, A continent for the taking: The Tragedy and Hope of Africa (New York: Alfred A. Knopt, 2004). 2. Colin Legum “The coming of second Independence” The Washington Quarterly 25, (winter 1990). Pp 129-40. See also Claude Ake, “Rethinking African Democracy”, Journal of Democracy Vol.2 No1. 1991, Pp. 32-44. 3. Statement at the African Telecom forum, Johannesberg, May 4, 1990. 4. See http://www.refer,sn/sngal-ct/cop/goree/fgoree.htm. Gerald Bender, Angola Under the Portuguese: The Myth and Reality (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University California Press, 1978). 5. The Commonwealth consists of former British colonies or dependencies that are now independent countries. Membership is voluntary, and the organization's main function is consultation on such matters as economic cooperation, technical assistance, terrorism, Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 24 and drug trafficking. At the end of 2006 there were 53 member states. 6. Gus Liebnow, “The Impact of Colonialism”, in African politics: Crisis and Challenges (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1986). 7 Zaki Laidi, The Superpower and Africa: The Constraint of Rivalry, 1960-1990 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990). 8. This argument was first articulated by Sir Arthur Lewis in his classic book, Politics in West Africa (London: Allen and Unwin, 1965). 9. Robert Jackson and Carl Rosberg, Personal Rule in Black Africa. (Los Angeles and Berkeley (University of California Press, 1982). See also Robert H. Bates, When Things Fall Apart: State Failure and Late Century Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006). 10 Robert I. Rotberg, “Wining the African Prize for Repression: Zimbabwe”, in The Worst of The Worst: Dealing with Repressive and Rogue Nations, ed. Robert I. Rotberg, (Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2007). Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 25 An Examination of Election Related Violence and National Security In Nigeria

Charles Akale & Olajumoke Ganiyat Jenyo Research Fellows, Centre for Strategic Research and Studies, National Defence College, Abuja-Nigeria. E-mail: [email protected] Phone: 08064179445

Abstract The Nigerian democratic space has been bedeviled by several elections related violence. In some cases, the negative impact of these election related violence create a state of national insecurity in the country resulting in loss of lives and destruction of properties. The conduct of elections since the return to democratic rule in 1999 has been seriously flawed and marred by violence. The violence usually arises from problems of electoral malpractices necessitating the deployment of military personnel to safeguard national security. This paper examines the effects of election related violence on Nigeria's national security, by diagnosing the nexus between election related violence and national security. Drawing data from both primary and secondary sources such as in-depth interviews, key informant interviews (KII), questionnaires and extant literatures, this paper argues that in the past, there were more cases of snatching of ballot boxes and other forms of violence by politicians wanting to win elections by all means. However, recently, the country has seen a wave of thuggery, rigging and vote-buying often culminating to election violence. This act obstructs the democratic process by interfering with the rights of citizens to freely decide who will represent them and their interests, which undermines national security. Keywords: Election, Violence, Democracy, National Security, Nigeria.

Introduction Worldwide, people's voice and their ability to influence the course of their government have become imperative. This is achieved through electoral process which involves the vote of the people. Elections are of utmost importance in any democratic society as people participate to choose their representatives. The elective process provides an opportunity for all eligible members of the society to participate in the process of determining who would become their leader. The process of free and fair elections makes the people to have the sense of belonging in the determination of their leaders. Regular elections serve to hold leaders accountable for their actions and permit an exchange of influence between leaders and the governed.

In view of the foregoing, election represents the lifeblood of modern democracy hence the frequency, fairness and openness of conducting such elections are crucial to the political stability of the polity. The extent to which elections advance democratic order depends in large part on the existing electoral system, its nature and its acceptance by the stakeholders. Basically, the stakeholders include the people and the political parties, in the electoral process. Usually, complex rules and regulations govern the selection of the leaders in a democratic context. People are therefore aware of their fundamental human rights as related to the electioneering processes. Consequent upon this, any attempt to manipulate election results is usually resisted and sometimes leads to election related violence. These Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 26 violence often culminate into breach of peace as well as insecurity of lives and property thus negatively affecting national security.

In Africa, many countries have experienced the problem of election related violence. In Kenya, for instance, the 2007 elections were considered to be flawed hence, they took to the streets to protest the electoral manipulation and express their grievances (Elhawary, 2008). The protest resulted in violence, which continued for several months leading to the loss of 1200 lives and over 300,000 people displaced (Elhawary, 2008). The political, economic, and humanitarian crises that accompanied these protests had grave consequences on Kenya's national security and threatened the cohesion and survival of the country. Eventually, former UN Secretary General, Kofi Annan, brought both parties of the election related violence to the negotiating table where Kibaki and Odinga signed a power- sharing agreement on 28 February, 2008. The power-sharing Cabinet, headed by Odinga as Prime Minister, was finally sworn in on 17 April, 2008. In Cote d'Ivoire, the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) declared opposition candidate, Alassane Ouattara, winner of the country's second round of election on 2 December, 2010. However, the incumbent President, Laurent Gbagbo, rejected the result (Adeniyi, 2011). Accordingly, Ouattara claimed victory and took the presidential oath of office leading to the 2010–2011 Ivorian crises that claimed thousands of lives, loss of properties worth millions of USA dollars and thousands displaced. The UN, African Union (AU), USA, France and the rest of International Community supported Alassane Quattara who eventually won the armed struggle (Adeniyi, 2011). These election related crises brought undue damage to the corporate image of both Kenya and Cote d'Ivoire, loss of FDI and the development of a culture of political violence, thus impacting negatively on national security.

Election related violence in Nigeria, especially post-election violence, tend to revolve around lack of credibility for the official results of elections which usually leads to the rejection of such results by a sizeable portion of the Nigerian voting public (Stephen, 2015). Since the 1964 general elections, the first to be conducted by the post-colonial Nigerian government, elections in Nigeria have consistently been characterized by contestation of results and organised violence (Bamgbose, 2012).

The history of Nigeria's democratic experiments therefore demonstrates that multiparty politics and elections have generated so much animosity which has, in some cases, threatened the corporate existence of the country (Jega, 2016). Two notable instances were after the annulment of the popular June 12 Presidential Elections in 1993 and the 2011 Presidential Elections. In some cases, the negative impact of these election related violence on Nigeria's national security instigated military incursion into political governance as was the case in 1966 and 1983 (Jega, 2016). The 2003 General Elections in Nigeria was the first election to be organized by the civilian government of the Fourth Republic (Bekoe, 2011). Other general elections conducted in the Fourth Republic were the 2007 and the 2011 general elections. Apart from the 2011 Presidential Election which received local and international commendations, all the other elections were seriously flawed and marked by violence at various stages (Bekoe, 2011). The violence arose from problems such as the fielding of wrong candidates by political parties after primaries, making of unguarded statements and use of “godfathers” to Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 27 influence results (Egbewole, 2010). Some law enforcement agencies were also accused of complicity in these election related crises. This gives the impression that Nigeria cannot conduct a free and fair election devoid of crisis.

The election related violence caused by the poorly conducted elections created a state of national insecurity in Nigeria resulting in loss of lives and destruction of property, Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), capital flight, loss of FDI as well as stalled development. This paper examines the effects of election related violence on Nigeria's national security and also explores options of curbing these violence.

Theoretical Framework The Conflict Theory propounded by Karl Marx postulates that society is comprised of individuals and various groups with competing interests. In this theoretical model, these individuals and groups work to further their own interests while undermining the interests of others. According to this theory, socio-economic outcomes such as poverty, violence and crime are caused by economic and social factors rather than by innate character flaws such as laziness, deviance or moral problems (Ross, 1986). The sources of these social ills could be expanded based on the theory to include religious divisions, rigging and manipulation of electoral processes. Conflict Theory is relevant to the problem of political violence in Nigeria and its negative effects on national security. In applying the Conflict Theory to election related violence in Nigeria, it is relevant to examine economic and social factors that could illicit the pursuit of divergent interests, goals and aspirations by individuals and groups abound. These include factors such as unemployment, poverty, greed and conduct of politicians, imposition of candidates on the electorates, corruption and lack of free and fair elections. These conflicting interests could create inequality leading to violence, especially during electoral process. It is necessary to understand that conflict is a social phenomenon that could be both positive and negative. Conflict as a vehicle of transformation could be creatively applied to ensure equity, progress and harmony. Conflict may thus be functional in social system by creating a form of social cohesion within a group, but it is the dysfunctional aspects of it which leads to violence that is the concern of this paper Desperation of politicians based on selfishness makes them to interfere in the electoral processes leading to flawed elections, crises and violence and threat to Nigeria's national security. Thus, conflict is an unavoidable phenomenon of economic and social factors that leads to violence which undermines national security.

Conceptual Clarifications Election Related Violence The term election related violence could be viewed from the perspective of a disruption in an electoral process. In this regard, this study emphasises on the violent aspect of election as the greatest threat to the development of democracy in Nigeria and enhancement of Nigeria's national security. Fischer (2002)views electoral violence as “any random or organized act or threat to intimidate, physically harm, blackmail, or abuse a political stakeholder in seeking to determine, delay, or to otherwise influence an electoral process”.2 It implies that when an electoral process is perceived as unfair and its political legitimacy is compromised, stakeholders could be motivated to go outside the established norms to Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 28 achieve their objectives; thus, electoral violence becomes tactics in political competition. According to Albert (2007), electoral violence has to do with 'all forms of organized acts or threats be they physical, psychological or structural aimed at intimidating, harming, blackmailing a political stakeholder before, during and after an election with a view to determining, delaying, or otherwise influencing an electoral process'. The import of this is that electoral violence is multi-dimensional, having physical, psychological and structural dimensions. The physical elements could include assassination of political opponents, arson, looting, sporadic shooting to scare, kidnapping and hostage taking. Others include forceful disruption of campaign rallies, armed raids on voting and collating centres, including snatching of ballot boxes at gun point. The psychological dimension relates to official and unofficial actions that create fear in the people; such as threats to opposition forces by security agents or through phone calls and text messages.

National Security According to Buzan (1991), there are 3-pronged approaches to national security studies in the post-cold war era. These are the Traditionalist approach that retains the military focus, the Widener, who extends the range to include threats other than military ones, and the Critical Security Studies questioning the whole framework in which security is conceptualized. Thus, he synthesises all the 3 schools of thought to offer some re- integrative potential to this approach. Hence Buzan argues for a multi-sectoral approach appropriate to the environmental, economic, social and political as well as military sectors including cross-linkages between them. National security is also difficult to define precisely, but almost every state acts in ways that reflect its view of what constitutes national security. Another issue in national security has been whether and where to place boundaries on the concept. Lippmann conceptualises national security thus; “A nation has security when it does not have to sacrifice its legitimate interests to avoid war, and is able, if challenged, to maintain them by war. This definition exemplifies the traditionalist view of security which is narrowed towards state as the referent object of security. Jordan and Taylor (1981) define national security, however, as having a more extensive meaning than protection from physical harm; it also implies protection, through a variety of means, of vital economic and political interests, the loss of which could threaten fundamental values and the vitality of the state. This view of national security captures the various dimensions of national security. Accordingly, this paper agrees with the multi- dimensional approach to concept of national security. General Perspective on Electoral Process and National Security Democratic political system is one which makes the government responsive and accountable to the people. Election on the other hand is the fulcrum of democracy hence; election related crises cannot be discussed without democracy. This is a prerequisite for maintenance of law and order that brings about stability and enhances national security. Mbachu (2009) states that there is a strong nexus between democracy and national security in Nigeria. He suggested that the rise in security threats in Nigeria can only be contained and controlled through collective efforts of government, citizens and law enforcement agencies. He further stresses that there can never be adequate national security without socio-economic and political development thereby emphasising on good governance. This work clearly identifies the problems of democratic governance and national security in Nigeria, especially corruption. This prevents the growth of democratic culture as posited by Schmidt. However, Mbachu's suggested solution hinges more on reminding politicians Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 29 that the only antidote to military intervention is good governance without specifying the methodology of achieving good governance. It is pertinent to mention that good governance is most often than not achieved through acceptable electoral processes devoid of crises which preserve national security. According to Obakhedo (2011), “electoral violence is one of the greatest obstacles in Nigeria. Mostly, election violence occurs within party (intra-party) and outside the party (inter-party). This affects the quality of election (outcome) results in the electoral system, the rule of law and democratic practice in Nigeria. Furthermore, violence affects the stand of elections being free and fair, as well as transparent. Similarly, Sesan (2012) notes that “electoral violence has really discouraged citizens' participation in the political process in many states, including Lagos State”. Drawing inferences from the 2011 and 2015 elections in Nigeria, he concluded that violence remains a major setback to Nigeria's democratic process because it has led to low turnouts during elections. According to Sesan, “elections in many states in Nigeria, including some local governments areas in Lagos State, have continued to record low turnout, that only 35 percent of the 70 Million registered voters took part in the general elections due to the fear of violence” (Sesan, 2012). According to the Human Rights Watch report (2019), the elections that returned President Buhari to power in 2019 were characterized by political violence, mostly perpetrated by police officers and soldiers. Basically, the onus lies on the president as the custodian of the people to ensure that certain measures are put in place the machinery to curb widespread politically motivated violence in the country. More importantly, steps should be taken to ensure accountability as regards the incidents of human rights abuses by soldiers and police. Such measures will help the authorities to avert further prevalence of political violence and put the country on the part of democratic progress. Ujo (2010) identifies free and fair elections based on the principles of consent, franchise and representation as an essential feature in democratic governance. Animashaun in his article “Regime Character, Electoral Crisis and Prospects of Electoral Reform in Nigeria”, quotes Gesset postulation that “The health of any democracy, no matter its type or status, depends on a small technical detail: the conduct of elections. Everything else is secondary.”Both works however, concentrate on examination of principles and institutions of elections without specific measures for preventing election related crises and improving national security. Omotola in his work “Challenges, Problems and Prospects of Electoral Reform in Nigeria” looks at the problem of electoral process in some developing countries, notably Kenya and Zimbabwe. He explains how power brokerage between the ruling party and opposition parties in both countries, following political violence, did not produce the desired result. He opines that those interventions were only palliatives, hence their failure were exemplified by recurrent post-election violence in those countries. He wonders how power sharing will reflect the popular wishes of the electorates in Kenya and Zimbabwe. He likens these crises to the situation in Nigeria and suggests that researches on the matter be more focused on the political economy of electoral violence over and above compliance with the electoral laws. This, he believes, may help to lay bare the historical, political and economic undercurrents of electoral violence in Africa. Omotola's work focuses on economic solution to the problem of electoral violence and promotion of national security. Alanamu (2005) identifies the problems of democracy in Nigeria as weak constitution, Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 30 marginalisation, and military intervention in politics, disharmony among political leaders, unemployment and poverty. He thereafter opines that the creation of the National Directorate of Employment (NDE) was appropriate, although he equally calls for other measures in the resolution of the identified problems. However, his suggestions do not elaborate on the Constitutional review and the issue of marginalisation. Abba (2008) attributes the causes of violent politics in Nigeria to partiality of electoral bodies, non-punishment of electoral violence offenders and greed of politicians. He therefore suggests the selection of only people of impeccable character as INEC staff, punishment of electoral violence perpetrators and for politicians to always accept defeats in elections. The problems with these solutions are identifying the right people to manage INEC. Politicians may equally not accept defeat in elections willingly because of the huge amount of money they usually commit to elections, the enormous expected returns, and in some cases immunity clauses attached to some political offices.

Matters Arising From Election Related Violence and Nigeria's National Security Appointment of INEC Chairman: The 1999 Constitution of Federal Republic of Nigeria (CFRN) and Electoral Act 2010 (As Amended) authorize INEC as an independent body to manage electoral processes. Accordingly, the power to appoint the leadership of INEC is vested on the Presidency under Section 154(3) of the 1999 CFRN. This implies that INEC is not independent as 1999 CFRN also allows the President to appoint the INEC Chairman. The appointment of the INEC Chairman by the President raises the concern of partisanship and impartiality of INEC (Kolawole, 2010). In the 2015 election, 6 attacks were recorded against INEC officials. Similarly, 6 suspects, including INEC officials, were arrested in Sokoto for corroborating with party agents to rig election (Ekanem, 2016). Related situations were recorded in Abia, Taraba and Imo, which led to results cancellation in affected polling units, and the inconclusive gubernatorial elections in 2015 (Ekanem, 2016). The partial independence of INEC has become a hindrance to the electoral officials due to interference of incumbent government. Conduct of Elections: The conduct of elections involving the procedure from registration of voters, political campaigns to declaration of results is a major issue of the electoral process. Violence always tends to occur between the supporters of major political parties that field candidates in the presidential, NASS, and State elections (Ibeano, 2016). Many cases of incumbents denying opposition parties campaign venues are usually common. Examples include the denial of campaign venue for PDP Presidential candidate in Abuja and attempted blocking of the APC Governorship campaign venues in Akwa Ibom in the 2015 general elections (Gaskia, 2016). The Akwa Ibom incidence resulted in massive loss of lives and destruction of property.Clearly, these desperate and undemocratic measures could easily cause intractable post-election crises that may grossly undermine national security. However, at the heart of post-election crises in Nigeria is the lack of credibility for the official results leading to the rejection of such results by most Nigerians. Security of Elections: The security for electoral process in Nigeria contributes to election related violence in Nigeria. Statutorily, it is the duty of the Police as contained in Section 214 (2b) of the 1999 Constitution of the FGN (as amended) and Section 4 of the Police Act CAP 359 Laws of the Federation of Nigeria 1990 (CFRN,1999). By these functions, which include enforcement of all laws and regulations, the Police are responsible for policing the Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 31 electoral process as stipulated in the Electoral Act. Other security agencies are like DSS and Civil Defence are also always deployed in supportive roles. The general view is that the conduct of security agencies in Nigeria's 2015 and 2019 elections had a positive impact on the entire electoral process, their efforts consequently prevented electoral violence in many parts of the country and thus facilitated the overall peaceful conduct of the elections. Apart from providing security for INEC materials and officials, security agencies were able to provide secured environment that enabled Nigerians to turn out in large numbers to vote. However, there were also misconducts by some segment of security agents as reported by the CDD, some overzealous security agents in some States engaged in intimidation and harassment of voters. In addition, some voters were prevented from taking pictures and recording the voting process. The Police and other security agencies were often accused of partiality during electoral processes. This lack of trust in the Police also frustrates opponents in elections, whether intra or inter party, sometimes resulting in violence leading to loss of lives, destruction of property and threat to national security. It is imperative to note that one of the issues that account for police partisanship is that the Police Act of 1960 has also not been reviewed since 1967. Consequently, the selection of the IGP is the prerogative of the President. This most often affect the neutrality of the Police during elections. The reorganisation of the Police to position it as an impartial umpire in the electoral processes to prevent the negative effects of electoral violence and threat to national security is imperative.

Implications of Election Related Violence On Nigeria's National Security Loss of Lives and Destruction of Properties: Political violence has led to the death of hundreds of people, such victims are often the bread winners hence their sudden demise adversely affects those families to the detriment of the larger society and national security (Human Rights Watch, 2019). Similarly, election violence leads to the destruction of goods and property of individuals, profit and non-profit making organisations and that of government. The estimated amounts of property destroyed during the general elections in various states studied, though not properly reflected in the police reports, amounted to colossal losses. In Benue State alone, properties worth about 9 million Naira was destroyed during the 2007 general elections (Human Rights Watch, 2019). Furthermore, the Independent Electoral Commission reported that out of the 66 incidents of violence recorded across the country in 2015 general elections, Rivers recorded the highest number with 16 violence incidents. Similar incidents took place in 2011 elections when the announcement of Buhari's loss to then President Jonathan was made by INEC at the conclusion of the election. It led to the death of many in the northern states of Bauchi, Kano and Kaduna. Same incidents were repeated in Rivers state in 2015 despite the relative peace that was experienced on the Election Day.The INEC report also showed that over 23,000 items such as houses, vehicles and shops were destroyed during the same 2011 general elections. The cost of these destructions estimated to be in billions of Naira adversely affected the economy of the entire nation. Monies meant for further development and other purposes were diverted to the repair, rehabilitation and reconstruction of the destroyed property. Some of the people affected lost their entire livelihood in the process thus becoming frustrated, vengeful, and available for hire for further violence with negative impact on national Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 32 security. The human Rights Watch (2019) also documented major violence outbreaks such as the attacks on election commission centres, polling places, infiltration of armed men from outside the states, attacks on voters, journalists and observers, violence by security agents, indiscriminate shooting, killing of civilians as well as inadequate and ineffective policing in the months preceding the election. During the 2019 elections, the northwest region recorded the highest number of deaths, with 172 deaths during the elections, the northeast followed with 146 deaths. The south-south and the north-central followed with 120 and 111 fatalities respectively. The next in line is the southwest with 63 deaths, and the least fatalities were recorded in the southeast with 14 deaths (Human Rights Watch, 2019). The 2019 general elections have been reported to have recorded more violence than the 2015 general elections because of the manner it was conducted and the violence that were carried out during and after the elections. Unlike in the 2015 where the incumbent President, Jonathan Goodluck, conceded to defeat to the opposition rested the planned violence attacks and brought peace to the elections. Furthermore, reports of the Human Rights Watch (2019) revealed several incidents as reported by witnesses to the violence in the elections in Rivers State and other neighbouring states. One witness was reported to have said that the criminals and thugs who unleashed violence in the elections were working for the APC and the PDP. According to the report, the thugs carried out their attacks on the Electoral Commission's office and the election centres, hijacked voting materials, disrupted the elections, and also attacked the rival groups. In Emuoha, Phalga, and Bonny communities, about 8 persons, including the officials of INEC confirmed that some armed men attacked the polling centres carting away with electoral materials and dispersing voters. In similar vein, in Abonema the soldiers and the police deployed to secure the election were said to have assisted the APC thugs to disrupt the election. While the APC thugs intimidated the voters, the security agencies looked in another direction, thus giving them every chance to do whatever their intensions were. However, these did not go unnoticed as thugs belonging to the PDP carried out reprisal attacks on the APC thugs. A soldier was reportedly killed by political thugs of the PDP while attempting to remove barricades on the road to enable a military vehicle to enter the community. It led to sporadic shootings by the soldiers that resulted in the death of a young man (Premium Times, 2019). Internally Displaced Persons: Election violence has displaced many people from their homes, places of worship and businesses. While it is difficult, if not impossible, to accurately estimate the number of IDPs, Police reports indicate that 36,586 people were displaced from 3 of the 6 states studied during the last 3 general elections (Human Rights Watch). Considering that this poorly compiled number of IDPs represent only about one twelfth of the size of the country, it could safely be estimated that several thousands of people were displaced as a result of election related violence during each of the last 3 general elections held in 2003, 2007, 2011 and 2015. Such situations create hardships that affect socio-economic well-being of the people, thus impacting negatively on Nigeria's national security. Voters Apathy and Poor Participation in Democratic Process: Political violence also restrains competent and qualified persons from contesting elections in the country for fear of being assassinated, maimed or kidnapped (CLEEN Foundation, 2015). Campaigns are characterised by intra/inter-party violence. For example, 2 PDP Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 33 governorship candidates, Mr Daramola and Funsho Williams, for Ekiti and Lagos states, respectively were killed prior to 2007 elections.Chief Ayede was shot dead in 2010 while travelling from Abuja to Makurdi with Senator Akume, former Governor of Benue State (Egobueze and Ojirika).Thus, some of the best brains with good leadership potentials are scared off leaving only violent opportunists whose concern is to grab power for looting of the country's treasury to the detriment of the masses and national security. Furthermore, political violence in Nigeria has chased away many women from actively participating in politics. On average, women cannot fit into any political system where violence remains the watchword. Similarly, many people have lost interest in elections believing that violence would eventually determine the outcome. Apathy on the part of competent individuals leaves the political space exclusive for violent politicians with adverse effects on national security. A report by the European Union Election Observation Mission noted high fatalities were recorded as a result of the high incidences of violence recorded in the elections from the pre-election stage to the post-election stage. This development affected the turnout of voters in the election. The low turnout of voters was reported to be as low as 35.6 percent of the total registered voters. Most affected were the southern Nigeria and the (EUEOM, 2019).

Political Instability and Threat of National Disintegration: Political violence has led to different forms of political instability in Nigeria; and this accounted for the military intervention in politics such as the 1966 and the 1983 coups. The crises in the Niger Delta, the Jos crises and the activities of Boko Haram are all linked to the violent activities of Nigerian politicians. In a survey carried out in 2018, the general opinion of Nigerians agreed that politicians supply weapons used for political violence, while over 65 per cent believe that the violence could lead to break-up of the country. In another dimension, armed jobless youths used for political violence are abandoned after elections with the weapons because of the cost involved in their continuous maintenance. Expectedly, these youths tend to use these weapons for violent crimes such as armed robbery, communal fights and kidnapping in order to earn a living. These violent crimes constitute a source of concern to Nigeria's national security. Way Forward The establishment of Electoral Offences Commission with special jurisdiction inaugurated in post-election season to deal with cases of voter registration, party primaries, rigging or attempt to rig elections, or making false electoral returns could assist in reducing the prolonged adjudication process in the prosecution of electoral offenders in regular courts. In addition, the speedy trial of persons involved in election malpractices could be achieved by the coming on stream of EOC. This would bring sanity and probity to the election process with beneficial effects on Nigeria's national security. There is the need to amend the penalties for electoral offences contained in the Electoral Act. This is because those provisions as presently constituted are not adequate to illicit deterrence and control political violence to enhance national security. Furthermore, the punishment of 50, 000, 000 Naira or 10 years' imprisonment provided in Section 118 (4) for some offences in the Act is a step in the right direction. However, this needs to be extended to commonly committed offences that promote violence. It is also necessary to consider electoral violence as a ground for nullification of any election. Political parties' code of conduct could therefore be part of their manifestos so that they could be held responsible for any violence that is triggered by their supporters. A ban from Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 34 contesting for any political office or jail term of not less than 10 years need to be included in the Act for both beneficiaries and their accessories, once a case of rigging has been established by a court of law. All these would assist in salvaging the seemingly drifting political process in the country, thereby enhancing Nigeria's national security. There is loss of faith in elections, based on matters such as assumed Police partiality. For this reason, politicians contesting elections with standby police protection may use the police men to intimidate other aspirants. Thus, a re-examination of the Force's structure would re-establish public faith in the Police thereby discouraging election related crises and enhancing Nigeria's national security. Political office holders in the Executive and Legislature contesting in elections should not be wholly responsible for the selection of the IGP. Accordingly, a Police board comprising all sectors of the general public needs to be set up to be responsible for the selection of IGP and reporting on the state of the Police. Additionally, the Police Act needs to be reviewed to include the composition of this board, enabling laws like funds for investigations, prosecution of electoral offenders instead of INEC and logistics requirements. This would reduce Police dependency on gratifications from fraudulent politicians who use this in arm-twisting the Police to favour them thus, reducing distrust along with election related crises and improving Nigeria's national security. Furthermore, the amendment of Section 154(3) of the 1999 CFRN (as amended) would address the partial independence of INEC towards enhancing national security in Nigeria. The Federal Ministry of Justice could forward a bill to the National Assembly to amend laws appointing INEC officials to ensure their complete independence. The amendment could entail the power of appointment and termination to reside with the National Judiciary Council and to be financed directly from the consolidated revenue fund and not through the executive as currently practiced. The complete independence of INEC would ensure non- partisanship and provide a level playing ground for all to address the challenge of independence,

Conclusion The paper critically examines electoral violence and its implications on Nigeria's national security, with emphasis on the 2015 and 2019 general elections. Nigeria's elections have always been characterized with an atmosphere of uncertainty and tension due to lack of democratic roles played by politicians. Thus, conducting violent free, credible and transparent elections would ensure responsible and transparent government that Nigerians deserved. From the foregoing, the paper therefore argues that the major factor that leads to electoral violence has to do with the winners take it all politics in the Nigerian political system. The high level of electoral violence in Nigeria is largely driven by the quest for political power, has negative consequences on national security in Nigeria. Though the 2015 and 2019 general elections witnessed significant improvements in terms of organization, planning and conduct, as well as the international observers and Civil Society Organizations commending the elections to be largely free and fair, nonetheless there is still room for improvements. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 35 References Abba. A (2008) Violent elections in Nigeria: The example of the Northern states, 1951- 2003.' Gombe Studies, Journal of Gombe State University, Vol 1, No 1. pp. 179-196.

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Suleiman Bilal Ishaq & Abu Leonard Department of History and International Studies, Faculty of Arts and Humanities, Kogi State University, Anyigba, Nigeria E-mail: [email protected], [email protected] Phone: +234- 8133145938, 09030406676

Abstract The desire to liberate African territory (Economically, Socially and politically) from imperial powers and colonialists led to the usurp of African Elites in most African societies who were later refered to as nationalists, especially after the Second World War, demanding for the decolonisation of African nations from its colonial masters. The period, 1945, marked the emergence of the United Nations Oganisation. By this period, also, Nationalist movements in most African nations were beginning to spring up. The United Nations which came into existence in 1945, after the Second World War, served as a formidable element to the rise of nationalist movement and decolonization process in Africa. This paper focuses on the formation of the United Nations and its contributions to nationalist movement and decolonisation in Africa. The paper employs the use of historical method of investigation, but secondary sources of data were used. The paper found out that, the United Nations, no doubt, contributed to the rise of African nationalism, and its effort towards decolonization in Africa yielded positive results subsequently. Key words: Nationalism, Decolonisation, United Nations, Self-determination, charter.

Introduction Until the late 1950s, most of Africa was under colonial rule and, except in a negative sense, was not a significant factor in world affairs. But by the late 1960s, and towards the beginning of 1961, Africa experienced a momentous awakening. More than 35 independent states emerged in nearly all parts of the continent, and these new states have already made a profound impact on the United Nations and international life generally. 1 The Few years of awakening of national consciousness in Africa led to the rapid rise of nationalist movements and various external factors accompanying this event which later contributed to their achievements. After World War II, a wave of nationalism swept across Asia and Africa, and in its wake, a host of new nations were granted independence from their colonial masters. Within two decades, about one-third of the world's population was freed from colonial rule. The scope and the speed of dismantling the colonial empires were unforseen. But by 1960, it had become clear even to the more conservative rulers of the colonial powers that they could no longer resist the demands rising from the colonized peoples of Asia and Africa for independence and nationhood.2 None stated it better than British Prime Minister Harold Macmillian in his famous "wind of change" speech delivered at the end of a tour of Africa in January 1960: Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 39 We have seen the awakening of national consciousness in peoples who have for centuries lived in dependence upon some other power. Fifteen years ago this movement spread through Asia.... Today, the same thing is happening in Africa and the most striking of all the impressions I have formed since I left London a month ago is the strength of this African national conciousness. The wind of change is blowing through the continent, and whether we like it or not this growth of national consciousness is a political fact, and our national policies must take account of it.3 The year 1945 witnessed two definitive moments in modern history. After decades of turmoil and six long years of war, World War II came to an end. Shortly after, on October 24, the United Nations emerged from the ashes of destruction. This Organization, born from the ideals of Woodrow Wilson's League of Nations, established the framework for modern international law and the principles of self-determination. The principle of self- determination, the concept that a country can determine its own statehood and form its own government, as an international norm established by the United Nations echoed across the world in nationalism movements of colonials. Nationalism, marked by strong advocacy for political independence, was a powerful force which fueled the Allied forces during the war and had been building since the First World War and the inter-war years. In the wake of World War II, a wave of nationalism swept across Asia and Africa, empowering historically oppressed people to seek independence from their colonial masters. With the intent of promoting international cooperation, the United Nations played a pivotal and constructive role in decolonization. 4 In the light of the above, this paper discusses the Formation of the United Nations and its contribution to the growth of nationalism in Africa. The paper is delineated into five sections: Section one conceptualizes Nationalism, African Nationalism and European Colonialism, section two is a brief history on the emergence of the United Nations, Section three focuses on the United Nations' Principle on Self Determination, section four focuses on the nationalist's activities in Africa and the Impact of the United Nations, while section five concludes the paper.

Conceptual Clarifications An attempt is made in this section to conceptualize Nationalism and African Nationalism. Even though, the concept has been widely used during the colonial period, African Nationalism in its true creed, predates the colonial era. Hence, conceptualization of the terms becomes imperative in carrying out this study. Nationalism Nationalism is a patriotic feeling which brings an oppressed, but related, people together to demand for their independence. It is often found rooted and promoted by the presence of another superior power. This was quite obvious in colonial Nigeria where Britain remained the superior power, militarily and technologically, whilst Nigeria was weak. It can be said to be an attempt to shake off the bondage of colonialism over Nigerians in the twentieth century. Nationalism in its classical sense connotes quite a different thing. Thus, when Germans or Poles speak of nationalism they imply unity of language and culture of a political unit.5 The foregoing assertion connotes that nationalism is one of the most disputed and controversial concepts in social sciences and arts. This is due to the fact that the concept is heavily laden with ideological, religious, ethnic, racial and socio-economic emotional Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 40 undercurrents. Indeed, nationalism has become a very powerful force in modern history. It could be described as a double-edged sword; it represents two ideological divides; domination and struggle for freedom. That is, nationalism arouses strong feelings; for some, it is tantamount to racism, but for others nationalist sentiment creates solidarity and stability, which are preconditions for freedom.6 Most definitely, nationalism is derivative of nation, which means 'a group of people who feel themselves to be a community bound together by ties of history, culture and common ancestry' Thus, nationalism is the sense of political togetherness that invokes spirit of patriotism and 'we feeling' in people towards their country and one another and which distinguishes a group from other groups. As an ideology, nationalism holds that the nation should be the primary political identity of individuals.7

African Nationalism African nationalism is a subjective feeling of kinship or affinity shared by people of African descent. It is a feeling based on shared cultural norms, traditional institutions, racial heritage, and a common historical experience. One enduring historical experience shared by nearly all Africans was colonial oppression. Along with this sense of shared identity is a collective desire to maintain one's own cultural, social, and political values independent of outside control. It is worth stressing that African nationalism, like nationalism elsewhere in the world, is not new; it is as old as ancient times.8 In fact, in Africa, contrary to a common view in Western scholarship of Africa, African nationalism predates colonialism. In the annals of African history, one finds coherent organized African communities with a very strong sense of identity, prepared to defend their territorial and cultural integrity against those who would want to destroy or undermine them. For instance, when the great African king, Mansa Musa of Mali, was on a pilgrimage to Mecca in 1324–1325, the Wolof people, who had been forcibly brought under the Mali kingdom seized the opportunity to rebel against the Mali kingdom. The Wolof people were expressing a nationalism, a separate national identity and a desire to govern themselves in their own land.9z

European Colonialism Versus African Nationalism European colonialism that saw itself entrenched in the African territory starting from the last years of the nineteenth century may have produced the contradictions that eventually, either eased it out of the territories or forcefully laid it off through armed confrontation in the 20th century. The emphasis henceforth shifted from the feeling of themselves as a groups of ethnic cleavages to the idea of being a group of nation states determined to actualise self-determination sooner or later. For instance, in Nigeria, following the amalgamation of 1914, people began to see themselves as Nigerians instead of Igbo Hausa or Yoruba. In Africa, during this period, former primordial ethnic allegiances were put behind. The new Men and Women were beginning to see themselves as people with common destiny. But the realisation of this common destiny was seen to be unfortunately blurred and inhibited by the yoke of colonialism. It was in order to remove this inhibition to national integration that Africans organized themselves for a total break with European colonial domination.10 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 41 Emergence of the United Nations The United Nations Organisation (UNO) came into existence in 1945, after the Second World War. The war became imminent having maintained the aggressive foreign policy of the Nazi Party by its leader, Adolf Hitler, and to a lesser extent, the failure of the League of Nations to sustain world peace leading to its subsequent collapse in 1939. Thereafter, there was intensification of arms' race by the world powers, majorly the United States and United Soviet States of Russia, which greatly endangered world peace and security. The formation of the United Nations' Organisation in 1945 was, therefore, an attempt to reorganise the international political system after the devastation of the Second World War.11 Aside the concern for the re-organisation of the international political system, the United Nations had since then been committed to decolonisation in Africa, Asia and other parts of the world that were still under colonial rule. The United Nations in its own Charter affirmed the points raised in the Atlantic Charter, the Atlantic Charter raised the hope of colonised people all over the world even though, then, Winston Churchill and De Gaulle seemed not to be in conformity with the Charter against the intent of Franklin Roosevelt of U. S. A. So, the United Nations, having later replaced the League of Nations, provided African nationalists an effective propaganda weapon to fight the colonial powers in their nationalist struggle.12

United Nations Principles on Self Determination From its inception in 1945, the United Nations has regarded the question of decolonization as an important aspect of its purpose and functions. The Charter of the United Nations, in Chapter 1, Article 1, proclaims the principle of self determination of peoples. Also, further three chapters are devoted do the question of dependent territories, to the establishment of International Trusteeship Council, which, as a principal organ of the United Nations, was entrusted with responsibility regarding those territories placed under the International Trusteeship System. The United Nations four foundational purposes established in the UN Charter, Chapter I, Article 1. read as follows: 1. To maintain international peace and security, and to that end: to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace, and for the suppression of acts of aggression or other breaches of the peace, and to bring about by peaceful means, and in conformity with the principles of justice and international law, adjustment or settlement of international disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of the peace. Here, it is stated clearly that it will be against the will of the United Nations or its Charter for the continuous subjection of people's to alien subjugation, domination and exploitation as it also constitutes a denial of fundamental human rights and obstacle to the promotion of world peace. This principle has been pursued to the later. Since the creation of the United Nations, it has always discerned the continuous desires for colonialists to hold on to their colonies.2. To develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, and to take other appropriate measures to strengthen universal peace. Also, the emphasis of the United Nations here is on the right to self-determination, since it is believed that all peoples have the right to self-determination, by virtue of which they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development. To a large extent, the United Nations has pursued the principle of Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 42 self-determination with vigor. It efforts led to the post 1960 decolonization and subsequent grant of independence to states hitherto, under colonial rule. 3. To achieve international cooperation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural, or humanitarian character, and in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion. Among other efforts of the United Nations decolonization campaign was the stress on the issue of denying independence for states due to be granted on the basis of claims by the colonialists that these nations are not political, economic, social and culturally prepared for independence. The United Nations' Universal declaration of Human Rights on December 10, 1948, was geared towards the effectuation of human rights for the benefits of all and sundry.(These include the subjects of African States whom at the time of this declaration were still under colonial rule, and in some cases, harsh treatment faced by these subjects from their colonial masters). 4. To be a centre for harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of these common ends.13Nationalist Activities in Africa and the Impact of the United Nations The 1945-1960 Period Though the Declaration for the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples was not established until 1960, by 1945, the language in the first article of the UN Charter established a precedence for the promotion of self-determination for all peoples without discrimination. The UN was established as a reaction to the atrocities committed during WWII and to create a preemptive and preventive body to avoid another such global conflict. Inherent in that preemption is the abolition of colonialism, a disruptive exploitative system that degraded the value of the individual and created a sense of discrimination and mistrust throughout the international community.14 The UN Charter, Chapter XI, established the declaration regarding non self-governing territories and committee of 24. "Members of the United Nations which have or assume responsibilities for the administration of territories whose peoples have not yet attained a full measure of self-government recognize the principle that the interests of the inhabitants of these territories are paramount, and accept as a sacred trust the obligation to promote to the utmost, within the system of international peace and security established by the present Charter, the well-being of the inhabitants of these territories".15 Quite naturally, there has been a considerable difference of opinion about the responsibilities and authority of the United Nations with respect to non-self -governing territories other than trust territories, that is, the colonies and dependencies of the colonial powers. In general, the countries possessing such territories, notably the United Kingdom, France and Belgium, have tended to give a strict interpretation to Chapter XI and to oppose substantive recommendation of the General Assembly on the grounds that they constitute intervention in matters exclusively within their jurisdiction; whereas non-administering states, and especially those which have recently emerged from colonial status, have favored a broad construction of provisions of Chapter XI.16 When the member states of the U.N were first asked to enumerate their non self- governing territories under Chapter XI, 74 territories were so listed; after that the number declined, largely because many of the territories became independent states. Whether the UN must automatically accept unilateral declarations of independence is a point of controversy; but in practice it has been compelled to do so. Under Article 73 (e) of the Charter, states possessing non-self-governing territories are obligated to submit regular Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 43 reports to the UN, subject to such limitations as security and constitutional considerations may require. The states concerned are asked to supply information requested in a form approved by the General Assembly. This information is more limited in scope and details than that for trust territories, but it is nevertheless quite extensive. The Assembly was at somewhat of a loss as to what it could or should do with this information, but it worked out a procedure which proved to be reasonably satisfactory. A Special Committee on Information from non-self-governing Territories was charged with examining the information submitted under Article 73(e) and with the making recommendations to the assembly.17 This committee was dissolved by a resolution of the General Assembly adopted on December 16, 1963. Its function were taken over by the committee of 24. There is real doubt whether Chapter XI was intended to create a system of accountability. The United Kingdom, France and Belgium opposed the extension of the life of the Special Committee of the Assembly on the ground that the UN has no authority to create machinery of this sort. Whatever the limitations of the Chapter XI, it is well to remember its broad significance in the words of Bunche: One may still say that the obligations under Chapter XI are unique and a very great step forward over anything the world had yet seen... The acceptance of the principle that the international community does have a proper concern for these territories and the right to devote its attention to them automatically removed them from the hidden realm of exclusive domestic jurisdiction. This was even without raising the question of international accountability, a unique advance.18

The UN Charter Chapter XII established the International Trusteeship System “for the supervision of Trust Territories placed under it by individual agreements with the States administering them”. The Trusteeship Council was to oversee the transition of Trust Territories, which were non self-governed territories that had been placed under the supervision of the Council for a variety of reasons. The task that the United Nations had just delegated itself was daunting, aiding the transition of former colonies to self-governing states in an environment where the balance of power had just been upset by World War II and the two emerging superpowers were about to enter into the most definitive and polarized period of the 20th century, the Cold War.19 Chapters XI and XII were significant to African Elites all over the world as they see an opportunity to press home their demands for independence from their colonial masters. But most especially, African elites of this period like: Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Nnamdi Azikiwe of Nigeria, Milton Mbote of Uganda, Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya, Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia, Hastings Banda of Malawi, Dauda Jawara of Gambia, Habib Borguiba of Tunisia, Ahmed Ben Bella of , Leopold Senghor of Senegal, to mention but a few, all foresaw a hope in the commitment of the United Nations towards the attainment of self-actualization of countries still under colonial rule. Therefore, The United Nations' programmes towards actualizing self-determination in nations of the world added momentum to the African nationalists and their nationalistic agitations.

The Post 1960 Era By 1960, the de-colonisation campaign in and outside of the United Nations was in full swing. It was symbolized by the emergence of many new nations, especially in Africa- 1960 was called "the year of African independence" and by the adoption by the General Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 44 Assembly, by a vote of 89 to 0, with 9 abstentions, of a historic Declaration on the Granting of independence to Colonial Countries and People. A year later, the Assembly, having seen that not much progress had been made, created a Special Committee on the Implementation of the Declaration. Originally consisting of 17 members, its membership was increased to 24 in 1962.20 The Special Committee was directed "to carry out its task by employment of all means which it will have at its disposal within the framework of the procedures and modalities which it shall adopt for the proper discharge of its function".21This is certainly the broadest mandate ever bestowed on any UN Committee. The Committee of 24 "now stands as virtually the only United Nations' body charged with the examination of colonial questions'; it has become in effect, but not in name, one of the major organs in the UN system. In 1963, the Committee of 24, in outlining its programme of future work, agreed on a list of 64 territories deemed to be within its purview. It has devoted special attention to several of these, notably former Southern Rhodesia, South-West Africa, the territories under Portugese administration, Southern Arabia, and British Guiana. Early in 1964, the Special Committee created three subcommittee to deal with all territories on the preliminary list which had not been given special consideration. It realised that for the inhabitants of some of the smaller territories, a "full measure of self- governance" as advocated in a famous resolution of the General Assembly, adopted on December 15, 1960, would not necessarily mean national independence. This resolution specifically stated that according to circumstances, "A Non-Self-Governing Territory can be said to have reached a full measure of self-government by (a) Emergence of a sovereign Independent state; (b) Free association with an independent State; or (c) Integration with an independent State."22 Also, in regards to the new nations in the United Nations, one must surmise as a remarkable achievement of the new nations, their successful forging between 1960-1964, of an international moral consensus against the continuation of Western Colonialism. By 1964, when virtually most of the nations of Africa became independent, the impropriety of any defense of the continued existence of colonialism was glaring to all except the retrograde and regressive regimes of Southern Africa. Within the United Nations itself, the new nations succeded during this period in making their own uppermost concern, i.e, colonialism, the uppermost concern of the Organisation. Due to the excessive biddings of the New Nations at the United Nations, the General Assembly transited from general pronouncements of moral legal rights such as the 1960 declaration on colonialism to condnations of specific nations accompanied by request for diplomatic and economic sanctions and threats of military sanctions. The Special Committee on colonialism which was created in 1960 maintained a constant surveillance of the remaining areas under colonialism, while the new nations that joined the United Nations immediately after independence kept up a steady stream of reports and recommendations to other organs of the United Nations.23 But as frustration grew over the non-cooperative attitude of the remaining colonial powers still holding on to various colonies, the new nations sought Security Council's endorsement of mandatory enforcement programs designed to eliminate these regimes. By the end of 1969, these nations were not able to obtain such Security Council's actions. However, in the case of South Africa, under the impact of repeated appeals by the new nations, the Security Council went through host of preliminary actions which, if attitude of the South African government remains unchanged, may ultimately lead to the desired Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 45 enforcement of action. The greatest success of the new nation's wielding of political influence during these years remains the success in shifting their concerns and outlook on colonialism over to the United Nation.24

Conclusion From the foregoing, it is apparent to note that the United Nation, since its creation in 1945, vehemently pursued the policy of decolonisation and aiding weaker nations to actualise self-determination via their nationalistic agitations all over the world. The United Nation in the course of the pursuance of this policy, has put up definite measures towards ending colonialism in Africa, and by 1957, Ghana gained independence, as 1960 marked a turning point in the African continent as continious realization of self- determination in African States took center stage.

References 1. Norman Palmer and Howard Perkins, International Relations: The World Community in Transition (New Delhi: CBS Publishers, 1985) P.205. 2. Wayne McWilliams and Harry Piotrowski, The World Since 1945: A History of International Relations (America: Lynne Reinner pub, 2005), 109. 3. Ibid. P. 110. 4. Anna Lovelace, "When Global Governance Wins: The role of United Nations in Decolonisation", UC merced Undergraduate Journal Vol 7, No.9 (2014):2, assessed 29 04 2019, https://escholarship.org/uc/item/07g886jq. 5. Dan Chukwu, An Introduction to Nigerian Political History, (Enugu: Glory publishers 2002), 114-115 6.O. Olasupo , I. Olayide and E. Ijeoma, Nationalism and Nationalist agitation in Africa: The Nigerian Trajectory, Journal of Rev Black Polit Econ, (2014):1. DOI 10.1007/s1214-017-9257-x. 7. Ibid P.2. 8. Adu Bohen, African a perspectives on colonialism, (Baltimore, MD: John Hopkins University Press, 1987), 23-24. 9. Ibid.P.25. 10. Dan Chukwu, An Introduction to Nigerian Political History, (Enugu: Glory publishers 2002), 114. 11. Alphonsus Njoku and Patrick Nwafor, Nigeria's External Relations (Enugu: Redeemed press 2005), 120. 12. B. Barkindo, M. Omolewa and G. Babalola, Africa and the wider world 3, (Lagos: Learn Africa plc, 1994), 128-129. 13. United Nations, Charter of the United Nations, 24 October 1945, 1 UNTS XVI, http://www.un.org/en/documents/charter/chapter1.shtml [2 May 2019). 14. Anna Lovelace, "When Global Governance Wins: The role of United Nations in Decolonisation", UC merced Undergraduate Journal Vol 7, No.9 (2014):3, assessed 29 04 2019, https://escholarship.org/uc/item/07g886jq 15. United Nations, Charter of the United Nations, 24 October 1945, 1 UNTS XVI, http://www.un.org/en/documents/charter/chapter1.shtml [2 May 2019). 16. Norman Palmer and Howard Perkins, International Relations: The World Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 46 Community in Transition (New Delhi: CBS Publishers, 1985) P.376. 17. Ibid. P. 376-377. 18. Ibid. 19. Anna Lovelace, "When Global Governance Wins: The role of United Nations in Decolonisation", UC merced Undergraduate Journal Vol 7, No.9 (2014) 4, assessed 29 04 2019, https://escholarship.org/uc/item/07g886jq 20. Norman Palmer and Howard Perkins, International Relations: The World Community in Transition, 377. 21. Paraghraph 5 of General Assembly Res. 1645 (XVI), November 27, 1961. 22. General Assembly Res. 1541(XV), December 15, 1960. 23. David A. Kay, The New Nations in the United Nations 1960-1967 (Newyork: Columbia University Press, 1970) p.85. 24. Ibid.P.86. 47 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies The Potentialities of Arabic Language In Promoting And Protecting Islam And Its Culture In Nigeria

Busari, Kehinde Kamorudeen, PhD Department of Religion and African Culture, Faculty of arts, Adekunle Ajasin University, Akungba – Akoko, Ondo State, Nigeria. Phone: 08033548370

Abstract Arabic language and Islam have been joined together like Siamese twins, since the Quran, the primary source of Islamic law, was been revealed in Arabic language to a Prophet from Arabian Peninsula who is also an Arab. The connection between the two is very strong and this is the basic reason why the ritual performances in Islam like five daily prayers (Salat), call to prayer (Aadhaan), pronouncement of the statement of testimony of faith ( Kalimat-ash-shahaadah) are to be said in Arabic language. The translation of the Arabic words to another language is not permitted by many Islamic scholars. It is boldly stated in the Qur'an that it was revealed in plain Arabic language which is a clear evidence that the book of Islam is Arabic Qur'an. Keywords: Arabic language, Culture, Islam, Potentialities, Nigeria

Introduction Allah says; “And truly, this is the revelation from the Lord of all that exists, which the trustworthy Angel (Jibril) has brought down upon your heart that you may be one of the warners, in the plain Arabic language” (Q 26:192-195). Also, He says: “Verily, we have sent it down as an Arabic Qur'an in order that you may understand" (Q 12:2). From the above quoted verses from the Qur'an, it is obvious that the Qur'an has been accordantly referred to as Arabic Qur'an. In addition, the Qur'an describes itself as an Arabic judgement, a judgement of authority in Arabic. It is very logical to submit that since the Prophet Muhammed (S.A.W.) was the last Prophet and the last message is Arabic Qur'an1 and Allah has promised to send a messenger in the tongue of his people, all Muslims can be described as the people of the Prophet Muhammed (S.A.W.) by attaining the knowledge of Arabic language. If Muslims admit that the Qur'an is an eternal miracle of Allah that is bestowed to the Prophet to fortify his message, then, they are all required to understand the Qur'an as a matter of importance.2

Background of Arabic Language Arabic language is inseparable from Islam because the revelation of the Qur'an to the Prophet of Islam was in Arabic which later became the language of Islamic civilization. Anywhere outside the shore of Arabian Peninsula where Islam was introduced, people Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 48 cultivated the desire to learn Arabic in order to recite and memorize the Qur'an for their daily prayers. Arabic began to be studied gradually in its various ramifications. Being an integral part of Islam, Arabic learning became a compulsory obligation as a tool to understand the Qur'an, the prophetic tradition and for ritual services. Mastering the Qur'an and having the proper understanding of Islam are obtainable only with the learning of Arabic language. For this reason, other subjects were integrated into the curriculum of Islamic studies such as Arabiyyah (Arabic language), Tafsir (Exegesis of the Qur'an), Hadith (Prophetic tradition), Fiqh (Jurisprudence), Tawheed (Islamic theology) and Arabic literature (Adab). Also, History (Tariikh), Poetry (Aruud) and Geography were also incorporated for better understanding of various aspects of Islamic Sciences.3 The message of Qur'an, which is Arabic, can only be well comprehended by acquiring its language which is Arabic. There is no doubt that knowing Arabic is an integral part of Islam. The two disciplines are tied to the same umbilical cord and they are like identical twins. Many Arabic works have been translated into Arabic and several others are yet to be translated. At times, some translations may be faulty or deliberately distorted. In this situation, only those with sound background in Arabic language would be able to discern right from wrong by separating the wheat from the chaff. The first non-Nigerian language known to Nigerians was Arabic language. El-Garh's assertion is relevant here: Arabic is the first non-native language which brought educational achievement as well as its rich literature to the Nigerian and West African environment many centuries before a single Nigerian or West African citizen ever spoke a word of English or French.4 It has been observed that Arabic education was the first form of education to be introduced in Lagos.5 It was even affirmed that Arabic language was the first form of literacy in the whole of West Africa.6

Aims and Objectives This study is an attempt to investigate the potentialities of Arabic language in promoting and protecting Islam and its culture in Nigeria with the aim of suggesting to non-Arabic speaking nations to consider Arabic in their curriculum development for the language to be taught in schools in company of Islamic knowledge. A country that refuses Arabic to be taught in the school will not allow Islamic knowledge in the curriculum and if allowed, it will be temporary. What is going to be the fate of Muslim children in those countries in the future?

Problem Statement Arabic symbolizes the religion of Islam and vice-versa. Globalization, is described as an economically driven process whereby politics, culture and economy of a country penetrate other countries.7 It has also been defined as the growing economic interdependence of countries worldwide through the increasing volume and variety of 49 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies cross border transactions in goods and services and of international capital flows and through the more rapid and widespread diffusion of technology.8 There are some questions that are begging for answers concerning globalization and Arabization. Arabization in this context means the process set in motion towards the middle of the seventh century C.E and which lasted several centuries whereby non-Arab countries assumed Arabic language and assimilated its culture.9 What exactly does globalization held in storage for Arabic? What is the attitude of the advocates of this international force to Arabic language? What is the relationship between the disciples of globalization and the propagators of Arabic language? Is globalization synonymous with Arabization? Is globalization another word for de- Arabization? If so, to what level?

Methodologies The study utilizes a qualitative research methodology based on library resource. Data are extracted from scholarly articles, books, conference proceedings and relevant website.

Academic Study of Arabic Language and Islamic Studies The history of Arabic and Islamic Studies in Nigeria and Africa as a whole is as old as the history of Islam in the continent of Africa. This dates back to the 10th/11th century which is equivalent to 4th/5th Hijrah (AH).10 The Philosophy of Arabic and Islamic Studies had historically been identical in many of the Muslim communities. The field of study is intended to produce spiritual trainers, morality moulders, and keepers of the intellectual tradition of Islam. In essence, there is a unity of purpose and target in the academic and clerical training in Arabic and Islamic Studies.11 The major official work of the centers of Islamic Studies at Cambridge, Oxford, Leiden, Berlin and Sorbonne Universities was to produce civil servants that are well trained in the art of colonial administration, to equip Christian missionaries with arguments for induction into Christianity and produce a body of academics that justified European domination of Muslim domain.12 A speaker (Western Liberian/Sierra Leonean) and writer made a remark to his respondents: “In Africa, we need Arabic to help us go to Heaven and we need English to improve our standard of living.13 The traditional system of studying Arabic and Islamic Studies in Nigeria continued during colonialism with remarkable response to the changing state of things which is described by Reichmuth as friendly towards the introduction of Arabic and Islamic Studies at all levels of public education system, University inclusive. To this effect, Katsina College which was founded in 1922 introduced Arabic as a curriculum subject in 1932.14 The purported first advanced modern center of learning which was founded in 1928 in Kano to train men to occupy posts in the Kano judiciary was the Shahuci Judicial School. In this school, training in Arabic and Islamic Studies were given in Arabic and Hausa Languages, English and Arithmetic were also taught.15 The Emir of Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 50 Kano, Abdullah Bayero on his return from Hajj and long journey through the Arab land founded the Northern Province Law School in 1934.16 In 1947, the school was changed to the school for Arabic Studies when English and Arithmetic were added to its curriculum subjects of Arabic and Islamic Studies. Henceforth, it started to enjoy full government sponsorship and patronage. The 1945 constitution also assisted the transformation of the school which was an important political development and gave it autonomy. This facilitated the integration of the graduands of the school into public service. Tutors from foreign lands, especially Arab countries like Egypt and Sudan, were employed in the school while some of the students were sponsored to study abroad, especially in Sudan, Egypt and England to obtain degree and diploma in Arabic and Islamic Studies and Law.17 In 1960, which was the year of independence, a post-secondary course in Arabic and Islamic Studies was introduced in preparation for the establishment of Abdullah Bayero College. This college of advanced study of Arabic and Islamic Studies later became an integral part of , Zaria, which was founded on 4th October, 1962.18 In Yorubaland, the Kutaab (traditional Arabic centers) which were established and ran by individuals, communities or Muslim societies remained in colonial and post-colonial periods, although with some noticeable modifications and reformation. The first modern Arabic and Islamic Studies center was founded in 1904 at Lagos by Mohammed Mustafa al-Afandii who was a Syrian that settled in the city. 19 Later on, schools started to emerge which were established by inhabitants with some moderations in order to add elements of modern system like organized classrooms, sessions, use of textbooks, chalkboard and incorporation of study levels.20 There was a greater flow of students into the Islamic commonwealth due to sustained contacts with the Arab world and centres of Arabic and Islamic studies from the year of independence in 1960. This also gave birth to the affiliation of local institutions to foreign colleges.21 In January 1948, University of Ibadan was founded which was an extension of the University of London. It has been discovered that Arabic and Islamic heritage had a lot to present to the academic at a high level of education. Arabic documents and African languages in Arabic scripts have been observed to be a real source for the history of African continent and a tool to unlock the secrets of its past. It is however not unexpected that Arabic and Islamic Studies was an academic unit in the Department of History, University of Ibadan in 1961.22 Invariably, in 1962, when the Ibadan University College became a fully-fledged university, John Hunwick, a British, in collaboration with Kenneth Dike, the first Vice Chancellor of the university and a historian, put in place an independent Arabic and Islamic Studies department which admitted students for degree courses in 1963.23 Arabic is the language of the Qur'an which is the scripture of the religion of Islam and its culture. It was also the medium through which the religion was studied and comprehended. This is the more reason why Humwick referred to the language as the “Latin of Africa”.24 For a person learned in Arabic and or Islamic Studies to be involved in all facets of the Nigerian social life, which is summarily called social integration, the curriculum also had Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 51 to be designed to fall in line with this overall objective of university education which includes the provision of qualified manpower for the various sectors of the national life. The Department of Arabic and Islamic Studies, University of Ibadan, commenced a certificate course in Arabic during the 1963/64 session to provide care for the graduands of local Arabic schools whose major assignment then was to teach Arabic and Islamic Studies in local, public and private schools. Islamic Studies was added to the certificate programme two years later to improve the students' disposition to Western education model of learning. A 2 year Diploma in Arabic and Islamic Studies was introduced for the GCE 'O'Level and teachers Grade II certificate holders who were not well disposed to the subjects during the 1975/76 academic session. Besides the goal of social integration and exposure to the Western education system, another goal behind the sub-degree programme was to feed the first degree programme which was at that time, suffering from poor enrolment by students who were duly qualified. The university terminated the two sub-degree programmes in 1985 and a fresh approach to get some well-established private Arabic and Islamic colleges to take over the running of Diploma course came to fruition in 1992.25 The vacuum that was created by the University of Ibadan because of this move was to be filled by the Lagos State University when it proposed a programme of the same nature in 1987 but the effort was futile until 1996 when admission was offered to126 out of a total of 280 applicants for that programme.26 Efforts to get students enrolled for the twin subjects (Arabic and Islamic Studies) continued as products of the programme switched to different fields of study in social sciences and Humanities and some of them were granted admission into other universities and courses within and outside Nigeria. The programme has been duplicated in some private Arabic-Islamic training centres that are affiliated to the Lagos State University since 2001.26 The University also engages in some part time degree programme in the field of Arabic and Islamic Studies and some of its satellite campuses that are privately owned by some proprietors. Some form of orderliness and systematic arrangement has been introduced into Arabic and Islamic Studies in Nigerian tertiary education system through some constitutional authorities like the National Commission for the Colleges of Education (NCCE) and National Universities Commission (NUC) to ensure some measure of standard and consistency in the curricula and coordination of the courses. Nigerian Arabic Language Village at Ngala in North-eastern Nigeria is a place to reckon with in the acquisition and mastery of Arabic Language where immersion program is held for all Arabic language students in various tertiary institutions after their 200level program in universities or post-secondary enrolment for Arabic studies in Nigerian Colleges of Education. In our own opinion, this citadel of learning where immersion courses are held would have performed more effectively with better quality input and the representation of professional instructors from foreign countries, especially Arabs, as was obtained in the good old days in some of our ivory towers.28 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 52

The Imminent Danger of Globalization As it Affects Arabic Language In the face of global movement, the danger that globalization constitutes to Arabic being the real symbol of Islam must also be real. Globalization attempts to expand the tentacles of neo-imperialism and subjects the whole of humanity to a single God-forsaken mentality. The dream of globalization by its advocates is to generalize usury (Ribaa), to legalize and internalize lesbianism, homosexualism, gays and accept nudity by females. Succinctly put, the cultural dimension of globalization is to coerce the rest of the world to accept the value system of a single nation. In the economic domain, the champions of this concept look for the opening up of all markets also known as economic liberalization for western services to be exchanged at excessive prices for poor and meagre allowances to be paid by the industrialization north. The aim is to keep the poor nations perpetually poor, consuming everything, producing nothing. In order to actualize this policy, international institutions dictate to countries of the South what to produce and what to market. Thus, separating the world into rich and poor nations.29 This is just a tip of the iceberg when compared to what awaits Arabic in the globalization set up. While expressing phobia during the French centenary possession of Algeria, a French ruler exclaimed; “We shall not achieve any victory over the Algerians as long as they are reading the Qur'an and learning Arabic. It is our duty to demolish the Qur'an from existence and pull Arabic out of their tongues”30 Perhaps because the enemies of Islam had acknowledged the potentialities of Arabic in promoting and protecting Islamic identity and its culture, a lot of impediments were put before the development of the language throughout the Muslim world.31

Arabic Language and Islam The Book of Islam, Qur'an, has been revealed in Arabic language to the Prophet of Arab origin, Prophet Muhammed (S.A.W.). The confrontation between Prophet Musa (Moses) and Fir'aun (Pharaoh) and also the miracles of Prophet Isa ( Jesus) to the children of Israel were regarded as physical ones appropriate for the people to whom the messengers were sent.32 The miracle given to Prophet Muhammed (S.A.W) was the Qur'an with which the Arabs were dared to produce its like, even ten chapters or a chapter.33 The inimitability of the Qur'an has been confirmed by the inability of the Arabs and non-Arabs to bring the like of the Qur'an. The Qur'an, which is a fortifying miracle of Allah, cannot be fully appreciated without the understanding of Arabic language. While listening to the Qur'an with its understanding, a rusty mind will be lubricated and eventually cleansed by the miraculous message of Allah, the Qur'an. The Holy Qur'an is so wonderful to the extent that the Jinns confessed that they have listened to a wonderful recitation of the Qur'an.34 The second caliph of the Prophet Muhammed (S.A.W), Umar, when he listened to the Qur'an through recitation by his sister and brother in-law, Saheed bn Zaid (Umar's cousin), from Suurah Taa-Haa35 accepted Islam without much ado. This shows the potentiality of Arabic language in the Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 53 Islamization process and protection of Islamic culture. The call to abandon Arabic is just a propaganda which has been disproved and repudiated in many studies. Unequivocally, Muslims have no alternative to Arabic. This is not an attempt to condemn all other languages in the world. By so doing, it is a contravention of the word of Allah who has created man with varieties of languages as one of His signs.36 In essence, Muslims should be fairly treated by giving Arabic its appropriate position in the curriculum in order to protect their identity and the symbol of their religion. The Potentialities of Arabic Language Arabic language is very important in Islam because Muslims believe that Allah used it to talk to the Prophet Muhammed (S.A.W) through the Archangel Gabriel (Jibril), giving him the Qur'an in Arabic.37 Arabic is also a beautiful language because of poetry. Arabic poetry is not only rhyming but also it has a certain rhythm which appeals to one's sense of listening and reasoning. Arabic is considered one of the most beautiful languages that one can speak. Many other languages have borrowed words from Arabic because of its importance in history.38 Being the language of the Holy Qur'an, no one can properly comprehend it without learning the language which is Arabic. It is a standard language because of its richness in grammar, vocabulary and punctuations. Its survival is mostly associated with its strong association with Islam and Arab heritage. When the British Minister, Lord Douren, visited Egypt in 1882, he informed the Foreign Minister that classical Arabic should be abolished for the fact that it is the language of the Qur'an. He proposed the promotion of Egyptian local dialect.39 Arabic protects its existence and its traits through the Holy Qur'an. An attack on the language is tantamount to an attack on Islam. If it is harmed by its resenters, they have harmed the Holy Qur'an and eventually, they will destroy the fundamentals of Islam. The heart of Islam is Arabic, if lost, Islam is lost.40 All these insinuations were efforts in futility because the religion of Islam is not man-made.41 For example, in Nigeria, education officers in the south make it very difficult to teach Arabic in public schools through their design of artificial scarcity of Arabic teachers while on the contrary, many of such teachers visit their offices often looking for teaching appointments. The battle line has been clearly drawn and western leaders have shown both in words and action, their resolution to eliminate Arabic language at all cost. This is left for a serious examination and debate.

Conclusion It is a fact that Arabic language has continued to enjoy a very strong connection with Islam right from the emergence of Islam. The language and Islam were companions which came with learned Muslim merchants who were Arab tribes such as Barbars, Fulanis, Wugaras, Shuwa Arabs and others, who migrated to Nigeria and established Islamic Empires and Emirates like Kanem Borno Empire which was established in Borno in the 13th century. Arabic language is the most potent symbol of Islamic culture. Native speakers of Arabic Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 54 have long pronounced that Arabic is far more than a language, rather, the language of Islam, the language chosen by God to speak to mankind, influences how a person perceives life and invariably has a great impact on a society's outlook. However, many people acknowledge the significance of the language and appreciate its strong connection to Islam, but find it hard to believe and therefore skeptical that Arabic is so consequential. Studies have shown that studying Arabic encourages Islamization. Muslim students' attitude towards the Arabization of knowledge reflects a national ambivalence toward the role of Islam in the society. Arabic language serves as an important lingua-franca for the entire Muslims throughout the world. It is emphasized in the Qur'an that the Qur'an itself is a book which contains verses that are explained in detail, a Qur'an in Arabic for people who understand. Without Arabic, Islam could not have been understood well and could not have received the level of respect which it continues to receive. It has influenced the socio-religious life of people throughout the world. This study has shown the inseparability of Arabic and Islamic studies as twin disciplines which co-act because of their common correlation. The study has also described the potentialities of Arabic language in promoting and protecting Islam and its Culture in Nigeria. It has to be mentioned that any attempt, through actions and speeches, to eliminate Arabic language is an effort in futility. Instead of its elimination, it should be promoted and protected, especially by the African continent for facilitating its historical records at a time when there was no other means of recording history.

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Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 57 Jesus as The Cosmic Christ and The Ecology of The Human Person

Michael Gakbe Gokat Postgraduate Student Department of Religion and Philosophy University of Jos, Nigeria E-mail: [email protected] & Gideon Y. Tambiyi, PhD Department of Religion and Philosophy University of Jos, Nigeria E-mail: [email protected]

Abstract Jesus is referred to as the Cosmic Christ because he is the centre of all created realities. As the Cosmic Christ, he had a pre-existence before the world was created. And in human history, he existed and identified himself with this physical world of human existence. As a person with a human nature, Jesus the Cosmic Christ also had a divine nature. After his death he promised to be with his disciples till the end of time. Jesus the Cosmic Christ has an eternal existence. All things were also created through him and all human beings were created in his image. Jesus the Cosmic Christ lives in every human being. The ecology of the human person therefore reveals that all human beings are created by God in this world of human existence with the spiritual and physical dignity of the children of God. The Theology of Jesus the Cosmic Christ was systematically developed in the 20th Century by notable theologians like Teilhard de Chardin and Karl Rahner. The Johannine prologue (John 1:1-18) and the Pauline Christological hymns of Ephesians 1:3-10, Philippians 2:5- 12 and Colossians 1:15-20 are the basic foundations that provide the scriptural bases for this theology. Thus, using the thematic method of biblical theology, this paper examines the theology of Jesus the Cosmic Christ and how he can restore the ecology of the human person. There is need, therefore, for every human being created in the image of God to accept Jesus and then permit him to work in his or her life for the restoration of the ecology of the human person. Key words: Cosmic Christ, Jesus, Restoration, Ecology, Human Person

Introduction Jesus of Nazareth is among many other titles designated as the “Cosmic Christ”. He is referred to as such because of the intimate relationship that exist between him and the world. He existed before the creation of the world; the world was created through him and when corruption and death entered into the world, he returned into the world as a human being in order to redeem the world. Jesus the Cosmic Christ is God but “he did not think of equality with God as something to cling on,” instead he humbled himself and took the nature of a slave, to be in human form (Phil. 2:5-8). As the pre-existent Son of God with full human and spiritual dignity, Jesus the Cosmic Christ also identified himself with human beings in this physical world of human existence so that he may inform, form and transform human beings into the image of God his heavenly Father. Jesus the Cosmic Christ was a historical figure with a genealogy and a human family. He was of the Jewish stock, and as such, he had a unique spirituality and a real identity as a human and a divine person. In identifying with the world, he had a body (Luke 2:52) and a soul (Matt. 26:38; Luke 23:46). He also had human qualities and exhibited Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 58 some human emotions. He also engaged himself in different forms of human activities like walking, talking, working, teaching, preaching and healing when he was on earth. Since the 20th Century, the theological views of de Chardin and Karl Rahner have greatly influenced the theology of Jesus as the Cosmic Christ. The Johannine prologue (John 1:1-18) and the Pauline Christological hymns of Ephesians 1:3-10, Philippians 2:5-12 and Colossians 1:15-20 serve as the bedrocks that provide significant insights into understanding the identity of Jesus, as the Cosmic Christ. It is in this light, therefore, that this work seeks to examine the role of Jesus the Cosmic Christ in restoring the ecology of the human person.

The Concept of the Cosmic Christ The concept of the Cosmic Christ is rooted in the teachings of the New Testament. This has a specific reference to the Pauline captivity epistles, namely; Colossians, Ephesians and Philippians. The Patristic writers, the medieval scholars and the theologians of the Enlightenment period follow this thought, pattern and define the relation between Christ and the cosmos as the Cosmic Christ (Boros 81). Abraham Bit-Shing upholds that the notion of the Cosmic Christ developed in the early 20th Century. The description “cosmic” is synonymous with the Greek word “Kosmo[j” which denotes the world or the entire material universe. The adjective “cosmic” is used for Christ; the Son of God, who is described in biblical parlance as the instrument in God's creative activity. The term “cosmic” also points to the involvement of Christ in the universe. In other words, the term “cosmic” denotes the “economic” self- communication of the Trinity (4). Lately, in a renewed quest for the Cosmic Christ from the historical Christ, there are other additional meanings to the adjective “cosmic.” These designate “universal,” “infinite,” and “immense.” The modern “Cosmic Christ” terminology relates to the immensity of the universe as disclosed by the natural sciences. This convention also relates Christ to the sum totality of the created order and concludes that the relationship between Christ and the cosmos extends beyond the compass of earthly affairs. The Cosmic Christ terminology, therefore, sheds light beyond the confines of human history. The contemporary belief in the Cosmic Christ opens up a window of hope for all of creation and invites human beings to put their trust in a future of promise when all things will be redirected to Christ (Bit-Shing 6).

The Theology of Jesus the Cosmic Christ The theology of the Cosmic Christ is defined as, “Jesus' liberating, healing, redemptive and all-inclusive love.” The incarnation of Jesus Christ is the main issue in discussing this theology because Jesus, according to Mcfague Sallie, became incarnate in the cosmos as a human person (160). This theology also expounds the dignity of each human person and all creatures of God that exist in the universe, since God, the Father, has set forth his purpose in Christ, “as a plan for the fullness of time, to unite all things in him, things in heaven and things on earth” (Eph. 1:10). All creatures on the surface of the world are intimately linked and cosmically connected. Margaret Pirkl, citing Thomas Berry, re-echoes this assertion by affirming; “Nothing can be itself without everything else” (1). Jesus, the Cosmic Christ, therefore, is the centre of all created realities that exist in the world since “without him, nothing that was made was made” (John 1:3). The Johannine theology of the Cosmic Christ is contained in prologue of John's Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 59 gospel (1:1-18), where Jesus is defined as the divine Word of God. Jesus is the word that was in the beginning with God, who himself is God (John 1:1-2) and through him all things were made (v. 3). Jesus, the Cosmic Christ, is the life and the light of all people (v. 4). As the light, he shines in the darkness (v.5). He is the true light that gives light to every human being that comes into the world (v. 9). He was full of grace and truth (v. 14). Blessings were received from the fullness of his grace (v. 16): Thus grace and truth came through him (v. 17). Jesus, the Cosmic Christ, is the one and only who has seen God and who is at the Father's side. The same Jesus has made the Father known (v. 18). The Pauline theology of the Cosmic Christ is expressed in the Pauline Christological hymns of Ephesians 1:3-10, Philippians 2:5-12 and Colossians 1:15-20. The Christological hymn of Ephesians 1:3-10 presents the plan of God in restoring and transforming everything in Christ. The hymn of Philippians 2:5-12 presents the kenosis, the self-emptying of the Cosmic Christ who emptied himself and became obedient to God the Father. In obedience to God's will, the Cosmic Christ accepted death on the cross, while in Colossians 1:15-20, Paul teaches of the supremacy and sufficiency of Jesus, the Cosmic Christ, who is the image of the invisible God, who is also the firstborn over all creation (v.15) and the firstborn from among the dead (vs 18). Hildegard of Bingen, the 12th Century Christian mystic, opines that the Cosmic Christ archetype (model) is a universal way of seeing the world with its splendor and divine grace in all things. Hildegard further states that: “Every creature is a glittering mirror of divinity”. In line with Hildegard's position, Bonaventure, the 13th Century Scholastic theologian and philosopher teaches that; every leaf, cloud, fruit, animal, and person is to be seen as an outward expression of the Word of God in Love. Thus each creature has its own identity, integrity and dignity. Each creature is sacred because it holds something of the Word of God, which is Christ, in a unique way. According to Hayes, “each creature is a Word of God, spoken in love, by Love itself! Therefore, the Cosmic Christ is the divine radiance that is present in every galaxy, in every star, every plant, every animal, every insect and every human being” (3). Jesus, the Cosmic Christ, lives in every human being. Paul's encounter with Jesus on the road to Damascus is at the center of his experience of Christ, who appeared to him at that time as a blinding light. The words of Christ to Paul were very mysterious: “I am Jesus whom you are persecuting” (Acts 9:5). Saul, the future apostle who became known as Paul, had not persecuted Christ, but Christians. What must therefore have become quite clear to him when he heard these words was that there is no difference between Christ and those who believe in him: A Christian can become Christ; he can become one in his being with him (Boros 81). The Franciscan Eco-Spirituality of the Cosmic Christ is firmly rooted in the theology of Bonaventure and Don Scotus that flows from the spirituality of Francis and Clare of Assisi and their early followers. The Franciscan theologian, Zachary Hayes, states that revelation really began with creation and not with the Bible. If the universe is the external embodiment of the inner Word of God, says Hayes; “There is something incarnational throughout the whole of creation” (64). Don Scotus asserts that Jesus Christ was God's perfect creation, who, in turn, would love God perfectly. This perfect creation existed in God's intention before the world was created that this Word was “the first-born of all creation” (Colossians 1:15); that “all things came to be through this Word” (John 1:3); that the Word became human out of love (Fox 109-110). Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 60 The heart of the theology of the Cosmic Christ is inextricably bound to the Franciscan cosmological tradition which posits that, “every being in the world of nature and the human society somehow carries the divine.” As a result of this, “every being is basically sacred.” Pirkl is of the view that “If we truly believe,” that every being is sacred carrying the divine, “we would change our ways and be more thought-full, and show our love, gratitude and concern for brother sun, sister moon, brother cloud, sister water, sister star, and the rest of the human family” (1). The Pauline Christology of the Cosmic Christ as expressed in the Christological hymns of Ephesians 1: 3-10, Philippians 2:6-11 and Colossians 1:15-20, have greatly influenced de Chardin's development of the theology of the Cosmic Christ. The letter to the Colossians, for instance, begins with an early Christian hymn presenting Christ as the head of all creation, the “ðñùôüôïêïò ðÜóçò êôßóåùò,” the first born of all creation (Col. 1:15). The Cosmic hymn reveals that what was manifested in the resurrected Christ was to be the destiny of all creation (Bit-Shing 5). By the time of Paul's captivity, it became evidently clear that Jesus Christ does not only dwell in an individual but he dwells collectively in believers who constitute his body (1 Cor. 12:27) since he is the head of the body which is the Church (Col. 1:18a). The development of Paul's understanding of equal treatment due the individual and the communities as the body of Christ can be examined in setting the ecclesiology of Ephesians against the background of the Christology of Colossians. To highlight the supremacy of the risen Lord as Head, not only of the whole human race, but also of the entire created universe, Paul composed the magnificent Christological hymn of Col.1:15- 20 (Fox 90). Fox opines that the features of the invisible God are visible in Christ, who, in imaging God, renews the splendour of creation and the miracle of the incarnation. Paul, according to Fox, was not explaining to the Colossians that everything simply exists in Christ; he was also declaring that everything was created out of nothing (ex nihilo) by God through Christ, thus distinguishing between the Creator and what he creates. Paul's vision in Ephesians, according to Fox, is focused on the Church as the intimate and vital bond between Christ and the individual Christian, as the collective unity between the head and the members (90). Many evolutionary theologians acknowledge that, just as Paul had to Christianize certain stoic views of the Greek world in order to create great impact upon his hearers, so too, today's appeal must include the new dynamics of scientific representation of the cosmos. The challenge for contemporary theologians today is to reinterpret Jesus Christ in terms of an emergent universe. Paul insists that the presence and power of Christ reverberates throughout the universe (Fox 90). de Chardin influenced by Cosmic thinking of St. Paul understood the spirit of Christ as present throughout the entire cosmos (universe). de Chardin believes that the cosmic spirit of Christ exerts an energy drawing all things toward a more complex and converging unity (King 102). According to de Chardin, the spirit of Christ is the great source of power and energy which is drawing all things towards itself. de Chardin tried to capture his thesis by using terms such as “universal Christ,” “Christ the Evolver,” or “the Christic.” His interpretation of the role of Christ in the universe appears to be at one with the Greek Fathers' tradition, and in Byzantine art was expressed as Christ Pantokrator (Griffin 2). Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 61 The Theology of the Cosmic Christ in Contemporary Studies de Chardin has been very instrumental in bringing to the forefront of Christian theological reflection the importance of developing a cosmic understanding of Jesus, the resurrected Christ. de Chardin accepted the findings of modern science, and was deeply conscious of the theological tension between the literal interpretations of Genesis and the biological revelations that were undermining this theological perspective. As a Roman Catholic priest, de Chardin's essay on the need to reconsider the doctrine of original sin, brought him into conflict with his own religious authorities and with the Vatican in the 1920s. The conflict with the Roman Catholic Church hierarchy resulted to his banishment to China for over twenty years, and the imposition of a total embargo on the publication of any of his theological or spiritual writings (Edwards 83). After some years, prominent theologians within the Catholic clerics began a strong theological defence of de Chardin's works as well as their rehabilitation and incorporation into Catholic Theology. Henri de Lubac wrote three comprehensive books on the theology of de Chardin in the 1960s. De Lubac is of the view that de Chardin was less than precise in some of his concepts. He nevertheless affirmed the orthodoxy of de Chardin's works with a stinging rebuke to his critics. Over the next several decades, prominent theologians and Church leaders, including leading Cardinals, Pope John Paul II and Pope Benedict XVI. all wrote approvingly of Teilhard's ideas (Edwards 83). Joseph Ratzinger spoke glowingly of de Chardin's Christology in his book Introduction to Christianity. In his book, Spirit of the Liturgy, he asserts that, de Chardin depicted the cosmos as a process of ascent, a series of unions. From very simple beginnings, the path leads to ever greater and more complex unities, in which multiplicity is not abolished but merged into a growing synthesis. Invoking the epistles to the Ephesians and Colossians, de Chardin looks on Christ as the energy that strives toward the Noosphere and finally incorporates everything in its “fullness” (Ratzinger 29). For de Chardin, the concept of the Cosmic Christ embraces not only the destiny of the human family but the destiny of all of creation. In Christ, all of creation is on an evolutionary journey back to its source, the reservoir of divine creativity. de Chardin saw this evolutionary journey as a manifestation of “Divine Mystery” drawing all things back to the source. He named the goal of this evolutionary journey, the Omega Point, the point where creation and the Creator meet in a cosmic embrace (Haught 62).

The Ecology of the Human Person The term “ecology” was coined by the German zoologist, Ernst Haeckel c. 1870. Haeckel applied the term “whkologie” (oekologie) to the “relation of the animal to its organic as well as its inorganic environment.” The word comes from the Greek, “oikos”, meaning “household,” “home,” or “place to live.” Thus, ecology deals with the organism and its environment. The concept “ecology” involves relationships between individuals within a population and between individuals of different populations. These interactions between individuals, between populations, and between organisms and their environment form the ecological systems or the ecosystems (Smith 45). Ecology has been defined variously as “the study of the inter-relationships of organisms with their environment and each other,” as “the economy of nature,” and as “the biology of ecosystems.” Ecology evolved from the natural history of the ancient Greeks. The historical evolution is traced to Theophrastus (c. 372- 287 BCE), a friend Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 62 and associate of Aristotle, who described ecology as “the inter-relationships between organisms and their non-living environment.” Later foundations for modern ecology were laid in the early work of plant and animal physiologists. Plant, animal and human ecology developed separately until American biologists emphasized the interrelation of three communities as a biotic whole. Conservation biology seeks to understand what factors predispose species to extinction and what humans can do about preventing extinction. Human activity has tailored global ecosystems in ways that are increasing atmospheric carbon dioxide, a carbon source but also a greenhouse gas (greenhouse effect), and causing excessive runoff of fertilizers into rivers and then into the ocean, where it kills the species that live there (Smith 47). God created everything in the entire cosmos for human beings, human beings in turn were created to love God and offer all creation back to him. The human person, created in the image and likeness of God is a being at once corporeal and spiritual. The biblical account expresses this reality in symbolic language when it affirms that “then the Lord God formed man of dust from the ground, and breathed into his nostrils the breath of life; and man became a living being (Gen. 2:7). Man, whole and entire, is therefore willed by God. In the Sacred Scripture the term soul often refers to human life or to the entire human person. The soul also refers to the innermost aspect of the human person. It is of greatest value to human existence (Matt. 10:28, 26:28). The soul is that by which human beings, most especially, are in God's image: soul signifies the spiritual principle in every human being (CCC 363). The human body shares in the dignity of “the image of God”: It is a human body precisely because it is animated by a spiritual soul, and it is the whole human person that is intended to become, in the body of Christ, a temple of the Holy Spirit of God (cf. 1 Cor. 6:19-20, 15:44-45). In the New Testament, Jesus is seen as the image or, in the original Greek, as the icon of God. Paul speaks of Christ as “the image of God” (2 Cor. 4:4) and sees others as conformed to this image by grace (Rom. 8:29; 1 Cor. 15:49; 2 Cor. 3:18). The Christological hymn of Pauline Christology written in honor of the Cosmic Christ in the letter to the Colossians sings of Christ as the “image of the invisible God” (1:15). Jesus, the Cosmic Christ, is the true image and icon of God and he is the one in whom all things are created and in whom all are reconciled (Eph. 1:10). Jesus, the Cosmic Christ, according to de Chardin, is the risen Christ. Jesus risen from the death is the true image of God, is the first born of all things in creation (Edwards 15). The Latin concept imago Dei (the image of God) transcends the human person. It is applied to the risen Christ, as the true image in whom all creatures find salvation and new life. It has a universal meaning. Christ Jesus is the image of God not just for human beings but for all creatures. For in him the reconciliation of all things is bound to take place. While recognizing this universal role of Christ as the true image of God, the Christian community has usually used the concept “image” for human beings to bring out the uniqueness of each human person before God. Patristic writers of the early Church, like Irenaeus (c.120-200 CE), distinguish between “image” and “likeness”. They used “image” to refer to humanity created by God and “likeness” for what occurs when human beings are conformed to Christ through grace. Athanasius (293-373 CE) spoke of Jesus as the true “image” and others as, by grace, “according to the image” that is Christ. The human person created in the image and the likeness of God bears the divine image of God. Over the ages there have tendencies to locate the image of God in one aspect of the human person, such as the human soul, the capacity to reason, or freewill. Some recent thinkers Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 63 have located what is unique to human beings in their self-consciousness. Karl Rahner views the human being as “creation coming to self-consciousness, able to respond to the creator in freedom and love” (189). Denis Edwards maintains that what makes the human person unique is not any capacity that the human person possesses or any partial aspect of the human person. It is the whole human being understood as personal and interpersonal. The creation of human beings in the “image of God” means that God created human beings as persons in order to embrace them in interpersonal love. Klaus Westermann interprets the phrase “image of God” in Genesis as indicating that humans are creatures with whom God is able to engage personally (Gen. 1:28, 29-30). The theologian, Karl Barth, describes the “image of God” as involving the “confrontation and reciprocity” of an “I” and “Thou” (184-185). God gave the earth to human beings. He expects every human being to use it with respect for the original good purpose for which it was given. Human beings are gifts of God. The Second Vatican Council document on the Pastoral Constitution on the Church in the World asserts that; “the human person has a unique value because he is the only creature on earth which God willed for himself”. God has imprinted his own image and likeness on human beings (cf. Gen. 1:26), conferring upon them an incomparable dignity (Gaudium et Spes 24). The place of the human person in creation is built along two axes. Firstly, the human person is part of the whole of creation and, secondly, is clearly distinguished from all the rest of creation. It is precisely this distinction that defines the relationship between the human person and the world. Such also is the distinction that exists between the ecology of the human person and the ecology of the environment. Each of the two accounts of creation in Genesis describes the radical, fundamental difference between the human person and the rest of creation. In the first account of creation, the human person was created on the same day as all the cattle, creeping things and beasts of the earth (Gen. 1:24). The human person however is not of the same nature as they are. God said; “Let us make man in our image, after our own likeness…” (Gen. 1:26). Therefore, “God created man in his image, in the image of God he created him, male and female he created them” (Gen. 1:27). The second account uses other words to express this same reality. God formed man from the dust of the earth and he “breathed into his nostrils the breath of life and man became a living being” (Gen. 2:7). The human person is therefore in personal relationship with a personal God. All human beings from the very first moment of their existence are also in relationship with other persons as well as the entirety of the creation of God (Marjorie 2). There is another fundamental distinction between human persons and the rest of creation. At the very moment of creation, God entrusted the entirety of creation to Adam and Eve, our first parents. He gave them a special mission. They are to “have dominion over (Gen. 1:26) all other living beings, to “subdue” the earth (Gen. 1:28), or according to the second account of creation, “to till it and keep it” (Gen. 2:15). They are to also rule over the animals by giving them names (Gen. 2:19-20). The human person, as the image of God, ought to act as God would in his or her relationship with the rest of creation (Marjorie 4). The ecology of the human person stems from the dignity of the human person created in the image of God and the unique place of the human person in the creation of God. Commenting on the ecology of the human person, John Paul II in his Encyclical Centesimus Annus opines that: “The human person receives from God its essential dignity Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 64 and with it the capacity to transcend every social order so as to move towards truth and goodness”. Therefore, the fundamental structure for “the ecology of the human person”, John Paul II maintains, is the family, in which a person receives his first formative ideas about truth and goodness, and learns what it means to love and to be loved, and thus what it actually means to be a person. Here, we mean the family founded on marriage, in which the mutual gift of self by husband and wife creates an environment in which children can be born and develop their potentialities, become aware of their dignity and prepare to face their unique and individual destiny. But it often happens that people are discouraged from creating the proper conditions for human reproduction and are led to consider themselves and their lives as a series of sensations to be experienced rather than as a work to be accomplished (No. 38). The result of the foregoing is a lack of freedom, which causes a man to reject a commitment to enter into a stable relationship with a woman so as to bring children into the world, or which leads people to consider children as one of the many “things” in life which an individual can have or not have, according to taste, and which compete with other possibilities (Jackson 75). In Familaris Consortio (The Role of the Christian Family in the Modern World), John Paul II states: “Today's family in the Western World is in Crisis. The widespread practice of unnatural conception, a decreasing birth rate, a rising divorce rate, a greater tolerance of pre-marital sex and adultery, sterilization and abortion, a confusion of sex roles in combination with a decline in parental authority comprise a list of contributing factors resulting in deterioration of family life.” John Paul II, in Centesimus Annus, further asserts that “It is necessary to go back to seeing the family as the sanctuary of life. The family is indeed sacred: it is the place in which life - the gift of God - can be properly welcomed and protected against the many attacks to which it is exposed, and can develop in accordance with what constitutes authentic human growth. In the face of the so-called culture of death, the family is the heart of the culture of life” (No. 39). Human ingenuity seems to be directed more towards limiting, suppressing and destroying the sources of life by having recourse to abortion, which, unfortunately, is so widespread in the world. The encyclical “Sollicitudo Rei Socialis”. John Paul II also denounced systematic anti-childbearing campaigns which, on the basis of a distorted view of the demographic problem and in a climate of “absolute lack of respect for the freedom of choice of the parties involved,” often subject them “to intolerable pressures in order to force them to submit to this new form of oppression”. These policies are extending their field of action by the use of new techniques, to the point of poisoning the lives of millions of defenseless human beings, as if in a form of “chemical warfare” (No. 25). Benedict XVI speaks of “human ecology” alongside the ecology of nature in his 2007 message for the World Day of Peace. He states that there exists what can be called a “human” ecology, which in turn demands a “social” ecology. All this means that humanity, if it truly desires peace, must be increasingly conscious of the links between natural ecology, or respect for nature and human ecology (No. 8). Benedict XVI, in Caritas in Veritate, further upholds that the Church has a responsibility towards creation and she must assert this responsibility in the public sphere. In so doing, she must defend not only the earth, water and air as gifts of creation that belong to everyone; she must, above all, protect mankind from self-destruction. There is need for what might be called a human ecology…. The deterioration of nature is, Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 65 in fact, closely connected to the culture that shapes human coexistence. The Holy Father asserts that when “human ecology” is respected within the society, environmental ecology also benefits. Just as human virtues are interrelated, such that the weakening of one places others at risk, so the ecological system is based on respect for a plan that affects both the health of society and its good relationship with nature. Furthermore, Benedict asserts: If there is a lack of respect for the right to life and to a natural death, if human conception, gestation and birth are made artificial, if human embryos are sacrificed to research, the conscience of society ends up losing the concept of human ecology and, along with it, that of environmental ecology. It is contradictory to insist that future generations respect the natural environment when our educational systems and laws do not help them to respect themselves. Our duties towards the environment are linked to our duties towards the human person (No. 51). The goal of the church's entire educational commitment, according to the XIII Ordinary General Assembly of the Synod of Bishops held in Rome with the theme: The New Evangelisation for the Transmission of the Christian Faith, is to construct what Pope Benedict XVI calls “ecology of the human person”. The Synod Fathers maintain that “there is need for what might be called a human ecology” (No. 21). In the Post-Synodal Apostolic Exhortation, Africae Munus, the Synod Fathers, states that the Church is perennially concerned with the integral development of “every man and the whole man”. The Synod Fathers took pains to emphasize the questionable elements found in certain international documents, especially those concerned with women's reproductive health. In promoting the ecology of the human person, the synod Fathers maintain that the position of the Church on abortion is unambiguous. The child in his or her mother's womb is a human life which must be protected. Abortion, which is the destruction of an innocent unborn child, is contrary to the will of God, for the value and the dignity of the human person must be protected from conception to natural death. The ecology of the human person has to be promoted, thus the Church in Africa must be committed to offering help and support to women and couples tempted to seek abortion, while remaining close to those who have had this tragic experience by helping them to grow in respect for life (No. 70). The Synod Fathers acknowledge the courage of governments that have legislated against the culture of death in favor of the culture of life. Serious threats loom over human life in Africa. Here, as elsewhere, one can only deplore the ravages of drug and alcohol abuse which destroys the continent's potential and afflicts young people in particular. Malaria, as well as tuberculosis, hepatitis, typhoid and HIV-AIDS, gravely destroy the African people and their socio-economic life. This is not enough, however, the problem goes deeper. Above all, it is an ethical problem. The change of behavior that requires – for example, sexual abstinence, rejection of sexual promiscuity, fidelity within marriage – ultimately involves the question of integral development, which demands a global response from the Church (No. 71). The prevention of AIDS, teenage pregnancies leading to abortion, the use of contraceptive pills and devices, according to the Synod Fathers, must be based on a sex education that is grounded in an anthropology anchored on the natural law and enlightened by the word of God and the Church's teaching (No. 72). The choice of name Francis by Cardinal Jorge Bergoglio upon his election as Pope was to honour the Catholic Church's patron saint of animals and the environment. In 1979, John Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 66 Paul II proclaimed St. Francis of Assisi (1181(2)-1226), the patron saint of ecologists. In his first mass as Pope, the Holy Father Pope Francis on March 19th 2013, said: “Let us be protectors of creation, protectors of God's plan inscribed in nature, protectors of one another and of the environment.” In his homily, he further upholds that we should be protectors of God's gifts because whenever we fail to live to this responsibility or fail to care for creation and our brothers and sisters, the door is open to destruction and hearts are hardened. Francis has awakened the hopes of ecologists and others who are concerned about rampant consumerism and the deterioration of the planet. In Latin America and Africa, “environmental problems are closely linked to poverty, with the poor living in areas that are the most vulnerable to climate change and the degradation of the soil,” Francis maintains (Valente 1). The world today is experiencing a global warming (greenhouse effect), the depletion of the ozone layer and the extinction of living organisms. The industrial emissions, saturation of the environment with chemicals, extensive use of pesticides in agriculture, wastes in consumption process, pollution and depletion of earth's resources and hosts of ecological crises are massively destroying the earth's natural spaces for plants, animals and human beings (Antonisamy 307). The earth is our mother. The great Benedictine Abbess of the twelfth century, Hildegard of Bingen asserts: “The earth is at the same time mother. She is mother of all that is natural, mother of all that is human. She is mother of all, for contained in her are the seeds of all”. In the face of the ecological crises of the twenty first century, mother earth is the victim. Matthew Fox warns that if this continues, “… we and our children will pay the price”. Mother earth continually bestows good health, good soils, good forests and good bodies but human beings are not responding to this immense act of blessing (Fox 13). The ecology of the human person is seriously threatened by the ecological crises of the twenty first century. Today, more than ever, in the annals of history, we are confronted by the damages human beings are exerting to the atmosphere, the rivers, and the seas of the earth. It is becoming more obvious that if human beings continue this reckless exploitation of the lands, the rivers and the seas, what we will pass on to our descendants will be an improvised and far more sterile place. In this contemporary world, we are in the midst of the process that, if allowed to continue, will end in the destruction of the ecology of the environment as well as the ecology of the human person (Edwards 1).

The Cosmic Christ in Restoring the Ecology of the Human Person The Cosmic Christ is the center of all created realities that exist in the world. All things were made through him, and without him, nothing that was made was made (John 1:3). In him is life. He is the life and the light of people (John 1:4). As the light, he shines in the darkness (John 1:5). And as the true light, he gives light to every human being that comes into the world (John 1: 9). Since the Cosmic Christ is the source of all created realities and the light that shines in every human being created in the image of God (Gen 1:27), every human person therefore needs him to work through them in order to restore the ecology of the human person by showing love and appreciation to humanity and the whole of God's creation. Jesus, the Cosmic Christ, identified with human beings in the world. As the Word of God (John 1:1), the world was made through him (John 1:3), he was in the world but the world did not recognize him (John 1:10), even his own people did not receive him (John Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 67 1:11). However, he gave the right to become children of God to all who receive him and believe in his name (John 1:12). He was the word that became flesh and made his dwelling among “us” (John 1:14). In his dwelling with human beings, he had apostles (Matt. 10:1-5; Mark 6:7-13; Luke 9:1-16) and disciples (Luke 10:1-24) who shared in his mission, in his kindness he went about doing good preaching the good news of the kingdom of God to the poor and healing every disease and sickness (Matt. 4:23-24, Matt. 9:35-36, Matt. 11:4-6), in his love he welcomed sinners and ate with them (Matt. 9:10-13; Mark 2:15-17; Luke 5:30-32; Luke 15:1-2). Jesus, the Cosmic Christ presents himself as an example and a model of human existence in a world that is full of the physically and the spiritually poor. While on earth, he administered to the needs of those who were physically and spiritually poor, his life, therefore, is a paradigm for service to many who are physically and spiritually poor in the world. Imitating Jesus, the Cosmic Christ, will help to restore human dignity and the ecology of the human person. Jesus, the Cosmic Christ, took human flesh in the womb of Mary, his mother (Luke 1:31-35). He identified himself with the people of the world. He was a lover of nature. He taught with imagery taken from his culture pointing to the birds of the air, the lilies of the field, the sower, and many more to explain the mysteries of the kingdom (Schineller 24). He also described himself using natural imageries as the door and the good shepherd (John 10:1-18), the light of the world (John 3:19, 8:12; 9:5, 12:35-36), the true vine (John 15:1-5), the bread of life (John 6:25-40), the resurrection (John 11:25) and, the way, the truth and the life (John 14:6). Jesus, the Cosmic Christ, also humbled himself and identified himself with simple cosmic elements of the cosmos; bread made of wheat and wine made of ripen grapes (Matt 26:26-28; Mark 14:22-24; Luke 22:19-20; 1 Cor. 11:23-25) to be celebrated by apostles and disciples who are cosmic images of Christ on earth (Luke 22:19). As a memorial of the Lord's Supper, all who are to participate in the celebration are also the cosmic images of Christ. All who participate in the Lord's Supper are expected to be transformed into the image of Jesus, the Cosmic Christ, and then announce his death until he comes again (1 Cor. 11:16). Christianity in the view of Edwards is a religion of promise and hope. The goal of Christianity is directed towards a future in God. The way in which the future is envisaged matters a great deal for studies in ecological theology. If Christianity is understood to be about leaving this physical world for a heavenly world; if we are only in this world for a short time before abandoning it for another, more spiritual, then the physical world faces the risk of being devalued and exploited (82). Agreeing with Edwards, human kind needs to be influenced by the theology of the Cosmic Christ. The earth is a home for all, even if there is an eschatological hope of leaving this world to a more spiritual world, there is no need to devalue and exploit the world that was created through the instrumentality of Jesus the Cosmic Christ. Studies in ecological theology suggests that the Christian hope for a better world does not imply the destruction of the ecology of the human person and the ecology of the environment. Since the Cosmic Christ liberates, heals and possesses an all-inclusive love for humanity and the whole of God's creation. Thus, all human beings, and more specifically Christians, are the cosmic images of Christ in this world. Therefore, Christians ought to work for the physical and spiritual liberation of fellow human beings, following the footsteps of the Jesus, the Cosmic Christ. Rahner, like de Chardin, takes up the issue raised by de Chardin from his own theological perspective. Rahner begins his ecological theology of the transformation of the Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 68 universe from the resurrection of Jesus. The risen Jesus who resurrected from the death is himself the Cosmic Christ who will come eventually to restore and transform the ecology of the human person and the entire universe at his parousia. Rahner also sees the resurrection of Jesus, the Cosmic Christ, as a change at the deepest level of things in the universe. The resurrection of the Cosmic Christ is not simply something that happened to the person of Jesus. Rahner opines, it is an event and a reality that has a retrospective and a prospective effect beyond the death of Jesus to entire humanity and the whole world creation. Rahner further speaks of the resurrection as the beginning of the divinization of humanity and the world. Thus, the Cosmic Christ will at his second coming restore the dignity of human persons who believe in him and therefore restore the entire creation to its original state of blessedness (Edwards 87).

Conclusion The discourse on Jesus, the Cosmic Christ, is very relevant in restoring the ecology of the human person created in the image of God. The ecology of the human person is in dare need of restoration. If the ecology of the human person is not restored, humanity as a whole stands the risks of facing extinction as a result of human activities threatening the fundamental existence of the human person on the surface of the earth. The human person passing through dehumanizing conditions of poverty, hunger and disease truly needs restoration. Jesus, the Cosmic Christ, creates, re-creates, heals, liberates, redeems and restores. At creation, the ecology of the human person was created for every human person to have a meaningful existence on the surface of the earth. Every human person was also created with the full dignity of the child of God. Human beings were given full dignity as the most valued creation of God. In the course of human history, sin and anti-human activities of human beings on the surface of the earth have been a constant threat to the beauty of life to be enjoyed by the human person in accord with God's plans. The human person stands in need of restoration. Since all of creatures are sacred, every human person created in the image of God is sacred, holding something of the word of God which is Christ. Jesus, the Cosmic Christ, dwells in every human being who accepts him. The Christians who accept Jesus therefore must realize that the Cosmic Christ dwells in them and therefore the need to permit him work in them and through them for the restoration of the human ecology to its original dignity and the blessedness.

References Antonisamy, F. An Introduction to Christian Spirituality. Bangalore: St Paul Press Training School, 2003. Benedict XVI. A discourse to the Plenary Assembly of the Pontifical Council for Culture, 28th March, 2008. Benedict XVI. Caritas in Veritate [In Charity and Truth] 2009. Benedict XVI. Message for the World Day of Peace, 2007. Benedict XVI. Post-Synodal Apostolic Exhortation Africae Munus, 2011. Bergoglio, Jorge. Homily as Pope Francis, 19th March 2013. Bit-Shing, Abraham. Evolution of the Third Nature of Christ: A Study of Peirre Theilhard de Chardin's Cosmic Christ. Washington D.C.: 1999. Boros, Ladislaus. The Cosmic Christ. London: Search Press, 1975. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 69 Catechism of the Catholic Church, Paulist Press, 2000. Edwards, Denis. Ecology at the Heart of Faith. New York: Orbis books, 2008. Fox, Matthew. The Coming of the Cosmic Christ. San Francisco: HarperCollins Publishers, 1987. Gaudium et Spes. Vatican Council II, the Conciliar and Post Conciliar Documents. Mumbai: St. Paul's Publications, 2004. Graffin, I. Mary. Body of Christ in St. Paul and in Teilhard de Chardin, Shenandoah: Faith and Reason, Christendom Press, 2001. Haught, John. The Promise of Nature: Ecology and Cosmic Purpose. New York: Paulist Press, 1993. Hayes, Zachary. The Gift of Being: A Theologian of Creation. Minnesota: The Liturgical Press, 1991. Jackson, Robert. Human Ecology: A Physician's Advice for Human Life. Massachusetts: St. Bede's Publication, 1990. John Paul II. Centesimus Annus [On the Hundredth Anniversary of Rerum Novarum] 1991. John Paul II. Familiris Consortio [The Role of the Christian Family in the Modern World] 1981. John Paul II. Sollicitudo Rei Socialis [On the Social Teaching of the Church] 1987. Karl Barth. Church Dogmatics III. Edinburgh: T and T Clark, 1958. King, Ursula. Spirit of Fire: The Life and Vision of Teilhard de Chardin. New York: Orbis Books, 1996. Marjorie, Keenan. The Ecological Problem Today: The Relation between the Human Person and the World. Pontifical Commission for Justice and Peace, September 22, 1992. McFague Sallie. The Body of God: An Ecological Theological. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1993. Ratzinger, Joseph. The Spirit of the Liturgy. San Francisco: ATC Publications Ignatius Press, 2000. Schineller, Peter. A Handbook on Inculturation. New York: Paulist Press, 1990. Smith, Robert. “Ecology.” Chicago: Encyclopaedia Britannica Student and Home Edition, 2010. Synod of Bishops, XIII Ordinary General Assembly. The New Evangelization for the Transmission of the Christian Faith. Rome: 2012. Valente, Marcela. Pope Francis Raises Hopes for an Ecological Church. Inter Press Service News Agency, 2013. Westermann, Claus. Creation. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1974. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 70 The Effects of Violent Students' Protests in Nigerian Universities, 1971-1999

Ajala, B. Luqman, Ph.D Department of History and International Studies, Al-Hikmah University, Ilorin. E-mail: [email protected]

Abstract The study investigated the effects of violent students' protests in Nigerian universities from 1971- 1999. The research adopted historical method to analyse the consequences of violent students' protests with case studies from three selected Nigerian universities. These included: The University of Ibadan, University of Ife (Obafemi Awolowo University), Ahmadu Bello University, Zaira. The results of violent students' protest in the three selected Nigerian universities had been the closure of universities; removal of university heads; loss of lives; destruction of property and extension of academic calendar and loss of study time. Student militancy and violent unionism were responsible for non-peaceful protest in Nigerian universities. Peaceful protests by students were allowed to degenerate due to the poor management of the crises. To avoid damages and destruction of life and property on campuses, university authorities and the government ought to resolve students' conflicts non-violently. Students ought to maintain peace and avoid destruction of life and property during protest on campus. Keywords: Effect, Destruction, Non-violently, Students' Union and Protest

Introduction The overall goal of this research is to investigate the consequences of students' protests in Nigerian universities in relation to the emergence of volatile student activism on campuses during the period of study. From the available evidence on students' protests, records had shown that violent student unionism most often acted as a catalyst for the incidence of students' crises in the universities. This is because the strength for protest/demonstration (aluta) by students gathered momentum through student unionism. On the student crisis in Nigerian universities, for example, Sani (1979: 47-48) noted that: “Students Power” denotes the rising tempo of students' unrest which results from students' demands for or against a particular policy or particular policies either by the government or the university authorities, or both”. In this regard, Sani observed: “the Students' Unions see themselves as a revolutionary force which has the primary aim of expressing, 'in a determined form', the moral and intellectual criticisms of the society” (Sani, 1979: 47-48). On a further stretch, Olaniyi (2012:222) in a research elucidated that “student organisations served as platforms for militarism in the student union movement in Nigeria”. Again, Ashby and Anderson (1970) in “The Rise of the Student Estate in Britain” observed that student protests and actions had been features of all societies, and that student activism arose from the conviction of societal justice which had been lacking over the ages. In this respect, Obaro Ikime (1973: 256) stated that: “under the banner of student unionism, Nigerian university students have demonstrated against various issues - some national, some internal”. Concerned about the magnitude of the crises, it is important to mention here that some scholars have conducted research and found out the consequential effects of student Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 71 activism and political radicalism in Nigerian universities which would be discussed in this research. Meanwhile, the findings by these scholars would give us an insight about the effects of students' protest in the selected Nigerian universities from 1971-1999. Ibukun (1997) and Akindutire (2004) in their researches observe that the result of student militancy and violent unionism has been the constant closure of universities, destruction of property and removal of Vice-Chancellors, among others. They emphasise in their argument that in the defence of students' interests and welfare, the Students' Union had on occasions mobilised students for action (aluta), thus leading to peace disturbances on campus, destruction of life and properties within and without the university. Although in a rare occasion, the Union had sought to explore avenues of dialogue and negotiation with authorities. It was when such avenues were denied or had failed that protest, demonstration and violence had taken place (Omari &Mihyu, 1991: 14 & 70). In a study by Sanda (1992:5), Quality in University Education, the many symptoms of student crisis were highlighted. Among others, as relevant here, the author emphatically discussed about the frequent disruption of the academic calendar by student riots and the resultant closure of the universities. He maintained that: “It is certainly more than a decade ago since many of the universities enjoyed a full and uninterrupted academic year”. Following from the foregoing, Olaniyi (2012: 224) submitted that whenever students protested during the period under study, such protest often ended up with disastrous consequences for the universities. Based on the aforementioned facts, findings from research had equally revealed that closure of universities; removal of university heads; loss of lives; destruction of property and extension of academic calendar and loss of study time had resulted from violent outbursts by students and the coercive responses from the state (Denga, 1982; Alubo, 1997).

Discussion and case studies Under the discussion here, this study shall give meaning to all which have been explained above with relevant examples from the selected Nigerian universities. These included: the University of Ibadan, University of Ife (Obafemi Awolowo University), Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria. For instance, when University of Ibadan students embarked on violent demonstrations on campus over food/cafeteria matter in 1971, the student action precipitated the closure of the university which ultimately paralysed academic programmes in the institution. However, this closure was meant to end the week-long student crisis on campus, in which the students and the police engaged themselves in battle. Meanwhile, report had it that the peaceful demonstration by the students degenerated when students noticed the presence of police on campus. According to the Comments of the Federal Military Government on the Kazeem Report, (1971:7) “It was the over-zealousness of Mr. Towuru, Deputy Superintendent of Police, in bringing the policemen to the administration block at the time when the demonstration was still peaceful that provoked reaction from the student”. By this closure, all academic programmes in the university were suspended as students were made to stay away from campus for several months. In another development, the crisis generated by the National Union of Nigerian Students (NUNS) in 1973 had its toll on university education in Nigeria as government closed down all universities in the country. This happened when university students embarked on nationwide violent demonstrations against the introduction of the National Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 72 Youth Service Corps (NYSC). On the heel of this crisis, academic activities in Nigerian universities remained paralysed for months, as student activism on university campuses had prompted the shutdown of these institutions. Meanwhile, the nationwide student demonstration was organised by the National Union of Nigerian Students (NUNS) in opposition to the (NYSC) scheme by government which had mandated a year national service for all university graduates in Nigeria. Similarly, academic programmes in some universities were grounded to a halt in the aftermath of the Students' Union demonstrations against the postponement of the transition programme to civil rule by the military government under General Gowon. The resultant violence from the student demonstrations precipitated forceful closure of the following universities: University of Ibadan, Ibadan, University of Nigeria, Nnsuka, University of Ife, Ile-Ife (Obafemi Awolowo University) and Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria. In another instance, the crises generated by university students in Nigeria during Kunle Adepeju 3rd memorial in 1974 prompted the closure of some universities by the government. The closure became apparent as a result of conflict between University of Ibadan students and the police over dispute on a public rally held by the students at Ibadan. Moreover, the student crisis at Ibadan spread to other universities which eventually led to their closure. The affected universities were University of Lagos, University of Ife (Obafemi Awolowo University), Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, and University of Benin (Ojo, 1995). Consequent upon the Students' Union demonstrations in Nigeria in 1978, academic activities in the universities were brought to a standstill, as students boycotted lectures on April 17 in compliance with the National Union of Nigerian Students (NUNS) directive to all Nigerian universities for boycott of lectures and off-campus demonstrations against fees increment by the government. Without formal consultation with the federal ministry of education and notification of several university authorities, the NUC publicly announced, on 6 April 1978, new rates of fees for boarding (Tamuno, 1989). While analysing students crises in African universities, Balsvik in a study had singled out this kind of situation as one of the effects of student activism and unrest in Nigerian universities. In 1984, university education in Nigeria suffered a setback when all universities and other higher institutions were closed due to violent student demonstrations. It would be recalled that the students in this particular instance demonstrated against government policy that cancelled food/cafeteria system in all higher institutions in Nigeria. In another case, studies in Nigerian universities were disrupted in the aftermath of nationwide violent protests by university students in 1988, when government removed subsidy on petroleum and increased the prices of petroleum products. Report had it that many universities in the country lost about seven months' academic calendar to the student crisis when the military government of General Babangida ordered their closure. In similar development, in the following year when Nigerian university students violently protested the harsh economic effects of SAP in the nation, all universities in Nigeria were equally shut down. This closure lasted between five and six months on the order of the government (Sanda, 1991). Again, when the local currency naira was devalued by the government in 1992, Nigerian university students embarked on nationwide violent demonstrations against the government. In similar reaction, the result of the nationwide student demonstration was the closure of all higher institutions in Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 73 Nigeria for several months (Aluede et al, 2005). Connected with the issue of closure was the extension of academic calendar, which in itself constituted a subject for concern. Obviously, the attention of this study has been drawn to the fact that the academic calendar of affected universities suffered whenever students' demonstration on campus would warrant closure. What this implied was the fact that authorities in Nigerian universities often adjusted their academic calendar to be able to cover the lost grounds when the universities resumed after such closure. Taiwo (2004) in a research on this subject observed that: the academic programmes offered in the Nigerian universities were often disrupted as a result of incessant closure. However, the author argued that such a situation often resulted in inadequate work, poor performance and outright failure in the universities. Aluede, et al (2004) also corroborated Taiwo by observing in their study towards a psychological frame for explicating students' unrest in Nigerian Universities that incessant closure of universities whenever there was student demonstration had an adverse effect on the scope and curriculum of programmes offered in Nigerian Universities. Akomolafe and Ibijola (2011) had this to say in connection to the foregoing issue: Frequent student protests have led to perennial closure of the universities such that most of the academic calendars in Nigerian universities are no longer strictly followed. These authors observed further “the Senates of most Nigerian universities used to cancel a whole academic session following a cumulative effect of prolonged irregular academic sessions”. Ayodele (2005) in a comment on the matter blamed the decline in productivity in the Nigerian universities on irregular academic calendars, and argued further that, the situation had also encouraged examination malpractices by students and cultism on university campuses in Nigeria. The death of students, as well as injuries had also resulted from violent students' demonstrations on university campuses during the period in this study. Nonetheless, there is enough evidence in research which had argued that student casualties were often recorded in the ensued battle with armed security forces during their demonstrations. In this instance, a number of cases had been reported in the literature, as Ade – Ajayi, a former Vice – Chancellor of University of Lagos had this to say on this situation: We have had a long record of various manifestations of students, armed with stones and broken bottles, confronting anti - riot police armed with guns and live ammunition. Regularly, such confrontations ended with several students killed and a few policemen wounded by the stones and broken bottles that got past the policemen's shields (Ade-Ajayi in Ojo, 1995: xiii). In an established case, the first time when a university student died during a student demonstration on campus was in 1971 at the University of Ibadan. At this juncture, it is worthy of note to emphasise the fact that the 1971 incident at Ibadan marked the beginning in the killing of students on campus by armed police/soldiers in Nigeria. Laying credence to this fact, Sanda (1992) observed that in 1971, one student, Kunle Adepeju, was killed by a police bullet, while eleven others were injured during a violent students' demonstration against authorities over feeding/cafeteria matter in the university. A Commission of Inquiry headed by Justice Muhammed Kazeem was constituted by the government to look into the causes of the crisis. However, the outcome of the commission did not stop the killing of students by security personnel during student's demonstrations. For instance, armed police and soldiers killed seven students at Ahmadu Bello University Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 74 and killed four students at the University of Lagos in 1978 when government ordered the armed security personnel to quell the nationwide student demonstrations popularly referred to as “Ali Must Go” In a related development, seven students lost their lives to student unrest at the University of Ife (Obafemi Awolowo University) in 1981 when the university students engaged in anti-government demonstration over the brutal murder of a colleague, an undergraduate female student, Bukola Arogundade, who was beheaded outside the campus for ritual purpose. Nonetheless, it was reported that the students met their deaths during the demonstration when the police fired shot at them in the course of their intervention in the crisis. As a result of the incident, the government later constituted a Panel of Investigation into the crisis (Ojo, 1995). The Academic Staff Union of Nigerian University-Ife Branch (ASUU-Ife) reported that the above incident led to the death of six students in the university during their encounter with the police over the death of a colleague believed to have been killed for ritual purpose outside the university campus (ASUU-Ife, 1981). Also, two students were feared killed during the student demonstration at Ahmadu Bello University in 1981, as the police who were invited on campus to end the crisis opened fire on the demonstrating students. This happened when the students embarked on a violent demonstration on campus over the non - availability of rice on the menu list from the beginning of the 1980/81 session till 30th January 1981. In another instance, four demonstrating students at Ahmadu Bello University lost their lives in May 1986 during a student demonstration to commemorate the death of Nigerian students in the 1978 nationwide student demonstrations (Ali Must Go). This incident happened when security forces engaged the students to enforce the closure of the university. However, the peaceful demonstration by the students escalated into violence when university authorities expelled the Students' Union leaders for violating the rules of the university. Reporting the same incident in a study, Etadon (2013) remarked that five students were reportedly killed by the police who fired live ammunition at them. This event provoked reactions by students from other universities in Nigeria who subsequently embarked on violent demonstrations. In response, the military government enforced closure of all universities and higher institutions in Nigeria. In 1989, many demonstrating students were reportedly killed by the police/army who opened fire on them during a nationwide demonstration against the state over the introduction of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP). In another incident in 1992, Aluede et al (2005) reported that many university students in Nigeria were killed by armed security personnel who confronted the students while demonstrating against the state over the deregulation of Nigerian currency (Naira). This particular demonstration was nationwide, which involved students from all universities and other higher institutions in Nigeria. In the student demonstrations against the annulment of the presidential election on June 12, 1993, armed police and soldiers killed many demonstrating students in Lagos and other places on the order of the military government in Nigeria. Beside the aforementioned, public and private properties were often vandalised by students while protesting/demonstrating on campuses. Under these circumstances, university property became objects of attack, as demonstrating students wilfully caused damage on them. In discussing this negative trend further, demonstrating students oftentimes vandalised university property as well as government property like vehicles and public buildings outside the university. As a case study, the protesting students at the Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 75 University of Ibadan damaged the glass panes and louvers in the administrative block and other places in the rampage on campus during the 1971 food crisis in the university. Equally, the Vice-Chancellor's official vehicle was reportedly vandalised as the demonstrating students upturned his car in the process (Kazeem Report, 1971: Part IV. Sec.19, Para.4: 26). Similarly, in the cause of students' activism on campus, Obaro Ikime (1973) in a study reported that the Students' Union officials at the University of Ibadan led other students and vandalised the homes of some lecturers during the 1975/76 session when the university authorities banned student unionism in the institution. Equally, property within and without Ahmadu Bello University were destroyed by demonstrating students over shortage of Rice menu during the 1980/81 session in the institution. By this action, the university authorities invited the police on campus to end the violence and subsequently closed down the university. Other consequences of violent student demonstrations in Nigerian universities had also been witnessed in the removal of university heads from office and dismissal of staff. In the history of university governance and administration in Nigeria, evidence has shown that some Vice-Chancellors had lost their jobs to student protests. In this instance, findings from investigation conducted on student crisis by Ibukun (1997); Akindutire (2004) had indicated that one major hindrance for effective university management in Nigeria was consequential to the removals of Vice-Chancellors and dismissal of staff (both teaching and non-teaching) which had resulted from violent student demonstration in Nigerian universities. On this issue, Komolafe in a research mentioned thus: “in the aftermath of the 1978 nationwide student protests, the left-wing intellectuals who were in support of student activism at the University of Ibadan such as Comrade Ola Oni, Professor Bade Onimode, Dr. Akin Ojo and others had their appointment terminated by the university (Komolafe, 2005: 136). On the other hand, Ladipo corroborated findings on this subject, where she analysed the events which led to the ouster of some Vice- Chancellors in Nigerian universities. According to this author, at a point it got to the situation where students, particularly students at Ahmadu Bello University, had tended to determine the nature of their university Vice-Chancellors through student protests/demonstration (Ladipo, 2000: 325). In the analysis of the foregoing incidents, Ladipo said this: Prof. Alexander (1967) had to leave as Vice-Chancellor of Ahmadu Bello University because of the crisis on the “mature students programme”. The aftermath of Kunle Adepeju 1971 student demonstration at the University of Ibadan culminated in the removal of Prof. Adeoye Lambo; while Prof. Isahaya Audu (1970) had his tenure cut short as the Chief Executive of Ahmadu Bello University because of students' unrest over the quality of their food. The Vice-Chancellors of Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, and University of Lagos, Prof. Iya Abubakar and Prof. Ade Ajayi (1978) were forced to resign from office following student protests over the increase in school fees and “Alli Must Go” demonstration. Commenting on the above incidents, Tamuno observed thus: As a fallout from the student crises of 1978 when some students at University of Lagos and Ahmadu Bello University were killed by security forces, the outcome of the commission of inquiry forced government to withdraw the services of some academics in the University of Ibadan and the sacking of Professors Ade Ajayi and Iya Abubakar as Vice-Chancellors of University of Lagos and Ahmadu Bello University respectively. Prof. Akinkugbe did not fare better as the Vice-Chancellor of Ahmadu Bello University. Students' demonstration, Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 76 because of JAMB admission in the university, put an end to his tenure. Students' protest against Prof. Ango Abdullahi at Ahmadu Bello University (1986) for “high-handedness” resulted in the Panel of Inquiry under Major-General Abisoye (Rtd.) which recommended to the government that the Vice-Chancellor should resign from office (Ladipo, 2000: 325). However, the removal of the universities Chief-Executives were effected by the government based on recommendations to it by various Inquiry Committees empanelled to inquire into various incidents of student crises in Nigerian universities.

Conclusions It could be deduced from the study that most students' protests in the Nigerian universities during the period of study were non-peaceful. Findings from this study have shown that students' militancy and violent student unionism had been responsible for non- peaceful students' protest leading to destructions in Nigerian universities. In the foregoing, whenever students protested during the period under study, such protest often ended up with disastrous consequences for the universities. The consequences of violent students' protests had been witnessed in the closure of Nigerian universities; removal of university heads; loss of lives; destruction of property and extension of academic calendar and loss of study time. It is obvious in this research that many students' protests degenerated to violence due to lack of proper management of the crisis. Moreover, most students' protests lacked proper coordination as the hoodlums hijacked the initial peaceful protest, causing mayhem and destructions in the process.

Recommendations To avoid damages and destruction of life and property on campuses, university authorities and the government ought to resolve conflicts generated by students non- violently. By realising the above, authorities (university or government) should be prepared to tackle student conflicts at the latent level, by not allowing it to graduate to open conflict that might degenerate into crisis. Similarly, the Students' Union body needs to be transformed into productive means, as a structure receptive to peaceful resolution of conflicts rather than usual confrontation (aluta). Since students have legitimate rights to demonstrate or protest on campus, such must be conducted in a peaceful manner, devoid of destruction or loss of life. In case of violence and destructions during students' protest, the leadership of the protest must be held accountable.

References

Akindutire, I. O. (2004). Administration of Higher Education. Lagos: Sunray Press.

Akomolafe, C. O. and Ibijola, E. Y. (2011). Students' Participation in University Governance and Organizational Effectiveness in Ekiti and Ondo States, Nigeria. American Journal of Social and Management Sciences. ISSN Print: vol.2 (2) p.231-236. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 77 Alubo, O. (1997). On Campus Cultocracy. The Guardian Newspaper, January 26, p.A8

Aluede, O. O., Jimoh, B., Agwinede, B. O. and Omoregie, E. O. (2005). Students' Unrestin Nigerian Universities: Looking back and forward. Journal of Social Science vol. 10. 1, p.17-22.

Aluede, Oyaziwo, Imahanlahimi, Joseph (2004). Towards a Psychological Frame for Explicating Students' unrest in Nigerian Universities. Project Innovation: College Student Journal Publisher vol.38.No. 1. Web. 10 August.

Ashby, E. and Anderson, M. (1970). The Rise of the Student Estate in Britain. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvrad University Press.

ASUU-Ife (1981). Report of the Administrative Inquiry (by ASUU) into the Police- Student Clash on Sunday, the 7th of June at Ile-Ife. Ayodele, J. B. (2005). Fundamentals of Systems Analysis in Education. Lagos: Bolabay Publications.

Denga, D. (1982). Student Counselling: A Major Solution to Campus Unrest. Orit Egwa Limited.

Etadon, F. I. (2013). Campus Conflict Involving Students' and University Management in Nigeria. International Journal of Education. vol. 5 No. 3, p.333-343.

Federal Republic of Nigeria, Report of the University of IbadanCommission ofInquiry into the Disturbances on the Campus, 1 February, 1971, Lagos, Federal Ministry of Information, 1971. (The Justice B. O. Kazeem Report).

Ibukun, W. O. (1997). Educational Management: Theory and Practice. Ado-Ekiti: Green-line Publishers.

Ikime, O. (1973). Problems of Student Welfare. In J. F. Ade-Ajayi and T. N. Tamuno (eds.), The University of Ibadan, 1948-1973: A History of the First Twenty-five Years. Ibadan: University Press, p.237-265.

Komolafe, G. (2005). The Years of the Barricades. In B. Beckman and Y. Z. Ya'u (eds.), Great Nigerian Students: Movement Politics and Radical Nationalism. CRDK Kano and PODSU Stolkholm: Akademitryck, Sweden, p.135-144.

Ladipo, M. (2000). University Governance and Administration, 1948 - 1998. In B. A. Mojuetan, (ed), Ibadan at 50, 1948-1998: Nigeria's Premier University in Perspective. Ibadan: University Press, p.295-334.

Ojo, J. D. (1995). Students Unrest in Nigerian Universities: A Legal and Historical Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 78 Approach. Ibadan, Nigeria: Spectrum Books Ltd. Olaniyi, R. O. (2012). “Nigeria is not a Banana Republic”: Student Unionism and Police Brutality in Nigeria, 1978-1998. In Albert, I. O. (ed), A History of Social Conflict and Conflict Management in Nigeria. Ibadan: John Archers, p.218-235.

Omari, I. M. and Mihyo, P. B. (1991). The Roots of Students' Unrest in African Universities. The Hague, Holland: Institute of Social Studies.

Sanda, A. O. (1992). Quality in University Education. In Sanda, A. O. Managing Nigerian Universities: Ibadan: Spectrum Book Limited, p.5.

Sanda, A. O. (1992). Managing Nigerian Universities. Ibadan: Spectrum Book Limited.

Sanda, A. O. (1991). Violent Student Protests, Government Response and Death on Nigerian Universities Campuses. In Sada, A.O. (ed), Understanding Higher Educational Administration in Nigeria. Fact Finders International, p.92-104.

Sani, U. (1979). The Dynamics of Students' Unionism in Nigeria. Kano: Bagauda Press Ltd.

Taiwo, O. (2004). An Appraisal of the Use of Threat or Violence in Resolving Students' Crises in our Universities. In Lai Olurode and Omololu Soyombo (eds), Reading in Campus Violence, Lagos: John West Publication Ltd, p.237-256.

Tamuno, T. N. (1989) Peace and Violence: The Panel on Nigeria since Independence History Project. Lagos: Federal Government Press. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 79

Forms and Functions of The Nice Properties of English

Mohammad Idris S/kudu, PhD Department of English and Literary Studies, Faculty of Arts Taraba State University, Jalingo E-mail: [email protected]

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Isa Adamu Haliru, PhD Department of Languages and Linguistics, Faculty of Arts Taraba State University, Jalingo E-mail: [email protected]

Abstract This paper, examines auxiliary verbs generally. The number of elements that are involved, their syntactic and semantic properties. It has been observed that auxiliary verbs behave differently from main verbs in many respects. However, both auxiliary and main verbs are alike in terms of tense carrying information and sometimes performed identical functions in syntactic analysis. It has been established in this study that the syntactic phenomena involving negation, inversion, contraction and ellipsis are reliable criteria for auxiliaryhood in English Language. Key Words: Negation, Inversion, Contraction and Ellipsis.

Introduction Syntax in any natural language can be referred to as the form or structure or the combinatory words into phrases, and phrases account for clauses and ultimately sentences. As it is in English, the NICE properties by extension is an acronym. Simply, N- stands for Negation, I- stands for Inversion, C- stands for Contraction and E – stands for Ellipsis. The main thrust of the paper is to explore the NICE Properties; how they co-occur in the structure of sentences. These properties are part of the grammatical elements that are somehow problematic to L2 learners of English language. Syntax also deals with the organization of words into phrases, phrases into clauses and clauses into sentence(s). It can equally be said to be the appropriate ways of ordering of linguistic elements to give sense or meaning to an entire structure. Syntax, therefore, is ruled governed. In any natural language, negative forms of expression are formed by so many ways. It is sometimes language specific, every human language has its peculiar way of forming negative expression that is rejection or contradiction of a part or entire proposition. The operators used in English negation could be quite different from African languages. This is because, as earlier stated, Syntax is Language Specific. This assertion is venerated in Boadi, Grieve and Nwanko (2004:160), that in normal speech, the negative in English is formed in the following ways; (n't) is added to the operator to express negations as in can't, couldn't, isn't, etc. This applies to such auxiliary verbs like is, are, were, had, did, etc. On the other hand, at word level, other operators are the prefix Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 80 morphemes, i.e., prefix morphemes added to the base of the word to indicate negation at the word level. This equally can be seen in such words like dis + approve – disapprove, Un + happy – unhappy and Im + possible – impossible. Such bound morphemes that were added to the base, transformed the lexical items into negative expression in English language. Other parameters used in negation are such lexical items “never, none, nothing, etc.” The properties of negation are adopted to distinguish between affirmative and negative expressions in the clause structure of English. This has been justified by Huddleston (2005:143). The criteria apply directly to declarative main clauses, but others can be classified derivatively [I wonder] “whether they were helpful”. At the general level, the term negative clause may be defined as a grammatically distinct class of clause whose members are characteristically used to express logical negation. Logical negating expression reverses its truth value: thus if “they were helpful”, for example, is true then “they weren't helpful” it will be false and vice versa. Therefore, the most straightforward form of negation in English is what we call “verb negation”, it could be inflectional as in isn't or analytical (is not).

Negation According to Jespersen (1917), the concept of negation has a long history in human language. The expressions have markers to denote negative thought in human languages. Scholars such as Jespersen, Lyon and other linguists discussed negation at length and in one of his treaties, Jespersen (1917) made elaborate illustrations on how and where such expressions are used in English. The linguist further identified the functions of negation in natural languages. Jespersen cited examples in French Language, and the elements of negation. This can be attested in Jespersen (1917:13), in old French “non” becomes “nen” as in nenil nenni, which is translated as “not he” “not it”. Such expression of negation is equally obtainable in English language. In the Old English (OE) where the stronger negative, which were used (and required) when there was no verb. In English, there was a development that obviates this disadvantage. This could be seen in the Elizabethans that began the use of auxiliary “do” indiscriminately in all kinds of sentences. It expressed emphasis or grammatical purpose. Thus, we have such expression as; “I do not say or I will not say, I cannot say, I have not said, etc.” became “not” cannot keep up its strongly stress pronunciation, and though the weakening we arrive at the colloquial as in “I don't say” (Jespersen, 1917). Therefore, for the purpose of this discussion, on negation, our attention would be focused on the forms and functions of such grammatical expressions; the rationale is that most learners of English as L2 have serious problems in identifying the forms and functions of negation. Some elements are used to form negation using either prefixation “dis” “un” or the negation elements as “not” or “never”, etc. Negation as an expression in human language is functional. Matthews (2007:260) asserts that negation is marked by negative particle “not”, also of similar elements or process within words, e.g., “unhappy” is a negative objective whose sense negates that of “happy”. It is an opposition action of the word. Matthews further argued that such modal auxiliary + negation contraction also form part of negation expression in “don't”, “Shouldn't”. In the same mannerism, Lyons (1977:169) says a proposition is true if and only it denotes or refers to a state of affairs which actually exists in the world that the proposition purports to describe. He says snow is white is true only if snow is white. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 81 Forms and Functions of Negation Negation is a process that turns an affirmative proposition into its opposite counterpart. This could be seen in (1): (1) - I do not like playing football. - She does not listen to pop music. - I have not read this book yet. - I will not participate in that competition Other forms of negation in English language include; long negative and short negative forms (contraction). Consider the example as in (2): (2) Long Forms Short Forms (contracted) do not don't does not doesn't are not aren't is not isn't, etc. In English grammar, sentence negation is a type of negation that affects the meaning of the entire clause refers to as sentential negation, clausal, negation and nexal negation. Sentence negation is a type of negation that affects the meaning of the entire clauses. Sentence negation is commonly indicated in English by using the negation element “not” or the contracted form – n't. Negation can be used as indirect caution of negative connotation as in (3): (3) 1. Don't urinate here 2. Don't sleep around 7:00pm Also, it can occur with empty subject like imperative as in (4): (4) 1. Don't be silly. 2. Don't be stupid. 3. Don't be reckless with your life. 4. Don't be foolish. Sometimes in colloquial English, sentence negation may be indicated by phrases such as hell and no way. Sometimes, adverbs are used as sentence-negative words in English expression. Consider the example in (5): (5) barely scarcely rarely seldom hardly Inversion Inversion is one of the components of the NICE properties of English grammar. The concept is important in modern English grammar because it's used in the transformation strategy. Question formation using the auxiliary verbs or “be verbs” to form inversion via movement. Some grammarians refer to it “verb inversion”. As righty pointed put by Todd and Hancock (1990:254), the commonest form of inversion in English involves transformation into a question by inverting the be/do/have auxiliaries. Consider the following examples as in (6): (6) Statement Inversion He is a fool. Is he a fool? She doesn't like money. doesn't she like money? He has been singing. has he been singing? The examples above illustrate the form and how an auxiliary is used to form question in English. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 82 On the other hand, the generalists capture inversion under syntax processes (2004) illustrates inversion in English syntax as an inverted auxiliary may be a modal, which is inherently finite or an aspectual auxiliary which bears tense and we never get a non- infinite form of the auxiliary in the inverted position. Comparing Todd and Hancock with the view of the generalists, one can infer that the linguists affirmed that auxiliary verbs are used to form verb inversion in English. Linguists have shared a common ground on the use of auxiliary in determining inversion construction as transformations strategy. But where they departed, Newson added, the use of indirect infinite or aspectual auxiliary which bear tense and we never get a non-finite forms of auxiliary in the inverted positions. Consider the following examples as in (7): (7) Could they be finished? Have they finished? Are they starting again? Having him been seen? For Newson, the auxiliary verb moves to the complement position from the inflectional position. It is straightforward with modal as they are generated in the inflection position at D-Structure undergoes a movement from Inflectional to complementizer in certain interrogative structures. Consider the diagrammed in (8a): (8a) CP C IP DP I I VP

In the same vein, the case of aspectual auxiliary is the same as viewed by Newson. He notes that the auxiliaries are inverted elements that may move from tense position to inflectional position when there is null agreement in I, they also undergo movement from I – C as represented in (8b):

(8b) CP C IP DP I you I V Ø V VP

have seen my book

Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 83 Main verbs are problematic, as they do not appear to be moved to the C position as exemplified in (9): (9) a. Have you read the book? b. I read you the book c. Did you read this book? Movement under government is licensed by move-alphat. The theory places constrain on movement. Under this theory not every element can move. Contraction Contraction is an abbreviated version of subject and verb (i.e. he is he's) or a verb and the negative adverb not (i.e., is not isn't). English Speakers indulge in shortcut to express a complete thought, and to this end, they resort to contractions for brevity. Many contractions took the forms of abbreviated versions of verb phrases in the negative form. An apostrophe (') replaces the missing letters. A verb phrase in the negative form includes the word not E.g. I have not seen the new building. Have you not seen enough? The contraction combines the not (negator marker) and an auxiliary or liking verb into one word level, thereby replacing the 'o' in not with an apostrophe (') as can be seen in (10): (10): is not isn't should not shouldn't does not doesn't have not haven't It is important to note here that not every auxiliary contracts itself easily with not. Some require special adjustment to render the resulting contraction easy to be pronounced as in (11): (11): will not won't Shall not shan't Similarly, verbs can be contracted with pronouns and the verb have with some auxiliaries. The pronoun “I” can be contracted with “am” and “have”. This can be exemplified as in (12): (12): I am I'm I have I've More so, the pronouns you (singular and plural) we and they can be contracted with the verbs are or have as in (13): (13) you are you're we have we've they have they've

The pronouns he, she and it can equally be contracted with the verb is and has. Consider in (14): (14) he is he's She is she's It has it's The auxiliary verbs might, should, could and would are often contracted with have as in (15) (15) might have might've should have should've could have could've would have would've Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 84 The main function of contraction is the economy of expression. However, contraction is appropriate to a certain degree in causal writing, but they can be avoided in more formal documents. This statement of warning is credited to Strumpf and Douglas (nd:91). Ellipsis The domain within which Ellipsis is discussed here assumes two dichotomies:- Ellipsis can be represented by punctuation marks. These two categories are as a matter of fact mutually complementary. The relationship between syntax and morphology is so close that word level representation is derived from morphology, hence the marriage between syntax and morphology. Williams (1981) in Yusuf (2011:8) notes that morphological and syntactic processes are united in a mutual relationship. In what follows, this system of synergy as suggested by Baker is referred to as the mirror principle. The principle states that, morphological derivation must directly reflect syntactic derivations and syntactic derivation must reflect morphological derivation. For the purpose of the current discussion on Ellipsis, our attention is focused on the syntactic level of description. Therefore, as it stands currently, calls for more profound and broad study on Ellipsis which is one of our subject matters. According to Matthews (2007:119), Ellipsis is a syntactic devise of omission of one or more elements from a construction, especially when they are supplied by the context. E.g. if James ask Bitrus, have you seen my wallet? James might answer elliptically I'm afraid I haven't, with the remainder of the construction (seen your wallet) to be understood from the question. Hence, to ellipt: thus seen your wallet would be ellipted in Bitrus' answer. Godstein, Waugh and Linsky (2010:147) note that an ellipsis is three spaced periods appearing together. This punctuation is effective in condensing a long quotation that contains more information or words than the writer wants to quote. If the omission appears at the end of the quotation, use three to four periods for the ellipsis and one for the end of the sentence. For the purpose of easy understanding, punctuation marks are used to represent the missing words.

Ellipsis by Period A series of periods, known as an ellipsis, indicates missing words in a quote. Three periods indicate words missing at the beginning of the quote or within the quote. An ellipsis of four periods at the end of a quote where words are missing. The series of periods include the period that ends the sentence as in (16) e.g. Give me a dozen healthy infants… and I'll guarantee to take any one at random and train him to become any type of specialist might select… Strumpf and Douglas (nd:501, 502 and 517).

Ellipsis by Comma Do use a comma to indicate the ellipsis of a word in a sentence. E.g. Frank is a strong man, and Hank, a clever man. In this example, the second comma marks the omission of the main verb “is”. We could have written the sentence as follows: Consider (17) Frank is a strong man, and Hank is a clever man. Ellipsis by question marks and exclamation marks. Ellipsis can be used with question marks and exclamation marks. Simply place the appropriate punctuation after an ellipsis of three periods. She cried, “How can that be…? I exclaimed, you're leaving me…!” 85 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies Conclusion To round off this paper, it has became apparent to state here that the most reliable criteria for establishing auxiliaryhood in the syntactic analyses is by explicating the NICE Properties. In what follows, only auxiliary verbs can be followed by negation marker “not” marking sentential relation as in Adamu will not represent the Dean. Similarly, only auxiliary verbs undergo subject-auxiliary inversion as in Will Mohammed attend the meeting today? Equally from our analysis, it has been established that only auxiliary verbs bear contracted forms with the suffix n't, as in Adamu wouldn't leave PDP. Finally, the complement of an auxiliary verb, but not of a main verb, can be elided. This is exemplified in “if there is anybody spoiling football, FIFA is…”

References Boadi, L.A., Grieve D.W. Nwanko, B. Grammatical Structure and it's Teaching. African Universities Press, 2004. Goldstein, B. Waugh, J. Link K Grammar to Go: Its' Work and How to use it. Wadsworth. Cengage Learning, 2010. Huddleston, R. English Grammar: An Outline, Cambridge University Press United Kingdom, 2005. Jespersen, O. Negation in English and other Languages, Forgotten Books, 2012. Lyons J. Introduction to theoretical linguistics, Cambridge University Press, 1977. Matthews, P. The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Linguistics. Oxford University Press, 2007. Newson, M. Basic English Syntax with Exercise. Bolsesz Konzorcium. Mindes Jog Fenntartva, 2004. Strumpf, M. and Douglas, A. The Complete Grammar, Goodwill Publish House, B3 Rattan Juoti, New Delhi, India. (nd). Williams, E., Argument Structure and Morphology. Linguist Review, Vol. 1, pg 81 – 114, 1981. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 86

Impact of Nigerian Civil War On Anyigba, North Central Nigeria, 1967- 1970

Ezeogueri-Oyewole, Anne Nnenna & Nda Mariam Department of History and International Studies. Kogi State University, Anyigba, Nigeria. Email: [email protected], Phone: 08133257023, 08057288068

Abstract The Nigeria- war also known as the Nigeria civil war impacted majorly on the because Igboland happened to be the theater of the war. This notwithstanding, the war drastically affected other parts of the country as well. Among these is Anyigba, Kogi State, the focus of this paper. The aims of this study are to examine the impact of the civil war on Anyigba community, to explain the history and nature of the Nigeria Biafra war in 1967-1970 and to elucidate the fact that other parts of the country were drastically affected by the war as well as Igboland. The historical and descriptive forms of writing were employed here. The paper utilizes both the primary and secondary sources of data. The study reveals that the civil war had devastating demographic, political, economic, educational, socio-cultural and religious effects on Anyigba. The study concludes that the civil war led to the death of some persons and displacement of people and properties lost, besides truncating trade and other economic activities in Anyigba. Also, the death of some persons as a result of the war led to the drastic reduction of population of Anyigba. Keywords: Biafra war, civil war, Ibo, Nigeria, Anyigba, Dekina,

Introduction The Nigerian civil war known as the Biafran war was fought between 6th July, 1967 and 15th January, 1970. The war was between the government of Nigeria and the secessionist state of Biafra. The purpose of the war was to quell the secession of Biafra from Nigeria. Biafra is a part of Nigeria covering the old Eastern region of the country. Biafra represented the nationalist aspirations of the Igbo people, whose leadership felt they could no longer co- exist with the Northern-dominated Federal Government and the rest of Nigeria, especially because of the ill treatment meted out to people of the old Eastern region in the Northern part of Nigeria by northern military men, especially during the counter coup of June 1967, in which many Eastern military officers were murdered.1 The civil war was a remarkable war in the history of Nigeria. Its emergence on 6 July, 1967, was the culmination of an uneasy peace and stability that had plagued the nation's independence in 1960. This situation had its genesis in the geography, history, culture and demography of Nigeria. The emergence of the war was triggered by the coup and the counter coup of 1966 which altered the political equation and destroyed the fragile trust existing among the major ethnic groups. As a means of holding the country together in the last result, the country was divided into twelve states from the original four regions in May, 1967. The former Eastern region under Lt. Col. Ojukwu saw the act of the creation of states by decree “without consultation” as the last straw, and declared the region an independent state of Biafra2. The Federal Government saw this as an act of secession and Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 87 illegal and resisted the secessionist movement. The whole process started with a military coup headed by Aguiyi Ironsi, a counter- coup headed by and finally the persecution of people of Igbo extraction, especially in the Northern part of Nigeria. The war was actually as a result of religious, cultural, ethnic, economical and political tensions that prevailed during this period. The Biafran region was completely surrounded within just one year after the war began. Port Harcourt oil facilities were among the very first to be captured shortly after the war began by the Nigerian military. The complete surrounding of the Biafran coastline and borders led to blockage of routes through which goods and services could enter into Biafra and made it difficult for the country to feed itself and its populace.3 Soon after the beginning of the civil war, severe famine became the order of the day and feeding became very difficult for the Biafran military and people. They also could not get adequate equipment to fight the war. Up to 2 million civilians died in the course of the Biafran war on both sides, with majority of the victims coming from the Biafran side. Major causes of death were diseases and starvation. This was the same factor that led to the quick end of the war. The world was forced to take note of happenings during the Nigerian civil war when pictures of malnourished children were circulated to the outside world in the middle part of 1968. This promoted Non-Government Organization (NGOs) to rise up and raise funds towards providing for the starving Biafran populace.4 The Nigerian Federal Government was backed by the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union, Bulgaria, Syria, Saudi Arabia, Algeria, Sudan, Chad, Niger, United States of America and Canada. Egypt provided air support for Nigerian military. Biafra, on the other hand, was backed by countries like France, Portugal, Spain, South Africa, Tanzania, Gabon, Ivory Coast, Zambia, Rhodesia, Haiti and Israel. The commanders on the Nigerian side were Yakubu Gowon, Murtala Mohammed, Benjamin Adekunle, , Mohammed Shuwa, E.A. Etuk, Shehu Musa Yar-Adua, Theophilius Danjuma, Ibrahim Haruna, Muhammadu Buhari, Ibrahim Baba-sids, Isaac Adaka Boro and . On the Biafran side, main commanders were Odumegwu Ojukwu, Philip Effiong, Alexander Madiebo, Albert Okonkwo, Victor Banjo, Ogbuago Kalu, Joseph Achuzie, Azum Asoya, Mike Inveso, Timothy Onwuatuegwu and so on.5 The Nigeria Civil War has, overtime, attracted considerable scholarly attention. Thus, numerous literatures exist on this subject, addressing issues such as causes, forms, dimensions and impacts of the war. However, most of these works seem to give more attention to the state as a body or major towns in the affected States in Nigeria. Consequently, these issues as they relate to minor communities or villages such as Anyigba area is not adequately studied. The outbreak of Nigeria civil war in 1967 has a long standing impact on the Nigerian towns, states and communities to the extent that several communities experienced backwardness in the aspect of economy, politics and socio- culture. This lacuna in addressing the impact of the war on some minority communities is what this paper intends to address. Anyigba, the focus of this work, is one of the notable communities under present day Dekina Local Government Area of Kogi State. Anyigba is bounded by Iyale, to the north, Agala and Agbeji to the south, Egume, to the east and Ojofu, to the west6. It is located in the present middle belt zone; she lies in a favourable zone sandwiched between the tropical southern and northern rainfall characteristics. The adequate and well distributed Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 88 rainfall with the deep and red sandy soil gives rise to high forest vegetation, the growth of deciduous forest, interspersed with the area of close growing savannah woodland.7 It is regarded as the centre of Igala land and linked to other states such as Benue, Nassarawa, among others in the country. Her people developed an ancient political relations with other neighbouring tribes, which brought them good economic interaction with other communities within and around Anyigba even beyond. Anyigba market attracted traders from all parts of Igala land and beyond. Hence, the market played a significant role in the development of the area. The economy of Anyigba was and still is mostly characterized by trade, hunting and farming.8 However, the economic setting of Anyigba before the outbreak of the Nigerian civil war was mainly based on agriculture, and most of the agricultural produce like palm oil, groundnut, yam, cashew, cassava and others were exported to other communities like, Idoma, Nupe, Enugu and Tiv for consumption. Agriculture was carried out in large scale. Other economic activities included fishing, animal husbandry, and plantation of crops in Anyigba community. However, these have been major sources of income for the people of Anyigba before the outbreak of the civil war in Nigeria.9 During the civil war of 1967-1970, Anyigba community was under Kabba province which later merged with Ilorin province to form Kwara State during the creation of twelve states by Lt. Col. Yakubu Gowon. Anyigba community witnessed backwardness in the area of economic, political, infrastructural, agricultural, socio- cultural sphere during the course of the civil war in the country as most of the Igbo settlers in the community migrated in their thousands to their various states. It was also recorded that most of the Igbo speaking people were killed in mass to prevent the actualization of the secessionist movement of the Biafran people.10 Anyigba Community before the Nigerian Civil War Just like every other community in Nigeria, Anyigba was highly organized in terms of political, economic, educational and socio-cultural structures. It is very clear that the civil war destabilized this well-structured community.11 The mainstay of Anyigba pre- colonial economy was mainly agriculture, just like every other pre-colonial African society. Agriculture was carried out in large scale which included extraction of oil palm, cultivation of crops such as groundnut, yam, cashew, cassava, including animal husbandry and fishing. This had been the major source of income for the people before the outbreak of the civil war. Other occupations ranged from weaving, dyeing, canoe building and production to trading of herbal medicine. Interactions with other societies made the Anyigba agricultural production to move from subsistence level to a market and exchange economy. Throughout the vicissitude of history, man has always moved from one place to another in search for better economic activities. Hence, Anyigba people developed long distance trade with their neighbours such as the Yoruba, Igbo, Nupe, Tiv, Idoma, Edo, Nupe and others around them. This type of economy brought a considerable development to Anyigba before the advent of colonialism. This continued up to post-colonial and post-independence Nigeria, such that the Anyigba people in present day Kogi state of Nigeria have become part and parcel of the economic dynamics of independent Nigeria.12 In the area of political settings, before the outbreak of civil war, Anyigba people Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 89 practiced monarchical system of government in which Ogohi controlled the political sectors of the community and answerable to the Attah of Anyigba land. Other traditional political leaders that surrounded Ogohi were His Royal Highness, Ejeh of Dekina, Onuh Egume, Amana-Ata Ojikpadala and Chief Ejina Ogohi Agala Ateh. The Ogohi was and still is the traditional ruler of the area. He was and is still crowned by the Attah of Igala, Chairman of Igala area traditional council, in his palace at Idah, the traditional headquarters of the entire Igala kingdom, the citadel of all Igala nation in Kogi State and beyond. Anyigba was respected by other tribes and even by the Europeans because of its political and economic organization. The political organization was based on a centralized system of government in which the Ogohi was regarded as the ruler. Under the Ogohi were the Gagos who were the community leaders, and under them were the Madakis who controlled their immediate environments for the Ogohi of Anyigba. They all paid allegiance to the Attah at Idah.13 In the aspect of education, the major forms of education that were common to the people then were traditional and Islamic education, as majority of the people were Muslims and traditionalists.14 The only few schools that offered western education were those set up by the Christian missionaries that came to preach the gospel. Such schools included Our Lady of Schools and Teachers' College established by the Roman Catholic Mission, in 1958, in (CMML) addition to a pocket of few others that have shrank into insignificance as a result of neglect after the missionaries left.15 The missionary societies found it necessary to educate some Anyigba indigenes, so as to be able to serve as and subsequently to be trained as Church workers such as the clergy and evangelists who interpreters required studying the sacred writings in order to preach and teach the Holy Bible to new converts. It was not meant to enlighten the people16. Igbo settlers had much influence on the Educational growth of Anyigba most especially in the Roman Catholic Mission Primary schools, CMML Secondary School and Our Lady of Schools (OLS). Several educated Igbo settlers taught in Our Lady of Schools, Anyigba, which has contributed to the educational development of the community. Most of these teachers impacted knowledge on the students and also laid emphasis on gender equality as it was obvious that practiced patriarchy, which relegated the women to the background in the community.17 In the geographical and socio-cultural aspects of the community before the outbreak of the civil war, Anyigba as earlier mentioned, was under Kabba Province which later merged with Ilorin Province to form Kwara State during the creation of twelve states by Lt. Col. Yakubu Gowon. Anyigba was the nerve center of political and socio-economic activities in Igala Nation18. The town was bounded by Iyale and Ologba to the North, Agala and Agbeji to the South, Egume to the East and Ajiolo and Ojofu to the West. According to Michael Onoja, agriculture used to be the main occupation of the people of the town because it is blessed with vast arable land.19 The town has a tropical climatic condition of rainy and dry season with wooded Savannah vegetation. Among the tourist attractions in Anyigba town are the Igala Unity Square, the green vegetation at Oko lilee, Aji abuuja (the natural spring that separated the land dispute that would have consumed many lives).19 Igala is the major language spoken in Anyigba. Other languages spoken in Anyigba include Bassa Nge and Kwomu, Ebira, Yoruba, Igbo, Hausa, Idoma, , Tiv and even Ghanaian languages. Major commercial interests in Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 90 Anyigba include the Anyigba Timber Shade, Anyigba Market, farm produce of commercial quantity (Cashew, Palm kernel and others).20 The Igbo Settlers and the Development of Anyigba Community Before the Nigerian Civil war Igbo settlers contributed greatly towards the growth and development of Anyigba community. Consequently, their departure during the civil war negatively affected the economic, demographic, political and educational spheres of the community. In the area of economy, Igbo settlers resided in places such as Ofejikpi, Agala-Ate and Agala-Ogane where they carried out their economic activities in Anyigba. Some Igbo settlers were involved in selling food stuffs, provisions, wears, electrical appliances, electronics, kitchen equipments and many more, most especially in Anokwu Area I. They occupied the place because of the high patronage and the volume of commercial activities which took place there.21 Another aspect they contributed to the growth of Anyigba was the way and manner several of them brought their brothers and other relatives to Anyigba community for commercial purposes. Some of them embarked on commercial trips to Onitsha, Aba, Port Harcourt and other commercial towns in the East to buy goods for sale in Anyigba. In doing this, they contributed to the economic development of Anyigba.22 According to Michael Onoja, in the area of demographic development, Anyigba community witnessed great population due to the impulse migration of Igbo from their various states to Anyigba. The population of Anyigba community increased and witnessed economic growth because of the availability of manpower to facilitate the growth and development of both agricultural and industrial activities. There were some areas, earlier mentioned, that were designated as Igbo settlements in Anyigba before the outbreak of the Nigerian civil war. The increase in population of Anyigba attracted high patronage and enhanced the growth of palm oil producing industries in the community.23 Michael Edibo (a war veteran) stated that before the civil war in Nigeria, the population of Igala land was estimated to be about four million, including Igbo settlers who resided in Anyigba and other major town such as Idah, Ankpa and Anyigba. There were a lot of Igbo women who worked in several industries such as palm oil and cashew processing industries in Anyigba. Similarly, about 23% of Igbo people worked in Anyigba, including many others who were traders. The population of Igbo settlers added to the population of the indigenous people made Anyigba to be highly populated. However, following the outbrek of the civil war and the departure of the Igbo from Anyigba to Igboland for safety, the population of the area reduced drastically.24 For instance, according to Michael Onaja, an Anyigba war veteran, not only Igbo that lost their lives during the war, indigenous people of Anyigba also lost their lives in the course of the war.25

Political Impacts The civil war in Nigeria did not have any remarkable effect on Anyigba because the Igbo settlers were not involved in most of the political activities in the community except the honorary titles given to some rich Igbo settlers in the community. Anyigba was being respected by other tribes and even the Europeans, because of its political and economic Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 91 organization.26 According to Adaji Okai, its political organization was based on centralized system of government in which the Ogohi was regarded as the ruler and under him were the community leaders and the Madakis who controlled their immediate environments on behalf of the Ogohi of Anyigba.27 They all paid allegiance to the Attah of Igala at Idah. The only notable political effect was that the population of Anyigba was reduced because of the civil war which in turn reduced the dominance of the traditional rulers of Anyigba community.28 Similarly, the imposition of military rule equally affected rulership in Anyigba to some extent because the country then was subjected to military dictatorship in which all levels and categories of leadership had to comply with military decrees and directive in what decisions they had to take. This checked the extent of freedom the Ogohi, and any ruler in Nigeria, had in ruling his subjects. This continued up to May 29th, 1979, when General Olusegun Obasanjo handed power to a democratically elected Federal Government under Alhaji Shehu Shagari. Economic Impacts The Nigeria civil war had so many economic setbacks on the country. It led to many economic deprivations and denials towards people. The war cost the government of Nigeria huge resources; they bought weapons and lost huge manpower in the war. Even on the Biafran side, a lot of resources were wasted in their struggle, some intellectuals and innovative people died. The Onitsha publishing arena which was booming before the war became dismantled and some of their books and materials were burnt down. Ibrahim Ademu revealed that the markets and other aspects of life in those cities were handicapped. The Igbo people lost most of their cities because of air bombardments; they also got cut off from their economic activities in the country. They were later given compensation of 20 thousand naira for their economic resurgence. These made them lose lots of opportunities. Many lost their properties to the locals and made them poor at the time. Generally, the prosecution of the war affected several areas and cost Nigeria huge resources. The money spent in those areas could have been used in promoting the economic development of the country. The resources plowed into this war was so huge that if not for the war, Nigeria could have developed more than it is presently.29 According to Pa Adaji Ijalo, many of the youth were traumatized due to the war, and those people could have been gainfully employed and vibrant in the country. All these had its own economic effects and made the country to have some setbacks. The war brought mistrust and some level of division in the country. During the war, the people who lived within Biafra controlled areas were not going to school and such delayed some of the young people because some of them got derailed and went into different areas instead of furthering their education. Such was the case in Anyigba when those educated Igbo teachers left for their individual homes in Igbo land. Most pupils and students dropped out of school as the war made it impossible for them to attend schools. Some people in Anyigba lost their breadwinners and so resorted to doing meager jobs. Some of the girls were given out into marriages to raise money for the upkeep of the rest of the family members. Women in such situations became the life line of their families, venturing unprepared into functions which, before then, were that of their husbands. It also increased the rural and urban drift within the country and brought pressure on the cities across the country. This was the case, also, with Anyigba where criminal activities also increased as a result of many young people who drifted into the town without any skills to be engaged in any legitimate businesses other than criminality.30 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 92 Apeh attested to the fact that before the outbreak of the civil war in Nigeria, agriculture was freely engaged in, in fertile land for the cultivation of palm trees and food crops. Fishing, hunting and wine tapping were also economic activities engaged in during the pre-colonial and post-colonial eras in Anyigba.31 The craft or cottage industry which came in later included the carving of canoes used for fishing, processing of oil from palm fruits, and the distilling of alcoholic drinks from palm wine. Another important economic activity was the trade by barter which involved exchange of products in local and distant markets where people met periodically to exchange food stuffs, livestock, fish, palm oil, palm wine, and pottery wares between the Anyigba people and Ibo speaking people in the community.32 The foregoing development was the reverse after the Nigerian civil war. Apart from many youth being rendered jobless, the mentality of white collar jobs overwhelmed the youth, as opposed to agriculture which used to be the major employer in Anyigba and the only major source of livelihood for the people. This promoted widespread poverty.33 This trend continued into the 90s beyond where white collar jobs and jobs in the oil sector became the dream of many which affected farming system in Anyigba to the extent that the farms were abandoned as well as small and medium scale industries such as bread making, pottery, bronze making for the seemingly green pastures. Fortunately, today, out of frustration and squeeze in the labour market for white colar jobs, the Anyigba youth have gone back to agriculture where their fortune mostly lies. And today, there is brilliant hope for agriculture in Anyigba. In the Nigerian Economy during the 19th century, Anyigba was a thriving port, trading in palm oil and kernels and rubber with the Europeans, while in staple crops, cotton, woven cloth, horses and other livestock, pots, and knives with the Igbo people to the south. The Igala were able to maintain strict control over the lower Niger trade. Anyigba, in particular was placed in advantageous position in the Niger-Delta trade because of her monopoly (no Igbo boats were allowed above the port).34 Modern Anyigba still remains a major trading centre (palm produce, Yams, Cassava {manioc}, rice and fish) on the river. Besides trade and farming, the local population is engaged in making canoes, fishing nets, and soap; handicrafts and cotton weaving are also significant. Anyigba is well known for cashew production which has attracted the foreign investors to visit Anyigba for the purchase of cashew.35 The traders in Anyigba witnessed some setbacks as a result of the war. This is because the soldiers, during and after the civil war, would go to Anyigba market and take goods without paying for them. They sometimes threatened the owners of such goods and out of fear the traders would allow them to take the goods, which they never paid back. This attitude thereby diminished the profit and money that was supposed to accrue to the traders.36 In the same vein, the soldiers needed vehicles to prosecute the war, and since they ran out of vehicles during the war, they used to forcefully collect the vehicles of some Anyigba indigenes with threat. The threats were in the forms of the use of guns, violence and punishments. Notable among the vehicles collected were those of Alhaji Audu Koma, a native of Anyigba.37 The vehicles of transporters and for private use were forcefully collected thereby depriving people of their source of livelihood and luxury. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 93 Socio-Cultural Impacts One of the socio-cultural impacts of the Civil war on Anyigba was the closure of educational institutions. The institutions comprised primary and secondary schools within Anyigba Metropolis. Due to fear and insecurity, the people were unable to go to school either for teaching or learning.38 This situation made the inhabitants not to receive western education thereby creating uninformed individuals. Some of them could not continue with their studies after the war due to the loss of their parents, guardians or sponsors. The war also had negative socio-cultural impact as it prevented people from marrying within the Anyigba area. People were more concerned about their safety and so from 1967 to 1970 that the war was prosecuted, it was difficult to see marriage ceremonies in Igala land in general and Anyigba in particular.39 Activities such as Women Organizations, Men Organizations and Youth Organizations within Anyigba were suspended during the war, people could not meet to discuss issues of common interest.40 In fact, socio-cultural activities within Anyigba collapsed during the period of Nigerian civil war.

Religious Impacts The civil war had little or no impact on the religious aspect of Anyigba community. As was the case with most African settings, the Anyigba people adhered to the three main religions in Nigeria: Traditional African Religion, Christianity and Islam. Islam was the predominant religion in Igala land and Anyigba remains the nucleus. According to U. Yahaya, the ancient religious institution was headed by the Ogohi of Anyigba. Before the war, this institution expanded its ideologies and built school to mold the minds of the young people as well as to provide education and empowerment for them. But the war destroyed most of their infrastructures and left them weaker. Their properties were left to rot while some were also looted during the war41. This was another form of sabotage to this institution and its decline was another setback to the inhabitants because it is one of the ancient institutions not only in the area but in Nigeria at large. Similarly, as a result of the war, the inhabitants of Anyigba could not go to their places of worship. This was due to the fear of bomb blast. Churches and Mosques were closed as the worshippers lived in fear and hid in the bushes42. Even the pastors and priests ran for safety. Thus, the religious buildings were deserted. African Traditional Religion was also affected as the various traditional festivals such as Ibegwu festival, Italo festival and Egbe festival that were celebrated within Anyigba could not hold during the period because its adherents were hiding in different places within and outside Anyigba.43 Geographical Impacts The Nigerian civil war did not affect the geographical sphere of Anyigba. Anyigba has an unusually and richly endowed environment. Located within the “middle –belt” of Nigeria, it has an advantage of the climate of the drier savannah vegetable to the north and the wet forest regions to the south. The area lies within the warm humid climatic zone of Nigeria. There is a distinctive wet season dichotomy. The wet season lasts from about April to the end of September or early October, while the dry season lasts from about October to about the end of March or early April. The area has an average rain fall of about 50” a year. The lowland riverine areas are flooded seasonally, making it possible for the cultivation of paddy rice and controlled fish farming in ponds that are owned on individual or clan basis. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 94 The Ibaji area is the major place washed by flood.44 The foregoing climatic condition makes the area to have very fertile soil more than other places in Igalaland: “The receding floods leave behind a large quantity of fish in ponds and lakes. It vegetation is mainly deciduous, with the major rivers(Benue and Niger), a few minor ones such as Okula, Ofu, Imabolo, Ubele, Adale, Ogbagana, and many streams in the land. Hence, Anyigba land popularly known as a blessed fishing and arable region. The most common economic trees are palm trees (ekpe), locust beans (okpehie),45 Mahogany (ago), iroko (uloko), whitewood (uwewe) and raffia palms (ugala). Common plantations are of okra (oro.. aikpele), cashew (agala), banana (Ogede). Some of the economic trees mentioned here provide timber for both domestic and commercial purposes. This favorable vegetation makes farming and hunting highly profitable. Thus, 90% of the population practice farming. Both forest and savannah crops thrive on Igala soil very well. Thus, the main forest crops produced are: yams, cassava, maize, melon and groundnut. The inhabitants produce such savannah cereals as guinea corn, beans, millet and benniseed.46 In the sphere of hunting, its forest regions inhabit wild animals such as Lions (idu), hyenas (olinya), leopards (omolalna or eje), elehphants (adagba), bush pigs (ehi), chimpanzee (ukabu), etc. Notwithstanding the forests around Anyigba, the geographical condition still favours free flow of transportation both by land and water. There are many roads in the area. The main ones are Anyigba-Idah, Anyigba-Ankpa, Anyigba-Ajaokuta, Anyigba- Otukpo and Anyigba -Ogobia. Anyigba-Nsukka and Ejule-Otukpa link the land with neighboring states47. Good waterways are possible between Anyigba-Agenebode- Onitsha and the Anyigba-Lokoja axis of River Niger. These waterways have served as veritable means of transportation in the recent past. It encouraged social and economic interactions. The Itobe-Ajaokuta Bridge constructed about two decades ago on the River Niger has also turned out to be of tremendous benefit as it has enhanced intra and inter- state links and commercial transactions to Anyigba. Even though does not have an airport for air transportation, inhabitants also use the Ajaokuta Stell Company's Airstrip.48 Summary This study has examined several aspects of Anyigba such as its geographical location, economic, socio-cultural and political settings. The study also discusses the nature of Anyigba community before the civil war. The study has also examined the background of the civil war by discussing the history, nature and factors that led to the war in Nigeria. As a chief purpose, the study critically examines the impact of the civil war on Anyigba. These impacts are political, economic, educational and religious in nature.

Conclusion In conclusion, it is clear that the Nigeria Civil War which was prosecuted between 1967 and 1970 had devastating effects on Anyigba. This is because it led to the death of some persons and displacement of people and destruction of properties. The people in Anyigba within the period of study could not carry out trade and other economic activities as a result of the war. Due to the death of some persons, the population of Anyigba reduced Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 95 drastically. Education within Anyigba was also affected as a result of the war as both teachers and students could not go to school to teach and learn respectively. However, to avoid such internal conflagration in the future, any form of conflict between parties in the country should be resolved properly and amicably. The root causes of any conflict should be properly investigated so that such issues would not develop into any form of conflagration. In terms of policy making and recruitment of people to work in any ministry, government agency or parastatal every ethnic group should be given equal consideration so that no ethnic group would feel marginalized or excluded. In that way, every ethnic group would have a sense of belonging and no ethnic group would even want to secede thereby avoiding any form of war.

References 1. J.P. Kayode, A History of Kogi State and its neighbouring states, Victory Publisher 2000. P. 50. 2. H.M. Njoku, A Tragedy Without Heroes: The Nigeria–Biafra War. Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishers, 1987. 3. Oral Interview with Captain Paul Ajeka, 68+, Soldier, Lokoja, 4/2/2019 4. J.K. Ogundipe, Historical Background of the Civil War in Nigeria, Good news publication, 2001, p. 77. 5. Oral Interview with Michael Edibo, 70+, Retired Soldier, Ajaokuta, 3/3/2019 6. Oral Interview with Michael Edibo, 70+, Retired Soldier, Ajaokuta, 3/3/2019 7. A.E. Okwoli, A History of Igalaland 1960-1999, Ele-ojo Publisher, Lokoja, 2010. p. 125 8. C.M. Adamo, Short History of Igala, Matanmi printing press, Abuja, 1985. p.5 9. M.K. Ukwedah, A History of Igala and its Neighbouring Communities, God's love Publishing Company, Lagos, 1990. p. 100 10. N.K. Amope, Economic History of Igalaland, Ade-ola Publisher, Kaduna, s2010. p. 199 11. O.T Stephen, History of Kogi State since Independence, Lokoja, Ele-ojo publication, 1967, P. 20 12. Oral Interview with Nda Abdulahi, 70+, Retired Soldier, Anyigba, 2/3/2019 13. Oral Interview with Adaji Okai, 70+, Retired Soldier, Anyigba, 4/2/2019 14. Oral Interview with Adaji Okai, 70+, Retired Soldier, Anyigba, 4/2/2019 15. Oral Interview with Adaji Okai, 70+, Retired Soldier, Anyigba, 4/2/2019 16. Oral Interview with Adaji Okai, 70+, Retired Soldier, Anyigba, 4/2/2019 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 96

17. Oral interview with Captain Michael Joy, 60+, Retired Soldier, Ankpa, 2/3/2019 18. Oral Interview with Mr. Ibrahim Ademu, 60+, Farming, Udaba, 22/1/2019 19. Oral Interview with Mr. Ibrahim Ademu, 60+, Farming, Udaba, 22/1/2019 20. Oral Interview with Mr. Ibrahim Ademu, 60+, Farming, Udaba, 22/1/2019 21. Oral Interview with Mr. Ibrahim Ademu, 60+, Farming, Udaba, 22/1/2019 22. Oral Interview with Mr. Ibrahim Ademu, 60+, Farming, Udaba, 22/1/2019 23. H.A. Sanni, A History of Evolution in 1900, Lokoja, God's Will publishing Company, 2000. p. 3 24. H.A. Sanni, A History of Evolution ....p. 50 25. Oral Interview with Rtd. Captain Micheal Onoja, 70+, Retired Soldier, Iyale, 02/02/2019 26. Oral Interview with Nda Abdulahi, 70+, Retired Soldier, Anyigba, 2/3/2019 27. Oral Interview with Michael Edibo, 70+, Retired Soldier, Ajaokuta, 3/3/2019 28. Oral Interview with Michael Edibo, 70+, Retired Soldier, Ajaokuta, 3/3/2019 29. Oral Interview with Michael Edibo, 70+, Retired Soldier, Ajaokuta, 3/3/2019 30. Oral Interview with Michael Edibo, 70+, Retired Soldier, Ajaokuta, 3/3/2019 31. Oral interview with Mr. Ibrahim Ademu, 60+, Farming, Udaba 22/1/2019. 32. Oral Interview with Pa Adaji Ijalo, 80+, Native Doctor, Okikili, 5/3/2019 33. Oral Interview with Elder O. Apeh, 70+, Pastor, Aloko, 7/2/2019 34. Oral Interview with Elder O. Apeh, 70+, Pastor, Aloko, 7/2/2019 35. Oral Interview with Elder O. Apeh, 70+, Pastor, Aloko, 7/2/2019 36. Oral Interview with Elder O. Apeh, 70+, Pastor, Aloko, 7/2/2019 37. Oral Interview with Elder O. Apeh, 70+, Pastor, Aloko, 7/2/2019 38. Oral Interview with Mr. Ugbede Abel, 70+, Driver, Lokoja, 16/1/2019 39. Oral interview with Mr. Onuche Akpa, 50+, Trader, Ogane-basa, 10/2/2019 40. Oral interview with Mr. Onuche Akpa, 50+, Trader, Ogane-basa, 10/2/2019 41. M.O. Amope; The History Christian Missionary in Igala, Charity Publishing Company, Lagos, 1987, p.190 42. Oral interview with Mr. U. Yahaya, 40+, Civil Servant, Aloko, 7/1/2019 43. Oral Interview with Mr. Ugbede Abel, 70+, Driver, Lokoja, 16/1/2019 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 97 44. Oral Interview with Mr. Ugbede Abel, 70+, Driver, Lokoja, 16/1/2019 45. Oral Interview with Captain Paul Ajeka, 68+, Soldier, Lokoja, 4/2/2019 46. Oral Interview with Captain Paul Ajeka, 68+, Soldier, Lokoja, 4/2/2019 47. Oral Interview with Captain Paul Ajeka, 68+, Soldier, Lokoja, 4/2/2019 48. Oral Interview with Mr. Ugbede Abel, 70+, Driver, Lokoja, 16/1/2019 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 98 A Historical Analysis of Political and Electoral Violence in Nigeria Between 2011 – 2018

Ene Gift Linus Department of Political Science and International Relational, Istanbul Aydin University, Turkey

Abstract Democracy on paper is not enough. A free, fair and violence-free election is crucial for the deepening of representative democracy in any country. The ability of citizens to vote and be voted for in a country and to be able to have a say in the government through a peaceful protest can contribute greatly to the future of political participation in that country. Therefore, understanding why violent election occurs and mapping out a possibility of preventing it should be of great importance for any society. Electoral violence in Nigeria is an unfortunate phenomenon due to its reoccurrences since the country became a federation in 1963. Usually, the violence and killings occur either before election (electoral campaign) or after election. Overtime, the electoral violence grew from a few individuals killing other people to a mass violent protest involving a considerable amount of youths taking to the streets with all kinds of weapons, which in several instances claim lives, properties and thus creating a negative effect on the concept of political participation. This research will focus mainly on the root causes of electoral violence. The studies will analyze the forms of electoral violence in Nigeria and its effects on political participation in the country. By so doing, the paper argues for a relationship between electoral violence and political participation with a focus on analyzing the negative impacts caused. Thus, the paper puts forth an answer to the following research question: What are the effects of violence on political participation, and how can the phenomenon be averted or managed? Keywords: Nigeria, political Violence, electoral violence, political participation, voting behavior

Introduction The Nigerian democracy, for a long time, has been in a state of continuous political turmoil since the country gained its independence in 1960 as a result of a constant presence of electoral malpractice and unending presence of electoral violence. The period between 2011 - 2018 witnessed an immense electoral violence such that has not been seen in the last three presidential elections in 1999, 2003 and 2007 (Vasudevan, 2011). The first of the crisis within the period under review started on 18th of April, 2011, started as soon as Goodluck Ebele Jonathan of the People's Democratic Party (PDP) was declared the winner of the presidential election with “56% of the vote” (Vasudevan, 2011). Muhammadu Buhari of the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) refused to concede defeat (Jameel, 2011). Buhari alleged that, the counting of votes, the collation of the outcomes from different polling stations and the preparation of the final score sheets of the 2011 election were done over 48hours. Thus, it was argued that, the procedure adopted in the polls were believed to have had many irregularities which, in turn, allegedly resulted in election malpractice perpetrated by the People's Democratic Party (Vasudevan, 2011). Buhari's claims and his refusal to concede defeat encouraged his supporters to not accept the election result. In the process of showing off their intentions towards the election result and the plans to make changes to the election result, violence erupted as many angry Nigerians took to the streets to protest. This electoral violence that first started in the form of “political riot” continued to reoccur in other forms such as kidnapping and looting of the homes of supporters of President Jonathan up to the end of the four years term in office of President Goodluck Ebele Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 99 Jonathan. In fact, prior to the 2015 general election, attacks had already started in the towns of Biri and Dakku which led to the death of about 14 people, while in the town of Miringa, armed groups burnt down people's houses and shot the people as they were escaping the fire (Aljazeera, 2015). The above crises left many dead and others displaced as thousands of people lost their homes to escape the violence. In fact, the violence, according to Human Rights Watch, “degenerated into sectarian and ethnic bloodletting across the Northern States. The Northerners, predominantly Muslims, took to the streets in riots thus targeting the Christians in the Southern part of Nigeria. The incident resulted in the death of many from both Christian and Muslim groups, through with more deaths were recorded in the Christian bloc, which was perceived to have supported the ruling party. Church, shops and homes were burnt, including attacks on various police stations, the ruling party's bureau as well as the Electoral Commission offices. In predominantly Christian areas, retaliations resulted in killing of Muslims and burning of their mosques and properties” (Campbell, 2019). Therefore, this research based on secondary analysis of secondary data from the previous studies that have been conducted on violence, democracy and political participation, etc., seeks to focus mainly on the root causes of electoral violence. The study analyzes the forms of electoral violence in Nigeria and its effects on political participation in the country. By so doing, it argues for a relationship between electoral violence and political participation with a focus on analyzing the negative impacts caused. Thus, it puts forth an answer to the following research question: What are the effects of violence on political participation and how can it be averted or managed?

Violence As A Concept The word 'violence' is a borrowed word from the Latin which means vis (force) and latus/fero (to carry). The mixture of “vis and latus/fero is interpreted as, “to use force against/towards something”, which signifies that “violence is an application of any kind of force against or towards someone or something”. Force in itself deals with, “the expenditure of physical effort” (Robert, 1969). Hence, this etymological and literal meaning of violence has, for a long time, influenced many scholars towards defining violence solely with the use of physical force. Asper John Harry (1980), defines violence as, ''an act when injury or suffering is inflicted upon a person or persons by an agent who knows (or ought reasonably to have known), that his actions would result in harms in question'' (John, 1980). Such narratives suggest that violence occurs within the context of physical injury and suffering. However, Robert (1969) and Jacquette (2013) added that, the definition of violence should also include the psychological and structural concept of violence. Meaning that, “the violence that is unseen and unknown must be engaged just as much as the violence that is seen and known”, write (Jeffrey & Sophia, 2002). In similar vein, the World Health Organization defines violence as “The intentional use of physical force or power, real or menace against another person, oneself, or against a community or a group in a society, that either results in or has a high tendency of resulting in death, injury, maldevelopment, psychological harm and deprivation” (WHO, 2002). Dahlberg and Krug (2006) acknowledged the World Health Organization's definition of violence as unsurpassed definition because, the definition, according to him, “covers a broad range of outcomes, including psychological harm, deprivation and mal Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 100 development.”

Theoretical Stance Although there is no single unanimous theory that can explain all the wide range of violence in the world, “the theoretical lens (realism) that has traditionally held a central position in the study of “International relations and power politics” is probably the best way in any attempt to analyze the causes of violence in human society. Thus, this study builds on the view of the realist school of thought, its approach to the study and practice of politics in order to understand the conceptual nature of violence and conflicts, and the motivation behind people's behavior while in pursuit of political power that results in “political violence”. The goal is not to establish the cause of political violence via the realist school of thought alone, but to establish that, if violence is certain as the theory claims, then there are possible means of averting or suppressing it from intensifying. Realism as a school of thought argues that politics is centered mainly on power struggles between different actors. The word 'Power' in this context is defined by Weber (1947) as, “the probability that one actor within a social relationship will be in a position to carry out his own will, despite confrontation, notwithstanding the basis on which this probability rests” (Weber, 1947). Or as simply defined by Dahl (1957), “power is when A has the power over B to the extent that, A can get B to do something that B would not otherwise do”. The exercise of this power by different political actors towards each other is what is regarded as “power politics” (Goldstein, 1999). However, the exercise of power in such an anarchic world in which there is no central authority to regulate the system, realist theorist argues that violence is inevitable and near impossible to avoid (Martin, 1999). Realists thus embrace politics generally as an arena of conflict among actors because of the differences in individuals and groups.

Political Violence Ted Robert Gurr (1970) defined political violence as, “the unlawful physical force used for political purposes”. He added that, violence is considered a political violence when “all collective attacks within a political community against the political regime, its actors, or its policies”, and especially when the “use or threat of violence by any party or institution to attain ends within or outside the political order”, is a determinant, connecting other forms of political violence. Following this approach, Thomas E. Hill (1997) defined political violence as, “any act of violent instigated by political motives such as, forcing the political elites to repeal the law, to discredit and render the political parties useless, to bring down a government, to win an election, and importantly, to gain the grip of power in order to make and enforce laws among a group”. He further argues that, “For the violence to be classified "political," the principal targets and aims are not merely revenge, profit, personal grudge, and the likes, but rather to partially or wholly gain and retain control of the political and legal institutions, to clearly spell out and express an ideology, to assert or gain a perceived right, etc.”. The definition of political violence suggests that, political violence is mainly any violence against a state's institution, government or government officials. The above definitions imply that, there is a political violence when members of the society, either in person, or in groups, use force against an existing regime for a “political purpose.” However, the foregoing explanation is perceived by others as a one-sided approach of the Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 101 notion of political violence. For example, Craig Jenkins and Kurt Schuck (1992) defined political violence as “a non-institutionalized coercive or threatening interactions between citizens and states”. Meaning that, either party (that, is, the state or the citizens) could use violence on each other in a political violence. Hence, violence is not necessarily waged only against the government because of the increase in “dissatisfaction, rooting from the relative-deprivation” (Gurr 1970). That is, political violence is motivated by individual's discontent from deprivation from basic amenities to which they are entitled to in a society that they belong. Hence, Mohammed Hafez (2000) points out that, “political violence does not have a single definition”, since political violence has the capacity to “adapt to changing circumstance”. Finally, the Studies of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (START) at the University of Maryland affirm that, before any incident can be considered a political violence, it must meet certain criteria. 1) The act must be directed to attaining a socio-economic, political, religious, or social goal. 2) There should and in fact, must be a visible evidence of an intention to intimidate, coerce, or convey some other message to a larger audience (or audiences) than the immediate victims. and 3) The particular action ought to be and must be outside the context of legitimate warfare activities” (Fatz, 2011). These criteria suggest that, there is more to the definition than the initial definition by Gurr. It is against this backdrop that, this study maintains that, political violence, regardless of its forms, is defined as violence that is politically initiated and that, political violence in contemporary politics is prompted by the need to appoint or change political leaders into political offices, thus bringing us to the main focus of this study (electoral violence).

Electoral Violence The notion, election in liberal democratic theory, is an integral mechanism for consummating representative government (Adigun & Said, 2006). That is, election represents the means by which, citizens choose individuals that will represent them in political offices. Mill (1948) in his argument on representative government, argues that, a representative government entails the participation of the whole people or numerous portions of them exercising their political duties thus selecting leaders who are periodically elected by electorates with the ultimate controlling power in which, every constitution must reside somewhere. This ultimate authority and power, Mill stressed, the electorates must possess in all its completeness”. This demonstrates that, people in a democratic society possess the ultimate power to decide who would represent them in government, and election becomes the arena by which people make themselves available and if found worthy of the posts are elected for the political offices that they signed up for. However, recent study Claude (2000) shows that, “elections are rather a misrepresentation of democracy given that, elections connote popular but not delegated”. This establishes that, election does not necessary mean that, the right person for the office will be picked, since such decision is only left in the hand of the majority. Rather, election presents an avenue, a battleground for resource control, which raises the stakes and likelihood of clashes (Kwarkye, 2019). Consequently, electoral practices in many liberal democratic countries have resorted to violence (Adejumobi, 2004). Thus, Electoral violence, as the name suggests, is one of the forms of political violence embodying a unique identity due to “its timing and target” (Hoglund & Piyarathne, 2009). The “timing” here suggests that, this kind of violence which can range from kidnapping, looting to assassination, armed attacks, ballot-stealing, and arson (Nwolise, 2007, pp. 155-179; Omotola, 2010), usually Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 102 takes place before, and after election period. Electoral violence is ''one of the variants of political violence that aims at influencing the behavior of the voters, candidates or distorting the results of the elections which do not reflect the verdict of the ballot box'' (UNOWAS, 2017). The concept of electoral violence is therefore a political act of violence carried out by activists or extremists with the aim of achieving a particular end. In fact, Collier Paul and Vicente (2008) in their study perceived electoral violence as, “an effective strategy meant to keep those likely to vote for opponents away from the polls”. However, regardless of the targets of an electoral violence and the motives, the consequences are very devastating.

Nigeria In Brief, 1960 - 2018 The Federal Republic of Nigeria is a country located in the western part of Africa with a population of over two-hundred million (200M) (Worldometers, 2019). After gaining independence from Great Britain in 1960, the country in the early stage of her independence adopted a parliamentary democracy and a federal constitution that resembles that of the British parliamentary democracy but was later shifted to a presidential system like that of the United States. As a federation, Nigeria is made up of 36 states, out of which constitute over 360 constituencies and about 400 tribes. Thus, “Nigeria has always been faced with the challenge of trying to form a sense of Nigerian belonging and identity” (Aljazeera, 2010).

Nigeria's declaration of independence on the 1st of October, 1960, meant a hope for a better Nigeria because, “at independence, Nigeria, due to its abundant and material resources, had all it takes to be great” (Muhammad, 2014). Yet, “Nigeria today is struggling with political instability”, election malpractice and a reinforced electoral violence “due to the socio-economic and political crisis which pushes the citizens to struggle to protect and promote their interests”. Some blamed it on corruption and bad leadership, others blamed it on poverty, lack of adequate education and the legacy of colonial rule in the country in which, after independence, real power still resides with the Queen of England until the year 1963 (Nnabugwu, 2008).

With the establishment of a Republic in 1963, presidential power was vested with Nnamdi Azikiwe. Yet, this did not erase the legacy of the British colonial rule in Nigeria. One of the solemn consequences of the British colonial legacy rest upon the amalgamation of the Southern and Northern Protectorates that were joined together with Lagos to form a single colony by Sir Fredrich Lord Lugard in 1914. The Northern, Western and Eastern regions that were joined together by Lord Lugard were different in every way (different language, culture and religion). This arrangement, coupled with the questions about the credibility and transparency in elections in post- independence Nigeria, led to the fall of the First Republic that lasted from 1963-1966. It was alleged that, “there was massive rigging in the 1965 elections” (Ini, 2019), which led to accusations and counteraccusations of electoral fraud and corruptions leading to Nigeria's first military coup on January 15, 1966 and counter-cone on 29th July, 1960. These unfortunate resulted in the Nigerian civil war, 1967- 1970. (Obi-Ani & Obi-Ani, 2016). Although the war ended in 1970, the grievances and the legacy of the war remains and still affect voting preferences in subsequent elections by those affected by the war. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 103 The Second Republic was the period between 1979-1983. After the military overthrew the First Republic and assumed power, the Nigerian State remained under a series of military rulers from 1966 until the year 1979 when Major General Olusegun Obasanjo initiated the transition process to a civilian rule in 1979. First and foremost, he constituted a Constitution Drafting Committee (CDC) which drafted the 1979 Constitution. The Constitution created a Federal Electoral Commission (FEDECO) to organize and conduct elections and further entrusted the fiscal and monetary policy on the president, thus replacing the Westminster system of government previously used in the First Republic with the American-styled Presidential system.

Despite the trivial change to a Presidential parliamentary system, the military regime failed to address the issues of electoral campaigns, vote riggings and electoral malpractice in the Second Republic. Therefore, “Nigerian federalism during the Second Republic was primarily undermined by the relentless competition among regionally-based constituencies and elites for access to federally-controlled patronage which is derived overwhelmingly from oil revenues” (Rotimi, 1992). This fight for the control over the oil and other resource-based revenue resulted in greed, corruption, mismanagement in the 1983 General Elections, which were marred by violence and allegations of widespread vote rigging. This led to clashes over the election results (Falola & Julius, 1985). This electoral related violence and intensified political conflict eventually resulted in a military coup on of 31st December 1983 that ended the Second Republic. The Third Republic did not escape the violence despite the intervention of Major- General Ibrahim Babangida. The Republic only lasted between 1992-1993. In the 1993 Presidential election, M.K.O Abiola of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) won a decisive victory in the presidential election against Bashir Tofa of the National Republican Convention (NRC). Unfortunately, M.K.O Abiola did not assume power because, On 23rd June, 1993, Major-General Babangida annulled the presidential election and appointed Ernest Shonekan, to manage state affairs as “interim government”, while he resigned. However, the “interim government” was not accepted by Nigerians. Thus, in order to avoid riots escalating into a civil war, the “interim government” was declared illegal by the Lagos High Court in November, 1993 (Kifordu, 2013). Consequently, General Sanni Abacha (another military personnel, the most senior after IBB) took overpower and forced Shonekan's resignation on November 17th, 1993, leading to the end of the Third Republic.

Following the death of General Sani Abacha in 1998, General Abdulsalami Abubakar took overpower and initiated a transition process that ensured the return of democratic rule to Nigeria. He constituted a constitution drafting committee, which was inaugurated on May 29, 1999. The drafting of the 1999 constitution marked the beginning of the Fourth Republic and the current Republican government in Nigeria till date.

Olusegun Obasanjo (a former military ruler) won the first Presidential election in the Fourth Republic under the platform of People's Democratic Party (PDP). Subsequently, he was sworn in as President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. He ruled as Nigerian president for 8 years (two terms) from 1999- 2007. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 104 After Olusegun Ogasanjo's regime, Nigeria has had four Presidential elections, so far, in the Fourth Republic. Undoubtedly, the Fourth Republic has been the longest civilian rule in Nigeria, and is still ongoing. However, this does not suggest that it is the most peaceful period, and that the Nigerian election is violence-free. Rather, electoral related violence has continued to threaten the growth of democracy in Nigeria, as well as negative impact on the political participation in the country.

Electoral Violence In Nigeria Between 2011 - 2018

Electoral violence is not a new phenomenon to the Nigerian electoral history. In fact, most of the “results in Nigerian elections come in two separate columns”, that is, “One records the votes cast at polling stations, while second one records the number of people killed during the election period” (The Economist, 2011). Consequently, Nereus I. Nwosu (2000) says that, “several elections conducted in post independent Nigeria have been visited with violence”. Thus, 2011 and 2018 wasn't any different (Nwosu, 2000).

The period between 2011 - 2018 witnessed immense electoral violence such that has not been seen in the last three presidential elections in 1999, 2003 and 2007. Prior to the 2011 general election, INEC (The Independence National Electoral Commission) was already having logistics problems which led to a change of date for the elections, including National Assembly election (from 2nd April 2011 to 9th April, 2011), presidential election (9th April, 2011 to 16th April, 2011), Governorship and State Assembly Elections (from 16th April, 2011 to 26th April, 2011).

The complications arising from the changes in election dates eventually resulted in the 18th April, 2011 electoral crisis which left many people dead and enormous property destroyed. Tension was already everywhere but after seeing the success of the National Assembly election (consisting of the Senate and the House of Representatives) on 9th, April, 2011, which was perceived by many to be competitive, “transparent, free and fair”, there was hope that the Presidential and Governorship and State Assembly elections would follow suit. However, recent studies argued otherwise that, “there were allegations of vote rigging, ballot stuffing and ballot box snatching” in the National Assembly election as well as other elections in 2011 (Ben & R, 2011). “Vote rigging, ballot stuffing and ballot box snatching” have, in fact, been present in Nigerian Elections from the First Republic till date. Hence, Timothy Onimisi (2015) argued that, “The biggest of the challenges facing Nigeria today is how to choose leaders at the different levels of government through a free and fair elections”. Reasons been that, “the Nigerian electoral process over the years has been characterized by intimidation, insecurity, rigging, snatching of ballot boxes and killings” (Onimisi, 2015). Consequently, “Violence has become part of the political culture in Nigeria such that all elections are virtually violence-ridden” (Laden, 2007).

Political Participation Political participation has become a hot topic of interest in recent years because, it is believed “the more citizens participate in politics, the more vibrant decisions saw face. The lesser the citizens partake and participate in decision making, the lesser democracy prevails” (Verba & Nie, 1972). The notion of citizen's participation becoming a necessity in a democratic society hails Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 105 from the Pericles famous funeral speech of 431-430 B.C. The speech buttress illustrates, and I quote “An Athenian citizen doesn't neglect the state because he takes care of his own household; and even those people who are engaged in business have a good idea of politics. We alone regard a person who takes no interest public affairs, not as a harmless, but as a useless character; and if few people are originators, we are all sound judges of policy”. This signifies that, “it may be a useless character” if people should focus only on their personal or household business (a more private aspect) thus leaving aside the general public aspect unattended. In light of the foregoing notion, Benjamin Barber (1984) argues that, there should be a more 'participatory democracy' instead of the 'thin democracy' of the liberal tradition that welcomes 'pervasive privatism'. Barber (1984) believes that, “the conscious political pursuit of public goods by private sectors is destructive of private life and values”. Benjamin Barber (1984) argues that instead of gluing this liberal tradition of 'pervasive privatism', there is a need to establish a 'strong democracy' that would require unmediated self-government by an engaged citizenry so that there will not be any need for “the politics of amateurs, where every man is compelled to encounter other man without the intermediary of expertise”. By 'engaged citizenry', Benjamin stresses on the importance for citizens to be directly involved in the politics of their country. Furthermore, as colonialism drew to the end in the 1950s, and as well as many countries began to gain their independence in the 1960s across Africa, there was a wide spread sensitization and need for the study of political participation that reflects the importance for citizens to take part in the decision making of their countries.

The Link Between Political Participation & Electoral Violence That been said, violence and political participation in Africa, and Nigeria to be precise, is like an incurable epidemic. Regardless of recent attempts and wide scope advocacy to have development and democratization across Nigeria in which, citizens' rights to freely exercise their civic and political rights such as participating in campaigns, voting in any given local and central government elections are seriously undermined. This frustration and institutionalized negligence of citizens' rights to freely and fairly observe their constitutional political rights always result in instigating violence during elections process, pre-election date and even to the end of post-election results. The institutionalized corruption and corrupt regimes in Nigeria have continued to prompt the youths to participate in politics on the bases of tribal lines and ethnic divides, and not necessarily on the bases of the agenda and policies the political parties have to offer. These tribal sentiments and ethnic dividend have deterred full scale development and democracy to prevail in Nigeria for so many decades. These factors have remained the leading causes outbreak of serious violence during political rallies, campaigns down to the election period and post-election results. In an attempt to bring corrupt politicians to political correctness thus holding them responsible and accountable for their mismanagement of public fund and abuse of office, the citizens of Nigeria, especially the youths, have taken it upon themselves to actively participate in the socio-economic and political landscape of their country pursuant of having a well functional and accountable government and institutions in place. However, this political participation is most of the times embraced through violence either by engaging in protest or demonstration without having to obtain the legal permit to do so as the constitution demands. Basically, they take the law in their own hands out of frustrations Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 106 without calculating the consequences or repercussions of their actions. Such demonstrations usually result in clash with security personnel which in turn, result in deaths or life-threatening injuries. Another serious issue that often most of the times lead political participants into violence is that it is nearly impossible for incumbent presidents of Africa, and Nigeria to be precise, to concede and accept election defeat in any given election, be it local government or central government elections. The incumbents always, and will continue to, claim that the elections were free and fairly observed while in the actual sense they hide under the curtains of oppression and dictatorship to instil fear and threat in everyone. On the other hand, the opposition parties always out rightly claim that the elections are not freely and fairly observed, thus pointing out electorate malpractices and abnormalities. In situations like this, angry and frustrated electorates who are expecting to have change of government always take to the streets in massive violent protest willing fully ready to lose their lives in exchange for good governance, accountability and transparency in order to liberate the country and its future from the hands of oppressors and dictators.

Conclusion Nigeria is undoubtedly a well-known country across the globe not just because of her vast population, rich oil deposit, but, in fact, also for her deep-rooted corruption, negligence and disregard for her citizens' fundamental socio-economic and political rights, tyrannical behavior of political leaders who are entrusted and vested with power and authority, suppression of oppressing the opposition parties and their supporters, arbitrary arrest, torture and extra-judiciary killings of those who oppose executive directives, or are perceived as threat to the ruling party's policies and agenda, and amongst many other things. Electoral violence in Nigerian comes in many different forms ranging from physical, cultural and structural violence which are very much observed during electoral campaigns and rallies. Physical violence is mostly inflicted on people through physical torture either on individual bases, or through collision of opposing party supporters during pre-election campaigns and rallies post-election outcome. Sadly, many well-known and recognized party supporters are usually victims of physical and psychological torture, especially those who are very much outspoken and critical of the incumbent. During campaigns, they are often targeted by security forces and in most cases subsequently arbitrarily arrested during elections or after the incumbent have won the election through whatever means. Once those outspoken persons are arrested, they are either tortured mercilessly or sent to jail with or without fair trial in the court of law as the constitutions demands as it is unanimously believed amongst scholars that “Power corrupts power and absolute power Corrupts Absolutely”. Finally, as part of the solution, the first step that needed to be done is to strive and have a functional democracy in which, the leaders will be accountable and liable for their portfolio during their tenure of office. This could be achieved by mounting pressure on the leaders for failing to live up to their responsibilities in conjunction with the International Community and Human Rights Watch organizations. This collaboration will mount pressure on the ruling governments to compromise on lot of things. Secondly, Nigerians must see and embrace Nigeria as theirs and that the destiny of their country solely rests on their shoulders. By doing that, Nigerians must do away with ethnic and tribal politics and vote for a leader that will represent the interest of Nigeria and Nigerians both home and in the global arena. This will lessen tribal sentiment and Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 107 prejudice and will have less consequences on electoral violence. International and regional electoral observers must also play their cards very well during electoral process and take accounts of any abnormal electoral practice. Thirdly, every political party campaign should be sponsored by the federal government. A specific amount should be stated by the Electoral Commission that should be spent by each party in an election campaign, and penalty to any party that spends more than the stated amount. That way, political parties will not be sponsored by businessmen or godfathers, who would, in return, expect contracts from the winning candidates which, in one's opinion, is the beginning of corruption in Nigeria.

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Abuja: National Democratic Institute for International Affairs. Nkwede, J. O. (2016). Electoral Violence and 2015 General Elections in Nigeria: A Focus on the Ramifications of Political Developments in Ebonyi State. Developing Country Studies Vol.6, No.9, 9-16. Nnabugwu, O. U. (2008, September 3). The Cartographic Legacy of Colonial Administration in Nigeria. Retrieved from International Cartographic Association: https://history.icaci.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/09/Uluocha.pdf Norris, P. (2002). Democratic Phoenix: Reinventing Political Activism. New York: Cambridge University Press. Nwosu, N. I. (2000). Thirty-Six years of Independence in Nigeria: The Political Balance Sheet. Africa: Rivista trimestrale di studi e documentazione dell'Istituto italiano per l'Africa e l'Oriente, Anno 55, No. 2, 151-166. Obi-Ani, N., & Obi-Ani, P. (2016). JANUARY 15 1966 COUP D' ETAT RECONSIDERED. Nsukka Journal of Humanities, 25. Okeke, C. C. (2001). Constitutional Development and Citizenship Education: The Nigerian Perspective. Enugu: Academic Publishing Company. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 109 Onimisi, T. (2015). The Prognoses of the 2011 Electoral Violence in Nigeria and the Lessons for the Future. Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences vol 6, no 1, 242-245. Rasheed, A., & Omiyefa, M. (2012). Unity In Diversity in Nigeria's Nationhood – Which Way Forward? International Journal of Scientific Research. 2, 482-484. The Economist. (2011, April 14). Nigerian elections: Ballot and bullets, political violence r e a c h e s n e w h e i g h t s . R e t r i e v e d f r o m T h e E c o n o m i s t : https://www.economist.com/node/18561189. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 110 Cultural Implicitly of Naming Among the Mumuye

Juliana Aidan, Naomi Ishaya & Azinni Vakkai Department of Languages and Linguistics, Faculty of Arts, Taraba State University, Jalingo. E-mail: [email protected], [email protected], [email protected] Phone: 08033414900, 08066373437

Abstract The paper aims at exploring how naming practice in Mumuye has cultural implications. This is thus achieved by collating a total of thirty-three names which are distributed across tables for analysis on the basis of the following groupings: fate/experiential names, circumstantial names, religious/appreciation names, proverbial names, and belief and cultural identity names. The paper uses Sapir-Whorfian theory of Linguistic Relativity to explain how the language of the people actually influences their thoughts and worldview. The findings reveal that, even though each category of names has peculiar reasons and meanings, it is evident that none of these is devoid of implicit meaning associating with the culture and belief system or worldview of Mumuye. The paper has therefore contributed to opening up grounds for research in this area since little or no work can be found as such in Mumuye.

Introduction Humans as social beings have various ways by which they socialise themselves, interact and express their feelings, ideas, thoughts, belief system and so on. All of these are expressed through language which is a unique attribute endowed to them by God. It is on this basis that language is seen as a carrier o the human culture, a means or vehicle through which all their activities are coordinated. Through language, one's identity is easily detected. Thus, in order to have specific/special identity, through language, individuals, groups, communities or societies, nations and the like, are given names as the mark of identity. It is therefore not out o the scope of truth to state that name is the major identity of all human being and all that is around them. Nyitse (2008) posits that “Names are what distinguish one individual from another… Human beings would be anonymous without their names. So, names provide the basic identity of an individual and bestow the uniqueness which prevents people from being mere clones of each other” (p.108). Tyumbu (2017) affirms, “Everyone in the universe has a name. This is because name serves (sic) as an identity marker and have some cultural connotation backed by belief systems in every society” ((p.144). Both Nyitse and Tyumbu are on the same page; they all see names as a marker of a person or thing from another. Interestingly, Tyumbu's further explanation to capture the culture and belief system of the human society draws the focus of this work (naming as culture carrying meaning) closer to her viewpoint. Naming can be seen as a socio-psychological concept that cuts across cultures the Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 111 world over. It is a universal phenomenal practice which exists ages ago, from the creation of man and his subsequent assigning of names to the living and non-living creatures. God himself assigned names to the works of his hands when he said “let there be… And it was so. God called the dry land earth, and the waters that were gathered together he called seas” (Gen. 1:3-10). While God created the earth and the heaven and all that were in them, He brought them before man that he should name them, including the woman and, that whatever the man called each that was its name (Gen. 2:19-20). In naming practice, people do not just assign names; they have particular reasons why they do so. Nyitse (2008) espouses this assertion when she offers that “in Gen. 3:20, when he [Adam] names her Eve; he identifies her role and utilitarian value as the mother of all living creatures” (p.111). Jacob named a place El-Bethel because it was there that God had appeared to him when he was fleeing from his brother, Esau (Gen. 35:7). Tyumbu (2017) argues that “… the practice of naming differs across cultures, societies and even countries. While others simply bear and give names, others bear and give names within the context of naming ceremonies” (p.144). The above submission supposes that in every culture, there are reasons why the people give and acquire names, as such, there are also varying naming systems or practices across groups. The are also not an exception of this fact. They, like other people, have reasons why they give names. These include, but not restricted to: one's experience, one's achievement, one's perception about life, their belief, culture, among others. It is for this reasons that Mumuye names appear in the forms of proverbs, ironical statements, praises, provocations, pleas, prayers, wishes and so on. This work explores Mumuye names as they are meanings – carriers of their culture and belief system. That is to say that, the study examines how their culture and belief are embodied in their names and naming system. The paper explains the procedure for naming in Mumuye as well as the levels (family and clannish) at which these names are given to children.

The Mumuye People and Language Mumuye refers to both the people and the language. As a people (Mumuye also known as the mountain people) they predominantly reside in Taraba State of Nigeria. Studies on the origin of Mumuye reveal that their ancestral and cultural headquarters is Yoro (Akombo & Abom 2018:33). The Mumuye people, according to Dong, et al, cited in Akombo and Abom (2018), claim to have originated from Kang or Kam which is located between Garba Chede and Bali towns in Taraba State (p.36). The exact period of their migration from Kam to Yoro is not known though “… the existence of the Mumuye in Kang may be during the “Iron Age” p.36). Akombo and Abom contend that “Meek classified the Mumuye into seven (7) groups as follows: Pugu, Yoro, Rang, Zina, Ya (Yakoko), and Gola (Gongla) or Jeren; (as against the successive fifteen (15) clans that encompass the Mumuye people…” (p.37). These include: Yoro, Gangoro, Pugong, Sagbee, Zing, Dong, Manang, Yotti, Kugong, Monkin, Gomlaa (Gongla), Mang or Koodii, Ya'a, Kwajji, and Kung (Shong Kpare) (p.37). In terms of occupation, Mumuye are agrarians, productive in ginger, beans, yam, peanut, millet and other cereals. Mumuye live a patrimonial (patriarchal) life and practice polygamy. They practice politeism (belief in many gods), although still believe in the supernatural God called “Laa”. Mumuye as a language belongs to the Adamawa-Ugbangi family of Niger-Congo languages. Mumuye is the largest of this family with over 400,000 speakers. The language Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 112 is spoken in Jalingo, Zing, Yorro and Mayo Belwa Local Governments (Blench, 2012:63- 64).

Theoretical Framework This work is anchored on the theory of linguistic relativity. This is also known as “Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis which originated from Sapir's (1029) and Whorf's (1956) concept of Linguistic Relativity” (Ezuruike, 2017 p.66). This theory purports that the nature of a particular language influences the thought of the speakers of that language. According to Tyumbu (2017), the theory “asserts the relationship between the grammatical categories of language a person speaks and how that person who both understand the world and behaves in it” (p.145). This confirms the assertion that humans think in the language they come to acquire in their social environment. In other words, as Ezuruike further explains, “the linguistic experience of the language speaker determines his conceptulisation of the world, where language represents an element of culture… [Language] is in itself, a shaper of ideas; it determines our perception of reality” (p.66). It is on this basis that this work deems this theory appropriate to examine some names in Mumuye which reflect the culture and worldview of the people. The justification for this is that the culture and worldview of the people is embodied in the use of language as this is reflected in Mumuye naming practice.

Empirical Studies on names and naming practice Several studies have been carried on names and naming practices across cultures. They have not been studied on the same parametric approach though. However, many of these studies examine how culture and belief of a people come to play in their naming practices. Snae and Bruckner (2006) worked on Thai names showing variations for different cultures to guide the implementation of a rule based naming system. This stemmed from the fact that names generally, and particularly personal names, have multiple variations even within a specific culture which lead to problems with regard to data retrieval. To achieve their goal, they used Levenshtein's Index of Similarity Group (ISG) and Guth's Algorithms to find reasonable variants of names, and also used an ontology of names to capture the meaning of variants which were based on Thai naming methodologies and rules (p.620). Kim and Lee (2011) researched on the topic “What's your Name?: Names, Naming practices, and contextualized selves of young Korean American Children”. They examined how the young children and the adults around them performed naming practices and what these practices meant to the children. By this, they observed 11 prekindergaten children in a Korean language classroom. They also interviewed 9 adults including parents, guardians and teachers during the 2007-2008 academic session. Their finding revealed that the “children's naming practices reflected their developing sense of self.” In Nigeria, Nyitse (2008) studied “Onomastic practice among the Tiv of Nigeria”. The aim of the study was to explore how the perform the act of naming their children. Using the sociological/literary approach, Nyitse highlighted some factors that influence the choice of names in Tiv – philosophy of the name, religious background and occupational affiliation (p.112). The findings of the work showed that there are two phases in the naming practice of Tiv. The first is shrouded totally in the Tiv world view or belief system in their traditional “Tsav” (witchcraft); the second is influence by Christianity. This is succinctly classified as precolonial and postcolonial periods. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 113 Tyumbu (2017) studied “Etulo personal names as a mirror of culture” with the objective that “names are not just given and taken in Etulo culture basically as labels of identity but also as a means for the expression of thoughts, beliefs, daily practices and experiences within the Etulo culture” (p.144). Using a list of sixty (60) names, Tyumbu classified them into proverbial, circumstantial, animal, title, borrowed/socio-cultural, and religious/appreciation names. Taking a cursory examination of these names, Tyumbu observed that Etulo culture and worldview is highly revealed in their names and naming practice. From the research done thus far, it is evident that little or no work has been written on Mumuye naming practice. This work shall therefore make justice in this aspect of study by exploring the naming system in Mumuye as well as unravel the implicit meaning of their names which deeply embody their culture.

Names and Naming System Names are a concept of identity with which both humans and non-humans are tagged. A name is a word that describes a noun. Any word or term describing or denoting a member of a particular class of beings or objects is referred to as a name (Oseni, 1981:1). A name, according to Ahmed, Jabakka, and Kofoworola (2016) is part of a person or thing with which they are addressed or referred to. Taking a cue from Tiav (2012) who contends that name is a linguistic item used to refer to all created things of physical or abstract nature, they aver that it is “a word by which a person, animal, place or concept is known or spoken about (p.12). Inferring from the above, a name could be seen as an identifier of or a referent to anything that exists practically or abstractly or even in the subconscious of humans. Snae and Bruckner (2006) earlier contend that names are studied differently. They include personal (proper) names, place names, bodies of waters, and so on. These areas of study are referred to: Anthroponym (personal names), Toponym (place names), Hydronym (bodies of water), Ethnonym (ethnic names), Metonym (metaphoric names), among others (p.620). Generally, the study of the origin and meaning of names is onomastics (Nyitse 2008:101). The importance of names in humanity is unlimited. This explains why Tyumbu (2017) emphasise that “Everyone in the universe has a name. This is because name serves as an identity marker and has some cultural connotation backed by belief systems in every society” (p.144). Names carry a lot of cultural traits as no society gives names without a reason peculiar to its experience. Tyumbu further espouses that “that is why name in Africa is considered a beauty to behold as it contains a very rich pool of social, cultural and historical factors…” (p.144). Naming, therefore, is an obsessional issue in every society. No society is devoid of names and naming practice. The practice of naming is done differently across cultures. Naming in some cultures is an exclusive reserve of the elderly, particularly, the men. The Tiv in the past, for instance, Nyitse (2008) posits, “as a responsible and delicate task requiring wisdom, it was the preserve of elderly men, since the society believed that age conferred experience and wisdom” (p.109-110). Among the Mumuye, however, the act is practiced at clannish levels (details of this is seen in later section of this work). In naming, several conditions may be considered; however, this is dependent on the experience and worldview of the people concerned. There is no doubt that someone who comes from Mumuye background, for instance, where naming is not done by a single individual may have different conception about naming from that of Jukun, Idoma, Igede, Tiv, among others. No wonder, Ezuruike (2017) submits that “speakers' conceptual system Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 114 differs since their cultural backgrounds and experiences differ, and as a result different conceptualisation of concepts and mappings among people are realised” (p.65). Naming, therefore, is a cultural based conception of a people, as such, names of a people doubtlessly embody their culture and beliefs.

Mumuye Naming Practice Naming among the Mumuye is not farfetched from what other ethnicity do. Though certain rituals and rites might not be the same since every group has their way of life and different experiences. The conceptual system of individuals or group differs as far as their cultural backgrounds and experiences also differ (Ezuruike, 2017 p.65). Naming as an aspect of the culture of a people is also conceptualised differently based on the background of the people. According to Tyumbu (2017), “while others simply bear and give names, others bear and give names within the context of naming ceremonies” (p.144). Among the Mumuye, whenever a child is born, the child is allowed to be able to walk before the naming of such a child. In an oral interview with Dabong James Banya (in Bitoko Village, Zing L.G.A. Taraba), the research gathered that the people are often afraid that the child may die to leave the name behind that no one could bear it again until the next generation. The reason for the extension to the next generation is that they believe that the child who bears the name after the first (within the same generation) may die sooner to meet the first one. It was also gathered from the interview that, like other ethnic groups who organise ceremonies for the naming of a child, Mumuye hold theirs at clan (community) level. Thus, once a particular clan names a child, it is expected that no sister clan should bear the same name; it continues within the clan that first bore the name. It becomes imperative for adults to educate the younger ones of clan names. The idea that people derive their names from family, institutions, place, nature of job, and religion is not gainsaying. It is a common practice among some people to bearing place names; this is common among Northern Nigeria (Ahmad, Jabaka & Kofoworola, 2016 p.12). Among the Mumuye, too, names can be got from such sources. Thus, Mumuye names may come in the form of appreciation or prayer to God, the achievement in one's live, experience, group association, important events, among other factors.

Methodology This is a qualitative research in that it concerns investigating what meaning is contained in the naming practice of the Mumuye people. The research involved oral interview where the researchers engaged in one-to-one interaction with the respondents. The instruments used were audio recorder and writing materials in order to capture the information vividly. As a native speaker of Mumuye, the researcher's introspection also played a great role in the categorisation of the names as they concern different classes. The presentation of data was done in tabular form. Wherein each name contained was followed by the meaning in English. A total of 33 names were used. The analysis explained in each table the possible reason(s) why people give their child such names. Presentation and Analysis of Data This section presents data in segments based on the distribution on names according to the purposes of naming. This includes experiential/fate names, circumstantial names, religious/appreciation names, proverbial names, belief and cultural identity names. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 115 Table 1. Showing the distribution of names according to fate or experience

S/No. Names Meaning 1. Ruudaa-bongyuubba I have become a talk of the town/leaders are always blame 2. Shaniba Nothing to say 3. Nzareweya I have not refused giving assistance 4. Sogbaana I am hopeless 5. Vorozangkebii Death is the end of pain 6. Shomba I am helpless 7. Voodaaweya Death has no choice 8. Koovooyuniba You cannot hide away from death

Experiential names are given when the parents of the child had had some event prior or after, or even during the birth of the child which has had an effect in their lives. It may also be from “the experience the parents had in their lives, marriage or in their quest for a child” (Mbarach & Igweny, 2008 p.34). Out of the experience, the parents decide to accept their fate thus leading to such names as seen in the table. For example, Ruudaa-bongyuuba is given to a child when the mother, for instance, had been receiving some sinister remarks from people as a result of a long over-due expectation of a child; she may be called a witch, barren and all sorts of names. When at last a child comes the parents could name the child Ruudaa-bongyuuba. An elder (especially one who is the head of a larger family or community or clan) is accused of wrong doings/happening, particularly concerning death of people in the family/community/clan may name a child as such. Such an elder may also name a child Shaniba – nothing to say – for he/she has no option than to accept his/her fate. Table 2. Showing the distribution of names according to circumstance

S/No. Names Meaning 1. Yuu-yereba A fatherless child 2. Daarangkeya Can I be free from poverty? 3. Taavoronya I have escape death narrowly 4. Nbeweya Whom did I hate? 5. Kaanopiti I have looked round, no refuge

Circumstantial names are given based on the circumstances surrounding the birth off the bearer. Name of this group also relate to the manner and place of birth (Tyumbu, 2017 p.147). Yuu-yereba, for instance, is assigned to a child when such a child is born after the death of the child's father. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 116 Table 3. Showing the distribution of names according to appreciation to God (Religious names)

S/No. Names Meaning 1. Laanimini God is always with me 2. Laabee God’s gift 3. Da’alaaviya What shall I render to God 4. Ndorelaaye I thank God 5. Laa’ani God will provide or defend or revenge 6. Vijalaaviya All things are possible with God

Names giving references to God always show the faith of the people to their maker. Such names express their total submission to God who has all the answers or solutions to their troubles on earth. And in return to this, they appreciate him, for they have nothing to offer him. For instance, Da'alaaviya expresses the overwhelming joy of the namer to God; the namer lacks what to offer God in atonement for his wonderful deeds.

Table 4. Showing the distribution of proverbial names

S/No. Names Meaning 1. Shaashina Taste of beauty is not meal 2. Tumputoojo He who laughs last laughs best 3. Koovoonaa My hands are my defense 4. Naamookesejaa United we stand/unity is strength 5. Vibanaaba No money no friend 6. Tisegnnaa My brother is my strength 7. Lokesokeya Friendship can never be forgotten, it stands forever

Proverbs are metaphoric statements that express deeper meaning from the mere utterance. Tyumbu (2017) contends that proverbs “express the feelings of the giver and are often times indirect speeches geared towards people” (p.147). Proverbs are culturally inclined in that they are peculiar to each cultural or ethnic group. Proverbial names also point to the experience of the namers. For instance, Tumputoojo could be given to a child when the parent had passed through difficult moments before the birth of the child; but eventually, life begins to be better off for them. Someone who is deserted by friends, neighbours or associates who used to be together when things were better but as life becomes difficult no one seems to care may name a child Vibanaaba. By implication, the friendship was not a true friendship. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 117 Table 5. Showing the distribution of names according to belief and cultural identity

S/No. Names Meaning 1. Shongbii-shongmoo Man of the people 2. Dengse-naato Back to life 3. Daazeelaa Coward or lazy person 4. Sangvaa My age mate 5. Yese-Nvaabore Here is another food for witches 6. Gaadabii The sin of my father has affected me 7. Jaa’ayuuwe One man’s child belongs to all

The above names no doubt express the belief and culture of the people. Intrinsically, all the names discussed thus far have connotations of culture/belief. The ones in the above table 5 appear to be more conspicuous. For instance, Shangbii-Shongmoo is given to a child to predict what the child would be in life; the child would be someone who is sociable and would serve the community into which he is born. Yese – Nvaabore is a satiric name which seriously embodies the belief system of the people. It is a common belief among the Mumuye people that witches have hands in the death of a person, as such, when someone dies, they are usually accused of killing the person. So, parents who have experienced allot of death incidents in their family may name a child as such. This connotes that since human beings have become food for the witches, the new child also is their food. From what has been discussed so far in this section, it behoves on one to state that names in Mumuye are actually a label of identity with their culture and belief system. As observed from the analysis of the tables, revisiting the linguistic relativity theory, which proposes that the nature of a language influences the thought of the speakers of that language (see section under theoretical framework). It is evident that the Mumuye language has also influenced the people. There is a clear relationship between their linguistic structure and their way of life and pattern of belief as is reflected in their naming practice.

Conclusion The paper discussed an aspect of onomastics (the study of the origin and meaning of words). The aspect discussed involves studying personal names (Anthroponomy) as they embody the culture and belief system among the Mumuye people. The main focus of the study hinged on how individual names of Mumuye carry certain connotative or implicit meaning reflecting their culture. The paper, therefore, discussed aspects such as naming practice among Mumuye and the reasons why humans in general assign names to people. From the empirical studies, the paper discovered that little or no work has been done on this aspect of study in Mumuye. From the presentation and analysis, therefore, the work discovered that all of the names relate to the culture and belief practice of the people, irrespective of the purpose for assigning the names. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 118 References Nyitse, M.L. (2008). Onomastic Practice among the Tiv of Nigeria. The Journal of Communicative English. 4, 108 – 126. Ezuruike, I.P. (2017). Cultural Conceptualisations of animal names: A Semantics perspective. Journal of the Linguistic Association of Nigeria. 20(2), 63 – 71. Tyumbu, M.M. (2017). Etulo Personal names as a Mirror of Culture. Journal of the Linguistic Association of Nigeria. 20(1), 144 149. Ahmad, A., Jabaka, K.N., Kofoworola, B. (2016). Onomastics: Why names of some individuals outlive them. The Journal of Communicative English. 12, 12- 22. Mbarachi, C.S. & Igwenyi, E. (2018). Language, identity and the Cultural context of names in Selected Nigerian Novels. International Journal of Language and Literature. 6(1), 29 – 37. Snae, C., & Bruckner, M. (2006). Concept and Rule based naming system. Issues in Informing Science and Technology. 3, 619 – 634. Blench, R. (2012). An Atlas of Nigerian Languages. 3rd Ed. Cambridge: Kay Williamson Educational Foundation. Blench, R. (2004). The Benue – Congo Languages: A Proposed Internal Classification. Cambridge: Mallam Dendo. Akombo, I.E., & Abom, S.T. (2018). Origins and Migrations of the Yandang and the Mumuye in the 19th Century. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies. 1(1), 24 – 40. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 119 An Assessment of the Role of River Basin Development Authorities in Agricultural and Economic Development in Nigeria Since 1960

Luka, Nathaniel B. Gimba Department of History, Adamawa State University, Mubi, Nigeria E-mail: [email protected] Phone: 08037462359 & Sylvester I. Ugbegeli, PhD Department of History, Faculty of Arts, Benue State University, Makurdi. Phone: 08035098734

Abstract This paper examines the role of River Basin Development Authorities in the economic development of Nigeria. It notes that River Basins were meant to undertake the development of underground water resources, large scale irrigation projects and general water management germane for economic development through the transformation of agriculture. However, this paper contends that the activities of river basin development authorities in Nigeria have not led to rapid appreciable economic development due to corruption, mismanagement, politicization of agriculture, poor funding, and insecurity, among others. Through a multidisciplinary approach using both primary and secondary sources, this paper concludes that there is the urgent need for both institutional and legislative reforms of River basin development authorities in Nigeria. Keywords: Agriculture, Authority, Economic development, River Basin

Introduction In a general survey of Nigeria's economy in its first twenty five years, Adeboye T. O., observes that throughout the pre-independence period, the Nigerian economy was dominated by peasant agriculture which contributed over 60% of Nigeria's Gross Domestic Products. With the use of local farm tools and rain fed agriculture, Nigeria was able to produce enough food to feed its population and even for exports. Adeboye further observes, “in spite of the backwardness, the pre-independence era of traditional agriculture, the sector made as high as 70% of all Nigeria's export…and the sector also accounted for 95% of the country's food production”. As a result of this, Nigeria was highly food secured in her early independence years. The three geopolitical regions of North, East and West created in 1946 and later the Mid-Western region created in 1963, each thrived on the basis of agriculture. For instance, the Northern areas grew annuals and cereals such as Sorghum, Groundnuts, Cotton, millet, etc, while the Southern areas grew tubers and tree crops like yams, cassava, cocoa, palm produce, etc. These provided food, employment, raw materials for industries and foreign exchange earnings to Government. During the first decade of Independence, agriculture made positive contributions to Nigeria's economy. This was because the political leadership continued with the agricultural policies initiated by the erstwhile colonial authority. However, following the discovery of crude oil at Oloibiri and its subsequent exploration in commercial quantities in 1956 and 1958 respectively, agriculture was Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 120 relegated. The oil boom with the attendant sudden huge oil revenues made the post- independence political leadership to forfeit the development of agriculture. Chris observes that: The oil boom era of the 1970s tended to have brought doom to the nation's agricultural sector. The oil boom resulting from the Arab oil embargo on the United States in 1973 affected the Nigerian agricultural sector adversely. By 1977, the share of agriculture to the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) declined from 48.23 percent in 1971 to about 21 percent. The percentage of agricultural exports also declined from 20.7 per cent in 1971 to 5.7 percent. By this time, oil revenue represented 90 percent of foreign earnings and about 85 per cent of total exports.1

By the 1970s, Nigeria became a highly food unsecured country as the oil boom brought about decline in agricultural products, distortions of the labour markets which, in effect, culminated in adverse production levels in both food and cash crops. The excessive revenues from the oil boom made the political leadership to begin massive food importation strategy. Rice, wheats, millet, fish, etc, were imported and even the local ports could not contain imports. This unfortunate scenario affected Nigeria's economy negatively. Since it created and sustained the neo-colonial dependency syndrome which resulted in loss of revenues, disarticulation of the Nigeria agricultural structures, engendered capital flight, created balance of payment crisis, among others. In order to address these challenges, River Basin Development Authorities were established in Nigeria to help plan, manage and develop river basins for overall agricultural, techno-industrial, economic and social transformation of the country through proper utilization and management of Nigeria river basins. As Njoku observes, it was believed that an integrated river basin development will help stimulate agricultural production through all-year farming (irrigation agriculture), which will guarantee food security, boast hydropower generation, flood control and provide water for rural and urban consumption. However, several decades, after the establishment of nine River Basins in 1976 and the subsequent additional three to make it twelve (12) river basins, the river basins have not made appreciable positive contribution to the economic development of Nigeria.2 Nigeria's economy has remained highly monoculture which has disarticulated the contribution of agriculture to Gross Domestic Products, GDP decline to 2.7%, while unemployment and social insecurity are high. Available statistics show that 24.4 Nigerians are malnourished, 1.3 trillion Naira ($8.1bn) is spent on imports of food annually. Thus, this paper investigates the following; what is the historical basis of river basin development authorities in Nigeria? To what extent have the various river basin development authorities spurred economic development in Nigeria? What factors account for the low or poor contribution of River Basin Development Authorities (RBDA) to economic development in Nigeria? How can the challenges facing the RBDAs be overcome? In addition to the introduction, this paper is schematically divided into four parts, namely; conceptual clarifications, history of RBDAs in Nigeria, historical reflection on the Nigeria's economic development and a conclusion.

Conceptual Clarifications In order to curtail ambiguities in usage and meanings of some terms used in this paper, such terms are clearly defined and the context of their usage in this paper clarified. Some of these terms are; river basin, authority and economic development. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 121 River Basin: A river basin is defined as a portion of land drained by a river and its tributaries. It encompasses the entire land surface dissected and drained by mainly streams and creeks that flow downhill into one another.3 Ahokegh sees a basin simply as a valley which is the land that water flows across or under on its way to a river.4 In this paper, a river basin is used to mean the portion(s) of land drained by a river, streams and creeks. Authority: Authority is the right to control, dominate and influence one's decision. It is the legal right to initiate and enforce order.5 Authority in this paper refers to the right of an agency of government to carry out certain stipulated statutory functions. Agriculture: Agriculture is the art and science of production of crops and rearing of animals for consumption and exchange. Agriculture is also used to refer to all the processes involved in the production of food, rearing of animals to promote human survival and societal development. It is the most critical aspect of human enterprise because without food, man cannot survive or carry out any meaningful activity. Economic development: economic development is the capacity of a national economy, whose initial economic condition has been more or less static for a long time to generate and sustain an annual increase in its Gross National Product (GNP) at rates perhaps 5-7%. Economic development in the past has meant a planned alteration of the structure of production especially with increase in share of industrial and manufacturing outputs.6 However, the new perspective to development is geared towards the direct attacks on widespread absolute poverty, increasing inequitable income distributions and rising unemployment. By 1970s, economic development came to be redefined in terms of the increase in lifespan (longevity), increase literacy rate (access to education), food security, reduction or elimination of poverty, inequality and unemployment within the context of a growing economy.7 Development in this paper is human faced. Thus, it is seen as the national food security, ability to meet basic need, self-esteem and freedom. It is also concerned with increase or the availability of basic human choices or the process that widening the distribution of basic life- sustaining goods such as food, shelter, health and protection incomes, provision of more jobs, better education and wellbeing, as well as expanding the range of economic and social choices available to individuals and nations.

History of River Basin Development Authorities In Nigeria The evolution of river basin development in Nigeria dates to the colonial era. The idea of harnessing Nigeria's rivers and their basins for agro-allied uses in Nigeria is traced to the era of British colonial administration in Nigeria. The British colonial government as at the late 1940s took special interest in the utilization and development of the river basins, especially in northern Nigeria.8 This was because of the acute shortage of rainfall in the northern part of the country, which hampered farming activities. The colonial development welfare fund made special provisions for this. For instance, during the colonial epoch, irrigation schemes were carried out at Yau on the Yobe River, at Ebiji, east of Maiduguri, Warno in Sokoto, in Kano and smaller ones around Jos.9 Njoku clearly observes that the British colonial authorities in Nigeria were inspired by the Tennessee Valley Authority in the United States of America which had prior to 1947 helped to revolutionize agricultural production in the United States through the use of river basins. As a result of this, in 1947, the northern Nigeria colonial administrators, through Colonial Development Welfare Fund (CDWF), voted special fund for commerce Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 122 for preliminary investigation into how best to develop the Sokoto-Rima basin for overall agricultural, techno-industrial development. The economic gluts and the effects of war on the British economy and finances of the colonial economies caused further delay in the development of river basins in Nigeria. In 1963, the Lake Chad Basin Commission as established. Works started on the Lake Chad Basin and the Sokoto Rima River Basin during 1973-1974. The oil boom, which enhanced the revenue base of Nigeria, helped the federal government to create both legislative and institutional framework upon which the activities of RBDAs in Nigeria would be coordinated and developed for national growth and development.10 This further led to the promulgation of decree No 73 in 1973 which extended the RBD project nationwide. Thus, following the promulgation of the decree; eleven (11) RBDAs were established. There was additional creation of the Sokoto Rima Basin Authority which brought the total number of RBDAs to twelve (12). Each authority was placed in charge of a designated area, though the demarcation sometimes followed geo-political rather than logical geomorphic profile. These river basins and their headquarters are listed in the table below;

S/No River Basin Headquarters 1. Anambra-Imo River Basin Development Authority. Owerri 2. Benin-Owena River Basin Development Authority. Benin 3. Chad River Basin Development Authority. Maiduguri

4. Cross River Basin Development Authority. Calabar

5. Hadeji-Jama’are River Basin Development Authority. Kano

6. Lower Benue River Basin Development Authority. Makurdi

7. Lower Niger River Basin Development Authority. Ilorin

8. Niger Delta River Basin Development Authority. Port Harcourt

9. Ogun-Osun River Basin Development Authority Ogun

10. Upper Benue River Basin Development Authority. Yola

11. Upper Niger River Basin Development Authority. Abeokuta

12. Sokoto-Rima River Basin Development Authority. Sokoto.11

In order to facilitate rapid economic development of Nigeria through an integrated planning and management of Nigerian river basins, the authorities had the following mandate in their various operational areas; 1. Construction of dams and boreholes for irrigation and rural water supply; 2. Large-scale mechanized clearing and cultivation of various land forms; 3. Rural electrification and construction of feeder roads; 4. Establishment of agro-service centres, with tractor hire services; Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 123 5. Large scale multiplication of improved seeds for distribution to farmers; 6. Large scale rearing of improved livestock and poultry for distribution to farmers; 7. Establishment of grazing reserves for nomadic cattle breeders; 8. Establishment of large scale a forestation schemes and; 9. Training of junior staff for oral development projects; 10. Contribute to overall national security through food production and distribution governs for enhancing natural food self-sufficiency.12

River Basin Development Authorities and Economic Development: The Nigerian Experience River basin development authorities in Nigeria have not made significant contribution to Nigeria's economic development, particularly judging from the broad mandates outlined in the decree establishing them. Agricultural contribution to Nigeria's Gross Domestic Products (GDP), particularly since the 1980s up to this twenty first century remains highly insignificant. Some of the reasons usually analyzed for this ugly trend in the sector is linked to the discovery of oil and the subsequent oil boom of 1970s which led to the neglect of agriculture, including, the river basins by government. In this perspective, the oil boom led to the neglect of river basins development in Nigeria. Olatubosun avers; The oil boom resulting from the Arab oil embargo on the USA in 1973 affected the Nigeria agricultural sector adversely. The economy became heavily dependent on oil. By 1977, the share of agriculture to GDP decline from 48.23 percent in 1971 to about 21 percent. The percentage of agricultural export declined from 20.7% in 1971 to 5.71% in 1977 by this time, oil revenue represented 90% of foreign earnings. By 1980, agriculture made only 4.0% of Nigeria export.13

The River Basin Development Authorities in the area of industrialization have not attracted the much needed industrialization. River Basin Development Authorities were set-up to produce all year round food and cash crops for manufacturing industries both within and outside Nigeria. The manufacturing sector in Nigeria today is in comatose. Agro-allied industries in Nigeria depend almost absolutely on import of basic raw materials. The River Basin Development Authorities have not been able, through their mandate of dam construction, to produce all year round food resources through all-seasons farming.14 Several reasons have been adduced by expert for this failure. First, Idachaba argues that the basins suffer from the “intended consequences” of policy misconception, arising from establishment of large-scale dams with heavy capital and management intensity and that the inability of government to properly monitor and maintain these dams have threatened their sustainability. Second, corruption and bribery manifest in the diversion of fund meant for critical development of public projects into private pockets and incessant policy summersaults arising from incessant change of government. More recently, is the increasing impact of climate change in most parts of Nigeria, especially Northern Nigeria, and the inability of government to initiate rapid strategies to combat climate change. This situation has led to decrease in water level and, in some, cases incessant floods which destroy dams managed by these basins. This poses a serious threat to National security bearing in mind that famine looms large in Nigeria today. With over 170 million people, an annual population growth rate of 2.8%. River Basin Development Authorities in Nigeria saddled with the responsibilities Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 124 of dam construction and utilization for irrigation agriculture germane for food security have not performed creditably. The construction of dams for energy and food production remains a mirage. This has had serious implications on Nigeria's economic development in diverse ways.15 First, the poor states of dams constructed by RBDAs in Nigeria accounts for incessant energy crises in the country, which continues to hinder industrialization. Electricity generation in Nigeria remains a conundrum. Many local and foreign manufacturing companies have left Nigeria due to high cost of production arising from poor/lack of constant electricity supply. The various Hydro power (electricity) dams such as Kainji, Kashimbila, and Shiroro dams are in poor conditions. This has made electricity generation very difficult thereby affecting economic development (industrialization) negatively. Kola Ibrahim avers, for instance, that; Nigeria currently generates less than 5,000 megawatts (MW) of electricity while South Africa (with a population 50 million and Brazil 200 million) generate 50, 000 MW and 120, 000MW respectively.16 Dike observes that, the various hydropower dams in Nigeria suffer from fluctuations in water level occasioned by seasonal changes in rainfall patterns and volumes, lack of maintenance, government neglect and corruption. The acute shortage of electricity supply negatively affects Nigeria's economic development. Apart from discouraging foreign investors from investing in Nigeria, it accounts for high cost of basic commodities which affects the Nigerian citizens. As revealed in 2014 by Kofi Anan in African Progress Report, 621 million Africans do not have access to electricity. Which 60% of Sub Saharan Africans (SSA), energy is consumed by South Africa. Although Nigeria made US 89 billion dollars from petroleum in 2013, 93 million Nigerians lack access to electricity.17 Economic development is about human welfare, manifest in happiness. However, hunger and malnutrition consistently threaten Nigerians on a daily basis in gargantuan proportions. Many Nigerians lack access to basic food. Even though RBDAs were set-up to address food sufficiency and availability at both household and national levels, famine looms large in Nigeria today. Nigeria is Africa's net importer of basic staple food. More worrisome is that even in the midst of imported foods, many Nigerians lack the resources (finance) to buy food. Olaoye observes that; In 2011, Nigeria imported about 3 million Metric tons of Rice valued at N468bn (about 20% of sub-Saharan Africa's total rice import and over N600bn of wheat… in 2014, Nigeria was the largest importer of rice, spending 1 billion naira ($60 million) daily importing rice and N600bn of wheat.18

The unending importation of staple foods into Nigeria is due largely to the failure of RBDAs and other allied agencies of government to boast agricultural productivity. These scenarios have immense implications on Nigeria's economic development. First, it affects Nigeria's foreign reserves, while government and private businessmen spend in foreign currencies to import food. This affects the value of Nigeria's currency (Naira) and accounts for its incessant devaluation and fluctuation in the international market. Also, it creates unemployment in Nigeria, as importation discourages local production; inhibits value chain gains in production processes, especially in Agricultural sector.

Challenges Facing Nigeria's River Basin Development Authorities (Rbdas) Since the establishment of River Basin Development Authorities (RBDAs) in 1976, they have failed to realize their two basic mandate of increasing production of food and other Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 125 raw materials to meet the country's growing population and expanding industries and to attain self-sufficiency in terms of food production and expansion of employment opportunities at the rural levels and the need to develop underground water for domestic use (FRN) Gazette, 1976. What are the factors responsible for these failures? Dike identifies five issues which have hindered the performance of RBDAs in Nigeria economic woes of Nigeria, heavy social costs by the local population such as of the developments including loss of homes, and fertile lands, fishing ponds, who are not usually consulted in any of the critical decision making phases of project planning, implementation, management and evaluation.19 Other challenges, as identified by Dike he include; policy discontinuity, inadequate funding due to government dwindling revenues and lack of understanding and focus of its core mandates.20 Dike further observes that the sacking of Shehu Shagari's administration in the military coup of 1983 denied the RBDAs government attention and funding as the new military government paid little attention to the project. In 1992, as a result of the implementation of Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), substantial subsidy on irrigation was dropped. This was the fallout of the government's inability to shoulder the cost of development in the fact of slumping revenue and mounting foreign debt obligation. In fact, the underlying economic philosophy of SAP was predicated on the assumption that agriculture was poorly a private sector business. Since the 1970s up to 2017, political manipulation and politicization of river basins have hampered economic development in Nigeria. Akindele observes thus: The failure of Nigeria to experience rapid agricultural and economic development are due to the failures of the various agricultural programmes such as Operation Feed the Nation (OFR), the Green Revolution, RBDAs, Directorate of Food, Roads and Rural Infrastructure (DFRRI) to achieve their aims and objectives can be mainly attributed to the factors of political environment and actions and organizational goals of the authority since its establishment.21

In the areas of efficient and effective water supply, the RBDAs have made infinitesimal impact. As Jibril observes, many urban centres and rural areas in Nigeria do not have access to safe drinking water. Most of the Dams constructed by RBDAs in Nigeria are not secured. Dam insecurity as a result of apparent technical defects hinders efficiency. Many existing dams suffer from seepage through dam foundation works, shortage of spillway, flood capacity, decrease of effective storage due to excessive sediment inflow, damages of values, among others.22 Flooding is also a major challenge facing RBDAs in Nigeria. flooding described as a situation where a usually dry land is covered with water from a flowing river, dam or heavy rain, has become a common occurrence which the RBDAs, statutorily created to tackle, have been engulfed with. The source of flooding in Nigeria is not only from within the country but from outside. For instance, the 2012 floods that ravaged many states of Nigeria emanated from . This followed the decision of the Cameroon government to open the Lagdom Dam. The flood that characterized this and the unpreparedness of the Nigerian government led to the 2012 floods which wreaked havoc in many parts of Nigeria. In order to ensure that Nigerian farmers are protected from floods, the RBDAs were created to construct dams. Such dams were to provide reservoir in cases of floods and to protect farmers and residents from floods. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 126 Unfortunately, the dams could not avert the course and effects of the 2012 flood in any way. For instance, the release of water from the Lagdom dam, in neighboring Cameroon, caused serious flooding in Kogi, Benue, Taraba, Bauchi states and in many other coastal states like Lagos, Bayelsa, Delta, among others. In most of these floods, human lives and property were lost leading to population displacement. For instance, in the MDG end point report 2015, it was stated that: In July 2001, 16,000 people were displaced by flood in Sokoto. In the same month, 12,398 were affected in Zamfara, while over 200,000 people were affected in Nigeria in April 2001. From August to September, 2012, over 7, 700,000 people were affected by flood across 32 states of Nigeria.23

The 2012 flood had the most debilitating effects on Nigeria's economic development. More closely related to the above is the challenge of Boko Haram Terrorism in northern Nigeria, and militant activities in the Niger Delta. Boko Haram terrorism has led to the suspension of RBDAs activities in Borno, Adamawa, Yobe, among others. Their activities have led to the death of active farmers. They forced many RBDA staff to relocate from the north. In early 2015, Boko Haram took control of Niger Chad Basin Authority and suspended economic activities in the basin. Today, about 2.1 million are internally displaced persons languishing in Internally Displaced Person (IDP) camps.24 Similarly, Niger Delta militants such as the Niger Delta Volunteer Force (NDVF), Movement for the Emancipation of Niger Delta (MEND) which have led to vandalization of oil pipelines and subsequent oil spillage also constitute major impediments to the smooth functioning of Niger Delta River Basin Authority. This has affected both RBDAs capacity to boost agriculture and engender rapid economic development of Nigeria.25

Overcoming The Challenges Facing Rbdas Overcoming these avalanches of challenges requires a holistic approach. First, legislative reform is necessary to give RBDA independent. The agency is tied to the federal ministry of agriculture and the activities of ministers occasioned by incessant change of government disrupt stable policy planning administration. Secondly, adequate funding is imperative. RBDA administrators have consistently remarked that their inability to transform agriculture irrigation system is due to paucity of fund. Even when funds are made available, a large chunk is spent on administration. For instance, most RBDAs, comprise many departments – administration, and finance, agriculture, livestock, forestry, fisheries, engineering and planning each with managers and deputy managers, which leads to duplication of functions, waste of fund and overstaffing. For instance, in the Owena-River Basin and Rural Development Authority (ORBRDA), in 1985, budgets, salaries and wages gulped 2 million of the total N4 million allocate to the five departments. Agriculture, the purpose for which the authority was created only got 4 million (about 10 percent). Generally, security is important in any country. The Boko Haram theorists and Niger Delta militants must be tackled by the government to ensure the governance is unhindered. Adequate monitoring of the projects and finances of RBDA is very imperative in ensuring that funds are properly appropriated and used for the purpose intended. Both the ministry of agriculture and the legislature must routinely; through over sight function Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 127 supervise the activities of the authorities. Besides, annual independent audit of all the RBDAs in Niger Must be entrenched. In order to boast productivity and efficiency, there is the need to partner with private investors to develop dams in Nigeria.

Conclusion River Basin Development Authorities were established in Nigeria to manage Nigeria surface water in order to boast agriculture, generate additional drinking water, and for techno-industrial uses. From the initial nine River Basin Authorities, the number of basins increased to twelve (12). However, in spite of their ubiquitous nature, their contributions to Nigeria's economic development have been negligible. This is due to poor management, climate change, insecurity, particularly the Boko Haram Insurgency in the North eastern part of the country, as well as the activities of militants in the Niger Delta region. Thus, in order to stimulate rapid agricultural transformation germane for economic development, government must intensify efforts in the management of River Basins in Nigeria. In this regards, efforts should be geared towards mitigating climate change, tackle terrorism in all parts of Nigeria and ensure adequate funding.

References 1. John, F. E. O, The State and Economic Development in Nigeria Under the Military Rule, 1966-1979, in Tekena, N. Tamuno and Atanda, J. A., Nigeria Since the First 25 Years, Volume IV, Ibadan: Heinemann,1989. p.150-152 2. Olaoye, O. E., Agric Transformation: Tackling Nigeria's Food Import Dependency, Zenith Economic Quarterly, July, 2012. p.14-18. 3. Ahokegh, A. F, Migrations in the Benue Basin and the Indigeneship/Settler Question, African Journal of Economy and Society, Volume 10, Number 1&2, 2010. p.217 4. Ahokegh, A. F, Migrations in the Benue Basin… 5. Federal Government of Nigeria River Basin Authority Decree. p.8 6. Todaro, M. P., Economic Development, 6th edition, London: Longman, 1997 7. Todaro, M. P., Economic Development… 8. Njoku, O. N, Economic History of Nigeria, 19th & 20th centuries, Enugu: Magnet Publishers, 2001 9. Njoku, O. N, Economic History of Nigeria... 10. Adeoti, O, The Development of River Basin Organizations in Nigeria, Research Journal of Social and Water management 1 (3-4) 91-100, 2010. 11. Onwuanaeze, D. The Failed River Basins, Newswatch Magazine, August, 3, 2009, p.25 12. Onwuanaeze, D. The Failed River Basins…p.25 13. Olatubosun Views quoted by Onwuanaeze, D. The Failed River Basins, Newswatch Magazine, August, 3, 2009, p.25 14. Adeoti, O, The Development of River Basin Organizations in Nigeria, Research Journal of Social. p.417. 15. Demola, Abimboye, A Revolution Abandoned, Newswatch Magazine, August, 3, Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 128 2009, p.17 16. Kola Ibrahim, Electricity Privatization : Electricity Crisis May Trigger Nigeria's Next Uprising http://www.socialistnigeria.org/page.php=2363 17. Power People Plant; Seizing Africa's Energy and Climate Opportunities, Africa Progress Report, 2015, p.44 18. Olaoye, O. E., Agric Transformation: Tackling Nigeria's Food Import Dependency… 19. Onwuanaeze, D. The Failed River Basins…p.25 20. Onwuanaeze, D. The Failed River Basins…p.25 21. Akindele, S. T. and A. Adebo, The Political Economy of River Basin and Rural Development Authority in Nigeria: A Retrospective Case Study of Owena- River Basin and Rural Development Authority (ORBRDA), Journal of Human Ecology, 16 (1), 2014. p.55-62. 22. Akanima, J. O, (et al), Chronicles of River Basin management in Nigeria, International Congress on River Basin Management or see FGN: Millennium Development Goals End Point Report 2014, obtained. 23. Nigeria MDGs End Point Report, 2015. p.25 24. Tolu, Ogunlesi, The Nigeria Paradox: Gloom and Bloom, New Africa Magazine, May 2014. p.11. 25. Tolu, Ogunlesi, The Nigeria Paradox: Gloom and Bloom…p,10. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 129 Women's Status in Islam and their Role in Politics and Sustainable Development

Maunde Usman Muhammad, Adamu Alhaji Sa'idu & Amina Aminu Isma'il Department of Islamic Studies, Faculty of Arts, Taraba State University, Jalingo, Nigeria. E-mail: [email protected], [email protected] , [email protected] Phone: +2347033087888, +2348033671755, +2347031090780

Abstract The status of women in society is neither a new issue nor is it a fully settled one. The position of Islam on this issue has been among the subjects presented to the Western reader with the least objectivity. This paper is intended to prove that Spiritual equality, responsibility, and accountability for women are well-developed themes in the Qur'an. Spiritual equality between men and women in the sight of Allah is not limited purely to religious issues, but is the basis for equality in all aspects of human endeavour. The main interest of this paper is in the woman's status Islamically and politically, and her role in sustainable development. Therefore, the paper introduces and discusses the misinterpretation of the role of women in Islam, with special consideration of women's status and their roles within the society. This will help to enhance future discussions of social behaviour, values, and attitudes toward women in Islam. In the last few decades, there has been a great misunderstanding in many aspects of public consciousness about the women status in Islam and sustainable development. The level of women's status/rights and roles in many countries prevent women from improving their economic growth and development. The methodological approach used in this paper is descriptive, prescriptive and annalistic, so also the method of data collection is historical and empirical. Keywords: Development, Islam, Politics, Status, Women

Introduction The teachings of Islam are based essentially on the Qur'an (God's revelation) and Hadeeth (elaboration by Prophet Muhammad). The Qur'an and the Hadeeth, properly and unbiasedly understood, provide the basic source of authentication for any position or view which is attributed to Islam. The paper starts with a brief survey of the status of women in the pre-Islamic era. It then focuses on these major questions: What is the position of Islam regarding the status of woman in society? How similar or different is that position from "the spirit of the time," which was dominant when Islam was revealed? How would this compare with the "rights", which were finally gained by woman in recent decades? And also what is the Political participation of women as well as sustainable development in contemporary Muslim and non-Muslim world? This gender gap is the result of social, religious, cultural, and gender inequality. More specifically, it results from structural constraints faced by women. The Qur'an is the basis in Islam, and encompasses rules, legislation, examples, advice, Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 130 history, and system of the universe. It draws a picture of the earth and describes the roles of human beings. The Qur'an is the answer to the spiritual and material needs of the Islamic society, and is an exposition and an explanation of all aspects of life.

Historical Perspectives Status of the Woman in Arab Society Before Islam: In the pre-Islamic period, the Arabs regarded the woman as a piece of property or as rubbish. When the husband died, his guardian would cover the wife of the deceased with his garment and she could not remarry until he permitted her or until she ransomed herself. They used to prevent her from remarrying until the young matrimonial guardian would grow up and then decide whether he wished to marry her or give her in marriage to anyone else and take the dowry as long as she was not his mother. If she was his mother, he would not marry her (Jamal 2009). The woman had no rights and she did not inherit anything. She was considered a source of humiliation and shame. Islam prohibited all this and allocated for her a specific share in inheritance. Allah The Almighty Says (what means): {For men is a share of what the parents and close relatives leave, and for women is a share of what the parents and close relatives leave, be it little or much - an obligatory share.} [Quran 4:7] Moreover, the Arabs in the pre-Islamic era did not only deprive the woman of inheritance but also deprived her of life itself. When some of them begot a female child, they would dig a hole and throw her into it and heap dust over her. What was worse and more disgusting was that, once a father was away travelling when his wife gave birth, when he came back, he would take the grown up daughter from her mother, dig a hole while she removed the dust from his clothes, and then, taking her by surprise, pushed her into the hole then heaped dust over her while she screamed for pity. But his heart would not soften for her. This situation is described in the Quran when Allah the Almighty Says (what means): {And when the girl [who was] buried alive is asked* For what sin she was killed.} [Quran 81:8-9] Some mothers used to fear this painful destiny. So, the mother would dig a hole herself during her pregnancy. If she delivered a girl, she would throw her into the hole in order to save her from the tragedy that would take place when the father returned from traveling. Some mothers would strangle their baby daughters after delivering them. Some fathers' faces used to turn dark when they received the news that their wives had given birth to a girl because of their intense hatred for girls, and they would be hesitant whether to bury her alive or bear the humiliation and let her live. Allah The Almighty Says (what means): {And when one of them is informed of [the birth of] a female, his face becomes dark, and he suppresses grief. He hides himself from the people because of the ill of which he has been informed. Should he keep it in humiliation or bury it in the ground? Unquestionably, evil is what they decide.} [Quran 16:58-59] Their hatred for girls was based on two reasons: First, girls do not take part in wars. Second, they feared that the girl may later become a source of shame. Despite their fear of shame, strangely enough, we find that many Arab tribes were quite lenient in the face of prostitution and that they used to force their slave girls into prostitution until Allah the Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 131 Almighty revealed the verse forbidding this act (which means): {And do not compel your slave girls to prostitution, if they desire chastity, to seek [thereby] the temporary interests of worldly life. And if someone should compel them, then indeed, Allah is [to them], after their compulsion, Forgiving and Merciful.} [Quran 24:33] Women in the pre-Islamic era used to expose their adornments and entice men. Noble verses of the Quran were revealed to prohibit Muslim women from imitating the disbelieving women just as Muslim men were prohibited before them from imitating the disbelieving men. Allah The Almighty Says addressing women (what means): {And do not display yourselves as [was] the display of the former times of ignorance.} [Quran 33:33] Allah The Almighty ordered them to stay in their homes when He Says (what means): {And abide in your houses} [Quran 33:33] The woman of today is like the woman in the pre-Islamic era in terms of exposing adornments and immorality. However, the exposure of adornments in the pre-Islamic era was unsophisticated and naïve, whereas the woman's exposure of adornments nowadays is wrapped in manicure, pedicure, perfumes, cosmetics, revealing clothes and hair-cuts which look like the humps of the camel which incline women to evil and invite men to it (Jamal 2009). It is time one noticed the humiliated state of women in these times and discussed the status of women in Islam in order to see the great difference between that low degrading status and the refined, sublime status that Islam granted them. Women Status in Ancient Period One major objective of this paper is to provide a fair evaluation of what Islam contributed toward the restoration of woman's dignity and rights. In order to achieve this objective, it may be useful to review briefly how women were treated in general in previous civilizations and religions, especially those which preceded Islam (Pre-610 C.E.) 1. Part of the information provided here, however, describes the status of woman as late as the nineteenth century, more than twelve centuries after Islam. Women in Ancient Civilization Describing the status of the Indian woman, Encyclopaedia Britannica states: In India, subjection was a cardinal principle. Day and night must women be held by their protectors in a state of dependence says Manu. The rule of inheritance was agnatic, that is descent traced through males to the exclusion of females. (Pre-610 C.E.) 2. In Hindu scriptures, the description of a good wife is as follows: "a woman whose mind, speech and body are kept in subjection, acquires high renown in this world, and, in the next, the same abode with her husband." 3. In Athens, women were not better off than either the Indian or the Roman women. "Athenian women were always minors, subject to some male - to their father, to their brother, or to some of their male kin. 4. Her consent in marriage was not generally thought to be necessary and "she was obliged to submit to the wishes of her parents, and receive from them her husband and her lord, even though he were stranger to her (Harkrisnowo, 57). Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 132 Woman in Islam In the midst of the darkness that engulfed the world, the divine revelation echoed in the wide desert of Arabia with a fresh, noble, and universal message to humanity: "O Mankind, keep your duty to your Lord who created you from a single soul and from it created its mate (of same kind) and from them twain has spread a multitude of men and women" (Qur'an 4: 1). A scholar who pondered about this verse states: "It is believed that there is no text, old or new, that deals with the humanity of the woman from all aspects with such amazing brevity, eloquence, depth, and originality as this divine decree." Stressing this noble and natural conception, the Qur'an states: He (God) it is who did create you from a single soul and therefrom did create his mate, that he might dwell with her (in love)...(Qur'an 7:189) It also states: The Creator of heavens and earth: He has made for you pairs from among yourselves ...Qur'an 42:1 1 And Allah has given you mates of your own nature, and has given you from your mates, children and grandchildren, and has made provision of good things for you. Is it then in vanity that they believe and in the grace of God that they disbelieve? Qur'an 16:72 The rest of this paper outlines the position of Islam regarding the status of woman in society from its various aspects - spiritually, socially, economically and politically. The Qur'an provides clear-cut evidence that woman is completely equated with man in the sight of God in terms of her rights and responsibilities. The Qur'an states: "Every soul will be (held) in pledge for its deeds" (Qur'an 74:38). It also states: ...So their Lord accepted their prayers, (saying): I will not suffer to be lost the work of any of you whether male or female. You proceed one from another ... (Qur'an 3: 195). It also states: Whoever works righteousness, man or woman, and has faith, verily to him will We give a new life that is good and pure, and We will bestow on such their reward according to their actions. (Qur'an 16:97). In terms of religious obligations, such as the Daily Prayers, Fasting, Poordue, and Pilgrimage, woman is no different from man. In some cases, indeed, woman has certain advantages over man. For example, the woman is exempted from the daily prayers and from fasting during her menstrual periods and forty days after childbirth. She is also exempted from fasting during her pregnancy and when she is nursing her baby if there is any threat to her health or her baby's. If the missed fasting is obligatory (during the month of Ramadan), she can make up for the missed days whenever she can. She does not have to make up for the prayers missed for any of the above reasons. Although women can and did go into the mosque during the days of the prophet and thereafter attendance at the Friday congregational prayers is optional for them while it is mandatory for men (on Friday). This is clearly a tender touch of the Islamic teachings for they are considerate of the fact that a woman may be nursing her baby or caring for him, and thus may be unable to go out to the mosque at the time of the prayers. They also take into account the physiological and psychological changes associated with her natural female functions. Men and women are of the same family, and as such have similar rights and duties, and their Lord promises them in the Glorious Qur'an: Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 133 “Never will I waste the work of a worker among you, whether male or female, the one of you being from the other.” )Al-Qur'an 3:195( Thus, in the Islamic tradition, a woman has an independent identity. She is a responsible being in her own right and carries the burden of her moral and spiritual obligations.

Equality of The Sexes in Islam In many other religions, women have had to fight for their rights, and their struggle, in many cases, is ongoing. Islam has justly granted women their rights without their having to demand or fight for them. Allah emphasizes this quality in the following verse: For Muslim men and women for believing men and women, for devout men and women, for true men and women, for men and women who are patient and constant, for men and women who humble themselves, for men and women who in charity, for men and women who guard their chastity and for men and women who engage much in Allah's praise—for them has Allah prepared forgiveness and great reward. (Qur'an,33:35) A number of Islamic virtues are mentioned here, but the primary message is that these virtues are applicable to both women and men. Both sexes have human rights and duties to an equal degree and the rewards of the Hereafter are available to men and women alike. Each individual will be judged according to his or her deeds. Gender is simply not an issue. This can clearly be seen in the following verse: Whoever works righteousness man or woman and has faith, verity, to him will we give a new life and life that is good and pure and we will bestow on such their reward according to the best of their action (Qur'an16:97) as mentioned before. Islam clearly recognizes the equal potential and ability of both sexes, but Allah has created human beings in a manner whereby men and women are better suited for their differing, but complementary traits. Just because the male may be better at a given task than the female does not mean that he is inherently superior. This is an error made by many feminists who assume that liberation may be achieved by adopting a male role. Instead of recognizing and cherishing their femininity, they seek to imitate men to the detriment of woman and human society in general. By aspiring to male traits, values, and behaviour, they have further diminished the female while elevating the male.

Women in Political Participation In many Muslim societies, the greatest challenge is to find ways to empower women without pitting women's rights against deeply held religious values; yet, the past few years have brought about a great upsurge of Islam on the political plane which can be seen nearly everywhere in the Islamic word. Islam gave women the right to express their political allegiance and opinions and to take part in politics. For instance, women have granted the right to vote on a universal and equal basis in the following Islamic countries: Lebanon (1952); Syria (to vote 1949, restrictions lifted 1953); Egypt (1956); Tunisia (1959); Mauritania (1961); Algeria (1962); Morocco (1963); Libya and Sudan (1964); Yemen (partly 1967, fully 1970); Bahrain (1973); Jordan (1974); Iraq (1980); and Oman (partly 1994, fully 2003); Kuwait (2005); Saudi Arabia (announced it would give women the right to vote in 2015) (Lewis, 2013); yet, their representation in parliaments and ministerial positions range from none in most countries to a maximum of about 12% in a few cases (Al-Kitbi 2004). Al-Kitbi (2004) further states that, Muslim women have been able to increase their Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 134 representation in parliament through the use of quotas and appointments. In September 2008, the following Islamic countries had the highest female representation in their lower houses of parliament: Iraq (25.5%), Tunisia (22.8%), United Arab Emirates (22.5%), and Djibouti (13.8%) (Al-Kitbi, 2004). In similar vein, Al-Kitbi (2004) states that, women's participation in government at the ministerial level has increased slightly, but remains low. The most significant change took place in Morocco, where the cabinet of October 2007 included seven women. Literature indicates that female representation in the judiciary in many Islamic countries has grown dramatically. For instance, according to the World Bank compendium report on the status and progress of women in the Middle East and North Africa (2009), there were 30 female judges appointed by the Supreme Judicial Council of Egypt, Jordan appointed its first female court chief in 2007, the United Arab Emirates appointed its first female judge in 2008, and the Yemeni Supreme Court appointed its first female judge in 2006. The report also claims that women account for 16% of lawyers and 10% of judges in the West Bank and 42 in Gaza in 2005, 18% of judges in Morocco, and 37% of judges and 29% of lawyers in Lebanon (World Bank, 2009). On the political terrain, even though literature also posits the political representation of women in Islamic countries, majority lags behind all the countries in world. However, women have played significant roles in politics in the following Islamic Bangladesh (Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina), Pakistan (Benazir Bhutto), Azerbaijan (Lala Shorkat), Senegal (Mame Madier Boye), Kosovo (Kaqusha Jashan), Indonesia (Megawati Sukarnoputin), and Turkey (Tansu Ciller) have all been led by women (Moghadam, 1994). The role of women in politics in most Islamic societies is largely determined by the will of those countries' leadership to support female representatives and cultural attitudes towards women's involvement in public life (Hammond, 2008). Dr. Rola Dashti, a female candidate in Kuwait's 2006 parliamentary elections, claimed that the negative cultural and media attitude towards women in politics was one of the main reasons”, the Prophet's Hadiths repeatedly emphasizes the acquisition of education and knowledge for every Muslim male and female. For example, the Hadith states: “Seeking knowledge is a duty of every Muslim, man or woman” and “Seek knowledge from the cradle to grave” (Lemu & Heeren, 1978, p. 25). Access to education varies widely among most Islamic countries. Literature posits the right to education is regarded as necessary for women in most Islamic societies. Education is the tool that will enable women in most Islamic societies to become good mothers for the future and active members in society (Roudi-Fahimi & Moghadam, 2003). Educational attainment for Muslim women in Islamic societies has proven vital to their survival. Coleman (2010) identifies two promising trends; the first is the rising level of women's education. Second, education may not change the system immediately, but it has slowly moved women into different spheres of civil society. Although the Middle East is a part of the world where women's education has been lacking and/or absent, many Islamic countries are closing the gap. Muslim women's rights to education in Afghanistan and Pakistan have been strongly oppressed by movements or political groups such as the Taliban. Rostami-Povey (2007) states that during the Taliban regime, many women, who had previously been teachers, secretly began to educate young girls in their neighborhoods. Many of these women involved in teaching were caught by the Taliban and persecuted, jailed, and tortured. Also, as a show of its outright ban on women's education, the Taliban shot a Pakistani school girl and young women's rights activist, Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 135 Malala Yousafzai on October 12, 2012. Due to this incident and the recent death of a Pakistani female teacher in April 2013, the Pakistan government was condemned by the international community and various human 44 rights organizations. Consequently, the Pakistan Government is held accountable to examine the education system for women in Pakistan (Human Rights Watch, 2013). Ramadan (2009) outlines several restrictions for women to follow when working outside the home as follows: 1. Outside employment should not come before, or interfere with women's responsibility as wife and mother. 2. A woman's work should not be a source of friction within the family, and the husband's consent is required to eliminate later disagreements. If she is not married, the woman must have her guardian's consent. 3. The women's appearance, manner, tone of speech, and overall behavior should follow Islamic guidelines. These may include: restraining her glances in relation to any men near the work place, wearing correct Islamic dress, avoiding men, not walking in a provocative manner, and not using make-up or perfume in public. 4. A woman's job should not be one which causes moral corruption in society, or involves any prohibited trade or activity, affects her own religion, morals, dignity and good behavior, or subjects her to temptations. 5. A woman's job should not be one which is mixing and associating with men. 6. A woman should try to seek employment in positions which require a woman's special skills, or which relate to the needs of women and children, such as teaching, nursing other women, midwifery, medicine with specialization's like paediatrics or obstetrics-gynaecology.

Theories on Women and Sustainable Development Research has shown that the impact of development or lack of development differs between men and women. In their attempts to answer the question whether development improves the relative status of women in "Third World" countries, social scientists focus on economic, social and cultural transformations. Two major theoretical perspectives have emerged: the modernization approach, called “Women in Development” (WID) and the Marxist-inspired perspectives known as “Woman and Development” (WAD) and “Gender and Development” (GAD) (Rathgeber, 1990). The WID approach is closely related to Western liberal feminism and modernization theory and does not necessarily address the existing gender structures. It assumes that development leads to female liberation by involving women more in social and eco 9 developing world, which point that development may affect men and women of the same class in different ways (Boserup, 1970, 1977; Saffioti, 1978; Safa, 1983; Ward, 1984; Joekes, 1987; Finlay, 1989; Taplin, 1989; Moghadam, 1992). Within this group, the WAD approach focuses on the economic roles of women. However, this approach focuses mostly on class divisions and tends to ignore the domestic roles of the women at home. These roles are better addressed by the GAD approach, which involves a detailed review of the intersection of household and public structures to discover "why women have systematically been assigned to inferior and/or secondary roles" (Rathgeber, 1990: 494). According to the socialist-feminist approach, the oppression of women will only stop if women participate in non-home economic production -- under conditions of equality between the sexes -- and men are more involved in household activities (Rathgaber, 1990). Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 136 According to both Marxist approaches, gender inequalities emerge from and reinforce the relations of production. During the transitional (early) stages of development, the economic and social marginality of women increases, partly because they reproduce the labor force and consequently are less involved in earning wages themselves. In later stages, women contribute to the economic development as cheap laborers. Both WAD and GAD see the disadvantaged position of women as being to a large extent caused by their lack of access to critical resources. Both approaches also acknowledge the importance of patriarchal ideologies and structures for placing the women in a subservient position at home and in the work place. To enhance the status of women in development, therefore, they consider it necessary that those women get better access to critical resources, and that patriarchal ideas be undermined. Both the WID approach and the Marxian approaches start with economic factors and the work that women do. They examine the work of women, both at home and in the labor force, and also the needs of families and employers. Both perspectives come to the conclusion that the domestic mode of production in which women exchange their unpaid domestic services for their upkeep is the origin of patriarchy, which within feminist literature is generally defined as a dual system in which men oppress women and men oppress each other (Mackie, 1991). However, they differ in their view on the basis of patriarchy: according to WID, it is culturally based whereas according to WAD, and GAD it is materially based (Gündüz 2001).

Woman's Right to Vote, be Voted and Occupy Public and Governmental Posts The Muslim woman in an Islamic society concerning her rights and duties has right to vote and be elected as a member to representative councils, or to assume public office or carry out professional work. Firstly, concerning women's right to elect members of representative councils and similar bodies, there is nothing in the Shari'a to prevent women from taking part in these matters. Allah says: {the men believers and the women believers are responsible for each other. They enjoin the good and forbid the evil}(Surat al-Tawbah' (9), ayah 71) and His saying {Let there arise out of you a group of people inviting to all that is good and forbidding all Evil. And it is they who are the successful.} (Surat Al-Imran (3), ayah 104). These verses include a command that gives women the right to enjoin the good and forbid the evil and part of this is the right to vote for the representative council in the elections. Some Muslim countries stipulate that it is the absolute right of women to vote in the elections because these countries wish to demonstrate their "democratic basis"; the Muslim women should not avoid this opportunity because their reluctance to vote can often weaken the position of the Islamic candidates (Abdulaziz 2009). Secondly, concerning women's membership in representative councils and similar bodies, there is nothing in the Shari'a texts to prevent this either. The views cited earlier concerning their right to vote applies to their right to be elected as well. On the contrary, even though Abdulaziz (2009) attempts to use four points to justify why women not have equal rights especially right to public office, all the arguments have been counteracted as follows: 1- Women lack the knowledge of practising public affairs. Hence, they can be easily misled. This argument is refuted by the fact that an ignorant woman is like an ignorant man. Not all women are ignorant and not all men are educated or experienced in public affairs. We are dealing with the basic right, not with the conditions that must be present in every candidate whether they be male or female. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 137 This is quite another issue. We call for the education and the enlightenment of both women and men, and the exertion of all possible efforts in this connection, this being an important objective and duty made binding by the Shari'a. (Abdulaziz 2009) 2- It is argued that women undergo menstruation, child-bearing and labour -a fact which may hamper their performance in the council to which they are elected. But this can be refuted by saying that men also may be subject to misjudgement or illness which may impair their performance. Add to this, that membership in representative councils has certain conditions including a certain age range for the deputy of between thirty and forty years. In most cases, when a woman is around the age of forty, she will have completed her burdens of child-bearing, and would have attained to a phase of mental and psychological maturity, as well as emotional stability. It is unlikely that a person in the minimum age limit can gain a seat in the representative office because this requires long experience for many years in the exercise of public office. 3- Immodesty and intermingling of the sexes are also cited as counter-arguments. We do not call for immodesty and free mixing of the sexes. For the woman is bound by the Shari'a to abide by the Islamic dress code whether she goes out to take part in elections or to attend the sessions of the council in which she is a member or for any other purpose. It is a duty to set aside election centres for women, which are already in effect in most Islamic countries. Women should be allocated special places in the representative councils so that there will be no fear of crowding or intermingling. 4- Travelling abroad by a female member, without company of a mahram, is similarly cited in opposition, but it can be countered by realising that it is not necessary for her to travel without the company of a mahram. She needs not be in a situation without secure company nor in any situation which is not within the boundaries of the Shari'ah. On, women's holding of Public Office, the only public office which it is agreed upon that a woman cannot occupy is the presidency or head of state. 5- As for judiciary office, the jurisprudents have differed over women's holding of it. Some, like Al-Tabari and Ibn-Hazm, said this is permissible without any restrictions. The majority of jurisprudents, however, have forbidden it completely. But there have been those who allowed it for certain types of legal matters and forbade it in others (like the Imam Abu Hanifa). As long as the matter is the subject of interpretation and consideration, it is possible to choose from these opinions in accordance with the fundamentals of the Shari'a and to achieve the interests of Muslims at large as governed by the Shari'a, and also in accordance to the conditions and circumstances of society. 6- As for other types of public offices, the woman can accept them as there is nothing in the Shari'a to prevent her from doing so. Also, there is nothing to prevent her from working in what is permissible since the public office is a type of work that the Shari'a allowed women to undertake. Women can work in professions becoming doctors, teachers, nurses, or such fields which she or the society may need. 138 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies Summary The first part of this paper deals briefly with the position of women during jahiliyya period as well as various religions and cultures on the issue under investigation. Part of this exposition extends to cover the general trend as late as the nineteenth century, nearly 1300 years after the Qur'an set forth the Islamic teachings. In the second part of the paper, the status of women in Islam is briefly discussed. Emphasis in this part is placed on the original and authentic sources of Islam. This represents the standard according to which degree of adherence of Muslims can be judged. It is also a fact that during the downward cycle of Islamic Civilization, such teachings were not strictly adhered to by many people who professed to be Muslims. Such deviations were unfairly exaggerated by some writers, and the worst of this, were superficially taken to represent the teachings of "Islam" to the Western reader without taking the trouble to make any original and unbiased study of the authentic sources of these teachings. The section also discusses on the position of Islam on woman participation in politics and also her role in sustainable development.

Conclusion Islamic religion is based on the Qur'an and Sunnah, which includes rules, examples, and advice concerning proper conduct, as well as the history and organization of the universe. It describes the earth and the roles and responsibilities of its inhabitants. The Qur'an, in answering all aspects of life, fulfils all spiritual and material needs of Islamic society. Islam set women free from the discrimination with which they were treated in pre-Islamic times (Jahiliyya). Islam does not put any obstacles in front of women, provided that their activity does not interfere with their role as wives and mothers because, according to Islam, the mother is the person a child needs most during the primary years of its upbringing; therefore, the role of a mother is one which is accorded the highest status. The Prophet Muhammad said that one of the responsibilities of all Muslims is to work to support himself/herself and his/her family. He indicated that working Muslims will have a better status on the day of judgment, but unfortunately, people misunderstand this and sometimes human nature and the behaviour of men and not their religion, makes them high-handed in their interaction with women. Culture has its effects on the interpretation of the verses of the Qur'an and the Hadith. Opinions and attitudes toward women in the Bedouin culture are different from more open societies, especially in urban and agrarian societies. The main factors that have major impact on women's roles in Islamic countries can be summarized in the following: religion; culture; political factors; the relationship between religious scholars and state; media; and stereotype. In Islam, a woman is held in high regard, and should be guarded like a pearl; unfortunately, people misunderstand this. A few scholars and people from other religions misunderstand this because they have different values and beliefs. Islam gave women rights in all aspects of life, but centuries and misinterpretations and misunderstandings have put women back to the pre-Islamic era again.

Recommendations The following recommendations may be considered in consideration for the status of women status in Islam and also in political participation: 1. The history of the Muslims is rich with women of great achievements in all walks Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 139 of life from as early as the seventh century. The system needs to continue and be applied in all the Muslim countries. 2. It is impossible for anyone to justify any mistreatment of woman by any decree of rule embodied in the Islamic Law, nor could anyone dares to cancel, reduce, or distort the clear-cut legal rights of women given in Islamic Law. Invariably, women should bear it at the back of their minds that their power and jurisdiction is based on the provisions of the Sharia. She needs to acquire the knowledge of Sharia in all what she can do. 3. Throughout history, the reputation, chastity and maternal role of Muslim women were objects of admiration by impartial observers. It is also worthwhile to state that the status which women reached during the present era was not achieved due to the kindness of men or due to natural progress. It was rather achieved through a long struggle and sacrifice by the women, as well as only whenever the society needed her contribution and work. The Muslim society therefore always consider the women in all daily dealings. 4. Today's societies have different social circumstances and traditions it is acceptable that the exercise of these rights should be gradually introduced in order for the society to adjust to these circumstances to accommodate women. However, such exercise should not lead to the violation of ethical rules laid down by the Shari'ah and made binding by it.

References Abd Al-Ati, Hammudah, Islam in Focus, The American Trust Publications, Plainfield, IN 46168, 1977. Abdulaziz O. A. Women in Islam and their Standing in the Muslim Society, Publications of the Islamic Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization -ISESCO- 1430AH/2009 Al Siba'i, Mustafa, Al-Alar'ah Baynal Fiqh Walqanoon, (in Arabic), 2nd. ea., AlMaktabah Al-Arabiah, Halab, Syria, 1966 Al-Kitbi, E., Women's political status in the GCC states. Retrieved from http://carnegieendowment.org/2008/08/20/women-s-political-status-in- gccstates/f9ny, (2004, July 20). Ahmed A., Al-qur'an: A contemporary translation, by. Princeton, NJ: University Press. (Nd) Ali, A. Y., The holy Qur'ân: Text, translation and commentary, Plainfield, IN, 2010. Badawi, J. The status of women in Islam, Retrieved from http://www.institutealislam.com/the-status-of-woman-in-islam-by-dr- jamalbadawi/ (Original work published in 1971), (2008, June 4). Baki, R., Gender-segregated education in Saudi Arabia: Its impact on social norms and the Saudi Labor market. Education Policy Analysis Archives, 12(28), 1-15. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.v12n28.2004, 2004. Catherwood, C. A brief history of the Middle East from Abraham to Arafat, Philadelphia: Running Press. Central Intelligence Agency. (2011). Literacy, 2006 Gündüz-Hogör A., Linguistic Capital: Language as a Socio-economic Resource, Among Kurdish and Arabic Women in Turkey, 2003 Human Rights Watch. (2013, Pakistan: Abuses, impunity erode rights. Retrieved from http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/02/01/pakistan-abuses-impunityerode-rights Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 140 Islamic Fundamentalism. 2005. Jamal J. A., Th e Status of Women under Islamic Law and Modern Islamic Legislation, Brill's Arab and Islamic Laws Series, 2009 Kamaruzaman, K. A. The legal status of women in Islam, with special reference to Islamic family law in west Malaysia (Master's thesis). Kent State University, 1986. Lemu, B. A., & Heeren, F. Woman in Islam, Leicester: Islamic Council of Europe Publication, 1978. Mace, David and Vera, Marriage: East and West, Dolphin Books, Doubleday and Co., Inc., N.Y., 1960. Moghadam, V. M., Modernizing Women: Gender & Social Change in the Middle East, Lynne Rienner Publishers: Boulder & London, 2003. Moghadam, V. M. Modernizing women: Gender and social change in the Middle East, (2nd ed.), 2003. Rathgeber, E., “WID, WAD, GAD: Trends in Research and Practice.” The Journal of Developing Areas. 24:489-502, 1990. Report of the World Bank as retrieved from http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTMENA/Resources/MENA_Gender_Compe ndium-2009 Sunan Ibn Majah, Dar Ihya'a Al-Kutub al-Arabiah, Cairo, U.A.R., Vol.l, Sunan al-Tirimidhi, Vol.3, 1952 Yusuf A., The Holy, Qur'an: Translation of verses is heavily based on, translation, The Glorious Qur'an, text translation, and Commentary, The American Trust Publication, Plainfield, IN 46168, 1979. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 141 The Role of Women in Traditional Mwaghavul Religion

Nakam Nanpan Kangpe Department of Religion and Philosophy, University of Jos, Nigeria. E-mail: [email protected]

Abstract The work discusses the role of women in Mwaghavul Traditional Religion by examining the various ways women participated in this male dominated religion. Understanding women and their participation in religion gave us the opportunity to understand the religion of the Mwaghavul people in general. Being an ethnographic study, interviews were conducted with few practitioners of the religion and elders who were hitherto part of the religion, in addition to observation and personal experience. Secondary sources of data from existing literature were used too. The findings of this research show that the traditional religion of the Mwaghavul people was initially in the hands of women from the earliest times. Men in later years, played tricks on women to capture and dominate the religion. Consequently, women's role became mostly subordinate domestic in nature when compared to those performed by men. Prior to this, post-menopausal women participated in some of the rituals. The supreme being in Mwaghavul traditional religion was even a Goddess (Naan). The researcher recommends that more studies be carried out on this subject in order to preserve the initial roles played by women in the traditional Mwaghavul traditional religion for posterity. Key words: Roles, Women, Mwagavul, Traditional religion, Kum, Gender

Introduction Most world religions are patriarchal in nature in terms of origins, developments, leaderships and powers. This means that such religions are ruled by the 'fathers'. Men occupied the significant and valuable positions and women the secondary or the subordinate ones. That a religion is 'sexist' means it gives men privileges as superior and denigrates the roles of women as inferior. Religious beliefs are generally highly valued within a culture and sexist religious beliefs that are presented as representing the “divine will” and are used to legitimize patriarchy and sexism in society (Peach 2). This crucial role of religion that presents patriarchy as inevitable, inescapable and universally correct cannot be overemphasised (Sered 4). The Patriarchy and sexism of the tradition of most religions have resulted in gender differentiation and segregation. Gender, has been used as a way of categorizing different aspects of experiences in a dualistic manner, associating certain attributes or aspects as “female” and others as 'male'; the former signifying what is inferior such as dark/light (Peach 5). Gender becomes the weapon of marginalization among the Mwaghavul society. Gender relation is part of everyday reality and taking gender seriously as a category of analysis furnishes us with unheard voices at truism of religious leaders. Women, for instance, are more active in areas considered marginal, even though they may be more powerfully involved than the people at the centre (Danfulani 49). In most African traditional societies, male gender dominated almost every facet of the religion. Women were seen as performing subordinate roles, which were mostly complimentary. This has manifested even in their world-view, which is embedded in their religion as a blueprint that guided every aspect of their lives; be it religious, social, economic and political, they were considered as sacred and divinely ordained. The African Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 142 Cosmos encompasses both the physical and the spiritual worlds and are responsible for the shaping of the character and culture of African male counterpart in the past and will continue to do same in centuries to come (Shishima 11).

Women and Kum in Mwaghavul Religion In Africa generally, and in Mwaghavul society in particular, gender and the differentiation of men and women are central to African religions and also the society in general. According to Hackett, it is very hard to generalize about women and the religions of Africa. This, to Hackett, is as a result of the diversity of culture and traditions that has become so vast (12). The different indigenous African traditions as experienced by women also include the religions transplanted into Africa by Christian and Islamic missionaries and the colonialists. The female gender of the human race constitutes the greater majority of the global society, and from whichever perspective the woman in society is viewed, it will be agreed that she is extremely indispensable to her society. She does not only bear life, she nurtures life because all human forms pass through her own body. Ironically, most religious activities are divided on the basis of gender. There are certain activities which are termed appropriate only to men and some are mandated only for women. Gender segregation has operated to prohibit women from access to places of worship, from learning religious texts and practices and also requires them to perform certain additional task to purify themselves, which men are not required to do. It is often justified by taboos regarding menstruation and or childbearing function. Gender segregation has resulted in women being excluded from the formulation of religious doctrines and practices from participation in the central religious rituals of the tradition and from places designated as sacred (Peach 6). It becomes imperative to take gendered perspectives to understanding the interrelationships between culture, religion and development because cultural norms are frequently played out on and through the female body, and are in turn sanctioned by religion. Feminist scholars argue that cultural and religious ideologies generally shape gender identity and gender roles, and that gender socialization is an integral part of every society (Agarwil 22). According to the feminist scholars, the most important factor that underpins cultures and religion is patriarchy, which defines women in terms of their domesticity and simultaneously draws unofficial line that separates the domestic (private) area from the public (Mbiti 88). In trying to understand the religion of the people, Kum is objectively a term used to describe the traditional religion of the Mwaghavul people. Women who were qualified to fully participate in kum were the post-menopausal women who were believed to have attained a position equal to those of men in the society. Such women must have had a good record in their family relationship and within the society at large. The basic roles are thus; 1. Kambang This is a special type of kum that is normally carried out by women. It is basically performed during harvest time in order to deal with thieves who are in the habit of stealing farm produce on people's farm. It is symbolized by a plant called caar, the stalk of this plant is tied to a stick and planted on the farm. Kambang, as a kum deity or spirit, has the ability to reveal and at the same time catch anyone who steals what does not belong to him or her. The deity can decide to deal with the culprit to the extent that he or she must confess based on the wish of the priestess. inna we kambang di si wan kin dom kuyi ya ko yi siram jir ngo di ni Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 143 cin wat bong fina. According to Baba Luka, this kum was basically based on the faith of the woman who is involved. When eventually the thief is caught, the kambang has the ability to inflict a certain sickness around the ribs until a healing sacrifice is conducted 2. Chi-chip This is another kum done by women in order to avert sickness. The materials used for this ritual is basically clay. Broken clay pots are gathered and taken to the sick person's house, enchantments would be made to the deity soliciting the deity to help them see and avert any form of sickness.

Women during Circumcision Rites (Can/Pun) Circumcision is practiced differently among human communities. The rites display variety of patterns as one moves from one tribal entity to the other. The initiation of boys at puberty is more important in some communities in Africa than others. While some communities uphold puberty rites for women, others uphold such for only girls. These rites are vigorously pursued in accordance to lay down rules and regulations. In Mwaghavul community, they only observe puberty rites only for the male folk which normally involves a lot of preparation. The roles played by women in the preparation are very significant, and are as follows: 1. Fishing (Yak Pupwap) This first stage of the Mwaghavul boys' puberty rites begins with fishing. According to an informant (Baba Chettu), this is done in the evening when all the initiates would be gathered in the chief priest house before proceeding to the river. At this stage, young maidens and relatives of the neophytes are allowed to visit them. The young girls assist the candidates in the fishing exercise by trooping to and waiting at the spot with baskets and satchels. Having gathered at the spot, the chief priest in company of the initiation priest, ngu can and the nji- ancestral priest, would organize the initiates for the commencement of the ritual. Libations are poured into a gourd- and taken to the river. The boys moved in a single line with the chief priest at the back and the initiation priest at the front. Among the initiates, one would be chosen as the Laa taa dung, a leading boy. After some incantations, the concocted elements in the gourd would be poured inside the river. Then fishing spree continues in sessions with very shallow water at the start of each fishing session, suddenly and miraculously rising and swelling up to the height of those fishing and therefore the end of that session, as the priest signals the fishers to come out as the water rises. The sessions are carried out up to seven times, signifying completion in Mwaghavul tradition (Chettu, personal interview). Traditionally, the baskets brought by the girls are used for catching the fish, while the jute fiber satchels from the girls serves the primary purpose of containing the extra catch that would be taken home by the girls. The last catch is used for closing of the mouth of the gourd by the initiation priest. 2. The Touching of the Sacred Hoe and Showing of Face to an Elderly Woman This is the fourth stage in the initiation rites among the Mwaghavul. At this point, a young girl, according to an informant, would be brought in the midst of the neophytes with a sacred hoe on her head, caan girik (a hoe melted with crude iron kept at the chief priest's shrine), without handle but mark with white chalk. Each boy is asked to touch the hoe on her head. The girl later would lead the initiates to be introduced to an elderly woman, which is a rite called chin yit ni nighin laa naa, which means “give the face to the mother of the Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 144 child to see”. The elderly woman who receives them does so sitting in a small hut- Bileng. The initiates are thereafter embraced as victors by their uncles who would dress them in an attire called zaal, a traditional strip of white cloth associated with royalty. They are also adorned with bangles-kim sar. The uncles mix palm oil with olive oil and also with red chalk-lip, and rub it on the forehead of the initiates. The maternal uncles now carry the neophytes shoulder high to their respective mothers' homes in jubilation of victory. This forms the climax of the incorporation rituals. The maternal uncles are properly entertained on arrival with gifts of the foreleg of a slaughtered goat or sheep known as –baal kin. A local beer is also provided for them referred to as tughul nighin – the mother's pot. The appearance of a young girl with a hoe in her head is very significant to the culture of Mwaghavul people. To them, it symbolises that the girl brings life, power, status and strength, which the hoe is believed to represent. In those days, a man' strength or status was marked by his ability to handle the hoe. The appearance of the girl also signifies that the initiates could now, as men, handle their families by, first, farming and gathering food and by marrying a young girl. Touching of the hoe by a young girl also indicates virginity, fertility and a desirable married life (Dafuk, personal interview). The elderly woman too, known as mother of the child, is significant. The young girl brings the boys from ligancy and hands them over to “their mother” who incorporates them into the society, she also represents the respective mothers, both living and dead (Baba Chettu, personal interview). 3. The Cheer Dupe Dance (Penis Dance) This was the initiation ceremony that usually brought to a close the clan ceremony. It was a special dance that was performed by only women. They formed themselves into small groups and trooped from house to house congratulating the initiates together with their parents. The women then received gifts of salt and meat in return as a mark of appreciation after which the initiates would wait for the final ritual which would introduce them into the various monstrous spirit of their various clans (informant).

Women as Masquerades in Mwaghavul Traditional Religion (Nwong) Nwong simply signifies the return of the ancestors (nji) as masquerades to the abode of humans. Ta nwong means reincarnation, that is, the permanent return of the ancestors to the human community through birth. Nwong means the vital force of Nji, and when the nji visit in human form, they are called masquerades (wong). The masquerades in Mwaghavul community serve as the cross road between the living and the dead (45). There are many categories of ancestors (nji) who come out as nwong- masquerades, and are named according to the task they perform. They also vary in their time of appearance in the Mwaghavul community and festivals involved. Some come during a season and the plagues that come upon a community. Normally, they come around April and June. They are present during major festivals, installation, and burial rites of title holders and during boys' manhood initiation rites. There are two pairs of ancestors in the form of masquerades that appear around April. One represents a child and the second represents an old woman who comes out crying in a high pitched voice hi wa wa wai ina niwa nji eh. This announces the coming out of the “nwong mo” during which the names of the ancestors are called out in a chronological order (that's how long they have been dead). Some of these include nji nen - ancestral spirit of toughness, nji pus or na pus- ancestral spirit of the sun, nji kam- community spirit. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 145 The female masquerades include: 1. Nabishigi (owner of the fonio stalks, who therefore wears them). 2. Na nyim (owner and wearer of leaves) 3. Na nlir (owner of cloths) 4. Na mulu (owner of the slimy river weeds, spirogyra) 5. Na shi kudun (the crippled or one legged one). 6. Na ruru (the one with high pitched cries) Only Dagli (masquerade of harvest) and Na lir (masquerade of death or the one who wears the black cloth) are masculine'. The presence of more feminine masquerades in Mwaghavul traditional religion is an indication that women's roles are very significant. There is a contradiction about the fact that women form majority of the masquerades and they are never allowed to see certain types of masquerades. One would then be tempted to ask, why? The women are also the ones that prepare the food (climbing beans-kwakil coated in sesame or benni seeds (kudul), which is the most palatable food for the masquerades. The life of a woman is threatened if she does not have food to present to them when they visit her compound. Most of the masquerades do come out in the night, few appear in the day time. Curfews were imposed by day or by night according to the security situation. A woman who views them secretly or eats food meant for them is exposed by “Paa Divination” and pays in livestock fines. Any woman that refuses to pay the fines would have herself to blame, for instance, she may have problem with child bearing in her later years. In an interview, one of my informant confessed she was a victim of that (Nader, aged 76). It is only when a woman is in her menopause that she is equated with men, and can, therefore, see a masquerade without any fine or penalty (Danfulani 46). Masquerades supervise both men and women as they work during the harvest and threshing of fonio and millet urging them to work hard.

Conclusion In most world's traditional religions, women's roles are silent, in the sense that they play more subordinate roles. African preliterate societies, though heterogeneous, were mostly gender sensitive. In some societies, it was a taboo for a man to participate in activities meant for women. The level of the participation of women in both secular and spiritual activities differed from one community to the other based on the set up of the belief system of the people. From the findings of this paper, there is no doubt about the fact that women have a part to play in the religious set-up of the Mwaghavul people. The findings show that from the earliest times, the Mwaghavul religion was largely in the hands of women, until when men became afraid of their domination then sought for ways and snatched it away from them. Since then, men began to control the religion thereby subjugating the women to mere supporters which made their roles to look insignificant. Ironically, the name of the supreme deity in Mwaghavul religion was initially Nanaan, which means a goddess, until the coming of the foreign religion during there was a change from Nanaan to Danaan. This gave a neutral meaning to the supreme deity, meaning the personality or name of the supreme deity henceforth became neither male nor female. Da is a prefix given to male in the society as a sign of respect, while Naan is feminine, so joining the two means He –She, which makes no sense. From the findings, the researcher also discovers that most of the masquerades in Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 146 the Mwaghavul religion are feminine, with the exception of two out of about eight of them. This is a clear indication that feminity was revered. Women prepared most of the food that were used during rituals, but were however told never to taste them. From the findings, it is laid bare that women played significant roles during traditional festivals such as cooking, dance performances and cleansing rituals prior to the event. Post-menopausal women participated in only two categories of kum, which were kambang and chichim. The latter was in charge of catching thieves during harvest in people's farms, while the former was consulted in order to avert sickness on individuals.

References Bulus, Linus C. “Mwaghavul Traditional Religion and Its Cultural Hybrids” B. A. Long Essay, Department of Religion Studies, University of Jos, 1986. Danfulani, Umar H. D. “A Masquerade is not Watched from one Spot” Reassessing the Study of African Religion. Unpublished Lecture Notes, 2016. Danfulani, Umar H. D. “Rituals as Dance and Dance as Rituals: The Drama of Kok Nji and Other Festivals in the Religious Experience of the Ngas, Mupun and Mwaghavul in Nigeria” In Tore Ahlback Ed. Dooner Institute for Research in Religious and Cultural History, 1996. Danfulani, Umar H.D. & Haggai, Mary. “Rites of Passage” Towards a Mwaghavul History: An exploration. Eds. Sale Lohoret al U.S.A: xlibris Cooperation. 2011 Danfulani, Umar H.D. “Pebbles and Deities: Pa Divination among the Ngas, Mupun and Mwaghavul in Nigeria. Uppsala University PhD Dissertation Bern, Bonn, Frankfurt and NY Peter Lange, 1994. Danfulani, Umar H.D. Understanding Nyam: Studies in the History and Culture of the Ngas, Mupun and Mwaghavul in Nigeria. Rudiger Koppe, Verlag, 2003. Datok, Polycarp F. A Short History of sura (psuyam)-1930-1981. Jos: NBTT, 1983. Dawum, Dafuk. “Personal Interview on Mwaghavul Women during Kum” by Nakam Nanpan Kangpe on 6th August, 2019. Linus, Chettu. “Personal Interview on Mwaghavul Women during Circumcision” by Nakam Nanpan Kangpe on 28th November, 2019. Lohor, Sale Akila, Barry Akila Kantu, Mark Lere, and Umar H. D. Danfulani. Towards a Mwaghavul History: An Exploration Xlibris Corporation, 2011. Peace, Longdet O. “Portrait of Gender Construction and Spaces in Mangy Puuskat Festival” unpublished material, 2018. Peach, Joy Lucinda. Women and World Religion. New Jersey: Palatino East, 2002. Sered, Susan. Women of the sacred grooves: Divine priestesses of Okinawa. New York: Oxford University, 1999. Shishima, S. D. African Religion: “A Bird's Eye! Makurdi: Obeta Continental Press, 2016. Shorter, Aylward. African Christian Theology: Adaptation or Incarnation? London: Sydney Aukland, Toronto and Johannesburg: Geoffrey Chapman, 1971. Tickner J. Ann. Gender in International Relation Feminist Perceptiveness on Achieving Global Security. New York: Columbia University Press, 1992. Wambutda, Daniel Nimar. A Case Study of Conversion among the Ngas People of Plateau State Nigeria with emphasis in Christianity. Frankfurt: Main Lan, 1991. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 147 La révolte contre les pratiques traditionnelles abusives: Une étude de Le Bistouri des Larmes de Ramonu Sanusi et Rebelle de Fatou Keita

Nev Beatrice Nguwasen & Musa Elisha Department of French Language Taraba State University, Jalingo. E-mail: [email protected]. Phone: 08060976643, 08184217841

Résumé La scène littéraire africaine est beaucoup traversée par la question d'émancipation de la femme de quelques aspects de la culture méfiante par un grands nombres des écrivains. Dans le contexte traditionnel africain, la femme subit toujours les pratiques abusives qui torturent son physique et sa psychologie. C'est une situation qui la rend désesperée et malheureuse aux yeux du monde. Cependant, au cours des années, la situation de la femme évolue et plusieurs écrivains écrivent en dénonçant cette violence contre la femme dans la société. Ramonu Sanusi et Fatou Keita font partie de ces écrivains qui prônent cette lutte pour la libération de la femme de ces pratiques. Ils condamnent dans une manière brillante la marginalisation sociale de la femme par une discrimination sexuelle et cherchent la possibilité d'en faire cesser. Dans cette étude, nous tenterons de faire un survol de ces pratiques abusives comme figurent dans les corpus et d'étudier l'idéologie adopté par ces deux écrivains dans leurs romans Le Bistouri des Larmes et Rebelle respectivement pour dénouncer ces pratiques déshumanisantes contre la femme. Nous tenterons également d'évaluer la transformation de la condition de la femme, la femme qui se lève de la misère d'être inférieure et marginalisée jusqu'au niveau d'émancipation totale contre les pratiques abusives. Les mots clés: émancipation, traditonnelle, méfiante, psychologie, malheureuse, violence, déshumanisation, libération.

Introduction La violence contre la femme forme une grande partie de la préoccupation de la plupart des écrivains africains de la litérature africaine post-coloniale. Nos écrivains de corpus, Ramonu Sanusi et Fatou Keita font partie de ces écrivains dont leurs romans tentent à addresser l'injustice d'une culture barbare contre la femme dans la société. C'est juste de dire que le discours de l'émancipation de la femme pose toujours un polémique chez les africains considérant quelques aspects de la tradition ainsi faisant la lutte d'émancipation de la femme une préoccupation de tout le monde de nos jours. Véritablement, l'Afrique est connu avec un grand nombres de pratiques abusives comme l'excision, le mariage forcé, la violence domestique, la polygamie entre autres contre la femme qui vont à l'eencontre de cette émancipation cherchée. Cet éssor pour améliorer le sort de la femme dans la société se fait d'une manière pour que la femme puisse se déveloper et contribuer dans le progrès social de sa communauté. Pourtant c'est impératif de noter que la révolte de ces pratiques abusives traditionnelles quelques fois doit être docile mais aussi radical comme presenté par Sanusi et Keita. Dans cette étude nous allons éxaminer comment les heroines ont pu transformer leurs conditions dociles pour pouvoir mettre fin aux pratiques barbares qui les rendent presque inutiles. La transformation qui fait d'elle d'avoir les rôles plus actifs qu'un objet de reproduction dans la Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 148 société.C'est pourquoi dans cette étude, nous nous assignons la tâche d'étudier la condition de la femme en général. Nous faisons aussi un résumé succinct de nos œuvres de base et discute également la notion du feminism et précisément le féminsme africain comme notre théorie de base. Finalement, nous lancerons des analyses en ce qui concerne les pratiques traditionnelles abusives qui subi la femme en nous s'appuyant sur la théorie du féminisme africain.

Le résumé du roman Le Bistouri des larmes Dans Le Bistouri des larmes, Sanusi nous raconte l'histoire d'une jeune fille africaine,qui s'appelle Yétoundé Abibatou, l'heroine. Elle est la fille unique de Bala. Elle est le personnage principal et l'histoire du roman se deroule autour d'elle. Yétoundé est gravement touchée par l'excision. Dès le premier jour de l'excision, Yétoundé a connu le malheur jusqu'à la fin de sa vie. L'arrivée du Père Benoit avec d eux Revrend Sœurs dans le village a beaucoup sauver sa condition. Père Benoit construit une école catholique où Yétoundé fréquente et elle devient plus intélligente que ses camarades. Après avoir réussi dans l'examen finale, Yétoundé part pour Lago où elle continue avec ses études jusqu'à l'université de Lago. À l'université de Lago, Yétoundé rencontre Lamine et ce rencontre de Lamine suscite les questions dans sa vie sur son incapacité d'avoir des désirs sexuels. Elles se considère à ce niveau comme incomplète. Yétoundé se marie à Lamine finalement mais elle n'arrive pas à enfanter les enfants, c'est le point culminant de ses problèmes. Sa visite chez ses parents lui explique la cause de son incapacité d'avoir des désirs sexuels et d'accoucher les enfants qui est l'excision de Birahima. Yétoundé se retire et décide de venger contre la méchanceté de l'excision. Elle blesse Ali et Mamadou qui aident Birahima lors de l'excision par la balle. On l'arrê et encacère durant trois ans. Le jour où elle regagne sa liberté, elle est choquée par le malheur de la polygamie. Elle revient finalement à Mandibou où elle devient tres célèbre Ministre des Affaires Sociales du Nigara ayant l'occasion de lutter contre l'excision et les autres maux sociaux pour l'émancipation des femmes et tout le monde dans son pays.

Le résumé de Rebelle Le roman Rebelle nous raconte l'histoire d'une jeune fille Malimouna qui habite à Boritoumi, un petit village qui se trouve à 800km de la capitale. Les habitants de ce village ont beaucoup de respect pour leurs traditions. Le soir du mariage, le mari de Malimouna est surpris que sa femme ne se soit pas soumise à l'excision. Or, dans la région, nulle femme n'a jamais pu s'en soustraire. Malimouna flappe le vieux Sando avec une statuette et s'enfuit à Salouma. À Salouma, elle trouve l'emploi chez les expatriés M et Mme Bireau. Elle quitte le travail à cause de violence sexuel de son chef et habite chez un Pasteur et sa femme. Malimouna quitte plustard pour Paris où elle demeure avec les personnes de différent parties de l'afrique. Elle voit autour d'elle avec la curiosité les mariages arranges et des familles qui font exciser leurs filles. L'héroine Malimouna décide ainsi de dévenir assistante sociale pour lutter contre ce fleau. Elle obtient son diplôme et travail dans un centre qui s'occupe des femmes immigrées. Elle se marie à Karim, un homme qui vient de son village. Karim est gentil au début mais il change son comportement après. Il essaye de convaincre Malimouna de cesser de travailler afin de s'occuper des enfants, il la laise et se remarie. Karim l'empêche d'assister à une réunion organisé par l'Association dont elle fait partie mais celle-ci réfuse. Pour se venger, Karim organise le retour de Malimouma à Boritouni sans sa connaissance pour que la famille de l'ancien mari la punisse et humilier Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 149 mais les femmes d'AAFD (AIDE A LA FEMME EN DIFFICULTE) la sauve. Le féminisme africain La théorie féministe en générale est tout simplement l'idée philosophique met en place pour faire imprégner le féminisme dans le discours philosophiques. Le féminisme a débuté en France à la fin de XIXe siècle. Cette théorie prône un combat pour l'égalité entre l'homme et la femme. Ce mouvement vise à soutenir les efforts des femmes pour grimper les échelons sociale, politique et économique dans leur vie. Ceci dit, la théorie féministe focalise sur la valorisation des droits des femmes en tenant compte de leurs intérêts commun. En réalité, il existe un grand nombre des théories féministes dans le monde comme le féminisme radical, féminisme libéral, l'ecoféminisme, le féminisme islamique, le womanisme, le snail sense féminisme et le motherisme pour ne mentionner que les autres qui traitent dans une manière différent les diverses problèmes des femmes dans la société. Par cette étude, nous voulons se focaliser sur le feminism africain pour mener à bout notre recherche. Comme théorie de base pour cette étude, nous allons aborder le féminisme africain comme l'idéologie adoptée par Sanusi et Keita pour dénouncer les pratiques abusives traditionnelles vers la femme. Cest une idéologie qui donne à la femme l'occasion d'exerce ses pouvoirs et droits en réfusant les pratiques abusives qui la met en silence. Selon Pierrette Herzberger cité par Ramonu Sanusi: Le féminisme africain est né dans un autre cadre historique. Il inclut les expériences de l'éducation traditionnelle, de la colonisation, du développement du patriarcat souvent au détriment d'un matriarcat effectif, perceptible dans toutes les civilisations africaines avec son pendant des coutumes aujourd'hui non appropriées telles que l'excision et actuellement du poids de l'endettement et de la pauvreté de l'Afrique (16). Le féminisme africain est crée par des femmes africaines, qui prend spécifiquement en compte de la condition et les besoins des femmes africaines résidant en Afrique. Le féminisme africain comporte plusieurs courants qui lui sont propres, comme le maternalisme, le femmisme (femalism), le féminisme de l'escargot ou encore le stiwanisme. La naissance du féminisme africain est justifiée par l'exclusion des expériences des femmes noires et des femmes du continent africain dans les mouvements féministes blancs occidentaux. Selon Hazel Carby pour justifier la nécéssité du féminisme africain, elle dit: « L'histoire a qualifié notre sexualité et notre féminité comme des qualités différentes de celles des femmes blanches, qui sont la fierté du monde occidental » (Hazel 209). Elle ajoute que le féminisme blanc ne peut pas continuer à éffacer un continent entier et ses habitantes du féminisme dans son ensemble. Le féminisme africain n'est pas seulement créé en réaction à l'exclusion du féminisme blanc, mais aussi en raison d'un désir de créer un féminisme qui comprend vraiment le contexte personnel et les expériences des femmes sur le continent africain. Les besoins des femmes, leur réalité, leur oppression et leur gain d'indépendance sont inclusifs et comprennent des questions générales et mondiales, ainsi que des questions locales. La manifestation du féminisme africain dans nos corpus est remarquable car ces deux romans se situent en Afrique et la description de ces pratiques abusives montrent une image réelle de la condition de la femme africaine. Il existe sans doute un nombre de ces pratiques et la dénonciation de telles pratiques nous dirigent vers le féminsme africain. Dans Rebelle, Malimouna dès son arrivée à Salouma, elle est devenue non satisfait avec sa situation d'être seulement une femme au foyer, elle cherche des moyens et l'occasion de donner à la femme la voix pour révolter ces pratiques patriacales traditionnelles bien établies. Yétoundé au Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 150 commencement prend le pas de la violence pour cette révolte mais elle accepte finalement de provoquer la prise de conscience des femmes comme une seule moyenne pour l'emancipation totale de la femme de ces vices. Le but du féminisme africain figure à travers l'action de ces deux heroines comme le note Naomi Nkaleah que: Les féminismes africains cherchent à créer une femme africaine nouvelle, progressiste, productive et indépendante, au sein des cultures hétérogènes de l'Afrique. Les féminismes en Afrique cherchent à modifier les cultures et leur impact sur les femmes dans plusieurs sociétés.(Nkaleah136) Dans ce discours du féminisme africain, on dénote que l'homme n'est pas l'ennemi de la femme. Même avec le fait que Karim se remarie, menant Malimouna dans un mariage polygame, elle refuse de se taire. Ce qui est intéressante c'est sa détermination de n'est jamais vivre en silence. Malimouna est déterminée de lutter pour la femme africaine qui n'est plus une subordonnée. Le dialoque qu'entretient Malimouna pour resoudre la crise avec son mari est bien sûr une approache bien adopté par les féministes africains pour arriver à une meilleure société pour l'homme et la femme. Quant à Yétoundé dans Les Bistouri des larmes, en sortant de la prison espère d'être accueillir par son mari mais le contraire était son sort. Elle est choquée avec les nouvelles du deuxième mariage de son mari ainsi faisant d'elle une famille polygame. Yétoundé quitte son mari mais elle ne perd pas sa détermination de lutter. Par là on peut déduire que pour cette lutte d'avoir le succès il doit avoir nécéssairement une complémentarité entre homme et femme. Comme le note Lilian Ogbenege « African feminism is not therefore separatist like western or radical feminism. Rather, it seeks complementarities with the men folk» (174). Ces deux heroines de Sanusi et Keita ont le courage est la détermination de transformer leur situation qui semble pitoyable au début pour le bien de la femme. En utilisant leurs heroines pour revolter contre les pratiques traditionnelles qui sont humiliante ne veut pas de dire que nos auteurs sont contre la tradition mais ce qu'ils tentent d'en faire c'est de comdamner ces éléments de la tradition qui sont des violences contre la femme. La déscription de la culture et l'héritage de Mandibou, le village où se situe son roman, par Sanusi au commencement de l'histoire est intéressante et nous montre une culture qui veut le bien être de la femme. Cependant parmi ces éléments de la culture de Mandibou figure l'excision de la femme comme une pratique qui n'a rien à aider. Voici ces lignes: L'excision était comme un fétiche qui ne pouvait pas aider ; mais à quoi sert donc un fétiche qui ne peut pas aider ? Si un fétiche ne peut pas aider une personne, il doit la laisser telle qu'il l'a trouvée au lieu de la détruire. L'excision était donc comme ce fétiche et avait détruit la vie d'Abibatou (Bistouri des Larmes81)

Les pratiques traditionnelles abusives dans Le Bistouri des larmes et Rebelle La question des pratiques traditionnelles abusives fait partie des discours qui suscitent une polémique dans les écritures des écrivains africains. Le Bistouri des larmes et Rebelle sont des romans où Ramonu et Fatou montrent et dépeint une société où il existe de nombreuse pratiques abusives qu'ils critiquent et condamnent violemment. Ces deux écrivains exposent le maltraitement et l'exploitation de la femme. Ils condamnent l'excision, le mariage forcé et la polygamie ou encore les abus masculine entre autres vices dont la femme africain est victime. Comme leurs compatriotes de l'ère post-coloniale dans la literature africaine, ces deux écrivains luttent à travers leurs écritures pour une meilleure vie pour la femme et tout les Africains. Les écrivains engagés, les deux critiquent et Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 151 cherchent à fustiger certains pratiques dans la société.

L'excision À travers nos deux œuvres de corpus, la pratique traditionnelle abusive la première contre la femme c'est l'excision ou la mutilation génitale feminine. Ce rite désigne un certain nombre de pratiques consistant à enlever totalement ou partiellement les organes génitaux externes d'une fille. Cest une pratique qui suscite la negative chez la femme car entre autres conséquences, les nourrissons, filles et femmes ayant subi une mutilation ou une excision sont exposés à des risques irréversibles pour leur santé. Les pratiques d'excision sont considérées comme traditionnelles dans la mésure où elles se sont installées dans un contexte animiste c'est-à-dire bien avant l'arrivée des grandes religions monothéistes. L'excision fait souvent office de rite de passage et de reconnaissance de la petite fille dans sa société selon les règles traditionnelles. Dans Rebelle de Fatou ce rite de l'excision se presente comme un évènement où les gens se réunisent pour encourager les jeunes filles d'accepter ce rite fétiche qui selon eux est une épreuve de devenir une femme. Au commencement du roman, Fatou souligne que: « Les tam-tams resonnaient de toutes parts, et l'assistance battait des mains pour encourager les douze fillettes qui faisait l'objet de la cérémonie. Le village entier les admirerait car elles seraient dévenues des vraies femmes » (13) Cest une épreuve traditionnelle qui est très négative pour la femme. La révolte contre cette pratique figure dans Rebelle au moment où Malimouna rejecte le rite ayant la connaissance bien du réfus d'en faire. Fatou nous souligne ainsi : Le jour de la cérémonie où les douze fillettes vont passer de la situation des jeunes filles à celle de femmes, Matou, la mère de Malimouna, voyant qu'il s'agit de ses camarades d'age veut qu'elle y participe aussi. Mais la concernée déclare « Je ne veux pas passer cette épreuve » Matou répond « Maudite fille! De quoi parles-tu? Tu veux que nous soyons la risée de tout le village? (Rebelle14-15) Par ce faire, Dimikela qui est l'excisieuse dans le village voit Malimouna comme revolteuse de l'autorité traditionnelle établie. Elle dit à Malimouna que si elle ne fait pas l'epreuve, en avenir elle ne peut ni controller ses émotions ni se rendre maître des forces de la nature. Voici Dimikela en disant: «Sache qu'une femme qui ne subit pas cette epreuve ne peut être maitresse de son corps et ne peut devenir q'une dévergondee…» (21) Comme Malimouna, Sanita forme également une autre révolteuse contre cette pratique défiante. Fatou rejet ouvertement cette pratique par l'usage des jeunes filles révolutionnaires dans son roman. Sanita quant à elle fuit le village à partir du moment où il s'agit pour elle de se rejoinder au groupe de Malimouna pour le rite d'excision. On peut voir ça à travers ces lignes dessous: Sanita n'était plus revenue au village avec ses parents, depuis qu'il avait été question qu'elle se joigne au groupe de Malimouna pour cette cérémonie. Ses parents preferaient pour on ne sait quelles raisons soustraire leur fille à cette epreuve, si capital dans la vie d'une fille. Mais elle, Matou sauverait sa fille de ce désastre. Elle l'empecherait quoiqu'il en coute, de se retrouver au ban de la société… Malimouna se rappelle que Sanita lui a dit en confiance qu'elle ne perderait jamais ce petit bout d'elle-même. (Rebelle18) Nourra est également une revolteuse en ce qui concerne l'excision. Elle est la fille de Fanta, à présent elle a onze ans et doit subir le rite. La mère de cette jeune fille dit à Malimouna que: Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 152 Elle (Nourra) à onze ans à present, et on doit l'exciser demain, mais elle ne veut rien entendre! Mon mari ménace de me répudier avec elle…. Elle ne pourra jamais se marier. Tu sais bien que pour nous, une femme non excisé n'est pas une femme digne de ce nom et ne peut sous aucun prétext prétendre au mariage!(Rebelle124) Tout éffort par Fanta de convaincre sa fille est en vain mais finalement on a forcé cette jeune fille Nourra de subir cette épreuve contre son gré. Malheureusement elle est morte dans le processus de cette épreuve d'une hemorragie dans les souffrances les plus dûrs. À cause de la morte, Fanta et son mari sont pris et retenus prisonniers. Ramonu Sanusi ne rechigne pas quand la revendication des droits des femmes est en cause. Il nous montre absolument sa prise de position et la revolte contre ces pratiques abusives concernant le sexe féminin. Il tente de décourager la pratique d'une tradition barbare qui détruit les enfants africains particulièrement les filles. Tout d'abord comme nous présente Sanusi, le rite de l'excision est une rite qui ammène le malheur chez l'enfant et même les parents de l'enfant-né. Dans le cas de Yétoundé, les lignes suivantes nous explique le malheur:

C'est lignes nous expliquent clairement le malheur qu'apporte l'excision chez les jeunes filles, Sanusi condamne violement l'excision en nous exposant les danger de ce rite qui n'a rien à aider. L'excision comme nous peindre Sanusi est une pratique qui détruit non seulement le physique mais est également à l'origine de trauma psychologique tels la perte des désirs sexuels, la stérilité, la morte entres autres. Yétoundé, notre héroine après avoir subit cette epreuve est pertubé par les plusieurs effets négatifs de ce rite fétiche. Elle n'arrive pas à accoucher des enfants et ce fait la beaucoup traumatisée chaque fois qu'on l'appelle sterile «Toi, femme qui ne peut pas avoir d'enfants, que fait-tu avec cet Anglais qui a fait tuer mon frère? (153) Cette phrase la traumatise comme nous explique encore l'auteur: Yétoundé, aussitot tomba et s'evanouit Elle ne revint à elle qu'à la Clinique de l'aéroport» (153). Finalement l'excision est un malheur Sanusi resume ainsi: Le malheur des malheurs! Le Malheur qui avait conduit Yetounde en prison, le Malheur qui avait fait d'elle la risée de tout le peuple, le Malheur qui l'avait empêcher d'avoir les enfants et le Malheur qui lui avait fait perdre son mari au profit de Binta. Cest vraiment le Malheur de malheurs; le Malheur qui a enfanté les autres malheurs (Bistouri des Larmes188) Pour Sanusi et Fatou dans Les Bistouri des larmes et Rebelle par la bouche de leurs personnages féminines surtout les deux héroines, il faut que le cas de l'excision soit examinée de nouveau et améliorer pour que la dominance prononcée sur les corps des femmes et leurs esprits diminue petit à petit en Afrique. Et cette tache s'accomplit seulement en suscitant la connaissance chez la femme. Sanusi a pour dire concernant cela: The potentially dangerous and painfull rite is still practiced in some African villages which is why Keita makes circumcision a central issue in her novel. Having herself escaped from female circumcision, Malimouna firmly opposes the rite and works to eradicate it. She forms l'Association d'Aide à la Femme en Difficulte (AAFD) and is very active in it because she believes that there is no justification for women's mutilation and that the practice is a violation of women's rights. She realizes that the most effective way to end this practice is through mass mobilization and formation of an association that will enlighten women about its dangers(Sanusi 119) Yétoundé de sa part, en sortant de la prison, rejoint son mari Lamine qui est déjà remarié à Binta. Ainsi, elle quitte son mari et se retrouve à Mandibou où elle travaille à l'école Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 153 missionnaire de Mandibou, l'école où elle a commencé ses études. Yétoundé determinée qu'elle est, transforme la vie sociale de son école et de tout le Mandibou. Son mariage avec le journaliste Karim l'aide à l'egard de ses activités qui sont reconnues partout. Finalement on l'a nommée le Ministre des Affaires Sociales et Yétoundé profite de cette position au gouvernement pour promouvoir la lutte contre l'excision et les maux de la société. Le marriage forcé Selon L'ONU, le mariage forcé a pour but de marier une personne contre sa volonté. La famille impose le mariage à un enfant mais aussi à une autre famille et bien sûr, ne respecte pas le consentement de leur enfant. Parfois les enfants ne veulent pas se marier avec la personne que leurs parents ont choisie, ce qui a pour conséquence des ruptures familiales. Ces mariages sont surtout destinés à certaines jeunes filles adolescentes partout dans le monde mais plus principalement en Afrique et dans certains pays d'Asie à cause des traditions et par intérêt économique (ONU 2017). Le marriage forcé en générale est un mariage sans l'accorde des mariés. Selon Rude Antoine: Ces mariages sont communs en Afrique et en Asie à cause des traditions et par interêt économique….. Les normes socials de nombreuses des cultures dictent qu'il ne faut jamais s'opposer à la volonté des parents/familles élargie en ce qui concerne le choix du conjoint. (Rude15) Le marriage forcé est une pratique qui existe partout en Afrique. Cette pratique a commencée depuis des siècles jusqu'a nos jours, et l'origine du mariage forcé reste toujours une mystère. Grâce à la modernisation et les discours féminists, le mariage forcé est devenue une pratique très contestée avec beaucoup de femmes occidentales et africaines se sont mobilisant pour protester contre cette pratique. Le mariage forcé est un acte qui brise les droits civiques des jeunes filles. Bien que cette pratique ne figure pas dans Le Bistouri des larmes, elle est notamment dans Rebelle et sa dénonciation forme notre interêt à ce niveau. Fatou nous présente le cas de Louma, le père de notre héroine qui veut la marier à l'age de 14 par force à son vieux ami Sando. Dans l'histoire, Malimouna n'a jamais vu le vieux homme. Comme normal, notre héroine proteste en pleurant qu'elle ne va jamais accepter ce type de mariage mais sa mère lui convaincre d'accepter en disant qu'elle n'a pas de choix puisque c'est la volonté de la tradition. Il (Louma) fit savoir qu'il l'avait promis à un ami, un riche commerçant. Il était venu la chercher un soir en compagnie de deux jeunes frères du future epoux. Malimouna devait venir avec lui, avait-il annoncer sechement à Matou. Il allait la marier à son ami Sando. Malimouna pleurait beaucoup à cette annonce, elle ne pouvait que subir son destin, celui d'une femme. Une femme devait se marier et faire des enfants; et elle, Matou, se rejouissait de ce mariage qui était une bénédiction. (Rebelle29) Voici comment on a forcé cette jeune fille en mariage contre sa volonté, mais comme d'habitude elle ne tarde pas de revolter. L'histoire nous fait comprendre que pendant le soir de noce, elle a refusé que son nouveau mari ne la touche pas, elle le frappe en ulitisant ses forces physiques quand le mari veut la toucher. L'auteur nous explique ainsi: Malimouna bondit sur lui, la statuette au poing. Elle frappe une seule fois, de toutes ses forces…. Ce n'est que lorsqu'il fut immobile qu'elle prit conscience de ce qu'elle venait de faire. Elle courut aussi loin que ses jambs purent la porter. Il faisait nuit… elle jeta dans l'eau la clé de la chambre de Sando (Rebelle 40) Cest ainsi que l'héroine finesse par s'emanciper de ce mariage forcé. Pour Fatou, cette pratique est une violence contre la femme qui torture non seulement au niveau du physique Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 154 mais de la psychologie aussi.

La polygamie La polygamie telle qu'elle est une pratique qui est une autre violence contre la femme. C'est une telle institution qui retarde le progrès social de la femme et que ses aspects négatifs engloutissent ses avantages. Ce sujet est d'une telle actualité et concerne tellement d'Africains et d'Africaines. Cest la polygamie qui donne l'occasion à l'infidelité dans un mariage donné qui se refère d'un manque d'attachement à ses devoirs, à ses affections, et un manque de regularité à remplir ses engagement à son partenaire. Cette infidelité figure dans le mariage de Yétoundé dès que Lamine épouse une deuxième femme. Avant d'épouser une deuxième épouse, Lamine rendre viste à Yétoundé à la prison à la fin du chaque moi mais en devenant polygame, la situation change brusquement et il cesse de la visite. L'auteur nous dit ainsi: Lamine lui avait donné de fausses excuses et avait cessé ses visites… Lamine, en fait s'était trouvé une autre femme car il était frustré par l'arrestation de Yétoundé, et surtout de sa condition car Yétoundé n'avait pas pu lui donner d'enfants. Lamine, alors bouleversé par l'arrestation de sa femme, rencontra la jolie Binta. Il l'épousa sans plus tarder et cette dernière lui donna deux enfants en l'espace de deux ans. (Rebelle185) Normalement en trouvant sa liberté de la prison, Yétoundé espère d'être accueillir par son mari mais en tant qu'un homme polygame avec un manque d'attachement et d'affection pour Yétoundé, Lamine ne vient jamais pour l'accueillir. Yétoundé lui attend en vain. Ces lignes nous explique encore: Il était deux heures de l'après midi et Yétoundé attendait toujours l'arrivée de son mari dans la chambre d'hôtel qu'elle occupait à Abaja. Elle lui avait pourtant téléphone le jour précédent pour l'informer de la nouvelle de sa libération. Fatiqué d'attendre, Yétoundé sortit de sa chambre d'hôtel et prit un taxi pour l'aéroport d'Abaja. (Bistouri des Larmes184/186) Ce n'est qu'aussi la même chose chez Malimouna qui subit également les abus d'une mariage polygame. Malimouna se marie à Karim, un homme chez elle, avec qui elle pense d'avoir une vie tranquille mais le contraire se figure. Au début du mariage, Karim se comporte gentil mais au fur et à mésure, il commence à manifester les signes qu'il passe du temps avec quelqu'un d'autre: «Dès qu'il rentre chez lui, il n'a qu'envie, ressortir… Il s'emporte pour un rien…un silence lourd s'installe petit à petit entre eux». (160). Déterminée qu'elle est, Karim n'arrive pas à l'empêcher en ce qui concerne la lutte pour le bien être de la femme. Après avoir découvert l'infidelité de Karim, Malimouma cherche de le divorcer ou bien démenager mais il refuse d'en faire. Karim prend une deuxième femme étant satisfait d'un mariage traditionnel et devient plutot polygame et cherche même de le légitimer. Il dit: Je veut simplement prendre une deuxième femme pas de divorcer. J'en ai le droit; tu sais que je viens d'un milieu, et toi aussi, d'ailleurs. Pour que tu puisses m'attaquer en justice il faudrait que je passe deux fois devant le maire, et je n'en ai pas l'intention: Je me contenterai d'un mariage traditionnel… Nous sommes en Afrique ici…. (Rebelle201). Malimouna se sent trahie, humilie, elle rebelle en deménageant lorsque son mari part en mission pour quelques jours. Cela signifie une revolte contre cette pratique qui n'a aucun respect pour les émotion de la femme. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 155 Conclusion En tant qu' écrivains engagés sur la condition féminine, la prise de position de nos deux auteurs est remarquable. Ils nous présentent une société africaine d'une culture et d'un héritage assez riche mais avec des éléments défavorables pour la femme. Ils suscitent la prise de conscience des femmes et hommes africains par les deux héroines qui ne tardent pas de lutter contre les méfaits auquels les femmes font face dans la société. Par ces héroines ils nous encouragent de se lever et tentent de reconstruire une société qui sera condusive pour tout le monde. Alors, voilà pourquoi, une optique radicale se trouve dans Le Bistouri des larmes de Ramonu Sanusi et Rebelle de Fatou Keita. Ces œuvres sont révolutionnaires contre une tradition méchante qui est non seulement abusive mais aussi barbare.

References Daduut, Nora,L. «Le Bistouri des larmes de Ramonu Sanusi:Une Polemique Politique» in Le Bronze Special Edition in honour of Professor Raymond Elahor, May 2016, pp 101-115. Fatou Keita. Rebelle. Abidjan: Présence Africaine 1998. Hazel Carby. White Women Listen! Black Feminism and the Boundaries of Sisterhood » Google Scholar. Igbozurike, Ijeoma Hope. Africologie au 21ème siècle dans La douceur cu Bercail de Fall Aminata Sow et Le Rebelle de Keita Fatou. International journal of arts, languages, linguistics and literally studies, vol 1 no 2, 2017. Ogundokun, Sikiru, A. “L'engagement réaliste de Sembène Ousmane dans Guelwaar in Journal of arts & Humanities, Vol. 2, No. 2, March 2013 pp. 79 – 84. « Le Bistouri des larmes de Ramonu Sanusi : Une dénonciation d'une tradition betifiante » in Journal of arts & Humanities, Vol. 2, No. 4, May, 2013 pp. 38 – 43 Naomi Nkealah. Conceptualizing Feminism(s) in Africa: The Challenges Facing African Women Writers and Critics, English Academy Review, 2006, pp 133–141 . Ogbenege, Lilian. The feminist theatre and the quest for social change in the West Africain Sub-region: Interrogating the Anglophone and francophone perspectives. Language, Literature & Criticism, Essays in honour of Professeur Aduke Adebayo (eds) Ibadan: Zenith Bookhouse 2010, pp.173-194. Rude-Antoine, E. Les marriages forcés dans les États membres du Conseil de l'Europe, Législation comparé et actions politiques, Strasbourg, Direction Générale des Droits de l'Homme, Conseil d'Europe 2005. Sanusi, Ramonu (2005). Le Bistouri des larmes. Ibadan,Graduke Publishers. Portrayals and gender palaver in Francophone African writings. Ibadan,Graduke Publishers.2015. Sotunsa Mobolanle Ebunoluwa, « The Quest for an African Variant », The Journal of Pan African Studies, 2009, p. 227–234 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 156 Blind Hatred and Religious Intolerance in Nigeria: Comparing the Biblical Saul and Yerima Musa in Heart of Stone

Chentu Dauda Nguvugher, PhD Department of Religion and Philosophy, Faculty of Arts, University of Jos, Jos, Nigeria & Bem Alfred Abugh, Department of Theatre and Film Arts, Faculty of Arts, University of Jos, Jos, Nigeria

Abstract That blind hatred has led to the destruction of many lives and properties in Nigeria is a statement of fact. Today, violence is the new “norm” in Nigeria as the circles of revenge continue to span. This paper compares the religious bigotry and intolerance exemplified by the Biblical Saul and Yerima Musa in Heart of Stone and concludes, unfortunately, that religious intolerance continues to characterise Christian-Muslim relations in Nigeria with attendant consequences. No society progresses without tolerance and the accommodation of people other than yourself. Consequently, Nigeria can only reach her potentials when blind hatred and religious intolerance that has bedevilled our cooperate coexistence is jettisoned for a more humane coexistence. Keywords: Blind Hatred, Religious Intolerance, Biblical Saul and Yerima's Musa in Heart Stone

Introduction Nigeria as a nation state is a multi-ethnic society shrouded with different peoples of varying cultures, languages and religions. These linguistics and natural characteristics of the Nigerian State make it unique in a number of ways. In spite of the multi-dimensional, multicultural and multi-lingual nature of the country, the country still parades one national flag. The country operates a presidential system of government despite its multi-ethnic nationalities of desperate histories, languages and religions. Thus far, the multi-dimensional nature of the country is laden with several religious sects. Since Nigeria's independence in 1960, the country has been grappling with the problem of ethnicity on one hand, and chiefly the problem of religious intolerance on the other hand. These two major phenomena have,over the years, continued to coxswain religious intolerance of all kinds in different regions of the country, which have had devastating effects on the citizenry. The incessant recurrence of intolerance in most parts of the country, particularly in the North West, the North East and the North central, has affected, and is still affecting, the country negatively. As the blind hatred in the practice of religion deepens, it gives more room for the uprising of different sects amongst across the regions of the nation. The emergence of more of such sects has multiplied ethno-religious crisis, which is why it is a truism to say that the façade of religious intolerance in the country is on the increase. The discourse on ethno-religious intolerance has dominated the scene of discourse in many decision making entities and, as such, the discussions are tailored towards finding lasting solutions, or if possible, the total eradication of religious intolerance which has caused more harm than good for the country's progress. There has been massive break down of law and order following the Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 157 activities of religious intolerance and there are religious fundamentalists who are so determined to keep perpetuating this dexterous act against the fundamental principles of Nigeria's unity in diversity. More frontally, these forms of exacerbated civil unrest that Nigeria as a nation has been witnessing, as caused by different sects in the name of religious intolerance, date back in most African transcend religion and ethnicity. Akinola hypothesizes that, “Colonial heritage through resource exploitation, and inability of ethnic nationalities within African states to negotiate the terms of their statehood, inept political leadership, poverty and alienation, misrule and corruption and sit-tightism has predisposed African States to the intrigues; of violent conflicts” (265). Taking off from Akinola's point of view, it is rather apt to note that all the issues raised in his compendium are the factors that have given rise to most, if not all of the religious crisis witnessed in most African countries today, and Nigeria in particular. This unholy blind intolerance has assumed diverse dimensions prominent among which include; high profile kidnapping, oil bunkering, large scale armed robbery, cattle rustling, ethnic cleansing and genocide which have given birth to a dreaded scourge tagged Boko- haram in the Nigerian space. The trend is growing and suicide bombing is becoming a more lucrative enterprise in the hands of the blind and intolerant folks. Very fundamentally, this paper seeks to look at the role of the dramatists in exposing issues of blind hatred and religious concerns that have led to the economic doldrums of the nation thereby creating in the masses the consciousness of unity through dramatic creation. A dramatist's creation is never in a vacuum, it is for the purpose of information, instruction, transformation and reconstruction of the society. In like manner, the paper also looks at the Holy Bible and examines the character of Saul who so hated Christians and was busy killing all Christians. But in the course of his life, God arrested him and made him see that his total hatred for Christians was a blind and an intolerant one. Nonetheless, we shall give a full account of the two characters we have chosen to compare in the course of our analysis of the main subject of discourse.

Conceptual Clarification In a bid to justify this paper and put it in a more lucid and appropriate context, it is worthy of us to clarify basic concepts that make up the discourse. In this paper, we shall consider blind hatred and religion as our major concepts. Blind hatred, as used in this paper, connotes a negative impression held against a people, religion, ethnicity and a nation in general. In Nigeria, this phenomenon has found its place of pride, following the multi-dimensional nature of the Nigerian state, different tribes, ethnic groups, etcetera, have withdrawn into their cleavages. This withdrawal prompts the blind hatred that they hold against any sect other than theirs. In discussing blind hatred more succinctly, issues of esteem, control and affiliation can never be left out. This is because, when people withdraw into their cleavages, they have a serious sense of self-esteem; and as such, they are not willing to compromise this self- esteem at all cost. In this regards, they try as much as possible to live up to this self-esteem to the extent of violating the principles of nationhood. In the two characters that we will be understudying subsequently, both the Biblical Saul and Yerima's Musa in Heart of stone, exhibit self-esteem. Self-esteem is what gives rise to the blind hatred on the religions of other people. Blind hatred also resulted from the issue of control which is another fundamental point that Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 158 has had a negative effect on the nation's progress. Individuals, who feel, either they should be in control or they should not be controlled, cause relational conflicts in all nations of the world. In the context of our discourse, both characters see that being in control of their religious belief is what should be their truest sense of belonging. Any contrary opinion to their belief system is a violation or an infringement on their fundamental human rights. In Nigeria, it is not just the religious aspects that sects demand total control of; the control of the country's natural resources through the instrumentality of religion has given rise to the blind hatred being practiced in Nigeria by different sects (religions). The issue of affiliation is another serious cause of relational conflicts of blind hatred and religious intolerance in Nigeria. People of different tribes and ethnicity are so attached to their beliefs. This sense of attachment and closeness to their belief system is a motivating factor towards blind hatred and intolerant of other tribes or ethnic nationalities. Based on this, there is always the misconception about each other, which leads to suspicion and subsequent breakdown of unity amongst such groups. Religion as a concept to be clarified in this paper is of apt impetus because it has not been easy for scholars to provide clarifying explanations to the term religion. This is so because, religion as a term connotes the belief, practice, feeling, knowledge and effects. The descriptive words are all religious variables that various sects deploy as weapons to hold firm unto their belief system. In the contemporary Nigeria, religion has taken a different dimension. The dimension taken by religion and of course those fundamentalists who hide under the guise of religion to perpetuate all manners of mischief includes ideological viewpoints, ritualistic dimensions, experimental methodologies, intellectual stand point and consequential linings. Emile Durkheim, in “schuefer and Lamm”, provides us with this fascinating definition of religion to be “a unified system of beliefs and practices relative to sacred things that are set apart or forbidden” (42). Karl Max, in Ian Roberstone, describes religion as “the opium of the people, and the soul of the soulless circumstances” (22). The two definitions give us a crystal clear picture of what religion is. The first takes us to the beliefs, practices and the sacredness of religion as practiced by a people, while the later tells us that religion is opium of the people. This means that religion is part of the people and whatever people do, either good or bad, is as a result of their religious dictates and beliefs. There are different religions in the world such as Hinduism, Jainism, Africa Traditional Religion, Bahaism, Islam, Christianity, Judaism, Taoism, Shintoism, Zoroastrianism, Eckankar and many others. All these religions are practiced, in different parts of the world. In Nigeria, several of these religions are also practiced but the most pronounced are Islam and Christianity.

Religious Intolerance in Nigeria: An Overview The country Nigeria is a design of the British colonialists. To this end, there is absolutely no point arguing that the origin of religious intolerance is not part of the design. From the British era to this present day, there have been pockets of religious intolerances in Nigeria. Aiden Campbell informs that: During the Nigerian constitutional negotiations…the British would emphasize the sharp capitalistic practices of the southerners to Northern delegates and then remind southerners of the reactionary feudal/slave trafficking vices of the Northerners (172). Campbell's words in the above quotation provides an illuminating perception that the issues of religious intolerance were in existence even during the British rule in the country. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 159 This shows that religious fundamentalism has been in existence for a very long time now. In the recent past, Nigeria has witnessed serious crisis of violent proportions ranging from politically motivated crisis to economic and religious ones respectively. The scenario has refused to die off as ethnic nationalities are in their cleavages perpetrating all forms of crisis in the name of religion. Religion has become the yardstick for identity politics which religious fundamentalists deploy as tools to melt all forms of injustices. Regrettably, a series of religious violence have devilled the nation. These violent crises have brought many civilians face-to-face with harsh conditions of living. This explains why Otite and Albert were quick to say that “there is a high degree of religious intolerance in Kano and this explains why there is always conflicts in the city. Religious intolerance cut across all religious groups” (25). The phenomenon level of religious intolerance, as captured, here, is quite apt and paramount to our discussion. Samuel Azariah, quoted in Dogara Gwamna, paints this picture of religious crisis around the globe thus: In many ways, what we witness today in parts of Africa, Asia and Europe is a re-enactment of a similar tide of religious violence that once swept across Europe when the emotional power of religion was aroused and manipulated to intimidate, harass and persecute the people. Despite the enlightenment that education and modernization have brought, it is unfortunate that we witness yet, again, the negative impact of religion in our societies, perhaps today more than ever before religious symbols and idioms are been manipulated to promote hatred, intolerance and violence (44 - 45). The case presented above is indeed a strong one, owing to the fact that religion is a weapon that has been deployed by so many people to perpetrate evil in the society. Very fundamentally, religious fundamentalists use hate speeches to lure their followers into supporting their ploy. A preponderance of the people (converts) that are used in fighting religious crises are largely the uneducated who know little or nothing about the gimmicks of their religious leaders. Salawu notes that “over the years, many events in Nigeria have led to the politicization of mistrust, intolerance and acrimonious relations between the mainly Muslim North and Christian South of Nigeria” (349). This shows that there has been an insertion of religious discrimination and incompatibility in the structures of the Nigerian State and this has continued to stir up religious violence. It is very disheartening to note that, in spite of the interrelationship that exists amongst families and the different shades of belief systems practiced within these families, there are still traces of violence among them. Ali Mazrui makes the case that “Many African families are multi-religious in composition without strain one brother could be Muslim, another Roman Catholic, a sister protestant and the father a practicing member of a African Traditional Religion” (94).With this picture, one would have expected that there will be absolute tolerance of one another, yet the reverse is the case. To sum up these discourses, it is worthy of note that in Nigeria, blind hatred and religious intolerance are constantly promoted by the divisive interplay of politics, ethnicism, tribalism, lack of adequate distribution of the natural resources found in the country, loop sided political appointments, hegemonic tendencies and religious bigotry. All these factors had consequently led to the uprising and militancy of various ethnic and religious movements in Nigeria. The failure of Nigerian leaders to provide credible and responsible leadership in terms of governance in order to forge national integration that would promote unity and progress has continued to masturbate and promote ethnic and religious intolerance. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 160 Heart of Stone's Musa: Blind Hatred and Religious Intolerance Examined Heart of Stone is a play written by Ahmed Yerima, the play dramatizes how the character, Musa, is caught in the complexities of religious conflict of beliefs and intolerances found in the Nigerian nation, particularly in the Northern parts of the country. Musa, as a character in Yerima's creation, represents a young adult Muslim adherent and fundamentalist whose indoctrination, brain washing and convictions about the Islamic faith is overwhelming. This strong blind belief becomes a force towards genocide adventures against innocent Christians. Surprisingly, Musa and his cohorts' suicidal attempts on innocent Christians cuts across all sects because his Kith and Kin are also involved in a wedding solemnization of his ex-fiancée, the groom, guests, including the ministers, at the event all perished. Musa, Kaka Patu and Amina are the only ones who escaped the bomb incident. Amina and Kaka Patu escaped following their unplanned absence from the bombing scene. Musa is eventually arrested, but he later ingests himself with a rat poison in the cell and dies instead of been executed by the firing squad as already condensed by the law. In one of his speeches about his blind hatred and intolerance about the Christian faith, Musa says the following: Yes…us Muslims. All their songs…all their prayers insult us. They brand us as the children of the most evil spirit, the devil. Shetani! They want hell fire to burn us to smithereens. And yet they want us to be one, to be friends. They say we worship the same God. How can? I swear, I will not go for the wedding if this is the kind of songs they will sing at the wedding. Even their prayers are so militant, aimed at us described as blind 'gambani' beggars' children of the devil...(54). Musa's lines are crystal clear that his hatred for the Christian faith knows no bounds. Amina tries to make Musa believe that it is only a song but Musa reprimands her by asking that, “A song, eh? Satan don fall gutter, march am march am. That is me. That is us. The song is saying that all Muslims are siblings of Satan, who should be trampled upon. We? Who did we ever hurt? I mean we who are the peace- loving cursed docile illiterates? Us! “(54). The above explanations as provided by Musa to Amina further justify his deep and blind hatred for the Christian faith. Musa sees nothing good neither with whatever the Christians do nor say. So long as he (Musa) is concerned, the Christians are not part of the world and should not be interacted with on any account. Musa is engaged to Gladys and everything is set for the marriage between the two young folks, but because of blind hatred against a particular religion and intolerance, Musa breaks the engagement simply because he is a Muslim and Gladys a Christian. This scenario is captured in the conversation that ensues between Kaka Vero and Musa: Vero: When Gladys came home one rainy night crying, saying that you had broken off your engagement to her because she was your sister, I knew the reason was that you had become the pure believer and suddenly we had become filthy kaffirs to you, yes? Musa responded quietly “Yes Mama” (54). This shows the level that Musa despises the Christian faith. Musa sacrifices his love for Gladys simply because she belongs to another faith (Christianity). Vero goes further to explain Musa's high level profile hatred and intolerance for other religions in the following words: Vero: When the prayer started, and you looked down at the kneeling couple and you walked out, I knew that knowing a little about how related we were, Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 161 was dangerous for the soul. I will not rest well in my grave if I don't tell you….When you became a teacher in a Koranic school and suddenly, we became dirty pigs… unbelievers in your sight. From the day I saw you as a little boy join a group of Almajiri to force a car driver to stop and with your mouths you drew fuel from his car after beating him up for refusing to recite the Fatiha and as I watched, it first appeared like a play to me, but in a frenzy of madness, you all ran towards our church, poured the petro under the doors while the other wild boys broke the church windows and threw in burning rags into it….. Our eyes met, in one flash, I saw those red beady eyes of stones ….. (55). The above words are further words that Kaka Vero recounts Musa's actions and inactions against the blind hatred for the Christian faith. Musa replies quietly “… it was what we were told to do. The ustaz had said Allah had decreed it….” This further affirms the fact that Musa's blind hatred for non-Muslims is immense. Musa recounts his experience in the Koranic school and about the Islamic faith in the following words when asked by Sani his supposed spiritual leader: Musa: He grew up and as he grew, so did his perception about life. He started to see and feel things differently. He no longer believed those little stories about right and wrong how Allah lived in Heaven and how piety guaranteed us a ticket in paradise. He became amazed at the capacity of man to be evil, and wondered if god indeed lived with us on earth anymore. He grew up Mallam, seeing the dark hearts of men …..(56). Sani noticing the anger In Musa's words and tone asked quietly “you are angry” Musa in response says: “Why even those who call themselves spiritual fathers, leaders of the Jama'a, those who wrapped their head with well-shaped Rawani, with well- manicured fingers and beard, and know the holy Quran by heart, you see why do not spare them in the judgment of death? (56). This shows that the blind hatred that Musa has on Christians transcends just the Christians Faith alone which is manifest in Nigeria just like the Boko haram sect, does kill both Christians and Muslims. The hatred has dominated their thinking and is ruling their existence. Musa says these lines as his closing remarks: “It is better for me to die with you as my Koranic school teacher in my head. Rather than see pretension stand before me you see why we kill even our own? (56). This, in a nutshell, reviews that the blind hatred is a deadly one and has no regards for any sect or religion. Today, we see the blind hatred manifesting itself in most parts of the country, particularly the North West, North East, North central, and it is gradually circulating to all parts of the country. Musa as a character in Heart of Stone represents the blind hatred and religious intolerance that has in the recent years dominated the country in different parts. The play, Heart of Stone the presentation of Musa, is a clarion call by the playwright that citizens should desist from such acts of religious intolerance which have had a devastating effects on the country's progress. The play serves as a mirror through which the masses can pick up cues from the Musa's character represented whose blind hatred is examined to forge harmonious coexistence amongst religions of the country. When Paul was Saul: His Blind Hatred and Religious Intolerance Examined Saul, which is Paul's given name, was born into a Jewish family in Tarsus (Turkey) around the year A.D. 8; he was also a Roman citizen and a trained Ribbi. The meaning of the Hebrew name is “Ask For” (Browning in Holman Dictionary 1450). No wonder, he asked for the lives of Christians so he could kill. According to Jerome, Saul's family moved to Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 162 Tarsus from Gischala in Galilee. Saul's family was of the tribe of Benjamin (Phil. 3:3), and he was named for the most prominent member of the tribe-King Saul (Many speculate that Saul's father or grandfather was honoured with citizenship because of some special services rendered to a military proconsul (Quarles in Holman Dictionary 1254). The difference between Paul and Saul is beyond “P” and “S”. The two names speak of the Judaist or pharisaic Saul and the Christian Paul; the best and the brightest. The Saul of Tarsus; a child of the best upbringing, a student of the vaunted teacher, Gamaliel; a Roman citizen; trained in the best Jewish schools; groomed, perhaps, to even become chief priest. This pious man was bent on the destruction of the believers in Christ. He was probably an active Jewish missionary winning Gentiles as he travelled through lands and seas to proselytize. In order to understand Saul of Tarsus, it is important that we put him into historical context. Only a few short years had passed from the crucifixion of Christ when a self-righteous religious zealot assisted in the systematic murder of one spirit filled deacons of the early church, deacon Stephen. In Acts, Luke punctuates Saul's involvement in this heinous and heartless murder with the chilling comment: “Now Saul was consented to his death” (Acts 8:1). Even before that fateful day when young Saul, the Pharisee, gloated over the brutal death of the innocent disciple, Stephen, the spirit of Jesus Christ was pricking his heart. God had designs for this bright young man, and in His sovereignty, He was prepared to knock Saul off his high horse. There can be little doubt that Saul was familiar with the man of Galilee called Jesus. He was however consumed by the study of Torah and Talmud- the Jewish holy books. There was talk of this back woods preacher and the stir he was creating throughout Israel. Uncountable reports emerged of the so-called Messiah from every corner of the land, leading to the imaginable debates between Paul and co-scholars regarding the authenticity of the messiahship of Jesus and His miraculous displays. Likely, Saul was one of the unnamed lawyers who must have confronted Jesus with questions in the gospel accounts. It is also conceivable, that Saul could be one of the pious Pharisees trying to console a weeping Mary and Martha at the death of their brother, Lazarus. Whether present or not, he must have heard of the resurrection of Lazarus after being rotten in the grave. Saul could have been in attendance at the infamous midnight trial of Jesus before the Sanhedrin. Perhaps he was outside in the courtyard of Caiaphas warming himself next to fire (https://www1.cbn.com). May be he heard the servant girl accusing a gruff-looking Galilean of being a follower of Christ. He may have been amused at the unrefined manner in which this fisherman called Peter cursed and raved the third time he was accused. Though Saul approved of the barbarous stoning of Stephen, it is entirely possible that Saul's heart was pricked when he heard him say, “Lord do not charge them with this sin”. It is not in record of how long the Lord was at work in the heart of Saul, but it was possible the Holy Spirit was goading him and Saul was kicking hard. After the death of Stephen, Saul was fanatical about destroying this new sect, Saul launched a holy war against the Church, scattering the believers. He made havoc, entering homes, sending many to prison-even putting some to death. He was beginning to attain the notoriety that he had always craved. If Saul was going to rise to the level of prestige and power that he believed was his destiny, he would have to prove himself worthy. When information came that these followers of Christ had spread into Syria, Saul requested permission to go to Damascus. With great pleasure, the high priest granted his letters to take to the Synagogues of Syria. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 163 Saul Became Paul As Saul and his learned colleagues came near Damascus, suddenly they were flooded with glorious light. It was like looking into the sun from only a yard away. As Saul fell to the ground, a voice emanated from the ray of light, terrifying and soothing at the same time. “Saul, Saul why are you persecuting me?”... “I am Jesus, whom you are persecuting...” Saul began to tremble. This became his turning point; and he asked for the first time, “Lord, what do you want me to do?”. This is a mark of surrender and readiness to serve! Jesus replied, arise and go into the city...” Saul obeyed and in the blindness that resulted from the intense light, he was led into the city. There he met with Ananias, who was sent to prophesy (Acts 9:15). This former Pharisee accepted Jesus Christ by conversion, became a dynamic minister of the gospel to the Gentiles, forsook his Jewish name, Saul, and forever adopted the Greek name for which he remembered... Paul.

Conclusion From the discourse above, we have seen the shared negative impact created by the theory of blind hatred among religious groups in Nigeria. This can be addressed by measures aimed at building trust or a greater sense of community. Hatred in the name of religion is one of the most disturbing phenomena caused by human action. Government should protect human rights and freedom of religion by creating a space where religious minorities are able to inform others about the tenets of their beliefs. Interreligious tolerance can be strengthened by rule of law, checking religious fanatics via for formulation of formidable legislations. Religious leaders should be committed enough to the course of orientation and sensitization of their followers on the significance of peaceful coexistence. Beside this, public preaching should wear peaceful toga in place of condemnation and needless criticism. Religious groups should understand the core principles of common humanity. Tolerance, understanding, face-to-face dialogue and reconciliation championed by ecumenical groups or faith-based organizations are important to religious coexistence via treaties. Why the hate if one can love? Why the killing if one can also sustain? Why the bitterness if one can also be compassionate? Why the destruction if one can also build? Life is an opportunity given by God, benefit from it, life is a beauty, admire it, life is a dream, realize it... life is a duty complete it (Unknown). Hatred paralyzes life, love releases it. Hatred confuses life, love harmonizes it. Hatred darkens life; love illuminates it (Luther Jr, Facebook). The life God gives is a sacred entity that must be respected, preserved and accounted for.

References Browning, C. Daniel. “Saul” in Holman Illustrated Dictionary. Brand, Chad et al (Ed). Nashville: Holman Bible Publishers, 1998 Quarles, Charles. “Paul” in Holman Illustrated Dictionary. Brand Chad et al (Ed). Nashville: Holman Bible Publishers, 1998. Schuefer, R.T. and Lamm, R.P Sociology. 6th ed, New York: The McGraw Hill Company Inc, 1998. Print. Ian, Roberstone. Religion Sociology. 2nd ed, New York: The McGraw Hill Company Inc, 1992. Print. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 164 Aiden, Campbell. Western Primitivism: African Ethnicity Study in cultural Relations. London: Cassel, 1997. Print. Salawu, B. Ethno-Religious Conflicts in Nigeria: Causal Analysis and Proposal for New Management Strategies in journal of Social Sciences. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, Vol 13, No 3, 2010. P. 33-362. Print. Ahmed, Yerima. Heart of Stone. Ibadan: Kraft Books Limited, 2013. Print. Akinola, Adeoye. Crisis of Governance, political leadership and the conspiracy of the followership in Nigeria. In Oloruntoba, S.O, and Gumede, U. State and Development in post-Independence Africa. Texas, Pan African University press, 2018. P 253-268. Print. Gwamna, J. Dogara, Religion and politics in Nigeria. African Christian Textbook (Acts), 2000. Print. Ali, A. Mazrui. The African Condition. Heinemann, Ibadan, 1980. Print. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 165 An Assessment of The Challenges and Opportunities of The De-Radicalisation Programme in North-Eastern States, Nigeria: A Case Study of Operation Safe Corridor Camp, Mallam Sidi, Gombe, Gombe State, Nigeria.

Saleh Omar, PhD Federal University, Kashere, Gombe State, Nigeria E-mail: [email protected] Phone: 08036321034; 07037494295 & Adamu Ahmed Department of Sociology, Gombe State University, Gombe, Nigeria E-mai: [email protected] Phone: 07032233339

Abstract As part of its efforts at managing the Boko Haram insurgency, the Federal Government recently launched a de-radicalisation programme ostensibly aimed at encouraging former insurgents to abandon their extremist and violent religious and political ideologies and adopt non-violent and moderate views which will help in reintegrating them into mainstream political and religious discourse. Several camps have been established in the North-East, including the one at Mallam Sidi, a small town less than 20kms from Gombe, the capital of Gombe State. However, problems such as desertion and localised thuggery and stealing have started to affect the programme. This paper reexamines the entire Operation Safe Corridor with a view to identifying the challenges it currently faces and suggesting ways in which these may be resolved. Part of what is reported in this paper is based on observations and other research work in and around this town. The paper begins with a clarification of the concept of deradicalisation itself, its origins and the practices associated with. It then describes the procedures through which information was collected and analysed and the conclusions drawn. Finally, the paper makes recommendations as to what practical steps need to be taken to make the programme a success. Key Words: De-radicalisation; Operation Safe Corridor; challenges; institutional opportunities

Introduction Since around 2009, and perhaps earlier, the North-Eastern states of Nigeria, namely, Adamawa, Bauchi, Borno, Gombe, Taraba, and Yobe have been embroiled, to various extents, in a full-scale insurgency which has cost tens of thousands of lives, destroyed properties worth millions of naira, and displaced about two million people.1 Against the background of the recent successes in the Federal Government's counter-insurgency drive, a deradicalisation programme has been initiated aimed at reforming and rehabilitating the repentant former radical insurgents and their collaborators and reintegrating them into mainstream society. Conceptual Clarification This paper involves the use of some key concepts, which presents the need to come to terms to what the concepts are all about. For this purpose, such terms have been identified for the purpose of giving adequate meanings for what they stand for. The key concepts are radicalization, Deradicalisation, Anti-radicalisation and counter-radicalisation. Radicalisation may be defined as a socialization process through which individuals and groups acquire radical, often extremist and violent views, that make them amenable to Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 166 violent and terrorist actions. Broadly speaking, the word "radicalization" can be used to describe a process whereby individuals (and even groups) develop, over time, a mindset that can—under the right circumstances and opportunities—increase the risk that he or she will engage in violent extremism or terrorism.1 Radicalisation does not develop overnight. Nor does it develop simply because somebody has been exposed to a video clip propagating radical, extremist and violent views. For this reason, it may be necessary to distinguish between the remote and the immediate causes of radicalism. Immediate factors (e.g. provocative actions by others) may or may not trigger a radical, extremist, or violent reaction on its own. What eventually happens will depend on the predisposition of the observer. And that predisposition, in turn, will depend on the remote factors such being poor, being a conscious victim of discrimination, e.t.c. Historically, radicalisation has always been a multi-dimensional process.5 The economic dimension involves polarizations in wealth and property relations in which some (usually a tiny minority)becomes extremely rich, while the vast majority get increasingly impoverished; social radicalisation denotes a situation of extreme and widening social inequality between different social layers of society-male/female, young/elderly, ethnic majorities/ethnic minorities, religious majorities and religious minorities, e.t.c. Political radicalisation manifests in the emergence of politically significant, violent ,ultra- nationalistic, racist, and extremist groups and parties. Even psychologically, the development and pervasiveness of chauvinistic mind sets give a clear indication of the problem.6 These dimensions of radicalisation are, of course, intertwined. Economic radicalisation easily leads to racism and ethnic chauvinism, religious bigotry, ultra- nationalist politics, and crime. These, in turn, react on the economy in various ways. Radicalisation can have both positive and negative effects on the development of society. Radical economic reforms, for example, can both expand economic production and widen the gap between rich and poor, ultimately leading to social and political radicalisation. It is also important to stress that radicalisation takes place in stages-from radicalized mind sets to radical and extremist, violent political action. The transition from radicalized mind sets to violent political action depends on a number of factors, chief among which is the actions (or inactions) of the state in halting and reversing the process. Where purely military actions have been taken (as was the case in the killing of Mohammed Yusuf of the Boko Haram), a further radicalisation is usually the result. Where 'softer' approaches, e.g., youth empowerment, have been employed, as in the Niger Delta Amnesty Programme, the radicalisation process has been basically halted, if not reversed. A carrot-and-stick approach appears to be the better option, where and when conditions permit.

Deradicalisation, on the other hand, is the process through which individuals and groups that are in the process of being radicalized are made to reverse, thus abandoning their extremist and violent views in favour of more moderate and non-violent ones. Clutterbuck notes that: It therefore follows that the word "deradicalization" should only be used to refer to the methods and techniques used to undermine and reverse the completed radicalization process, thereby reducing the potential risk to society from terrorism.2 Anti-radicalisation is the process which aims to prevent radicalisation from occurring in the first place. In other words, it aims to prevent radicalisation from taking place at all. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 167 Counter-radicalisation is the process which involves measures designed to roll back a completed radicalisation process. It is, therefore, designed as a curative rather than a preventive programme of reeducation and resocialisation. Deradicalisation “refers to preventive counterterrorism measures that aim to have those with extreme and violent religious and political ideologies adopt more moderate and non- violent views”3 Similarly, it It has also been argued that deradicalisation is most effective when countering an ongoing process of radicalisation rather than well advanced process “whereby individuals or groups gradually develop a mindset that increases the risk of violent extremism or terrorism.4 If, as has been stated earlier radicalisation and deradicalisation are two sides of the same coin, then a serious and viable deradicalisation programme must take into account all the issues raised here. First, it must see deradicalisation as a life-long process which is multi- dimensional and which must be managed in stages. It cannot be a once-and-for-all action or event, but a prolonged process involving several social institutions such as the family, education, the economy, politics, religion, e.t.c. We shall return to this point in our discussion on the challenges facing the deradicalisation programme in North-Eastern Nigeria. However, not everyone agrees with the key idea behind deradicalisation, namely that all the efforts are aimed at taking an idea or a set of ideas out of an individual's brain. Bonner, for example, has suggested that such a task is almost impossible and that a more viable alternative would be 'mind liberation' which strengthens the individual's intellectual immune system.7 Others have also stressed the importance of supportive personal relationships in the process.8At one extreme, there are those who question even the feasibility of deradicalisation as a whole, pointing out its abysmal failure in certain notable cases and its meager 'achievements' in others.9

Theoretical Framework Historical Materialism is the Marxist theory of history. It is a strong theoretical tool in the analysis of social conflict in society. Its essence is captured in the opening sentence of the Communist Manifesto which Marx, together with his life-time friend, Friedrich Engels, wrote in1848, that, “The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggle.”10 This broad theoretical framework has been adopted for this study, with the following proviso, that the Boko Haram Insurgency is a class struggle of young, poor, unemployed, not very well-educated, oppressed people under a neo-colonial, dependent, and underdeveloped capitalist society, seeking to establish an Islamic Caliphate using terrorist methods. Those, who use such derogatory epithets as “fundamentalist”, “extremist”, “terrorist”, or “Jihadist” to describe this insurgency, inadvertently fail to see it as what it really is: a feasible, sustainable challenge to the capitalist order in Nigeria11 In this sense, both the Insurgency and the Operation Safe Corridor are fighting for the control of state power: the former to establish a new, “Islamic” tyranny, and the latter to sustain a secular, 'democratic' bourgeois dictatorship. A theoretical perspective that enables us to estimate the class content of a conflict, notwithstanding its rather conservative or even reactionary agenda, is what is needed here.

The establishment of Operation Safe Corridor The Operation Safe Corridor was launched in 2015 with a mandate to provide a safe passage for repentant members of the Boko Haram Insurgency en route reintegration into Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 168 their communities of origin. The Operation Safe Corridor Camp at Malam Sidi in Gombe State began operations in 2016 with the objectives of deradicalising, rehabilitating, and reintegrating the former combatants with their communities, mostly in Adamawa, Borno, and Yobe States of North-Eastern Nigeria. Since its very inception, the OPSC has been shrouded in some kind of secrecy, but the curiosity of the public became heightened with the activities that began to manifest at the camp. As it is common with such situations, rumours began to circulate to the effect that the Nigerian Army was retraining former Boko Haram combatants for eventual integration into its fold. Even today, in its fourth year of operations, rumours still persist. The basic research problem of this research work was to find out the real nature and purpose of establishing the Camp at Mallam Sidi, Gombe State. To facilitate our investigation, four research questions were posed as follows-: a. What are main objectives of the setting up of the OPSC Camp at Mallam Sidi? b. Has the OPSC been fulfilling its main mandate? c. What, if any, challenges has it faced in its four years of operations?, and, d. How may such challenges be overcome?

Techniques of Data collection and Analysis. Interviews were planned with the administrators of the facility, the facilitators of the various kinds of training, participants (i.e. the former insurgents), and the traditional and political leaders of the host community. The main questions asked were the followings-: a. For the Administrators of the Programme. - Have you convinced yourselves that the participants are truly repentant? If the answer is yes, what techniques did you use to do this? - What measures do you use to achieve deradicalisation? Is there any visible evidence of success? - What are the major challenges you face in this work? b. For the participants. - What led you to join the insurgents in the first place? - Why did you change your mind? - What advice can you give people based on your experience? - What are your plans for the future? c. For the local traditional, religious, and political leaders - Do you support the siting of this facility in your area? - What special challenges has this brought? - How have you tackled these challenges? - Do you take part in the programme? - What assistance do you need?

Content analysis of various kinds of publications-books, journals, newspapers and e- resources were also used quite extensively. Oral interviews were also conducted with a traditional ruler and an elected political office holder in the area. Apart from the Operation Safe Corridor which was launched in 2016, two deradicalisation programmes are also operating in Nigeria. These are the deradicalisation programme in Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 169 Kuje Prison, in the Federal Capital Territory, which has been on since 2014, and the Yellow Ribbon Initiative organised and operated by the Neem Foundation, a Non-governmental, Non-profit, International Organisation which was launched in 2017 and targets women, children, and young people linked to the Boko Haram Insurgency.12 The focus of this paper is the Operation Safe Corridor which is managed by the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria in collaboration with some international agencies such as The United Nations' Children's Emergency Fund,(UNICEF),the International Organisation for Migrations,(IOM),the United States Agency for International Development,(USAID),and several International and Multi-national organisations. The idea of Operation Safe Corridor is closely related to the more familiar humanitarian corridor-a piece of territory set up during times of war or such other calamity where those wishing to escape can take refuge as a transit camp preparatory to a more permanent and stable habitation in their communities of origin. The targets (called 'clients' in the Camp) of the Operation Safe Corridor are repentant, former Boko Haram combatants who have defected from the insurgency and surrendered to the Nigerian Army. According to the Chief of Defence Staff, “the essence of the SAFE CORRIDOR was to demobilize, deradicalise, rehabilitate, and reintegrate repentant insurgents into society.”13 Disarmament and demobilisation actually take place in Giwa Barracks located in Borno State. This barrack acts as a “screening and holding Facility” where fresh entrants into the deradicalisation process are sorted out and transferred to other facilities most appropriate to their risk ratings. High-risk and senior commanders of the Boko Haram are sent to pre- trial detention, the civilians captured with the combatants are sent to the state government for rehabilitation, while the middle level commanders and combatants are sent to the Deradicalisation Camp at Mallam Sidi.14 The Operation Safe Corridor (OPSC) in North-Eastern Nigeria seems to have three basic components: an ideological component consisting in reinterpreting the Koran; another component addresses structural/political grievances, and the third teaches participants therapies on Post-Conflict Trauma Management. The first employs the services of Muslim Clerics who try to exorcise the perceived demonic misinterpretations of the Koran held by the former insurgents through lectures and sermons during the five daily prayers. The civic virtues of peaceful coexistence and good neighbourliness are stressed, while an unjustified resort to violence is abhorred. The 'Jihad' or holy war is discussed in great detail, giving conditions under which it may be resorted to and on whom it may be waged. As will be argued later, this effort aimed at mainstreaming fringe religious ideologies has inherent defects. It also involves advanced profiling, comprehensive medical screening, DNA sampling, biometric registration by the National Identity Management Commission (NIMC), and further debriefing. The second component is usually handled by Social Welfare, Information, and Orientation Officers. It tries to educate the former insurgents on the legally established channels for redressing grievances such as the courts, elections and the use of elected representatives and political office holders The third component consists of instilling discipline and vocational training designed to facilitate the former insurgents' eventual reintegration into society. This component which is handled by the National Directorate of Employment, (NDE) exposes the 'clients' to; barbing, carpentry, cosmetology, farming, leather work, tailoring, welding, and metal work Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 170 Findings. Initial attempts to interview the major players in the deradicalisation programme, that is, the ex-insurgents themselves directly, proved to be difficult due to the unwillingness of the prospective respondents to get involved with the research work. Expressed fears ranged from suspicion, official secrecy, to ignorance. The research work was, therefore, redesigned to operate through second parties from the main organizations involved in the programme. These included the Nigerian Army, the Nigeria Police Force, The Directorate of State Security, The Nigeria Prisons Service, and the National Orientation Agency. Political office holders, community leaders and religious leaders were also involved. The major findings of the research work are restated with other arguments in the course of the analysis and conclusions. 6.1. The major challenges to the Deradicalisation Programme in North-Eastern Nigeria comprised those outline and discussed as the following-: 1. The conceptualization and institutional arrangements are problematic 2. Implementation Challenges 3. There is no change in the environment which is supposed to have conditioned the emergence of the insurgency in the first place-the same poverty and illiteracy persist,. 4. State approach to handling of radicalisation does not appear to have drawn the right conclusions from the experiences with IPOB and the Niger Delta Militants. This is visible in government handling of the Shia Movement today. 5. The western and Koranic schools are not involved 6. There is no Follow-up Mechanism.

Conceptualisation and Implementation Strategies Looked at generally, the deradicalisation programme appears as a quick fix for a problem that has taken generations to fester and mature into a full blown insurgency. This has led the managers of the Programme to the adoption of the 3Rs strategy of religious rehabilitation, reorientation, and social reintegration. This approach is grossly inadequate and downplays the degree of radicalisation that is usually required to produce a full blown religious insurrection such as the Boko Haram Insurgency. Let us look at religious rehabilitation, for example. How do you achieve this when you are actually using the dogma one sect in Islam against another? How can think you can succeed when you use an Izala Scholar to try to convince a Darika adherent? Or a Sunni Scholar to convince a Shia adherent. The idea of 'post-conflict trauma' also appears to be far-fetched when the insurgency is still ongoing, and idealistic and abstract if viewed as a future palliative for the former combatants. This is particularly the case when our investigation was unable to establish that the participants in the programme were actually repentant. Apart from those who escaped from the Malam Sidi Camp, those who remained did not appear to be particularly enthusiastic about the programme. Indeed, some saw it as a detention camp. As to the vocational training, the 'Operation Safe Corridor' also appears to be on uncharted and slippery territory. Our preliminary survey actually revealed that many of the former combatants were involved in the kind of jobs they were now being trained in before joining the Insurgency. The problem was always lack of jobs and employment, and not lack of training, skills, or competencies. Unemployment was, and still is, a problem in the North- East, but what people appear to be hankering after are “government jobs “involving less Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 171 supervision and better pay than self-employment or blue-collar work in private businesses The idea of a military camp itself was problematic and tended to erode the 'civilian' credentials of the Programme from the start. The excessive regimentation of camp life always acted as a constant reminder of detention in the barracks or military discipline in the bush as an insurgent. Neither of these memories is good for deradicalisation.

Implementation Challenges One of the most significant challenges facing Nigeria's deradicalisation programmes is the seeming inability to find a correct balance between law and equity in order to find justice. Many commentators14 on the various deradicalisation programmes in Nigeria have questioned the morality of treating the perpetrators of acts of aggression with kid gloves while their victims languish in camps for Internally Displaced Persons (1DPs).Why should an unrepentant Boko Haram combatant who has confessed to murdering innocent civilians, and repeating same if given the opportunity, be given a simple jail sentence instead of a death sentence?15 Have the victims of such a murderer and their relations been equitably treated in this instance?

Jumping From Frying Pan into Fire It is very unlikely that the socio-economic conditions (poverty, illiteracy, elite rule, extravagant life-styles of the ruling class, e.t.c.), that contributed to the emergence of the Boko Haram as an insurgent group have disappeared overnight. Indeed, in many instances these conditions have actually worsened as a consequence of the activities of the Boko Haram Insurgency itself. So, into which society are the Nigerian authorities hoping to reintegrate the former combatants? Indeed, one can argue that, since 2009 when the Boko Haram Insurgency became full blown, all the relevant socio-economic parameters have become worse: the closure of schools has led to increase in drop-out rates and illiteracy; insecurity has led to decline in agricultural (and particularly livestock) production and an increase in hunger; job and employment opportunities have declined. Even transport and communications have become worse in North-Eastern Nigeria. The deradicalised insurgents have nowhere to go back to. This is particularly the case with the very high and virulent levels of stigmatization of the Boko Haram and those associated with it.

State Policy and Radicalisation in Nigeria It is ironic that while the Nigerian state has already committed trillions of naira to the deradicalisation programme, it has, in certain other circumstances, been actively involved in the process of radicalising the young people in this country. This, it has done in two ways. In the first place, it has continued to pursue those policies and programmes that created poverty, hunger, illiteracy, and deprivation in the North East. Ironically, these are the same conditions which facilitated the emergence of radicalized groups such as the Boko Haram Secondly, and more importantly, the Nigerian state has pursued policies and actions which have tended to radicalize certain groups even further. Four instances are briefly mentioned below. i. The Nigerian Civil War (1967-1970) and IPOB ii. The Ogoni Rebellion and MEND after the killing of Ken Tsaro-Wiwa iii. The Boko Haram after the murder of Mohammed Yusuf iv. The Islamic Movement in Nigeria (1MN) Although the Nigerian Civil War ended on the optimistic note of “No Victor, No Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 172 Vanquished”, it appears that such broad-minded patriotic enthusiasm was short-lived, as the more chauvinistic elements within the Ibo elite once again mobilized under the banner of first, the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) and later, the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), under the leadership of a 'British- Biafran' “activist”, Nnamdi Kanu, to fight for the establishment of the state of Biafra through a referendum. The Federal government has watched this dubious organisation grow from strength. Even after its leaders made seditious declarations of independence, the Nigerian state continued to prosecute the movement and its leaders in a court of law, rather than take direct and swift military action to nip the movement in the bud. The IPOB continues to be a platform for the mobilisation of Ibo sentiments against the federal government. In Ogoniland, in Rivers State, the Ogoni ethnic nationality has, since the discovery and exploitation of crude oil, been engaged in an environmental rights and protection campaign and has directed its attention at both the Nigerian State and the multinational oil companies.14However,the involvement of the Nigerian government under the leadership of General Sani Abacha led to the murder of several Ogoni leaders and the execution of Ken Saro-Wiwa, soon turned the Movement for the Survival of the (MOSOP) into the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), one of the most radical and violent of the Niger Delta Militias.16 The Boko Haram also underwent similar radicalisation processes under the impact of state policy. From its founding in 2002 until the retaliatory uprising against the security forces during which its leader, Muhammed Yusuf, was arrested and extra-judiciously executed, the Jama'at ahl-Sunnah-Lid-Da'wah-wal-Jihad17 was mainly engaged in preaching and other forms of proselytism and calling Muslims back to the Islamic Faith. After the murder of Yusuf by the security forces in 2009, the Movement came under the more radical, erratic and despotic leadership of Abubakar Shekau, who proceeded to launch the insurrection. Finally, the Islamic Movement in Nigeria, or the Shi'a Movement under the leadership of Ibrahim El Zakzaky. Founded in the 1970s in Zaria, initially under the aegis of the Muslim Students' Society (MSS), this group remained a fringe religious organisation which was ably resisted even within the walls of the Main Campus of the Ahmadu Bello University, at Samaru, Zaria, where it was able to take over the Main Mosque in 1978. Following the expulsion of some of its leaders, including Elzakzaky, foreign influence on the group began to develop again under the very noses of the Nigerian authorities. Some of these leaders went to some of the Arab Muslim countries such as Saudi Arabia. El-Zakzaky went to Iran around 1979 when it was in the throes of the Islamic Revolution.18 Although he despised the executions and situation of generalised unrest that characterised the initial stages of the Revolution, he eventually became one of its staunchest supporters and propagandists in Nigeria.19 Since the December 2015 confrontation with the security forces during which several hundreds of his followers were killed, Zakzaky and his wife have been in prison custody notwithstanding court orders to release and compensate him. And the membership of the Shia Movement has in the meantime increased to about 3million of the Muslim population of Nigeria.20 Here again, the Nigerian state is creating a cult of personality around Elzakzaky and radicalising the IMN21. By rejecting and even brutally repressing the reformist agendas of these Movements in their pre-violent extremist phases, the Nigerian State ignores, at its peril, the wise words of the American statesman, John F. Kennedy, that “Those who make peaceful revolution impossible, will make violent revolution inevitable”.22 Could colossal sums of money, said23 to have been spent on the 173 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies Deradicalisation Programme so far not have been better utilized in eradicating poverty and illiteracy at an earlier date?

Some core agencies of socialisation are not involved in the Programme. It has been said earlier that deradicalisation, just as radicalization, must be seen as a life-long process involving the activities of several agents/social institutions such as the Family, Educational System, Peer groups, the Mass Media, Religious Organisations, e.t.c. Of these agencies, Religion, Education, and the Mass Media are more public and, therefore, deserve to be given (and to some extent, have been given) a bigger say in the deradicalisation programme. It does not appear that the managers of the OPSC envisage any role for these institutions beyond the camps. This is a very serious limitation of the deradicalisation Programme. Moreover, it cannot be said that the Education sector is as actively involved as the mass media. While the mass media as a social institution appears to be in support of deradicalisation, individual journalists and media outlets appear to be more sympathetic to the cause of the insurgents by their incessant complaints of “human rights abuse” and financial mismanagement against the camp managers. They have also championed the causes of opposition politicians and so-called human rights groups. Educational curricula of both formal and informal education have been ignored in the Programme. The OPSC does not have a follow-up mechanism. Notwithstanding the insistence of the Camp managers that they will follow up to ensure that there is actual transfer of training, it appears very doubtful that Operation Safe Corridor has a comprehensive Follow-Up Mechanism that may ensure self assessment, monitoring, and evaluation of the implementation of the Programme. The hint given by the managers of the Camp that follow-up will be done 'secretly'24simply means that there is no way of knowing if, when, where it is done and by who. A 'secret' follow-up is no follow-up at all, and for a very sensitive programme such as the Deradicalisation Programme, such a lacuna would amount to a serious security breach and would undermine the credibility of statements such as those credited to high-ranking Military managers of the Programme that it (OPSC) has become “a global model”.25 In a sense, the absence of a follow-up mechanism, far from being an oversight, is actually deliberately intended to underscore the Military's view that reintegrating the former insurgents with society is outside its mandate and that its job ends on 'handing over' the now deradicalised former insurgents to their host communities. With respect to follow-up, one security analyst has observed that, “There is no evidence that these people (the former Boko Haram insurgents) have been reprogrammed and deradicalised successfully. There is no objective measure of the success of deradicalisation. There is no proper monitoring of the soldiers after their release.26 Other identified lapses of the programme include Poor communication Management.27 Financial secrecy.28, and the non-centrality of the chosen location for the OPSC camp at Malam Sidi, Gombe State.29

Conclusions: The Way Forward. This paper has tried to outline and discuss the principles and strategies which underline the Deradicalisation Programme in North-Eastern Nigeria where the Boko Haram Insurgency has wreaked havoc on the lives and properties of millions of people. Our analysis reveals that although the programme is a laudable government policy, it currently faces serious challenges which have been identified and discussed. In general, it must be understood that no deradicalisation or disengagement programme can be perfect. While Nigeria may be Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 174 said to have the experiences of the Civil War (1967-1970), and the Maitatsine riots (1980- 1985), behind it, it must be recognised that the Boko Haram Insurgency represents a novel experience, handling which may engender mistakes. On the bases of our observations and analyses, the following recommendations are made with a view to enhancing the effectiveness of the Deradicalisation Programme in North- Eastern Nigeria. Specifically, the recommendations presented are intended to address the identified challenges with a view to making the programme more effective, efficient, and sustainable in the medium and long run for the benefit of all.

1. The conception of the deradicalisation process as a “once-and-for-all” process which ends with the handing over of the former combatants to their communities must be abandoned for a more wholistic and realistic perspective that views it as a continuous process involving various organs and agencies of government and non-governmental organisations and lasting a relatively long period of time. Such a shift in perspective would enable the Nigerian state develop a long-term strategy of Counterradicalisation that would enable minimize the problem of radicalisation. 2. The managers of the deradicalisation programme must not dance to the tune of the so-called human rights groups many of which are nothing but fifth columnists that are bent on dismembering the Nigerian nation in the service of their imperialist pay masters. Many journalists and 'human rights' groups have become experts even in military tactics, trying to criticize every move made by the Military in war and in peace. There have also been journalists who have offered to give privileged information they claim to have for money. Some other journalists claim to be capable of facilitating negotiations between the government and the terrorists. These are nothing but traitors and the Nigerian state must learn to deal with them firmly. Those unpatriotic politicians who seize on every opportunity to condemn government for its 'failures' are also becoming an obstacle to the realization of Nigeria's efforts to fight this insurgency successfully, and must be called to order. 3. Government must take urgent steps to address the serious socio-economic conditions –hunger, poverty, unemployment, illiteracy, climate change and other environmental challenges afflicting the North-East geo-political zone in order to create a good and conducive atmosphere for the reintegration of the deradicalised former militants. With the coordination of the North-East Development Commission (NEDC), governments, (federal, state, and local) must intensify their development efforts by initiating and implementing programmes that will impact positively on the lives of the people of the area. Destroyed social amenities- schools, hospitals, markets, mosques and churches must be rebuilt. Agriculture must be rehabilitated and secured. The camps for Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) must be disbanded as soon as practicable to enable the displaced persons to return to their homes and be reintegrated before the inertia of 'going back' sets in. Roads and other channels of transport must be rehabilitated and secured. 4. In the ongoing efforts to evolve a coherent Security Policy, government must pay Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 175 particular attention to how its policies impact radical, potentially violent extremist groups and develop flexible strategies to resolve contradictions that can be resolved without violence. Where violence, nevertheless, breaks out, government must not exclude non-violent approaches to conflict resolution from the outset. Let the Nigerian State learn the bitter lessons from the Civil War through the Maitatsine, Niger Delta, and now the Boko Haram conflicts as the basis of evolving a viable Security Policy. Political violence must not be left out of consideration. Lessons must also be learned from the cattle rustling, kidnapping, armed robbery and generalised banditry that have been ravaging the North- Western zone of this country with a view to drawing appropriate conclusions. 5. Greater social mobilisation efforts must be employed to engage all sectors of society in North-Eastern Nigeria to strive for the transformation of the area so as to ensure socio-economic development and transformation which will create a just and egalitarian society for the benefit of all. While the present situation is desperate, there can be no going back to the old, inglorious past. Only a well- planned movement into the future is possible and desirable. 6. A well planned and coordinated follow-up mechanism should be instituted to keep a tap on the effectiveness and efficiency of the Deradicalisation Programme in order to ensure that valuable resources are not being wasted and that shortcomings of the Programme are identified in good time and remedies for them found.

References 1. Estimates of the total cost of the Boko Haram Insurgency vary significantly. According to one source, as at July, 2019, “nearly 30,000 people were killed and more than two million displaced”. Eromo, Egbejule, “Death, anguish and flickers o f h o p e : 1 0 y e a r s o f B o k o H a r a m ” . R e t r i e v e d f r o m http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/07/death-anuish- and- flickers of- hope...on 7th May, 2020. The total cost would of course be much higher as it would include the cost of maintaining the displaced persons, cost of crops not planted and those not harvested, e.t.c. 2. Clutterbuck, L., “Deradicalization Programs and Counterterrorism: A Perspective o n t h e C h a l l e n g e s a n d B e n e f i t s ” . R e t r i e v e d f r o m /www.mel.edu/sites/default/files/clutterbuch.pdf on 7th May, 2020. 3. Collins Worterbuch Dictionary, 2018. 4. Oxford Dictionaries, 2017. 5. See, for example, Practicies: Partnership Against Violent Radicalization in Cities, (2018),”Stages of the Radicalization and Deradicalization Process”. Retrieved from https://efus.eu/files/2019/03/D3-3-stages-of-the-radicalizatio-and- deradicalization-process.,on 7th May, 2020. 6. Politics and policies in the USA and Europe show a marked shift to the Right of the political spectrum that has brought very conservative and reactionary politicians such as Donald Trump in the USA to power and the pursuit of racist and Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 176 protectionist policies both domestically and internationally. 7. B o n n e r , C i t e d i n “ d e r a d i c a l i z a t i o n ” f r o m https://en.wikipedia.org./Wiki/Deradicalization. 8. Khan, H. & Garfinkel, R. in Ibid. 9. Ibid. 10. Marx, K., Engels, F. (1977) Manifesto of the Communist Party. Moscow: Progress Publishers. 11. Many of these slogans are actually false ideological charges against those at whom they are directed. Concepts that are usually considered harmless, are, through ideological practice, [e.g. mutations] in the media transformed into frightening images for public consumption. Thus a religious fundamentalist is often presented as someone clinging to ancient, (perhaps antiquated) religious values, while the 'extremist' belongs to the very end of the religious scale. A 'jihadist' is usually a sword or knife-wielding Islamic fanatic or fundamentalist always ready to stab or slaughter at the slightest pretext. And the 'terrorist' is usually presented as a callous, barbaric, and sadistic murderer who enjoys killing for killing's sake. The political underpinnings of these actions are conveniently ignored or even denied. 12. Some of these programmes have been streamlined into the OPSC since its inception in 2015. 13. The Kainji Trials of Boko Haram suspects stated in October, 2017, in a remote military cantonment in the town of Kainji in Nigeria's Kogi State reflected the complicated nature of the disengagement process for former combatants in the Boko Haram Insurgency. Those on trials were Boko Haram suspects caught, investigated and prosecuted by the Army. The trials were secret, the judges were civilian court judges and the facility was a military facility. While Human Rights Watch and others criticized the trials as a violation of the Fundamental Human Rights of the suspects, many Nigerians, on the other hand, considered the sentences to be too lenient, considering that many of the suspects were actually combatants who had taken part in mass killings and kidnappings of innocent civilian, non-combatant, Nigerian citizens. 14. Fonteh, Akum, Malik, Samuel. “Understanding the Dangerous journey from Boko Haram to Rehabilitation”, in ISS Today, 4th May,2020. Retrieved from: https://issafrica.org/iss-today/understanding-the-dangerous-journey-from- boko-haram-to-rehab.,on 9th June, 2020. 15. The Kainji Trials, op.cit. 16. For a brief sketch of the history of MEND, see Duffield, Caroline, “Who are Nigeria's mend oil militants?”BBC News, Lagos, 4 October, 2010.Retrieved from https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-11467394,on Sunday, 10th May, 2020. 17. Ibid. 18. The original Arabic name of the group was Jama'at-ahl-Sunnah-Li-Da'awah Wal- Jihad, which means “Peoples committed to the Prophet's Teaching for Propagation and Jihad”, or “Association of the People of the Sunnah for Propagation and Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 177

Jihad”. The name 'Boko Haram', which is Hausa for 'western education, is forbidden' was given to the group by local people who understood the general anti- western inclination of its propaganda. It is curious that a movement which did not preclude the use of the jihad loosely understood as 'holy war' in pursuit of its aims did not seem to have attracted the attention of the security forces since 2002 when it was formed, until 2009 when it intensified its violent activities. 19. The views expressed here are interspersed with the personal recollections of one of the authors who was a contemporary of El Zakzaky at Ahmadu Bello University, between 1976 and 1980. For a more exaggerated and glorifying account, see “Biography of Mu'allim Al-Zakzaky”, retrieved from https://bregava- tripod.com/MAZBLOG, on Sunday, the 10th of May, 2020. 20. Particularly the Hausa states of the North-Western zone, namely, Kano, Katsina, Kaduna, Sokoto, kebbi, Zamfara, and Jigawa. It is gradually making inroads into other northern states as the social crisis in Nigeria continues. 21. According to one commentator on the face-off between the IMN and the Federal government, “Nigeria's ban on Shiite Muslim group risks Boko Haram repeat”. Retrieved from -repeat”, on 9th April, 2020. 22. There are many estimates of the Shia Muslim population of Nigeria. The one given here is from Aljazeera. See “Nigeria's Shiite Muslim population is estimated at 3 m i l l i o n . ” R e t r i e v e d f r o m https://www.aljazeera.com>indepth>features.Nigeria-shia-protesters.ml... This does not mean the IMN controls 3 million of Nigeria's Muslim population. There are several Shia groups in Nigeria which are, as a matter of fact, opposed to the IMN. 23. T h e q u o t a t i o n h a s b e e n o b t a i n e d f r o m https://www.brainyquotes.com/quotes/john_f_ kennedy. 101159., on 10th May, 2020. 24. Estimates of the total financial cost of the Operation Safe Corridor vary significantly and are, in the main, speculative. However, all agree that the Programme is very expensive. 25. This information was obtained from a participant. 26. The phrase is credited to the Chief of Defence Staff, General Gabriel Olonisakin. See https://www.vanguardngr.com/2019/09/operation-safe-corridor-in-gombe- now-a-global-model.Retrieved on the 11th of May, 2020. 27. Ona Ekhomu, on the Saturday Magazine of 22 February, 2020, retrieved from https://guardian.ng/saturday magazine/cover/military-should-halt-operation- safe-corridor-now.It is not clear yet whose responsibility it is to reintegrate the former insurgents. At the initial stages of the Programme, the Army was always ready to state this as one of its cardinal responsibilities. Later, as the Programme progressed, there were visible efforts to shift the burden onto the 'community' or 'society'. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 178

28. Communication between the operators of the OPSC and the Nigerian public has been less than cordial and this has often led to tensions concerning issues such as the release of the suspects after training and the anxiety among soldiers that this has caused. Allegations of financial mismanagement and the recruitment of the former BH combatants into the Nigerian Army also resulted from this communication gap. 29. The claims of financial mismanagement are unfair to the OPSC. The issues of transparency, accountability and prudence in the management of resources by the security agencies are ultimately under the principles of “security vote” which is not open to public scrutiny and audit. The problem of lack of financial transparency and accountability in the management of the “security vote” is very serious but not peculiar to the OPSC. 30. Although not part of the epicenter of the Boko Haram Insurgency, Gombe is quite suitable as a centre for the deradicalisation training. In the first place, it shares many of the relevant demographic characteristics of the states most affected, namely, Borno, Yobe, and Adamawa. Secondly, it shares land borders with all three states. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 179 Indigenous Knowledge as a Tool for Harmonizing Cultures in Nigerian Societies.

Patience Ngunan Kersha, National Library of Nigeria, Abuja E-mail: [email protected] Phone: 08033551106

Fagbemi Victoria Yemi, PhD Department of Library and Information Science, University of Nigeria, Nsuka, Enugu State, Nigeria E-mail: [email protected] Phone: 07063426457 & Linus Nihunga Ahaz Department of Library and Information Science, Moddibo Adama University of Technology, Yola, Adamawa State, Nigeria. E-mail: [email protected] Phone: 08034846168

Abstract Indigenous knowledge is defined as oral knowledge passed from generation to generation and stored in people through stories, cultural songs, proverbs, dances, myths, cultural values, beliefs, rituals, community laws, local languages, agricultural practices, etc. which are shared and communicated orally. Benefits of indigenous Knowledge as enumerated in the course of this work are; it preserves cultures, trade and commerce, entertainment, traditional attire, build and strengthen military intelligence. Limitations of indigenous knowledge are; it is mostly not documented, its lack of popularity and interest amongst librarians and the society, foreign influences and security challenges. It is concluded that Indigenous knowledge helps to harmonize, bind and unify our cultural differences as a people of a given state and nation. Keywords: Indigenous Knowledge, Culture, Societies.

Introduction There are approximately 370 million indigenous people in the world belonging to 5,000 different groups in 90 countries worldwide. Indigenous people live in every region of the world” (Indigenous Corporate Training Inc., 2018). Definitions of Indigenous knowledge vary based on use and perspective. Generally, indigenous knowledge (I.K) is the way man lives and expresses himself. Long before science came to be, man existed and his way of life and expression was with him, as he transited the earth, he improved and mastered his environment over time. Indigenous knowledge is seen by Jain (2008) as “the cultural knowledge, environmental knowledge, farmers or pastoralist knowledge, folk knowledge, traditional wisdom, traditional science, people's knowledge and also as a sub-set of traditional knowledge”. Another definition by United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO)- Management of Social Transformations (MOST) and Netherlands Universities Foundation for International Cooperation (NUFFIC)-Centre for International Research Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 180 and Advisory Network (CIRAN) (2001-2002), is “the local knowledge that is unique to a given culture or society”. It is the basis for local level decision- making in agriculture, health care, food preparation, education, natural resource management and a host of other activities in rural communities''. In defining Indigenous knowledge by its types, Charyulu (1999) says; it is… a predominantly tacit knowledge, which is passed from generation to generation, usually exchanged through personal communication (story telling is the most common way of transmitting indigenous knowledge), cultural rituals and demonstration. It is described as tacit knowledge, as it is stored in people's memories and activities and it is expressed in the form of stories and other cultural songs, folklore, proverbs, dances, myths, cultural values, beliefs, rituals, community laws, local language and taxonomy, agricultural practices, equipment, materials, plant species and animal breeds, which is shared and communicated orally. On the other hand, Edvinssion and Malone (1997) state that “I.K could either be tacit or explicit knowledge and it becomes explicit only when it is translated or documented in any kind of format”. There are other words that are used interchangeably with indigenous knowledge such as local knowledge, cultural knowledge, our culture, tribal knowledge, ethnic culture, ethnic traditions, local skills, our history, an Art form and traditional theatre. These are what mainly identify us apart although we all belong to one large society. This, then, is a call for librarians, as custodians and disseminators of information as a matter of urgency, to help re-awaken and create awareness of indigenous knowledge information resources. Local and Indigenous knowledge refers to the understandings, skills and philosophies developed by societies with long histories of interaction with natural surroundings, for rural people. Local knowledge informs decision making about fundamental aspects of day- to-day life (UNESCO.). This means that knowledge in whatever form is not static, it is bound to change over time. Even that which is culture specific, it is dynamic, always changing whilst still based on age- old beliefs, traditions, experiences, and observations, indigenous to a specific area (Jain, 2008). In a typical African society, I.K is mostly tacit, a word popularly attributed to Polanyi (1958), who rightly explains it as that which, “we can know more than we can tell”, a knowledge that is, “non verbalisable, intuitive and unarticulated”. In one's opinion, in order to capture the “moments”, experiencing it will be easier in relating more with the euphoria of a live event. A good example is the Kwagh- hir puppet theatre, which Shija (2018) watched and describes as, “…the art-form regularly performed at social occasions in Tiv land as well as at various cities and villages in Nigeria and other countries abroad. But first, it was conceptualized as traditional performance which he quoted Doki (2006) as saying; it has no specific author but arises naturally from the community”. This calls for a need to use modern technologies to capture such experiences so that they can be relived.

The Benefits of Indigenous knowledge 1. Freedom of Self Expression: A very vital and strong point of benefit of IK is the “freedom of self-expression”. The opportunity of re-telling and of expressing of one's stories and persuasions by themselves, “the way they did it, why they do it now, and how they want to be perceived”. 2. I.K helps in preserving and rediscovery of histories of origins and migrations. Oral 181 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies genealogies histories are helpful in tracing help and rediscovering origins of Indigenous people. Most children are taught by their parents about their ancestors. It is a common activity to have rural Tiv children, in a sing song manner recite their genealogies of at least ten ancestors before they are ten years old. In Nigeria, most indigenous groups are migrants and can trace their places of origin due to their oral traditions, similarities of culture, language and beliefs with other groups in different countries. Most ethnic or indigenous groups have a mythology of origin (Wikipedia, 2019). 3. I.K helps in the rediscovery of inter-group identity and relationships. The Tiv, the Mambilla and the Mumuyes of Taraba state are believed to have strong relationships based on oral stories of origin, migration, similar culture and etymology. The Tiv, according to Wikipedia (2019), are found in Benue, Taraba, Nassarawa state and Cameroon. The Language is a branch of Benue- Congo and ultimately of the Niger- Congo phylum. The same source it states that the Mambila people of Nigeria are of the Mambilla and Mambiloid speaking people representing the Bantu who stayed home following the great Bantu split of pre- historic times. More research and oral documentation is needed to ascertain these claims. 4. IK aids the preservation of group and cultural identity. In the precolonial Nigeria societies, it was easier to identify groups and their cultures by tribal marks, languages (dialects), traditional attires, dances, music, musical instruments, cuisine, intonations, etc. However,only tribal marks, dialects and traditional attires will be elaborated here as follows. i. Tribal markings are practiced by many groups in the country. Motolani (2018) calls them lacerations found on body parts such as faces, arms and stomachs of children of different practicing tribes for easy identification during Inter- tribal wars, for beautification of women bodies and for some as a curative measure. Today, it is being frowned upon due to varying societal views. However, IK tries to explain such activities as it was done in the past. ii. Languages (dialects): Language is a means of communication and identification among people that live in a common community and it varies from a group of people to the other. Cole, (2015) says, it is the blueprint for thinking and it focuses on the way we see and hear the world around us. iii. Traditional Attire: Traditional attires are wears used to be a way indigenous people are easily identified wherever they are found or sighted from afar. It gives the wearer a sense of identity, worn as a statement of identity and belonging (Falae, 2019).

5. Indigenous knowledge is used to Preserve and harmonize Cultures. Most indigenous groups in Nigerian societies have preserved their cultures through storytelling, reliving events, or even building monuments as a reminder to future generations. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 182 It is important to state that in contemporary Nigerian societies, cultures have harmonized in such a way that some practices that made some groups stand out could no more be observed or have been adopted by others. Most groups no longer carry out lacerations on the face and body instead henna dye is now used, especially during weddings for body decorations. In the mode of dressing, Falae (2019) remarks that traditional attires of various groups can be worn by any one irrespective of their origin. This serves as one of the factors for inter- group harmony. For instance, in fostering unity, adoptions of traditional attire by some indigenous groups in the Benue region, the Idoma group adopted “the red and black” stripes as traditional wear. This was made popular by the former Senate President, David Mark, in the Sixth Senate of Nigeria, 2003, to 2007. Earlier than that time the researcher, Idoma men wore only red caps as their traditional attire. The Igede group followed by adopting the “blue and white” srtipes, while the Igala group (formely of Benue State) of Kogi State adopted “yellow and white”. These were influenced by their Tiv neighbors who, ever since before their migration into Nigeria, were known with the” black and white” Zebra like stripes native to their place of origin were believed to have where they lived amongst Zebras. Today, the Benue State Governor, Samuel Ortom has made popular the “unity cap” which has all the stripes of the major groups (Tiv, Idoma and Igede) in the State. Other examples include the Niger Delta attire known as “resource control”, made most popular by the former Nigerian President, Goodluck Jonathan. Similarly, the Hausa “Kaftan” and “jalabiya” and the Yoruba “agbada” are now worn by all irrespective of origin due to cultural harmonization

Limitations of Indigenous Knowledge Only few limitations will be stated and in a broad sense.

1. I.K are not usually documented. It mostly remains in its oral form, drama form, as practiced from an outsider's perspective it has to be experienced and “if not properly analyzed and disseminated, it may be lost within one generation” (Jain, 2008). 2. Lack of interest by the younger generation towards Indigenous Knowledge has affected its value as the elder generations are dying; some of these traditions are not passed down to the younger ones (Sai, 1939). 3. Secularism and foreign influences have affected Indigenous Knowledge, some people today dismiss some cultural traditions as myths and fables. To buttress this assertion, Langhill, (1999) opines that: …with the rapid environmental, social, economic and political changes occurring in many areas inhabited by Indigenous people comes the danger that Indigenous Knowledge they possess will be overwhelmed and lost forever. Younger generations are acquiring different values and lifestyles as a result of exposure to global and national influences and traditional communication networks are breaking down, meaning that elders are dying without passing their knowledge on to children. In some cases, the 183 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies actual existence of indigenous people themselves is threat.

Language (Tribes- ethnicity) Language as a harmonizing factor has been very effective. It is a common trait in the Nigerian society to find persons that are either multi- lingual or bi- lingual co-existence outside their locality and daily interactions amongst various indigenous groups. Some persons are even born in different localities outside their ethnicity. “…. languages are vital for transmitting knowledge, world views and verbal arts over the years”. These languages and the culture they transmit are however not barriers but bridges of understanding and mutual cooperation across respective frontiers which differentiates them as entities sometimes referred to as “ethnic nationalism”. (Nigerian Culture, 2019).

Survival Asides Western or Science based medicine; Traditional (local) medicine has become recognized and accepted especially in developing societies like Nigeria. This was culuminised by the Federal Government of Nigeria's approval of “a Centre for Research in Traditional Complementary and Alternative Medicine (CRTCAM).

Established in June, 2017, it aims to support World Health Organization Program to integrate traditional Medical practice into public healthcare in Nigeria and around the globe” (CRTCAM, 2019). Traditional heat care system is very important in Nigeria in the following ways: i. There are traditional bone setters found in most ethnic locality who treat fractures and dislocations. ii. Fertility treatment practitioners: The Ibo have the “aju mbiase” tea bags and the Yoruba have the “epin” to treat infertility and it is accepted by those who know it. (Aju Mbiase and other herbs, 2019). iii. Some indigenous companies such as; Tropical Naturals Limited, Avila Naturalle, Ajali handmade Naturals, Nuban Beauty, Skin Apothecary and Arami. iv. Essentials science to produce beauty products and aromatic oils (Ntianu, 2018). v. Local herbs have been used to heal and to cure ailments, such as the Neem tree – Dogonyaro, (botanically know as; Azadirachta Indica) a tropical plant common in the northern part of the country its leaves, bark, seeds and fruits have anti-inflammatory properties that works as a body detoxification. Its leaves help fight fungi and malaria fever. Its extracts are used to make soap and oils, while the tree is used for afforestation to help prevent desert encroachment. (Wikipedia, 2019). As most northerners reside in other parts of the country, this knowledge is shared with other ethnic neighbors and as its positive results are seen, so its popularity in use too is increased. vi. Traditional birth assistants help during child birth, especially in the rural areas where health facilities may not be readily available or too expensive to access. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 184 Food Supply Traditional practices have been used in sustaining food supply through farming and hunting. In other words, farming and hunting principles are based on indigenous practices, which is why Havemann (2018) states that: indigenous and traditional knowledge remains vital to a large proportion of the world's population, even if it receives little attention in the main stream.” … “eighty per cent of the world's biological diversity is found in the 22% of global land area still stewarded by indigenous peoples, with modes of subsistence consumption and care for nature based on their bodies of knowledge. Furthermore, traditional livelihoods produce 10% of the world's meat and most of the fish the people consume. Small scale farming based on agro-ecological methods informed by traditional knowledge provides 70% of the world's food needs. Yet despite the clear contribution of Indigenous peoples to food security, biodiversity and other issues, there are many serious obstacles to their ability to secure their rights. The writer, however, observed that, in some ways, the sustenance of food, using traditional methods, seem to be better. Most Abuja farmers use a chemical known as “calcium carbide” for ripening of plantain and banana for quick turnover sales in markets. In Wikipedia (2019), however, warns that; “calcium carbide is a ripening agent with traces of arsenic and phosphorus which makes it unhealthy for human consumption”. In contrast with the above, local farmers traditionally cover up their fruits with cloths or sacks to hasten ripening. In the Nsukka community, I.K use of bush Mango (botanically known as irvingia gabonensis) also known in Nigeria as (ogbono) fruit, is used for ripening. This is a healthier choice than calcium carbide. It is interesting to note that most of the traditional practices have been improved upon and modified for not just subsistence but also for large scale production. Bergsma, (2015), on the value of oral tradition to food supply in central Nigeria, states that, “the section devoted to crops of the Tiv is a real botanical historical treasure. Akiga mentions dozens of plants in various categories, including tuber crops, legumes and others by name and according to how each is to be planted, in what kind of soil and in what season. Not only is this a botanical history but a linguistic treasure because he presents the linguistic derivation of most of the names including many from other ethnic groups around Tiv, example of cultural borrowing”. This narration occurred in 1935. Currently in Nigeria most of these ethnic practices have been cross- adopted by other ethicalities through irrigation farming, by the locals. Animal husbandry, fish and poultry rearing is now carried out all year round. Strawberries are grown in Jos North and Bakin- Ladi of Plateau States (a novel feat). We have cucumbers grown in Nsukka and environs of Enugu State. Onions, beans, water melons, sweet melon in Gboko, Benue State, and tomatoes are grown in Hadeija of Jigawa State.

Military Intelligence and Conflict Resolution. In the pre-colonial era, I.K was used in military intelligence defence of the local communities and conflict resolution in Nigerian Societies. As families increased and became larger, these measures were employed in conflict resolution through mediation by traditional rulers, wars were also fought and at times credence was given to groups with stronger arguments based on oral history. According to Hohaia, (2015), Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 185 “Maori people contribute significantly to the New Zealand Defense Force. Maori Indigenous Knowledge, however, did not feature in military curriculum. He further said “the formal inclusion of Maori Indigenous Knowledge in the New Zealand Defense Force (NZDF) has contributed positively to the military learning environment. Providing recognition of the value and importance of Maori Indigenous Knowledge within the organization, the opening of the First Service Marae in October 1995 has promoted a sense of shared identity, based on the fusion of European traditions and the Maori warrior culture”.

In Nigeria, Umar (2019) reported that, “thousands of Nigerian Hunters, armed with charmed amulets and intimate knowledge of harsh terrain were enlisted by the Nigerian army to help track Boko Haram fighters in Bornu State who have ravaged the North east for a decade. They have helped soldiers to minimize the deadly insurgency. Even though the Federal Government was not in support of their inclusion five years ago, their assistance in checking Boko Haram has proved very positive, and is appreciated by the Borno State Governor having been the worst affected insurgency state. It is equally very important to note that I.K has remained the source of local defence in areas of weaponry, tactics and training. For instance, weapons like gun (den guns), gun power, shields, bows and arrows were invented by the use of I.K. The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP, 2007) encourages countries to work alongside indigenous peoples to solve global issues like development, multicultural democracy and decentralization” (Wikipedia, 2019). In line with this, many countries have adopted the declaration. According to Olotintuade (2017), Nigeria's diverse ethnicity and cultures is held in high importance by the government that is why, “the Nigerian government, in September, 1988, launched the National Cultural Policy. However, in November, 2015, the Ministry of Culture and Tourism was later merged with Ministry of Information, Culture and Tourism”. Today, this policy has further helped to harmonize Nigerian Cultures through several programs and workshops. Some notable government programs are the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC), the establishment of the Federal Character Commission which ensures equal representation of every indigenous group in employment State Branch Offices of the Federal Government Ministries and Parastatals in each state of the federation and the of Unity Secondary Schools in every state.

Oral Stories There are a lot of oral stories about migration of indigenous groups into Nigeria, and on wars fought. It has informed a lot of beliefs, practices and cultures of indigenous groups but today due to harmonization we are known as “nigerians”. Entertainment Every state in Nigeria has a Sports and an Arts Council. The Sports Councils inter- state club matches and the Arts Councils dance troupes' ability to perform various indigenous group dances anywhere as the occasion demands has brought a lot of cultural harmony in the society. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 186 In addition to the indigenous cultural dances, most Nigerians have adopted dance styles of popular domain, from awilo to azonto, etigi, shaku-shaku, zuga and kpese. These are enjoyed by all irrespective of culture. Traditional Delicacies Nigerian cultural cuisine is highly celebrated with each indigenous groups having at least two delicacies peculiar to them. Over time of co- existence and interactions, many Nigerian homes have witnessed changes in their cuisine. It is common now to find Igbos patronizing “Suya”, “Kilishi”, and “dambo nama” spots. You find the Yoruba's eating “edikaekong”, the Hausas eating “Amala” or “Akpu”.

Recommendations 1. Librarians should champion the cause and become more interested in Indigenous knowledge. More library schools should, as a matter of urgency, embrace it as a subject of study for both undergraduates and post graduates. 2. Libraries should pioneer and champion the cause for Indigenous knowledge documentation both in print and non- print using modern technologies. 3. Libraries should create awareness for users, encourage and assist research in indigenous people and knowledge to avoid its fading away. 4. The Government, amongst others, should support libraries by making and implementing policies that will aid indigenous knowledge use, research and documentation. 5. Indigenous groups should cooperate with librarians and libraries by trusting them to accurately document and preserve their knowledge for posterity. 6. The Government should provide funds for libraries and librarians involved in Indigenous knowledge documentation, awareness and preservation for further harmonization and peaceful co-existence.

Conclusion In conclusion, it can be seen how cultural harmonization has been impacted by indigenous knowledge notwithstanding, our distinct cultural differences. It should be encouraged and strengthened. Recommendations has been made and when adopted and implemented, it will lead to greater understanding amongst Nigerians. Further research and documentation on I.K and more ways of harmonization explored to aid greater harmonious living of a truly unified and stronger yet diversified Nigeria.

References

Aju Mbaise and other herbs. Available at https://m.facebook.com/posts/s/ocale2=de-DE. Accessed 13 December, 2019.

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Abubakar Mu'azu Department of Arabic, Federal College of Education, Yola Adamawa State, Nigeria. & Usman Bobbo Iliyasu Department of Fulfulde, Federal College of Education, Yola Adamawa State, Nigeria.

Abstract This paper seeks to descriptively analyze some grammatical factors common to Arabic and Fulfulde. Although the two languages belong to two different linguistic phyla, with different word order patterns, in which Arabic has VSO as its basic word order and Fulfulde has SVO, this paper found that Arabic assumes the SVO order in case of emphasis on the subject and responses to 'who questions'.

Introduction Genetically, Arabic belongs to the Afro-Asiatic group of languages and is spoken as a native, minority, second or foreign language; as well as means of religious or cultural expression in different parts of the world (Versteegh, 2006). On the other hand, Fulfulde belongs to the Atlantic branch of the Niger-Congo family and has the widest geographical distribution of all African languages (Theil, 2006), as it is spoken both as native and second language. The purpose of this paper is to descriptively analyze some grammatical features common to Arabic and Fulfulde.

Linguistic Contact between Arabic and Fulfulde Historically, linguistic contact between Arabic and Fulfulde is ascertained. Similarly, there is historical legend linking Fulfulde native speakers to Arabs through their paternal ride. What is certain, is that Fulfulde had both direct and indirect contact with Arabic. The direct contact was through the medium of the Qur'an and Islamic studies, while the indirect contact was through Fulbe transmigration to places such as Mauritania, Chad and Sudan (Theil, 2006). At both levels, there was tremendous influence, although invariably unidirectional in nature; with Fulfulde drawing from Arabic and not vice-versa. Hence, Fulfulde drew lexically from Arabic as well as adopted the Arabic writing system (script), conventionally known as Ajami. Ajami, linguistically refers to non-Arab/Arabic, while technically referring to the art of using Arabic script in writing language(s) other than Arabic. Until the evolution of the Roman-based orthography, the Ajami script was the only form of writing known to African languages South of the Sahara, Fulfulde in particular. Consequent upon the contact between Arabic and Fulfulde, the latter had also adopted the names of days of the week from the former. Table I below gives an illustration. 191 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies Table I: The days of the week in Arabic and Fulfulde. Arabic Fulfulde Gloss

al-ahad Alad 'Sunday'

al-itnayu Altine 'Monday'

at-tulâtâ Salaasa 'Tuesday'

al-arbi'â alarba 'Wednesday'

al-xamis alhamiisa 'Thursday'

al-juma Jum'aare/jumbaare 'Friday'

al-sabt asawe 'Sunday'

Adopted from Theil (2006) with some modification.

History of Arabic Arabic language is a language spoken by Arabs. It is one of about Three Thousand five hundred (3500) Languages of the world, and it is one of the six official languages of the world (English, French, Russian, Spanish and Chines). The international role has been endowed upon Arabic since 1973 when Arabic was officially announced for use in the United Nation's congresses and its sister organizations. Before then, Arabic was confined to Arabia since the beginning of the third decade of the seventh century. Since then, it has moved from strength to strength, backed by the Holy Qur'an. Between the eighth and eleventh century, Arabic became an international language and leading language of science and technology (Afiz SW 1961). It was through the Arabic Language the Ancient and Medival Greek and Latin philosophy and science passed to modern Europe via center of languages in Spain, Baghdad, and southern Europe. Books were preserved in Arabic translation whereas the original were lost. Arabic can be difficult if it is taught as a series of disconnected rules with too much emphasis on rote memorization. When much emphasis is on rote memorization at the early stage, it overwhelms the learner, which is the early on this can lead to overwhelm and it's the main reason many students quit. However, if the core of how the language works is taught first by focusing on the single topic of grammatical inflection, learning Arabic actually becomes enjoyable and very manageable. Only nouns in Arabic have gender. There is masculine and feminine and no neutral. A noun does not need to have anything to be masculine. Femininity on the other hand requires a sign. There are 60 pronouns in Arabic Language. This considers pronouns which are used to represent nouns in all three cases, both attached versions and detached versions. As it stands now, there are about 20 official periodicals and annual publications in Arabic, out of which about 1000 are translated from other languages. All these point to the importance of Arabic language not only to the people who speak it but to the world at large. The spread of Arabic Language to the world is too fast. Even in many tertiary Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 192 institutions in the world where western education is taught,with an Arabic is a course of its own independent department, more especially in the African countries, including Nigeria (Theil, R. 2006).

History of Fulve Fulve called Fula (s) in Gambia and Sera Leone, while Peaul in French and Fulani in English. Their language is Fulfulde, and are pastoral people. They are the only people of white or red stock in Negro Africa. They are cattle rearers who have been for thousands of years moving in group Across Africa. They appear in their white rags with unfailing pride. They are one of the few nomadic Societies of negro Africa, and are scattered all over Africa. (Hartmann 1823) The first to speak Fulaniyya, a tern which was used again by Alsa'di in Terikh Suddan (1825), the Fulve, are found in almost about seventeen (17) African Countries. Senegal, called Fuuta Tooro, is believed to be the place they started migration, south to Fuuta Jaalon in the 14th century. The Fulve, mainly pastoral group, continued their eastward movement until they reached Hausa land in 19th century (Al-Makizi 765-845/1364+442). Fulfulde language is characterized by a robust noun class system, with 24 to 26 noun classes being common across the Fulfulde dialects. Noun classes in Fula are abstract categories with some classes having semantic attributes that characterize a subset of that class' members, and others being marked by a membership too diverse to warrant any semantic categorization of the class' members. For example, classes are for stringy, long things, and another for big things, another for liquids, a noun class for strong, rigid objects, another for human or humanoid traits, etc. Gender does not have any role in the Fula noun class system and the marking of gender is done with adjectives rather than class markers. Noun classes are marked by suffixes on nouns. These suffixes are the same as the class name, though they are frequently subject to phonological processes, most frequently the dropping of the suffix's initial consonant.

Adopted and modified from Dustan (1969, p. 58) 193 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies Arabs Contact with Fulve One of the theories of the origin of Fulve said they descendant from an Arab called Ugba bin Nafi who came from Arabia to Africa and married an African woman called Bajjo Mango. Their offspring's are said to be the first ever Fulve (Makoshy 1984). The theory said that the father of the offspring returned to the Arabia living his children behind. The theory or the origin of the legend held by the Fulve about their origin therefore, sees themselves as Arabs, since their inheritance is patrilineal. This theory marks the first contact between Fulve and the Arabs. There are scholars that argue about the close affinity between Fulfulde and Arabs through the children of Bajjo Mango were said to have never spoken the Language of the parent. They were assumed to have a new language, which they only spoke among themselves. However, there is no denying the fact that the Fulve became Muslim, and there had been long contact between Arabic and Fulfulde. This may explain why there are some Arabic words in the Fulfulde Language. Another fact is that the flag bearers of the 1804 jihad were Fulve who had writing so many Literature in Arabic and Fulfulde. Books in Arabic and Fulfulde are enough reason for adaptation of Arabic in Fulfulde. Most recently, there have been deliberate attempts to translate works of literature from Arabic to Fulfulde. (Arba'un Hadith (Daudu 1995). Wasye Shehu Usman bii Foodiyo ((Girei 1994)). Arabic Fuldulde Gloss Zikr Jikiri a form of worship Sihr Siiri Secreat Hijra Hijira transfer Hikma hikima current Imam liman leader of prayer Fitna fitina trouble Wajib waajibi obligatory Dunya duuniyaworld Nasra nasaraaku victory

Arabic – Fulfulde Grammatical Processes Although Arabic and Fulfulde belong to two different linguistic phyla, there are noticeable similarities in their grammatical process; particularly word order patterns. Word Order Word order simply refers to the systematic arrangement of grammatical units in forming on constructing sentences, meant to express ideas or thoughts. Fromkin and Rodman (1974) posit that the meaning of any sentence is a synthesis of the meaning(s) of words and their formations are compositions. Accordingly, each language has basic grammatical patterns that determine which word classes or word are combined to form grammatically correct sentences that convey the intended meaning(s). Fulfulde, in particular, has word order pattern of subject(s), verb (v) and object (o), as in 'Bobbo 'nyaami nyiiri' "Bobbo ate food"; in which 'Bobbo' fills the subject slot, nyamii ate fills the verb slot, and 'nyiiri' "food"; the object slot. Grammatically, any mutation of the SVO pattern, above, will produce incorrect sentence(s); even if structurally correct. Consider, for example, sentence 'nyaami' "ate" 'Bobbo'" "Bobbo" 'nyiiri' "food"; in which 'nyaami' fills the verb slot, 'Bobbo' the subject Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 194 slot and 'nyiiri' the object slot The sentence, though may be structurally correct, it will be unacceptable as grammatically correct to the native speakers of Fulfulde because of the obvious violation of the (SVO) order. Conversely, however, the basic word order in Arabic tends to be different of that of Fulfulde, because the former has Verb-Subject-Object (VSO) order, as the following examples: V S O 1. Akala Bobbo at-ta'âma "Ate Bobbo the food" (Bobbo ate the food) V S O 2. Qar'a Bobbo al-kitâba "Read Bobbo the book" (Bobbo read the book) 3. Zahaba Musa ilal bustaan Went Musa to farm ( Musa went to the farm) 4. kataba Aliyu al Risaala Write Aliyu letter (Aliyu write a letter) 5. na'ima Bintu ala bisaadi Sleeping Bintu on the bet (Bintu is sleeping on bet)

Although Arabic has VSO as its basic word order, mutation of the order to SVO, as in Fulfulde, is equally acceptable; particularly if the subject is the point of emphasis. For example, it is grammatically correct to say:

S V O Bobbo akala al-lahma "Bobbo ate the meat" (literally) S V O Bobbo qar'a al-kitâba "Bobbo read the book" (literally) To this end, it is plausible to state that Arabic and Fulfulde have the SVO word order pattern in common. It should be noted, however, that Arabic uses the SVO pattern, exclusively, for emphasis. Consider, for example, if one asked the question (in Arabic) 'man akat-ta'âma?' "who ate the food?" The response to the question will obviously be "Bobbo akalat-ta'âma" 'Bobbo ate the food'. Arguably, therefore, Arabic and Fulfulde commonly use the SVO word order for Arabic is VSO. Thus, the use of SVO pattern in Arabic is either for the sake of emphasis on the subject or in response to "who question". Table II: Arabic and Fulfulde word order.

Arabic Arabic Fulfulde

V S O S V O S V O Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 195 Akala Bobbo al-lahma Bobbo akala al-lahma Bobbo 'yakki kusel'(man) "Ate Bobbo the meat" "Bobbo ate the meat" "Bobbo ate (the) meat" "Bobbo ate the meat”

Conclusion The paper descriptively analyzed some grammatical factors that are common to Arabic and Fulfulde language However, the two languages belong to two deferent linguistics phyla with words order, Arabic has V.O.S and Fulfulde has S.V.O. Notwithstanding, the analyses found that Arabic has S.V.O order in case of emphases on the subject matter to “WHO question”. The paper presented the Fulfulde consonant chart. It also historically showed the linguistics contact between the languages and the Fulfulde grammatical processes that distinguished the languages with relevant examples.

References Ahmad etal (2011) Arabic Fulfulde Translations, Adamawa Emerate Council Ahmadu Bello UniversityZaria Press LTD.

Aishatu .Iya Ahmed (2007). Binding Theory and Fulfulde Nominal phrases, VDM Variag, Muller GmbH and Co, KG, 99,6623 Saarbrucken Germany. Arnott, D. W. (1956). The Middle Voice in Fula. Bulletin of the school of Oriental and African Studies, 18: 130-144. Arnott, D. W. (1959). Some Features of the Nominal class system of Fula in Nigeria, Dahomey and Niger. Afrika und Ubersee, XLIII, 4, 241-78. Fromkin, V. & Rodman, R. (1974). An introduction to language. New York: Holt, Reihart & Winston Inc. Daudu, G. K. (1995). A Morphophonemic Analysis of Combinatory-Phonology of Central Fulfulde Dialect Concordant Pronouns and Numerals. An M. A. Dissertation, University of Maiduguri, Maiduguri. Girei, U. A. (1994). Language Simplification: A case study of Adamawa dialect of Fufulde. A Final Year Essay, Department of Languages and Linguistics, 105 University of Maiduguri-Nigeria Iliyasu (2005) Arabic loan word in to Fulfulde A Final Year Essay, Department of Languages and Linguistics, University of Maiduguri-Nigeria Stennes, L. H. (1967). A Reference Grammar of Adamawa Fulani. East Lansing: Michigan State University. Fromkin, V. & Rodman, R. (1974). An introduction to language. New York: Holt, Reihart & Winston Inc. Taylor, F. W. (1921). A First Grammar of the Adamawa Dialect of the Fulani Language. London: OUP Theil, R. (2006). "Fulfulde". In: Encyclopedia of Arabic language and linguistics (vol. 2, pp. 137 – 142), Brill: Leidin. Versteegh, K. (2001). The Arabic language. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 196 Vote Buying and Strategic Use of Money in the 2015 General Elections in Taraba State

Auwal Chul & Isa Mohammed Department of Political Science and International Relations, Faculty of Management and Social Science, Taraba State University, Jalingo.

Abstract This paper examines the strategic use of money in the 2015 general election in Taraba State. It shows how politicians maneuvered the election and electoral process through negative use of money as a hindrance to strengthening democracy. Money is needed for election because much of the political activities could not occur without funding. The increasing rate of vote buying can disallow the democratic principle of transparency and accountability in the society because vote buying can lead to the monetization of politics, the election of bad leaders, generates lack of good governance and undermine democratic consolidation. The method of data collection is primary using unstructured interviews. People were interviewed across the three senatorial Districts of the State. The data is analyzed qualitatively. The theoretical framework adopted in the study is neo- patrimonialism. The framework explains the politics of patronage, political domination and money politics as bane of African/Nigerian politics through granting and giving of favors in order to buy loyalty to consolidate political power. The study found that the strategies used by politicians in vote buying includes the distribution of items like; wrapper, maggi, salts, soaps, cars, money, temporary appointments and political thugs are recruited to snatch ballot boxes and disrupt voting process in order to influence the electorates choice during elections. The paper concludes with some recommendations on how to stop it, political education, awareness through the civil society organizations and the enforcement of electoral laws. Key words: Democracy, Election, Money politics, Vote-buying, Taraba State

Introduction Every modern democracy adopts the use of election as the means of choosing decision makers. In other words, election is the pillar of democracy, and there is no democracy without election (Nnoli, 2006). Unfortunately, series of elections in Nigeria since the colonial period have continued to lack the basic requirements of true democratic electoral process, which are transparency and fairness. Instead, most elections in the country are characterized by manipulation of the various stages of the electoral process by the incumbent, politicians and corruption of electoral officials. The major consequences of this development are all sorts of riots, demonstrations, party clashes, political assassinations, looting, arson, thuggery and kidnapping across the country, (Election violence in Nigeria). From the advent of the Fourth Republic in 1999 to date, the electoral system in Taraba state has gradually become characterized by money politics, to manipulation of election results and polarization of the state indigenes along ethno-religious bases. Apart from these factors resulting in political crisis. Democracies which define as government of the people by the people and for the people (Lincoln, 1868), and to be the best form of government all over the world is being assaulted in Taraba state. Unfortunately, the phenomenon of money politics seems to have taken the center stage in the political process in Nigeria. It is clear that during elections in Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 197 Nigeria contenders for elective positions always use money to serve as inceptives in other to get the support of the electorates as opposed to normal campaign process for selling their manifestos to the electorates. By and large, a survey of Taraba state electoral and political processes identifies some problems that muscle against democratic stability in the state. Among the major problems include the political elites who see politics as source of wealth accumulation instead as a platform that assures change and service delivery to the people. Consequently, the employ numerous unethical political practices such as thuggery, rigging, snatching of ballot boxes, vote buying and violence to win election. It is against this backdrop that this paper will examine vote buying and the prevalence of the strategic use of money in politics in Taraba state.

Conceptual clarification Election: This is a process by which the electorates of a country vote directly to elect their representatives in either for legislative or executive functions, or choice of leaders by popular vote (Nnaemeka, 2015). Election is described as the pillar of democracy or rather the backbone of democracy. There is indeed, no democracy without election (Nnoli, 2006). Money Politics: This is refers to as an act or process whereby politicians make use of money in the electoral processes. It may include government policy or campaign funding or contributions to parties and their candidates in an electoral system. The sources of money can be from soft money, hard money or dark money provided by godfathers or anybody interested in the outcome of the elections. Money politics simply refer to use of money as incentive or instrument use by politicians and political parties to influence the outcome of political contest (Ojo, 2006). According to Kirsher (2003) Money is everything, money is nothing. Money is what you think it is. Money is power. Money is politics. Whether right or wrong it inevitably shows the inescapable politics of money. Vote buying: Simply means electoral fraud. It is a common campaign violation. It is an act of promising, offering or giving money, goods, services and/or other inducements (such as promises of employment or special favors or treatment). It is a negative inducement pressure or threats by the authorities or political faction to prevent voters from supporting political opponents (ACE PROJECT, 2007). According to Schaffer (2002) there are three ways government is using to carry out vote buying. First, the instrumental method by the use of money. The normative method when the voter is decided to change his/her behavior because of the goodness or worthiness of the candidate. Secondly, coercion is by the use of threat, fear, and power to coerce the voter to support a candidate that is not his choice. Thirdly, vote buying goes beyond economic exchange and social ritual to socio-economic and organizational and institutional processes manipulations.

Theoretical Perspective This study is anchored on neo-patrimonialism theory. It is a derivative of patrimonialism that is common to African politics of ethnicity and patronage. Neo-patrimonialism is a modern patrimonialism where there is no differentiation between public and private spheres. According to Erdmann and Engel (2006) the followings are three subtypes of neo-patrimonialism: Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 198 1. Clientelism: This refers to the exchange of specific services and resources for political support in the form of votes. It is patron-client relationship for favors by way of individual benefits; 2. Patronage: This refers to relationship between an individual and a bigger group. It is part of high level politics. The reward system of patronage is the distribution of collective goods such as schools, roads and contracts; 3. Corruption: This refers to use of public office for private benefit. The phenomenon of vote buying and money politics is linked to corruption in a neo- patrimonial state. It is an act of dishonesty and fraud known as political corruption which includes vote buying. Nigeria, by deduction, Taraba politics, is being influenced and controlled by the use of money to buy votes to win electoral contests. This has brought the idea of moneybags/godfather politics and the criminalization of the political process especially during elections.

Methodology The study generated data from interview method. In order to obtain credible and balance information the study was carried out in the three Senatorial Districts of the state, where two people were interviewed in each local government of the three Senatorial District of the state. These Local Governments include: Jalingo Local Government under Taraba Northern Senatorial District, Gassol Local Government under Central Senatorial District and Wukari Local Government under Southern Senatorial District of the state. The population sample of this study constitutes individuals from the general public and some who are stakeholders and are knowledgeable adult persons who happened to be either agent of political parties or were actively involved in election as ad-hoc staff during the election. Looking at this it is clearly shows that the method used in chosen the respondents, they are stake holders in the political process of Taraba State who are familiar with the issues on investigation and are interviewed. The method of this research shows that data is generated from relatively informed individual. The study sample size is purposive sampling techniques, and it is on the assumption that the investigator wants to discover, understand and gain insight into the nitty-gritty of the issue under investigation. (Merriam, 2002).

Results of Field Survey by Unstructured Interviews

Question on Theme 1: The use of money during Nigerian general election 2015 in Taraba state and the stage. When respondents were asked about the above theme, they all answered in affirmative that during the 2015 general elections money was used, below are the responses of six respondents as illustrated in this figure. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 199 Figure 1. Response on the use of money during 2015 election

Use of money during 2015 election

In all the During A day to During During voters Final process campaign election primaries registration election

The respondents were asked to choose among the six identified stages where money was usually used in 2015 elections most preferably. They all answered that during the primaries and Election Day politicians can spend everything to get their party tickets to stand as aspirants and to win the election at all cost. Hence, party primaries and voting process on Election Day were the targets of politicians for delegates and vote buying. Question on Theme 2: The strategies politicians used to give money to the electorates during Nigerian general election 2015 in Taraba state, below are their six responses as illustrated in figure. Figure 2. Responses on the strategies of using money

Strategies of using money

Through Sour Gift in kind One on one Religious Trad. Commu. agent leaders leaders Leaders

The responses of the respondents have shown that politicians adopts various strategies of the use of money to influence the election outcomes in Taraba State in 2015. However, according to the informants, politicians preferred the use of agents and religious leaders as the most viable means to reach out to the people for support during elections. These have been the strategy the politicians usually adopts to win elections. Question on Theme 3: The influence and effects of money politics on the credibility of Nigerian general election 2015 in Taraba state. Below are their six responses as illustrated in the figure. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 200 Figure 3. Responses on the influence of money on the credibility of election

Influence of money on the credibility of election

Invest. Corrupt Discredit Lack of More Only elites Mentali people the election performance prone to contest ty elected corruption

It is very glaring that the reason for the use of money in the electoral process is influence its outcome. The respondents identified the six above ways in which money have effects election credibility. There responses on what the most damaging influence on the credibility of the election, they choose only elites contest and win and the influence of money discredit the outcome of the elections. Question on Theme 4: Means which can be adopted to reduce the influence of money on the credibility of Nigerian general election in Taraba state. The six responses are illustrated in the figure below. Figure 4. Responses on the way forward

The way forward

Pol. Finance Electoral Poverty Env. For Employ Awaren regulation rules ment reduction economic ess growth

According to the respondents the way forward on how to control the influence of money in vote buying in our electoral system will be to apply finance regulations and to ensure there is voter education and political awareness on the effects of the use of money in the electoral process.

Discussion of Findings Politicians in Taraba State used money during voters' registration, party primaries and campaign and also during the final election. It was discovered that money was used like fast burning fire to buy voters or permanent voters' card and to compromise electoral staffs by the politicians in Taraba state during election. This illicit act affected the voting behavior of the electorates. Money matters for democracy because much of its political Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 201 activity simply could not occur without the money. But, when explaining its causes and effects one should stress that the misuse of money in politics can create some major political problems. Money was used usually in primaries and during voting process than any other time in the election cycle. Politicians use different strategies in giving money and other gifts in kind to solicit the mandate of the electorate in Taraba state. A political party and candidates directly or indirectly bribe voters and election officials. They offered to the electorate different kinds of gifts e.g, food items like maggi, salt, rice, alcohol, and soap, wrapper, cars or even short- term employment. This is what we call 'stomach infrastructure'. It was discovered that politicians in Taraba state employed fronts (agents) who go from place to place to distribute items such as maggi, salt, sugar, clothes, money and other items to the electorates during campaigns and voting process. More so, religious leaders were usually employed to convince their adherents to support a highest bidder during the elections Vote buying denies a society the democratic basic idea of transparency and accountability because vote buyers are under no any reasons to serve the general interest. Buying and selling of votes is only a form of political entrepreneurship and other related issues. Hence, money politics make politicians to see themselves as investing in a greater political harvest, thereby encouraging in rigging and corruption in the political systems which do away with the very basis of democratic governance. Where candidates have invested much before being elected or appointed into public office, simple economic rationality will propel them to make the money they have invested before elected. Where that is the case, accountability and transparency known to be mark of good governance and democracy becomes jetsam to the harm of the system. It also promotes elitist politics and feeble popular participation. Only the elites (money bags) can contest and win election due to the influence of money power. This according to Dung will only place persons with the resources to get access to political offices in Nigeria and will discourage the patriots from political leadership due to their financial constraints (Dung, 2008). In essence political affairs become monetized. However, monopolizing the power by the financial strong party can be ensured. This act has deformed the image of our political system outside the country. Within the international system, Nigeria politicians are not enjoying purity. The political system of the country is lacking democratic efficacy. This condition has created a negative impact on the legitimacy of the political institutions. More so, money politics can encourage military intervention due to illegitimate nature of the present administration. In a situation where dividends of democracy are not achieved; military can use that opportunity and hijack the political system. Even some Nigerians are calling and agitating for military rule due to the disappointment witnessed in the civilian government. In comparative analysis, some have rated military regime higher to that of civilian regime in Nigeria. Though, military rule is not a solution to civilian flaws, attitudinal reform would place Nigeria's leaders right. The politics of patronage and pre- bendalism is very common in the state.

Conclusion and Recommendations This paper carefully and critically analyzed the main problem and challenges of money politics and vote buying as it affects the credibility of elections in Taraba state. The paper concluded that if the measures suggested in the conclusion of the paper will be taken seriously and implemented, Taraba state can conduct free, fair and credible elections in the absent of money politics, vote buying, and stomach infrastructure. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 202 The study recommends that, it is of primary importance to first and foremost call on all stakeholders in the Taraba state to project attitudinal changes so as to have positive perception of politics as service. This is because a system of free and fair election is not guaranteed by officially sanctioned legal instrument alone. On the side of the people, they should shun those politicians displaying ill-gotten wealth knowing well that the money belongs to them, but being frequently siphoned by the opportunist politicians. Again, political parties should refrain from projecting the financial profile of the wealthy candidates and their financial importance to the parties. This is because such candidates have the tendency to want to live up to the image so created by putting more money into the campaign than is legally and morally justified. More transparent and effective screening methods must be developed by the political parties and the electoral body, to ensure the screening out of politicians that have the habit and tendency to corrupt the electoral process and the electorate. There is also the need for political education of the electorate to be more critical in their electoral choices, and reduce the pressures putting on their elected representatives for financial and material gains for voting, party officials should be trained on how to manage election and other campaigns process in which candidates have a well thought out manifestoes. Unlike in the second republic when major political parties clearly articulated their cardinal programs, the case is not so in the fourth republic where voters are as confused as the politicians. The government also through the use of mass media has a role to play in sensitizing voters to know their primary responsibilities in electing credible candidates. For example, where the media is celebrating money-bags, who are using their wealth to spoil the democratic process, credible elections and good governance, then the presence of money politics and vote-buying will continue to increase in Taraba State and Nigerian political scene. It is observed that poor people are the one mostly selling their votes. In a situation whereby the masses enjoying and benefiting in terms of better standard of living, reasonable person would not be involving in such illicit and unconstitutional act. The government should create employment opportunity for the youths and establish enabling environment for economic growth. The act of collecting bribe and selling one's electoral mandate is not only ugly but also destructive to the development of the state and country. Basically, poverty usually serves as obstacle to democracy.

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Oral Interviews

SN N A M E A G E SEX O C C U PA T IO N PLA C E O F D A T E O F IN T ER V IEW IN T ER V IEW

1. G ani John 38 M Politician W ukari 15/03/15

2. M ansur B ala 40 M Student D onga 24/02/15

3. H elen Jam es 30 F H ouse w ife Sardauna 19/03/15

4. A bdulkarim 39 M Politician G assol 12/04/15 B ala

5. Sani U m ar 38 M Politician Jalingo 30/03/15

6. Idi B aba 41 M C ivil Servant K arim Lam ido 3/04/15