Were the French Government's Brexit-Related Worries Prior to the 2016 Referendum Overstated?

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Were the French Government's Brexit-Related Worries Prior to the 2016 Referendum Overstated? Claremont Colleges Scholarship @ Claremont CMC Senior Theses CMC Student Scholarship 2020 Were the French government’s Brexit-related worries prior to the 2016 referendum overstated? Claudia Michelle Chandra Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses Part of the International Relations Commons, and the Other International and Area Studies Commons Recommended Citation Chandra, Claudia Michelle, "Were the French government’s Brexit-related worries prior to the 2016 referendum overstated?" (2020). CMC Senior Theses. 2512. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2512 This Open Access Senior Thesis is brought to you by Scholarship@Claremont. It has been accepted for inclusion in this collection by an authorized administrator. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Claremont McKenna College Were the French government’s Brexit-related worries prior to the 2016 referendum overstated? submitted to Professor Hilary Appel by Claudia Michelle Chandra for Senior Thesis Fall 2019–Spring 2020 May 11, 2020 Table of Contents Abstract ………………………………………………………………………………...... 3 Acknowledgements ……………………………………………………………………… 4 Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………… 5 1. France’s role in European integration I. France’s leading role in integration ……………………………………………. 10 II. French leaders emerge as champions of integration …………………………… 11 III. The growth of Euroscepticism in France ………………………………………. 17 IV. Current attitudes toward integration …………………………………………… 23 2. Why France resisted the 2016 Brexit referendum I. Unpreparedness ………………………………………………………………… 30 II. Ideological worries ……………………………………………………………... 34 III. Security worries ………………………………………………………………... 37 IV. Economic worries ……………………………………………………………… 42 3. France in the Brexit negotiations I. Why France maintained a tough stance in the Brexit negotiations …………….. 48 II. The validity of France’s Brexit worries ………………………………………... 54 4. Impact of Brexit on French attitudes toward the EU I. Introduction …………………………………………………………………….. 61 II. Prior to June 2016 referendum …………………………………………………. 61 III. Post-2016 Referendum – French Presidential elections ……………………..… 66 IV. Post-Presidential elections – 2019 European Parliament elections ……………. 69 5. Impact of Brexit on French security and defense I. Introduction …………………………………………………………………….. 74 II. Brexit negatively impacts EU defense capabilities but provides opportunities for France …………………………………………………………………………... 74 III. The importance of the Anglo-French defense relationship …………………….. 75 IV. Deepening Anglo-French defense relations: challenges and achievements …… 77 V. France-EU defense relations post-Brexit: why cooperation with Germany is now necessary ……………………………………………………………………….. 81 VI. Evidence of successful Franco-German defense leadership …………………… 86 VII. The future of French defense …………………………………………………... 87 6. Impact of Brexit on free movement of French and British citizens I. Introduction …………………………………………………………………….. 90 II. Debates on the movement of people …………………………………………… 91 III. The UK and France’s Settlement Schemes …………………………………….. 94 IV. Capturing the benefits of Brexit: France’s Join the Game Campaign ……….… 95 V. Paris: Europe’s new financial center? ………………………………………….. 97 VI. The Parisian real estate market ……………………………………………….. 100 VII. Undocumented people in France and the UK ………………………………… 104 7. Impact of Brexit on free movement of goods and services between France and the UK I. Introduction …………………………………………………………………… 106 II. French agriculture…………………………………………………………...… 107 1 III. The Common Agricultural Policy ……………………………………………... 110 IV. Small to medium sized French enterprises …………………………………….. 112 V. The Calais border ……………………………………………………………… 114 VI. The end of free movement under different Brexit scenarios …………………… 116 Conclusion ……………………………………………………………………………….... 119 Bibliography ………………………………………………………………………………. 125 2 Abstract The prospect of the United Kingdom leaving the European Union during the 2016 Brexit referendum was deeply troubling to French officials. As a historic leader of the European integration project, the French government and media worried that Brexit would embolden Eurosceptics in France. This threatened to undermine France’s identity as a pro-European nation. Also, due to France’s position as one of the UK’s main trading partners, French citizens and businesses feared that the end of freedom of movement between these countries would create burdensome legal and economic consequences. Nevertheless, more than three years have passed since the Brexit referendum and few of the French government’s initial fears have manifested. This leads to the question of whether French worries over Brexit were overstated. This thesis examines the impact of Brexit on France’s economy, security and attitudes toward the EU to argue that many of France’s Brexit concerns were indeed exaggerated. While the French government should remain cautious of the resurgence of Euroscepticism should populist forces like the Rassemblement National regain support, evidence shows that it has adequately prepared for the economic and security implications of Brexit. By demonstrating France’s current preparedness for the UK’s departure, the author hopes to eliminate the Brexit-related worries still held by many French citizens. 3 Acknowledgements First and foremost, I would like to extend my heartfelt gratitude to my thesis reader Professor Hilary Appel for her advice and guidance from the very beginning of this project. The consistent feedback and support she provided me with was critical to the completion of my thesis. Her encouragement enabled me to discover and achieve more than I could have anticipated. Suffice to say, this project would not have been possible without her. I wish to also recognize the staff at the Honnold Mudd Library and the European Union Center of California for their assistance and contributions. In particular, I would like to thank Professor David Andrews, for fueling my curiosity over Brexit and the European Union, and Mary Martin, for helping and guiding me in the early stages of my research process. Thank you also to the International Relations Department and Keck Center for International and Strategic Studies for making this capstone project possible. The people at these institutions nurtured my intellectual curiosity over the last four years at Claremont McKenna College and helped me develop the analytical and writing skills needed for this project. Additionally, I would like to recognize all my friends for supporting me and for always sharing my enthusiasm of endlessly testing out ideas on each other. Thank you for easing my thesis writing process in the many ways you did and for believing in my ability to finish this project. Finally, I am forever grateful to my parents Herry Chandra and Diana Lim for their love and support. I appreciate all the time you have given to listen and give feedback on this project over the last nine months. Thank you for the opportunity to attend Claremont McKenna College and for always having my back. 4 Introduction The prospect of Brexit initially appeared as a crisis for the European Union. The United Kingdom’s vote to leave on June 23, 2016 was the first time a member state decided to remove itself from the bloc. The departure of the UK threatened to undermine support for the EU in remaining member states, including France. One fear was that Brexit could set a precedent for leaving the EU with ease. Some of the remaining EU27 could become inspired to follow suit if the UK’s exit left it financially better off and with greater control of its own borders and policies. Brexit could also empower growing Eurosceptic movements across Europe. This notion troubled the French government under Presidents Hollande and Macron because Eurosceptic voters had been gaining traction and were rallying behind Marine Le Pen, the leader of the right-wing Rassemblement National. Were France’s growing number of Eurosceptics to follow in the footsteps of those in the UK, France’s identity as a pro-EU nation could ultimately be compromised. Furthermore, the French government did not view Brexit favorably because it could lead to the end of the EU’s integration project. EU integration is a process which involves the “pooling” of national sovereignty and decision-making powers to a larger political body.1 By giving up jurisdiction over certain matters, such as international trade and currency, EU member states have created a supranational polity that superseded each individual member state. This is threatened by Brexit if remaining member states were to follow in the UK’s footsteps and also vote to remove their countries out of the bloc. The EU’s integration project is also threatened by the possibility of remaining member states feeling emboldened to “cherry pick,” by insisting on the ability to decide what EU institutions and initiatives they to participate in. Brexit could make 1 J. Peterson, “European integration,” in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, ed. James Wright, 4923–4925. Amsterdam: Elsevier, 2001. https://doi.org/10.1016/B0-08-043076- 7/01261-4. 5 the EU desperate to keep remaining member states that it has no choice but to concede to some of these demands. This situation could change the trajectory/ direction of European integration and contributes to why Brexit was not viewed enthusiastically by the French government. The UK’s exit was an especially pertinent issue in France because of
Recommended publications
  • Polish Views of the EU: the Illusion of Consensus
    Warsaw, January 2017 Polish views of the EU: the illusion of consensus Adam Balcer — WiseEuropa Piotr Buras — European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) Grzegorz Gromadzki — Stefan Batory Foundation Eugeniusz Smolar — Centre for International Relations There was a time when foreign policy was seen as the exclusive domain of the elite. At present, though, it is becoming increasingly difficult to take action in this area without the broader participa- tion and support of public opinion. Proof of this is found first of all in the fact that the decades-long consensus facilitating further EU integration is drawing to a close. This is being caused by various factors: the partial dysfunction of European structures (e.g. the euro crisis or the migration crisis); the EU’s decreasing ability of providing safety and prosperity for its citizens; and also because the EU has been encroaching on the competences of member states. “More integration” is no longer an obvious option; it needs to be justified and negotiated with citizens. Secondly, international policy is increasingly becoming a factor in domestic policy, not only due to European integration, but also due to continuous media coverage and the perception that citizens have that global economic process- es (the delocalisation of industries) and demographic processes (migration) influence their everyday lives. Thirdly, in connection with the crisis of trust towards representative institutions and the political establishment, appeals to forms of direct democracy are on the rise. This has been observed recently Stefan Batory Foundation in the United Kingdom, the Netherlands and Hungary. “Referendocracy” has begun also to encroach on the foreign policy arena.1 There is particular justification in Poland in asking the question as to what degree current foreign poli- cy is aligned with the views of citizens.
    [Show full text]
  • Training and Simulation
    Food for thought 05-2021 Training and Simulation Written by AN EXPERTISE FORUM CONTRIBUTING TO EUROPEAN CONTRIBUTING TO FORUM AN EXPERTISE SINCE 1953 ARMIES INTEROPERABILITY the Research team of Finabel European Army Interoperability Center This study was written under the guidance of the Swedish presidency, headed by MG Engelbrektson, Commander of the Swedish Army. Special thanks go out to all ex- perts providing their insights on the topic, including but not limited too: MAJ Ulrik Hansson-Mild, Mr Henrik Reimer, SSG Joel Gustafsson, Mr Per Hagman, Robert Wilsson, MAJ Björn Lahger and SGM Anders Jakobsson.This study was drawn up by the Research team of Finabel over the course of a few months, including: Cholpon Abdyraeva, Paolo d'Alesio, Florinda Artese, Yasmine Benchekroun, Antoine Decq, Luca Dilda, Enzo Falsanisi, Vlad Melnic, Oliver Noyan, Milan Storms, Nadine Azi- hane, Dermot Nolan under the guidance of Mr Mario Blokken, Director of the Per- manent Secretariat. This Food for Thought paper is a document that gives an initial reflection on the theme. The content is not reflecting the positions of the member states but consists of elements that can initiate and feed the discussions and analyses in the domain of the theme. All our studies are available on www.finabel.org TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction 3 Data Utilisation, the Need for Standardisation and Obstacles 33 Cultural Interoperability 4 Introduction 33 Introduction 4 9. What is Data? 34 1. Exercises as Means to 10. Political Aspects: National Deter Opposition 5 Interests vs. Interoperability 34 2. Current Trends in SBT 13 11. Data Interoperability 3.
    [Show full text]
  • ECON Thesaurus on Brexit
    STUDY Requested by the ECON Committee ECON Thesaurus on Brexit Fourth edition Policy Department for Economic, Scientific and Quality of Life Policies Authors: Stephanie Honnefelder, Doris Kolassa, Sophia Gernert, Roberto Silvestri Directorate General for Internal Policies of the Union July 2017 EN DIRECTORATE GENERAL FOR INTERNAL POLICIES POLICY DEPARTMENT A: ECONOMIC AND SCIENTIFIC POLICY ECON Thesaurus on Brexit Fourth edition Abstract This thesaurus is a collection of ECON related articles, papers and studies on the possible withdrawal of the UK from the EU. Recent literature from various sources is categorised, chronologically listed – while keeping the content of previous editions - and briefly summarised. To facilitate the use of this tool and to allow an easy access, certain documents may appear in more than one category. The thesaurus is non-exhaustive and may be updated. This document was provided by Policy Department A at the request of the ECON Committee. IP/A/ECON/2017-15 July 2017 PE 607.326 EN This document was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs. AUTHORS Stephanie HONNEFELDER Doris KOLASSA Sophia GERNERT, trainee Roberto SILVESTRI, trainee RESPONSIBLE ADMINISTRATOR Stephanie HONNEFELDER Policy Department A: Economic and Scientific Policy European Parliament B-1047 Brussels E-mail: [email protected] LINGUISTIC VERSIONS Original: EN ABOUT THE EDITOR Policy departments provide in-house and external expertise to support EP committees and other parliamentary bodies
    [Show full text]
  • Research Paper No. 52
    7 March 2018 RESEARCH PAPER A EUROPEAN DRONE SPACE Chantal LAVALLÉE Marie Skłodowska-Curie Fellow at the Institute for European Studies of the Vrije Universiteit Brussel Océane ZUBELDIA Research Fellow in Armament and Defence Economics at IRSEM ABSTRACT The massive military potential offered by drones has placed them at the heart of modern militaries. Their incontrovertible strategic benefits have prompted several European states to pursue the joint development of a Medium-Altitude Long-Endurance (MALE) drone. It is an ambitious challenge, thus cooperative development is necessary to share the substantial investment costs and compete with the United States and Israel. Although military drone cooperation has progressed slowly in Europe, recent civilian drone initiatives may spark new momentum and stimulate civilian-military synergy. In order to manage the risks and take advantage of potential opportunities, there is a new political impulse in Europe to regulate the use and development of – No. 52 civilian drones. The goal is to integrate them into European airspace, with adapted regulations, research funding and a common market that will place Europe in strong position in this highly competitive sector. This research paper seeks to evaluate the nature and scope of current discussions and initiatives concerning the use of civilian and military drones in the European Union. CONTENT Introduction .................................................................................................................................. 2 The development
    [Show full text]
  • North Sea Palaeogeographical Reconstructions for the Last 1 Ma
    Netherlands Journal of Geosciences —– Geologie en Mijnbouw |93 – 1/2| 7-29| 2014 doi: 10.1017/njg.2014.12 North Sea palaeogeographical reconstructions for the last 1 Ma K.M. Cohen1,2,3,*,P.L.Gibbard4 & H.J.T. Weerts5 1 Department of Physical Geography, Faculty of Geosciences, Utrecht University, P.O. Box 80115, 3508 TC Utrecht, the Netherlands 2 Department of Applied Geology and Geophysics, Deltares, Unit BGS, Princetonlaan 6, Utrecht 3 Department of Geomodelling, TNO Geological Survey of the Netherlands, Princetonlaan 6, Utrecht 4 Quaternary Palaeoenvironments Group, Department of Geography, University of Cambridge, Downing Place, Cambridge CB2 3EN, United Kingdom 5 Cultural Heritage Agency, Ministry of Education, Culture and Science, P.O. Box 1600, 3800 BP Amersfoort, the Netherlands * Corresponding author. Email: [email protected] Manuscript received: 3 February 2014, accepted: 2 May 2014 Abstract The landscape evolution of the southern North Sea basin is complex and has left a geographically varying record of marine, lacustrine, fluvial and glacial sedimentation and erosion. Quaternary climatic history, which importantly included glaciation, combined with tectonics gave rise to cyclic and non-cyclic changes of sedimentation and erosion patterns. Large-scale landscape reorganisations left strong imprints in the preserved record, and are important for the detail that palaeogeographical reconstructions for the North Sea area can achieve. In the spirit of the North Sea Prehistory Research and Management Framework (NSPRMF; Peeters et al., 2009), this paper provides background geological information regarding the North Sea. It summarises current stratigraphical and chronological frameworks and provides an overview of sedimentary environments. As we go back in time, the understanding of Quaternary palaeo-environmental evolution in the North Sea basin during the last 1 million years becomes decreasingly accurate, with degree of preservation and accuracy of age control equally important controls.
    [Show full text]
  • Brexit and the Future of the US–EU and US–UK Relationships
    Special relationships in flux: Brexit and the future of the US–EU and US–UK relationships TIM OLIVER AND MICHAEL JOHN WILLIAMS If the United Kingdom votes to leave the European Union in the referendum of June 2016 then one of the United States’ closest allies, one of the EU’s largest member states and a leading member of NATO will negotiate a withdrawal from the EU, popularly known as ‘Brexit’. While talk of a UK–US ‘special relation- ship’ or of Britain as a ‘transatlantic bridge’ can be overplayed, not least by British prime ministers, the UK is a central player in US–European relations.1 This reflects not only Britain’s close relations with Washington, its role in European security and its membership of the EU; it also reflects America’s role as a European power and Europe’s interests in the United States. A Brexit has the potential to make a significant impact on transatlantic relations. It will change both the UK as a country and Britain’s place in the world.2 It will also change the EU, reshape European geopolitics, affect NATO and change the US–UK and US–EU relationships, both internally and in respect of their place in the world. Such is the potential impact of Brexit on the United States that, in an interview with the BBC’s Jon Sopel in summer 2015, President Obama stated: I will say this, that having the United Kingdom in the European Union gives us much greater confidence about the strength of the transatlantic union and is part of the corner- stone of institutions built after World War II that has made the world safer and more prosperous.
    [Show full text]
  • E:\Publications\Making the Links\Peoples Guide No Canada.Pmd
    CONTENTS Written by ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 2 Maude Barlow and Tony Clarke Edited by INTRODUCTION 3 Brent Patterson Cover design by PART ONE - The World Trade Organization 5 Flavio Rojas What is the WTO? 5 Layout by How does the WTO work? 5 Laura Sewell How do WTO rules affect our lives? 8 What happened in Seattle? 10 The Council of Canadians 502 – 151 Slater Street What happened in Doha? 10 Ottawa, Ontario What will be the critical issues in Cancun? 11 K1P 5H3 Phone PART TWO - The Free Trade Area of the Americas 14 1 800 387-7177 What is the FTAA? 14 Fax What is in the FTAA? 15 613 233-6776 How will the FTAA enforce its rules? 19 How will the FTAA rules affect our lives? 20 e-mail [email protected] What will be the critical issues in Miami? 23 Web site PART THREE - The Dangerous Combination 26 www.canadians.org What impact will the WTO and the FTAA have on the ISBN 0-9689719-5-4 peoples of the Americas and elsewhere? 26 This report was produced by the Council of How could the WTO and FTAA trade politics play out? 33 Canadians and the Polaris Institute, in association with the International Forum on CONCLUSION 38 Globalization. SOURCES AND FURTHER READING 40 WEB RESOURCES 41 ABOUT THE AUTHORS 42 MAKING THE LINKS: A Peoples’ Guide to the World Trade Organization and the Free Trade Area of the Americas 1 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS We wish to thank the following individuals for their contributions to this paper: Ellen Gould, Scott Sinclair, Lori Wallach, Steven Shrybman, Vandana Shiva, Martin Khor, Shefali Sharma, Barry Coates, Sarah Larrain, Pablo Salon, Ken Traynor, Timi Gerson, Victor Menotti, Oliver Hoedeman, Aileen Kwa, Walden Bello, Mike Waghorn, Clare Joy, and Ronnie Hall.
    [Show full text]
  • The EU-NATO Syndrome: Spotlight on Transatlantic Realities
    ▌JCER Volume 3 • Issue 2 99 The EU-NATO Syndrome: Spotlight on Transatlantic Realities Hajnalka Vincze Abstract This article examines the relations between the European Union (EU) and NATO in light of both of the current, deeply unhealthy, state of the transatlantic relationship, and of its ongoing evolution. The first part is devoted to a retrospective outline of the links between European defence and the Atlantic system, which highlights the major constant features of these last sixty years, as well as the rupture points. Then, various issues, from the problem of the division of labour and the definition of the chain of command to coordination on the ground and arms procurement, are evoked as concrete examples where the same fundamental question marks emerge, again and again; all of them revolving around the concept of sovereignty – that of the Europeans vis-à-vis America. It is suggested in the article that current European dependence does not allow but superficial and/or temporary ‘progress’ in EU-NATO relations, just as is the case in the broader Euro-American relationship. As long as Europeans will not assume fully the objective of autonomy (i.e. freedom of decision and action, with all the commitments it would imply), their subjection will continue to generate increasing tensions, since this inherent imbalance is not only detrimental to Europe’s own interests, but it also excludes any reciprocity and prohibits any genuine partnership with the United States. CONTRARY TO THE TWO DOMINANT, ALBEIT DIAMETRICALLY OPPOSED, TYPES of forecasts that were both highly fashionable a few years ago, it appears more and more clearly that the headaches related to the EU-NATO conundrum are here to stay.
    [Show full text]
  • Review of European and National Election Results Update: September 2019
    REVIEW OF EUROPEAN AND NATIONAL ELECTION RESULTS UPDATE: SEPTEMBER 2019 A Public Opinion Monitoring Publication REVIEW OF EUROPEAN AND NATIONAL ELECTION RESULTS UPDATE: SEPTEMBER 2019 Directorate-General for Communication Public Opinion Monitoring Unit May 2019 - PE 640.149 IMPRESSUM AUTHORS Philipp SCHULMEISTER, Head of Unit (Editor) Alice CHIESA, Marc FRIEDLI, Dimitra TSOULOU MALAKOUDI, Matthias BÜTTNER Special thanks to EP Liaison Offices and Members’ Administration Unit PRODUCTION Katarzyna ONISZK Manuscript completed in September 2019 Brussels, © European Union, 2019 Cover photo: © Andrey Kuzmin, Shutterstock.com ABOUT THE PUBLISHER This paper has been drawn up by the Public Opinion Monitoring Unit within the Directorate–General for Communication (DG COMM) of the European Parliament. To contact the Public Opinion Monitoring Unit please write to: [email protected] LINGUISTIC VERSION Original: EN DISCLAIMER This document is prepared for, and primarily addressed to, the Members and staff of the European Parliament to assist them in their parliamentary work. The content of the document is the sole responsibility of its author(s) and any opinions expressed herein should not be taken to represent an official position of the Parliament. TABLE OF CONTENTS EDITORIAL 1 1. COMPOSITION OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT 5 DISTRIBUTION OF SEATS OVERVIEW 1979 - 2019 6 COMPOSITION OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT LAST UPDATE (31/07/2019) 7 CONSTITUTIVE SESSION (02/07/2019) AND OUTGOING EP SINCE 1979 8 PROPORTION OF WOMEN AND MEN PROPORTION - LAST UPDATE 02/07/2019 28 PROPORTIONS IN POLITICAL GROUPS - LAST UPDATE 02/07/2019 29 PROPORTION OF WOMEN IN POLITICAL GROUPS - SINCE 1979 30 2. NUMBER OF NATIONAL PARTIES IN THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT CONSTITUTIVE SESSION 31 3.
    [Show full text]
  • Defence and Security After Brexit Understanding the Possible Implications of the UK’S Decision to Leave the EU Compendium Report
    Defence and security after Brexit Understanding the possible implications of the UK’s decision to leave the EU Compendium report James Black, Alex Hall, Kate Cox, Marta Kepe, Erik Silfversten For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR1786 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif., and Cambridge, UK © Copyright 2017 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover: HMS Vanguard (MoD/Crown copyright 2014); Royal Air Force Eurofighter Typhoon FGR4, A Chinook Helicopter of 18 Squadron, HMS Defender (MoD/Crown copyright 2016); Cyber Security at MoD (Crown copyright); Brexit (donfiore/fotolia); Heavily armed Police in London (davidf/iStock) RAND Europe is a not-for-profit organisation whose mission is to help improve policy and decisionmaking through research and analysis. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org www.rand.org/randeurope Defence and security after Brexit Preface This RAND study examines the potential defence and security implications of the United Kingdom’s (UK) decision to leave the European Union (‘Brexit’).
    [Show full text]
  • A Renewed Cenozoic Story of the Strait of Dover
    EXTRAIT DES ANNALES DE LA SOCIÉTÉ GÉOLOGIQUE DU NORD Ann. Soc. Géol. du Nord. T. 17 (2ème série) p. 59-80 T. 17 (2ème série), p. 59-80, Décembre 2010. LILLE A RENEWED CENOZOIC STORY OF THE STRAIT OF DOVER Une révision de l’histoire cénozoïque du Pas-de-Calais par Brigitte VAN VLIET-LANOË (*), Guillaume GOSSELIN (**), Jean-Louis MANSY (**)(†), Chantal BOURDILLON (****), Murielle MEURISSE-FORT (****)(**), Jean-Pierre HENRIET (*****), Pascal LE ROY (***), Alain TRENTESAUX (**) . Résumé. — Le détroit est potentiellement un élément du rift européen, subsident dès le Paléocène jusqu’au Quaternaire, mais surtout pendant la phase d’extension oligocène liée à l’ouverture de l’Atlantique Nord. Comme ce secteur de l’Europe correspond à une zone en inversion tectonique, le front varisque, l’extension n’a pas pu s’exprimer pleinement. L’inversion du front varisque a accommodé l’essentiel du raccourcissement imposé à la plate-forme occidentale de l’Europe par la formation des Pyrénées et l’ouverture de l’Atlantique Nord. La dépression du Boulonnais constitue dès l’Yprésien un golfe marin calqué sur une zone déjà partiellement évidée dès le Crétacé. Une réinterprétation des formations sédimentaires superficielles internes au Boulonnais montre l’existence d’une ouverture très précoce du détroit dès l’Eocène. Le Pas-de- Calais est ouvert dès la fin du Lutétien, pendant une partie de l’Oligocène et du Mio-Pliocène final, les faunes de ces deux étages étant identiques de part et d'autre du détroit. Il s’est refermé par épisodes pour des raisons tectoniques et eustatiques, à l’Oligocène final, certainement au Miocène inférieure et moyen, et à partir du Quaternaire ancien pour n’être ré-ouvert que tardivement à la veille du Dernier Interglaciaire.
    [Show full text]
  • Written Evidence Submitted by the Global Britain Programme, Henry Jackson Society (FRE0064)
    Written evidence submitted by the Global Britain Programme, Henry Jackson Society (FRE0064) About The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society (HJS) is a think-tank and policy-shaping force that fights for the principles and alliances which keep societies free, working across borders and party lines to combat extremism, advance democracy and real human rights, and make a stand in an increasingly uncertain world. About the Author James Rogers is Director of the Global Britain Programme at the Henry Jackson Society, of which he is also a founding member. Formerly, he held a number of positions at the Baltic Defence College in Tartu, Estonia and the European Union Institute for Security Studies in Paris. Mr Rogers has also worked on research projects for several other institutions, including the Development, Concepts and Doctrine Centre at the Ministry of Defence and RAND Europe. He has been called to give oral evidence to the Foreign Affairs Committee, the Defence Committee, and the International Development Committee in the Houses of Parliament. He holds a BSc Econ with First Class honours in International Politics and Strategic Studies from Aberystwyth University and an MPhil in Contemporary European Studies from the University of Cambridge. This evidence is submitted in accordance with the request of Mr Hilary Benn MP, Chair of the Committee on the Future Relationship with the European Union, on 4th June 2020. This submission focuses more on the strategic and operational aspects of EU foreign and defence policy than the defence-industrial issues. My responses follow each of the questions asked: ● What are the major EU defence missions, structures, programmes or projects, as well as EU foreign policy instruments, that the UK is currently participating in during the Transition Period? What will happen to this participation at the end of the Transition Period? ○ The answer to this question is best provided by Section ‘5.1 Status of defence cooperation during the transition period’ in Claire Mills’ House of Commons Library Briefing Paper N.
    [Show full text]