SISTER SOJOURNERS: ROUTING THE TRANSNATIONAL MOVEMENT OF AFRICAN

AMERICAN WOMEN

By

Malinda Rhone

Submitted to the

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of American University

in Partial Fulfillment of

the Requirements for the Degree

of Doctor of Philosophy

In

Anthropology

Dean of the College ~\it,·i~~ Date

2010

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ALL RIGHTS RESERVED SISTER SOJOURNERS: ROUTING THE TRANSNATIONAL MOVEMENT OF

AFRICAN AMERICAN WOMEN

BY

Malinda Rhone

ABSTRACT

Transnationalism has become one of the fundamental ways for understanding contemporary border crossings. Discussions about contemporary transnationai movement compel us to engage with the cultural politics of home and belonging as well as the ways transnational migration informs processes of identity construction. This dissertation investigates how African American women's contemporary transnational migration to London England influences the ways they conceptualize and articulate their identities as raced and gendered diasporic subjects.

While few studies position London, England as an endpoint in an African

American diasporic trajectory, I assert that African American women's contemporary transnational movement and experiences represent a departure from and challenge to

predominant characterizations of gendered migration and diaspora. In contrast, to

making a vertical move from a "third world" nation to a "first world" nation, African

American women's movement from one industrialized, predominately white

space to another places them in a paradoxical position in which they may have access to

certain privileges associated with first world citizenship yet continue to be devalued for

being Black and female despite geographic context. 11 Using ethnographic data conducted with current African American female residents of London, I find that transnational migration provided a distance from locally

specific forms of identity and identification. This distance offered a space for the

renegotiation of identities that compelled research participants to investigate the criteria

of individual and group membership along the axes of race, gender, and nation.

11l ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This dissertation could not have been completed without the support of my family. To my parents, Audrey and Henry Rhone; my sisters, Gena Archer and Melissa

Rhone, my brother Henry Rhone Jr. and brother-in-law Omar Archer, thank you for your never ending encouragement. Thank you to my little speckled frog nephew, Brandon and niece Halle for providing their Auntie Linda with a source of joy and excitement that only a two year old and a newborn can provide. And to Curt, who entered my network of support at the final stages of this process but whose encouragement was no less essential in bringing me to this moment.

I would also like to acknowledge the amazing group of intelligent Black women with whom I was privileged to move through my doctoral program - Arvenita

Washington Cherry, Ariana Curtis, Tiwanna DeMoss, Calenthia Dowdy and Jacqueline

Reed. Thank you for being a sounding board, proofing papers and providing stimulating conversations inside and outside the classroom. I would be remiss not to also mention

Shaconna Haley and Brianna Weadock with whom I could never have made it successfully through two sociology courses. Our "debriefing" sessions were indispensable. A special thank you to Loma Skyers and the Steinhardt family, who warmly welcomed me into their homes in London and Henley, respectively.

Finally, I must thank my committee members-my chair, Dr. Sabiyha Prince, Dr.

Clarence Lusane, and Dr. Celine Marie Pascale for helping to guide my academic career and for pushing me to think in different ways. lV LIST OF TABLES

Table 1 ...... 92

v TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT...... u

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...... iv

LIST OF TABLES...... v

INTRODUCTION...... 1

Chapter

1. RESEARCH SITE AND HISTORY...... 8

2. LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORY...... 38

3. RESEARCH METHODS AND ANALYSIS ...... 90

4. SKINFOLK: LONDON AS A CROSS POINT FOR DISENTANGLING RACE, IMMIGRANT STATUS & NATIVE ORIGIN ...... 120

5. AS AMERICAN AS SWEET POTATO & APPLE PIE: BECOMING AN AMERICAN BLACK IN LONDON...... 175

6. HAIR AND THERE ...... 215

CONCLUSION ...... 255

APPENDICES...... 265

REFERENCES ...... 277

Vl INTRODUCTION

Transnationalism has become one of the fundamental ways for understanding contemporary border crossings (Dahinden 2009). Discussions about contemporary transnational movement compel us to engage with the cultural politics of home and belonging. They compel us to interrogate the relationship between an individual's

"roots"; which refers to an individual's country of origin and "routes"; which refers to the actuai physicai movement of an individuai from one geographic iocation to another

(Brah 1996, Sawyer 2002) and the space this movement offers for the (re)negotiation of identities.

I scrutinize this relationship by focusing on the politics ofhome and awa/ which

I define as the relationship between ways of being, knowing, identifying and getting identified that emerge from the space of "home" to reconciling and/or (re)creating forms of being, knowing and identifying in a new "away" space. Characterizing this dynamic relationship in this way speaks to the duel positioning that contemporary transnational migrants find themselves in as they choose to live their lives in a new place. For African

American women, as members of an African Diaspora,- the -politics of home and away is primarily experienced through a transition of being perceived and received as a slave

1 The phrase the politics ofhome and away has been used frequently by other scholars (cf., Marangoly George 1996 and more recently Pablo Shiladitya Bose 2008). I am using the phrase as defined above. 1 2

a slave descendant black female body to being perceived and received as an immigrant black female body.

Purpose of Study

This study explores how transnational mobility influences the ways African

American women conceptualize and articulate their identities as raced and gendered diasporic transnational agents. It investigates how African American women negotiate the politics of home and away as they move from various locations in the United States to

London; England. I place US born African American 1 women's narratives about their transnational experiences at the center of my analysis in order to investigate the relationship between transnational migration, diaspora, identity and notions of belonging.

These are the key concepts that I engage with in this research. Following the work of scholars such as Hall (1997, 2003), Harrison (1998) and Smedley (1999), I conceptualize the construction of identity as a process that is constantly in flux and as one that is heavily influenced by language and discourse. Therefore, I focus on the (re)negotiation of identities that transnational migration compels.

I conceptualize transnationalism as the narrow and direct migratory movement from one nation to another and position African American women's transnational movement and the processes and practices that accompany that movement in a larger

African diasporic context. While I do consider diaspora as an essential conceptual framework in thinking about Black American women's transnational movements and experiences, I position them, more specifically, as African diasporic transnational agents.

1 Throughout this dissertation, when I use the term African American and/or Black American I am referring to women of African descent who were born in the United States of America. 3

Positioning African American women's individual movements as part of a larger African

Diaspora connects these women to the collective history and consequences of the trans­

Atlantic slave trade as well as to the contemporary communities of African descended individuals living globally. It is this legacy of membership that profoundly informs the shift from being perceived and received as a slave descendant black female body to being perceived and received as an immigrant black female body.

Finally, by placing United States born African American women's transnational experiences at the center of my analysis, I also consider the role of intersectionality in their iives as transnationai agents. This means that i consider how race, ciass, gender and nation collide to inform their experiences and their ability to move. Taking this perspective into account is critical in this discussion because as, Dahinden argues, "even if everybody is nowadays to some degree transnational, this should not hinder us from distinguishing different transnationalisms as they reflect varying social positionings in this globalized world (Dahinden 2009: 13 82)." Different social groups have different relationships to and access to voluntary mobility. In other words, it is not only the issue of who moves or does not move; it is also about power in relation to those flows of movement (Massey 1993 cited in Gilbert 1998: 598).

Research Question and Methods

The research for this dissertation has been guided by one major anthropological question: In what ways does transnational mobility influence how African American women conceptualize and articulate their identities as raced, classed, and gendered 4

diasporic subjects? Put another way, how do African American women navigate the politics of home and away as they move from the United States to the United Kingdom.

Embedded within this primary question are smaller areas of inquiry regarding agency and self determination. For example, how and why do US born black women choose to move to another predominately white space given the fact that they are disproportionately affected by class, race and gender-based discrimination in the US?

How are they able to participate in international travel when it has historically been closed to them? Another related area of inquiry was how do Black female transmigrants deai with chaiienges to seemingly stable categories of identity and what does this reveai about establishing criteria and boundaries of individual and group identities and membership. Therefore, this work is also concerned with the criteria of individual and group membership along the axes of race, gender, class and nation.

I answer these questions by using the qualitative research tools of interviews, social network analysis and participant observation. Interviews are the primary focus of my analysis. I treat my research participants' interviews as text for critical discourse analysis. In this research project, participants were primarily confronting challenges to what it meant to be a Black woman, what it meant to be American, and what it meant to be part of an African diasporic community. Each of these challenges caused research participants to engage in a renegotiation of these categories of identity and their notions of belonging in relation to each. While these narratives are personalized as they point to the individual's specific position and experience, they can also be seen as reflective of the

structural and historical factors that characterize the relationship between country of

origin and country of settlement (Triandafyllidou 2009). In "routing" the individual 5

journeys of African American women, I am able to critically interrogate the dynamic relationship between "home and away" and investigate how their transnational migration informs their identities.

Organization of Chapters

Including this introduction, this dissertation is divided into eight chapters.

Chapter one discusses the research setting. I begin by providing current demographic figures on the research site. I then move on to review historical and contemporary

mil!ration~ histories. and- oattemsA" .. to the United Kinl!dom.~ I also review some of the kev~ turning points in the United Kingdom's immigration legislation and discuss how immigration legislation is closely connected to the United Kingdom's race relations legislation. By providing a historical and contemporary perspective on race relations and immigration, I sketch a picture of the socio-political climate Black female transmigrants enter when they move to London, England. This discussion also brings to the forefront racism as an essential power dynamic that structures the organization of British society and consequently influences Black American transmigrants' operation in their new country of settlement.

Chapter two contains an extensive literature review of the various bodies of scholarship that informed this research and writing process. I use my review and assessment of the relevant literature as a space for articulating my theoretical approach.

This chapter begins with a brief historical review on African American women's travels, experiences and (re)settlement abroad. After assessing this historical literature, I move to examine how migration is a "gendered and gendering process" (Szcezepanikova 2006) by 6

exploring key theories from gender and migration scholarship. Next, I consider the role of class in influencing transnational mobility. Following this discussion, I further explore theories on identity construction and work through concepts of diaspora and transnationalism in order to detail how I make use of these concepts in my research.

Finally, I extend my literature review to include a discussion on the dominant discourses on black womanhood. I include this discussion because it speaks to the importance of discourse and the intersection of three important axes of difference--race, class, and gender -- that inform the production of identities in local and global contexts. Chapter three details the methodology and describes the data coiiection strategies and toois I used to conduct my fieldwork.

The following three chapters discuss the important themes that emerged from the research process. The chapters adhere to a funnel approach moving from a consideration of race solely in relation to diaspora and identity to conducting a gendered analysis that considers the intersection of race, gender, and class. In chapter four, I investigate how

African Americans imagine themselves as part of an African diasporic community. I explore how inter-ethnic and cultural interactions in London compelled research participants to re-examine their Black American-ness as a seemingly settled category of racial and cuiturai identification. The data also demonstrates that African Americans operate with a trans-ethnic notion of Blackness that revealed points of diasporic connection and contention. Next, I consider the relationship between race, nation, citizenship and identity arguing that African Americans undergo a process of "becoming

American" as they experience a shift in categories of identity in London. I use the 2008

US presidential election as lens to reveal the intersections of racial and national identities. 7

In chapter six, I use discourse about hair as a unit of analysis to investigate the politics of home and away for African American women in London. The data in this chapter reveal how African American women participate in a comparative process as they use hair as an important gauge in evaluating the appropriate performance of Black womanhood despite geographic location.

In the conclusion, I present the final review of my ethnographic research. I also discuss unanswered questions as areas for future research. Finally, I discuss the significance of this research within anthropology and consider the cross-disciplinary potential of this research. CHAPTER 1

RESEARCH SITE AND HISTORY

London is a key global financial center that is characterized by "super-diversity"

(Vertovec 2007 cited in Dahinden 2009). With its diverse mix of citizens and residents,

London is localized in one space yet remains unbounded in its global connections. As a super diverse city, it is distinguished by a "dynamic interplay of variables among an increasing number of immigrants, who are of multiple-origin, transnationally connected, socio-economically differentiated and legally stratified (Dahinden 2009: 1367)".

In addition to being "super diverse", I position London as a strategically situated single site which assumes that what goes on within a particular locale where research is conducted often has implications for what goes on in other locales even if those locales are not within the frame of the research design (Marcus 1995: 110-111 ). This encapsulates the notion of the politics of home and away as Black American transmigrants will have relationships to their country of origin and speak about their lives in London in relation to those transnational connections. Therefore, as a "super diverse" global city, London is an ideal site to explore the ways Black American transmigrants negotiate their identities as they operate as transnational agents in a global society.

Similar to the United States, the United Kingdom operates within a binary racial classification system that produces a degree of polarization in which distinctions between between "black" and "white" operate as a primary marker of difference. In the UK,

8 9

people of African, Caribbean and South Asian descent are categorized into a singular all encompassing group labeled Black Minority Ethnics (BME).

My participation in a Black History Month celebration brought together a panel and audience who would all be considered BME's. This consisted of a Black American

(me), Caribbean, British, and Indian individuals. As we discussed topics such as George

Bush paving the way for an Obama and how to identify and talk about the differences between groups, it became clear that a range of histories and experiences are made to fit into this broadly defined category. As I discuss in chapter three, on the ground, these discrete categories of identity are disrupted by lived experience. Operating within this dyad, which subsumes a range of ethnically diverse individuals into the category of

"Black", has had profound effects on the experiences of minority ethnics and minority

immigrants historically and contemporarily.

Although London hosts a diverse population, research participants imagined

London as a predominately white space. Consider some of the responses to the question

What ideas or images of London did you have before you moved here: "I thought of

London as being Princess Diana, the monarchy, Buckingham Palace"; "White, queen, no

Black people"; and "Mary Poppins, proper English white people walking around."

Each statement, with its images from Princess Dianna to Mary Poppins1 indexes

whiteness and places London as a predominately white space in which my research

participants carved out and created Black spaces through events like Sunday dinners, soul

food brunches, and parties.

1 Mary Poppins is a fictional British nanny popularized in the Disney movie of the same name. 10

The history of the city (and country) is expansive, ranging from slavery and colonial imperialism to becoming a contemporary global city with a diverse population in terms of nationalities, races, ethnicities and languages and corresponding diverse communities and identities. In this chapter, I begin with an overview of the contemporary demographics of the city. Next, I consider African American female transmigrants migration in the context of the country's multifaceted immigration history.

To illustrate the context Black female transmigrants enter, I use race and immigration legislation as a lens to explore the city and nation's dense history.

Demographics

According to Eurostat, the statistical office of the European commission, London is the most populous city and metropolitan area of the European Union. The United

Kingdom's Office of National Statistics (2008) shows that London has approximately 7.5 million (7,512,400) inhabitants. Alongside New York and Tokyo, London is one of the world's largest financial centers. Central London is home to the headquarters of more than half of the UK's top 100 listed companies and more than one hundred of Europe's five hundred largest. It plays a dominant role in several international financial markets, including cross-border bank lending, international bond issuance and trading. London also has more foreign banks and investment houses than any other financial center

(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/London). Being one of the leading financial centers is important to note for this dissertation research as many of my research participants came to London precisely because of its status as a financial capital and its established presence within international banking and emerging markets. 11

According to the Office of National Statistics (2008), approximately 70% of

London's population is categorized as white, about 13% are of South Asian descent, nearly 11 % are Black, 3.5 % are of mixed race and nearly 3% are Chinese or belong to an

"other ethnic group". (For more discrete breakdown of general racial and ethnic categories, see Appendix). While the majority of London's population is considered white, a January 2005 survey of London's ethnic and religious diversity claimed that there were more than three hundred languages spoken and more than fifty non-indigenous communities with a population of more than 10,000 living in London

(http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2005/jan/21/britishidentityl).

Role and Importance of Foreign Born And Immigration

Migration has played and continues to play an important role in the population growth of the United Kingdom at large and London more specifically. During the 2001 census, the population of the United Kingdom was approaching sixty million

(58,789,194). In the ten year period leading up to this census, those coming from abroad accounted for half of the nation's population growth. In other words, between 1991 and

2001 half of Britain's population growth was due to immigration

(http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/shared/spl/hi/uk/05/born abroad/around britian/html/london.stm

). The 2001 census also showed that 27.1% of London's population was born outside of the United Kingdom meaning that essentially a quarter of the city's population was born abroad (Casciani 2005). In 2006, figures from the Office of National Statistics showed that London's foreign-born population was 2,288,000 (31 % ), up from 1,630,000 in 1997

(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/London). The United States was one of the five most 12

common countries of birth for that population of foreign born individuals which also includes India, Pakistan, Germany and the Caribbean

(http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/shared/spl/hi/uk/05/born_abroad/around_britian/html/london.stm

).

As these facts and figures suggest, immigration is a hugely significant component

of London's current development. These trends cement London's international reputation as a leading "super diverse" global city and a "place that seems to become home to

anyone from anywhere" (Casciani 2005). However, the importance of migration and

immigration to London is not merely a current phenomenon with contemporary

consequences. While London has witnessed the largest number of newcomers (Born

Abroad), contemporary migration and immigration flows are but a continuation of the

nation's history as a colonizer. The country's immigration and migration histories have

significant overlap with the nation's racial understandings and histories. The United

Kingdom's immigration and racial histories are so closely related that one cannot be

understood without reference to the other. Understanding the context African American

women enter as transnational agents necessitates examining the immigration and racial

history of the United Kingdom.

Race(ism), Immigration and Citizenship In Historical Perspective

In a 199 5 article about the "fuzzy" process of constructing a British national

identity, Robin Cohen cites that during the 1980s the British Parliament passed six

different categories of British nationality. These categories were: British citizenship,

British Dependent Territories citizenship, British Overseas citizenship, British Subject 13

status, British Protected Person status, and British National (Overseas) status. What these different categories bring to the surface is that rather than being something unified and automatically bestowed by birth, national belonging and the associated rights were fractured along racial and ethnic lines due to the country's colonial past. This colonial past includes slavery and colonial conquest to locations such as India and Caribbean islands like Jamaica. McClintock asserts that the "slave trade was the first principle and the foundation of all the rest ... the dawn of the factory system and the consolidation of

British capitalism were founded on the flourishing triangular trade in textiles, slaves, sugar and spices (McClintock 1995: 113 ). "

Recognizing this historical past also influences the country's desire to distance itself from racism and to reposition itself as a slaveholding liberator, as discussed by

Matthew Mason (2002). The racist attitudes and beliefs that allowed Great Britain to participate in the trans-Atlantic slave trade also informed its immigration legislation.

This racial history and associated ideologies folds into contemporary discussions about citizenship and belonging. In this section, I focus on race and immigration legislation in response to different waves of migration.

However, before I begin this discussion it is important to note that there has been a Black presence in Britain for centuries (Hesse 2000, GUI1dara & Duffield 1992, Bashi

2004, Scobie 1972, Fryer 1984 ). Black slaves were brought into England in 1555 (Bashi

2004: 587). The slave trade was even given royal blessing by Charles II (Scobie

1972: 13 ). A rapid growth of the black population in Britain took place during the

Georgian era (1714-1830), primarily when the first three Hanover monarchs ruled

England (Scobie 1972: 12). Blacks served as trumpeters at the king's court and the 14

queen's ladies in waiting even disguised themselves as black women during masquerades. Rich planters and officers of slave ships returned to Britain with black slaves to display their wealth and prestige. Treated as objects, Black individuals served as status symbols in the great mansions of the English gentry (McClintock 1995: 112-

113 ). McClintock's (1995) work also speaks to how black women were positioned as extremely lascivious and therefore central to constructions of national identity. White

British women were cast as virtuous in opposition to these overly sexual black women and became representative of a British nation that warranted protection.

Ann Stoler ( 1997) also explores the centrality of race and gender in constructing a

British national identity in the context of British imperial cultures in French Indochina and the Dutch East Indies. She examines the creation of the colonized and the colonizer.

Tracing through shifting regulations on sexual relations in colonial communities, she demonstrates how the creation of both subjects was gender and class specific and reified through notions ofracial difference constructed in gendered terms. Focusing on the centrality of European women, she shows how over time the onus of sexual morality and

notions ofrespectability fell on the shoulders of women. Stoler's analysis reveals how redefinitions of sexual mores in colonial environments were really about constructing

boundaries around the categories of European and British.

The presence of Blacks was noticeable enough to prompt Queen Elizabeth I to

declare that 'the black presence in England had become a "problem" and later issued a

proclamation to deport "Negroes and blackamoores"' (Ramdin 1999 cited in Bashi 2004:

587). Nevertheless, the transport of black slaves from the West Indies and North

America continued even after a 1772 order declaring that blacks could not be forcibly 15

transported across the seas without their consent (Bashi 2004:587-588). Between 1630 and 1807, an estimated 2,500,000 slaves were sold by British slave merchants

(McClintock 1995: 113). London and Bristol were thriving slave ports that continued to operate for another century (McClintock 1995: 155).

At the start of the eighteenth century there were about 10,000 or so Black, meaning of African descent, people in Britain. They served as pages, valets, footmen, coachmen, cooks, maids, seamstresses and nurses (McClintock 1995: 113). Starting in

1775 enslaved persons were recruited with the promise of their freedom at the war's end to fight against revolutionaries in the Americas. With this freedom, many migrated to the

West Indies, Canada and Britain. Those who migrated to Britain were met with joblessness and poverty. While they were provided temporary assistance from a

Committee for the Relief of the Black Poor, the program evolved into a 1786

Commission approved plan to expel the black poor and send them to a settlement in

Sierra Leone (Bashi 2004: 587-588). By the end of the eighteenth century, the Black population in London was approximately 800,000 and the trade to and from Africa was seen as an economic necessity (Scobie 1972: 13-14 ).

Prior to 1900 and continuing into the early twentieth century, Black seamen settled in port towns such as Liverpool, London, Cardiff and Bristol. These men were subject to state reinforced discriminatory practices which attempted to severely restrict their settlement and saw that they received lower wages than white workers. Although these men from the Caribbean and other British colonies were technically British citizens, they were subjected to racist violence and threats of repatriation (Solomos 1993 cited in

Bashi 2004: 587-588). 16

Finally, in this conversation about a black presence in Britain and London, it should be noted that there was also a small group of professional men, musicians and actors who made England their home. There were also several expatriate Black

Americans who came over with shows at the tum of the century, found a certain level of success and therefore decided to make England their home. One of the most prominent examples in this group was Paul Robeson (Scobie 1972: 17 4-175). Although Robeson enjoyed considerable success as an actor on stage and in film, he was not immune to the humiliation of racial prejudice. His experiences in London brought him "new understanding of the life and problems of the colored people everywhere" (Scobie 1972:

175). Other Black Americans who made their home in London between the two world wars were actors Ed Wallace, Connie Smith and Norris Smith (Scobie 1972: 176-177).

These examples demonstrate a historical precedent of Black Americans choosing to make their lives in London, being accepted on a professional level, yet also experiencing racial discrimination despite their US citizenship.

Immigration History

Great Britain has experienced different waves of immigration throughout its history. The first was immigration from the Irish, the second was a Jewish migration and the third and perhaps most significant in terms of race relations was the migration of

Blacks and other colonial peoples to Britain during the twentieth century. The British government's response to the arrival of Irish, Jewish and Black immigrants during the second half of the twentieth was complex and uneven (Solomos 2003:48). 17

Solomos (2003) characterizes Irish immigration as connected to economic change, urbanization and class formation in British society. Cohen (1995) argues that

Irish national consciousness was problematic in the construction of a purely "English" identity as the potato famine brought significant emigration to Britain. The Irish were subject to anti-Irish stereotypes that positioned them as culturally and biologically inferior. These images were based on ideological constructions of superiority that positioned "Irishness" in complete contradiction to "Englishness" (Solomos 2003: 39).

This treatment is a significant part of the Irish's history with and in the United Kingdom.

In comparison to state intervention to regulate Jewish and Black immigration, the state took a relatively laissez-faire approach to Irish immigration (Solomos 2003:39).

Overall, the response to Irish immigrants, despite a degree of opposition and some violent confrontation, was quite different from the attempts to exclude and control Jewish and

Black migrants (Solomos 2003:38). In the late nineteenth century, there were a large number of Jewish immigrants from Eastern Europe (Solomos 2003:40). The political and ideological responses to this wave of immigration have often been compared to the post

1945 politics of Black immigration. In contrast to Irish immigration, there was pressure to restrict Jewish immigration. Restrictive immigration legislation took form in a series

1 1 A1..1'-'1.1t;.,. ... Acts&.. p"sseda het'"""""nu ""'-''-' .l on<./V..J u..i"nd 1°25./ • uu~;m;l"r..1 1. u. tni..v r.i.1..1.~1.1.. ;"h . ;mm1"grat1"on.1.1.1. 1. , Je""" 1'sh.1..1.

immigration also had a social and cultural impact on Britain influencing the racial

discourse (Solomos 2003 :4 3 ).

While the Irish and Jewish immigration histories are relevant, it is the movement

of people from Britain's former colonies to the colonizing center that illuminate the

intricate relationship between race and immigration. During the second half of the 18

twentieth century, the majority of in-migrants to the United were subjects from ex colonies. Upon entry to the United Kingdom, Caribbean and Asian migrants found that they were uniformly regarded as Black. This stark binary division replaced the status pigmentocracies found in both the Caribbean and south Asia (McDowell 2008: 499).

Codrington (2006:301) asserts that debates around immigration control were an area where the British state played an active role in creating a particular image of Black people. These debates were done not only to control the influx of (particular) immigrants into the country but also to legitimize racism directed against Blacks in the country.

Most scholars mark the 1948 arrival of the Empire Windrush ship as an important landmark in the history of race relations and immigration (Anwar 2000: 1). The arrival of the Windrush is significant not only because of its role in initiating a flow of black immigrants but also because of the government's precedent setting response to these newcomers (Bashi 2004: 593-594).

This first mass immigration from the West Indies was propelled by a labor shortage in the British economy (Fryer 1984:372) and for a time was encouraged by the government. From the start, potential colonial migrants sought to stave off the labor shortage were primarily identified by their skin color not nationality. The British

Coloniai office actively recruited Polish and Irish immigrants considering them to be more "assimilatable" types. These recruitment strategies were unsuccessful as the labor shortage persisted as did the need for Black labor (Bashi 2004: 594). Part of the alarm in the arrival of black immigrants was the fact that they came voluntarily. To government officials, this arrival seemed to ignite "a premonition of limitless, uncontrollable invasion" (Paul 1997: 121 cited in Bashi 2004: 593). Passengers from the Windrush 19

were met by government officials and housed in severely sub-par conditions. Migrants of color who arrived on subsequent ships were treated more poorly than those from the

Windrush as well as post-war white immigrants who continued to arrive (Bashi 593-594).

A 1948 Nationality act granted United Kingdom citizenship to citizens of

Britain's colonies and former colonies. Their British passports gave them the right to

come to Britain and stay indefinitely. Therefore these waves of West Indian (and Asian

immigrants) were technically British citizens. Their ideas about Britain were largely

derived from a colonial education system in which Britain was revered as the "mother

country". They took their British citizenship seriously as many regarded themselves not

as strangers but as kind of Englishmen (Fryer 1984: 373-374).

Changing United States immigration legislation also impacted Caribbean

migration to the United Kingdom. While the Caribbean had a long tradition of migration

to other islands, to Central America and the United States, the 1952 McCarran-Walter

Act restricted immigration into the US from many areas including the West Indies (Fryer

1984: 373). This immigration act severely diminished the post-war migration of

Caribbean migrants to the US which sent West Indians to their English "motherland"

(Bashi 2004: 592).

West Indian's reception in terms of job opportunities and treatment contradicted

their beliefs in the mother country. Most often Caribbean migrants were steered into low

paying jobs in sectors with poor working conditions such as in London transport and the

National Health Service (NHS). Typically denied access to better paying jobs or job

training programs regardless of their previous educational or employment qualifications

(Codrington 2006:300), they were offered jobs sweeping the streets, in general laboring 20

and night shift work. As a result, in late 1950s more than half of the male West Indians in London had lower status jobs than their skills and experience fitted them for. Despite the fact that post-war immigration was officially encouraged by the British government, in many industries white trade unionists resisted the employment of black workers or insisted on a quota system limiting them to a token handful (Fryer 1984: 376).

Nevertheless, willing black hands drove tube trains, collected bus fares and emptied hospital patients' bed-pans (Fryer 1984:373-374).

According to Codrington (2006), West Indian immigrants in Britain became racialized in a particular way that conflated race with cultural and economic inferiority.

Consequently the construction of race was not merely social but profoundly political in the sense that the state generated and authorized inferior racial and cultural identities as devices for the allocation and distribution of social and material resources.

Discrimination directed towards Blacks in the employment market extended to their access to housing and education.

It was in these first years of post-war black immigration that the United Kingdom laid the groundwork for how to deal with non-white immigrants. In the years that followed race riots erupted and political debates about race and integration centered on questions of immigration control. Solomos (2003 :43) asserts that this history of black immigration and settlement of the early twentieth century is important because this is the time period when political debates and domestic ideologies and polices towards "colored workers" began to form. A clear conflation of racist attitudes and perspectives became embedded within the country's immigration legislation. The British government and press constructed a dichotomy between foreigners and those who "really belonged" in a 21

way that conflated race, nation, and culture which came to be known as "commonsense racism". The discourse of racial difference was both biologized and socialized as racist policies directed at blacks became viewed as acceptable because these groups were by nature unlike the British (Codrington 2006: 301).

Immigration Legislation

By the late fifties, the numbers of Black immigrants had increased substantially and the white British public began to conceive of this growth as a black invasion (Scobie

1972: 210). Therefore, the eruption of race riots in Nottingham in August 1958 was accompanied by demands for immigration control (Fryer 1984: 380). Consequently, a series of legislative immigration acts and policies passed between the sixties and the nineties further solidified racist ideologies and beliefs that sanctioned British slavery and positioned Black immigrants and citizens as "other". The underlying concern was the fear that the arrival of too many Black immigrants would lead to problems in respect of housing, employment, and social services (Solomos 2003: 79). Tory and Labour Debates about immigration rested on sentiments such as the problem was not white racism, but the black presence. Therefore the fewer Black people there were in this country the better it would be for race relations (Fryer 1984: 381).

1962 saw the passage of the first Commonwealth Immigrants Bill. Prior to this

Act, citizens of the British Commonwealth2 had extensive rights to migrate to the United

Kingdom. From 1959 until 1961, immigration numbers reach unprecedented heights

(Scobie 1972: 194). This measure restricted the admission of Commonwealth settlers to

2 The British Commonwealth included countries such as India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and many of the Caribbean islands. 22

those who had been issued with employment vouchers. This act severely tightened regulations and reduced the number of immigrants able to enter the UK. As a result of this bill, the total number of West Indians and Asian peoples in Britain was reduced to one million, approximately two percent of the population (Scobie 1972: 195). Fryer

(1984) asserts that this was the decisive political turning point in contemporary race relations. While the intention was to reduce the total annual inflow of Black people in

Britain, the unstated and unrecognized assumption was that Black people were the source of the problem. In essence, blackness was officially equated with second class citizenship and the status of undesirable immigrant (Fryer 1984: 381-382).

This legislation was followed by a 1965 white paper issued by a Labour government on immigration from the Commonwealth. This document essentially accepted and assumed that the essence of the race and immigration problem was numbers. It placed considerable emphasis on the desirability of immigrants and restricted the terms on which newcomers could reside and bring their families to the UK. As a result, immigration controls were tightened. Stringent restrictions were imposed on the entry of Black people in Britain. Only 8,500 employment vouchers a year would be issued largely to skilled workers and professional people (Fryer 1984: 383). A.

Sivanandan, political activist, w1iter and founding editor of the journal Race & Class, stated that this action "took discrimination out of the market place and gave it the sanction of the state--a system which made racism respectable and clinical by institutionalizing it" (Sivanandan 1976:354 cited in Fryer 1984: 383).

Another piece of discriminatory legislation was passed in the form of the

Commonwealth Immigrants Act of 1968. While a clause in this Act gave white ex- 23

colonials continued free entry into Britain, the legislation restricted the entry of Kenyan

Asians holding British passports into Britain. This act essentially restricted citizenship rights based on skin color (Fryer 1984: 383-384).

The Immigration Act of 1971, which came into full force in 1973, severely restricted immigration. The only Black people now permitted to enter Britain were those who, under a kind of contract-labor system, were allowed to come to do a specific job for a limited time period. Usually for the first instance this was for no longer than twelve months. Combined these legislative and related acts left Black communities open to abuse, harassment, detainment and separation (Fryer 1984: 385). Every black settler was also essentially relegated without exception as 'immigrant' which meant permanent status as second class citizens (Fryer 1984: 381 ).

Throughout the 1970s notions of aliens overpopulating Great Britain gave way to subtle forms of anti-black discourse. A new era rhetoric of exclusion reproduced similar racist sentiments that characterized the fifties and sixties. The way in which anti-black sentiment was phrased relied less on stopping immigration into the UK and began to turn towards the immigrants and their children living in the UK, especially in the inner cities of the UK's major urban centers (Codrington 2006: 301).

A Sivanandan (1976) examined these series of immigration policies and race relations legislation that the British state developed in order to deal with changing economic needs of the nation as well as the changing demographic make up of different waves of immigrant/migrant labor. His analysis demonstrates how the British state was invested in a capitalistic system in which racism and discrimination was institutionalized by the state to exploit labor and precluded (political) mobilization around class. 24

The 1981 Nationality Act, introduced by Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, removed the rights of citizenship from former Black colonial subjects. Bashi (2004) argues that this Act solidified West Indians' status as undesirable. Furthermore, this law made explicit the assumption that Britain was being threatened by "outsiders" of a different color (Bashi 2004: 600). The passing of this act confirmed a reality-that questions of immigration, employment, policing, and housing had a strong racial element that adversely impacted Britain's Black citizens (Solomos 2003: 9). In the 1990s, debates that framed issues of immigration and race relations as threats to a British way of life resurfaced in a different way. Instead of focusing on Caribbean or Asian immigrants, focus shifted to the threat posed by "Black" culture and the threat posed by Islam

(Beynon and Kushnick 2003: 230). These debates remained racialized and persistently placed people of African and Asian descent outside of British belonging.

In sum, immigration legislation established over four decades defined the problem of race relations in terms of a "black" presence within "white society". Black immigration was a problem to be controlled because its effects were regarded as potentially destabilizing to notions of "Britishness" and the effective operation of British society (Anwar 2000: 8). The notion that immigration was essentially an issue of race was consistent with views that the growth of black communities were actually or potentially a source of social problems and conflicts (Solomos 2003:80). This brief overview of England's history makes visible how notions of belonging and inclusion have been tied to national identity, race and racism. Arguments for strict immigration legislation were often accompanied by legislation to tackle racial disadvantage and discrimination faced by ethnic minorities (Anwar 2000:3). Therefore, it became 25

necessary for the state to introduce measures to promote the integration of immigrants into wider society and its fundamental institutions (Solomos 2003 :80).

Race Relations Legislation

The UK developed a large race relations industry to address its race and immigration related issues. This consisted of a number of quasi-governmental organizations such as the Committee for Racial Equality (CRE) as well as legislative acts.

The first Race Relations Act was passed in 1965 and was the first step towards eliminating racial discrimination. The Race Relations Board was set up under this Act which coordinated the work of nine regional conciliation committees established to deal with complaints of racial discrimination (Anwar 2000:3). However, this Act only dealt with discrimination in places of public resort whereas the majority of complaints received were about employment, housing and the police. These were outside the scope of the

Act. The scope of this Act was extended with the 1968 Race Relations Act which made racial discrimination illegal in employment, housing and the provision of goods, facilities

and services, including education.

Despite their intent, there were major structural weaknesses in these Acts.

Research by the Select Committee of the House of Commons on Race Relations and

Immigration from the 1970s demonstrated that there was entrenched racial inequality in

Britain and was leading to deteriorating race relations (Anwar 2000:4). Ethnic minorities

were facing a cycle of cumulative disadvantage of low paid and low status jobs,

overcrowded housing conditions and poor educational facilities. The arrival of large

numbers of Commonwealth citizens and the pattern of Caribbean and South Asian 26

immigration provided an impetus to re-examine immigration controls and race relations policy (Anwar 2000:4). The 1968 Race Relations Act was too weak to deal with patterns of racial discrimination (Anwar 2000:5). By 1975, research showed that racial discrimination was widespread and had become covert and few people under the 1968

Act complained (Anwar 2000:6). Furthermore, racial discrimination was effecting second generation minorities in addition to first generation which further decreased the credibility of the Acts (Anwar 2000:8). The structural weaknesses of these previous acts laid the groundwork for the 1976 Act.

The 1976 Race Relations Act (RRA) established the Commission for Racial

Equality (CRE)3. In section 43 (l)(C) the duties outlined were: to work towards the elimination of discrimination; to promote equality of opportunity, and good relations between persons of different racial groups' and to keep under review the Race Relations

Act and to recommend amendments when necessary. The establishment of the CRE was significant because the RRA of 1976 had some type of enforcement mechanism to support the goals established. The CRE had powers under race legislation to issue Codes of Practice, to carry out formal investigations, and to issue non-discrimination notices after findings of unlawful racial discrimination (www.britainusa.com). The CRE took the lead at the national level while Racial Equality Councils were established locally to assist in cases of discrimination and to promote race equality (www.britainusa.com).

3 In October 2007, the CRE was merged with the Disability Rights Committee (DRC) and the Equal Opportunities Commission (EOC) to create the Equality and Human Rights Commission. (http://www.equalityhumanrights.com/pages/eocdrccre.aspx). I spoke with a prominent member of the Black community, a board member of the Black History, about this merger. He expressed concern that this indicated disinterest by the British government to devote serious attention to continuing race based discrepancies. 27

While the scope of the legislation remained similar to the 1968 Act, important dimensions were added. The Act introduced the concept of indirect discrimination and now covered both direct and indirect forms of discrimination. The definition of discrimination was set out in section 1 (I) a. According to the Act, direct discrimination takes place when a person treats another less favorably on racial grounds. Indirect discrimination occurs when all persons are apparently treated equally, but when a requirement or condition is applied with which a considerably smaller proportion of one racial group can comply as compared with another racial group and when the requirement or condition cannot be shown to be justifiable (Anwar 2000: 10). The 1976 Act outlines the types of discrimination to which it applies, addresses discrimination in the employment fields, discrimination by other bodies such as trade unions and employment agencies, discrimination by the police, discrimination in education, in goods, facilities, services, and other unlawful acts such as pressure to discriminate and discriminatory advertisements.

During the 1990s Tony Blair and a new Labour government promoted an image and ideology of "Cool Britannia" which was used to describe the emergence of a new cultural openness. The term was used to refer to London's cultural vitality, especially in the arts, design and popular culture. In many cases the term was also used to suggest the erosion of racial and class boundaries in major urban centers (Codgrington 2006: 302).

Recognizing the ethnic and racial diversity of its citizenry, the 1991 British census included a question on ethnic origin for the first time. This census showed that out of the 55 million population, the ethnic minority population had reached just over 28

three million (Anwar 2000:2). These numbers reflected an increase in immigration of individuals from the West Indies, India, Pakistan and Bangladesh (Anwar 2000:3).

In response to the country's changing demographics, The New Labor party of

1997 embraced multiculturalism, at least rhetorically. However, during the year of New

Labor's rise, race relations continued to be controversial and presented a challenge to the new government (Beyon and Kushnick 2002: 230). Two major initiatives of 1997 highlight the changing agenda on the issues of race relations. One was the publication of the Macpherson Report and the other was the passage of the Race Relations Amendment

Act in 2000 (Solomos 2003 :90).

The Macpherson Report

Home Secretary Jack Straw established a public inquiry into the murder of black

youth Stephen Lawrence4 in south London (Beyon and Kushnick 2002:230). This

marked a symbolic turning point in New Labor's policy on race and racial equality. This

report concluded that Lawrence's investigation had been "marred by a combination of

professional incompetence, institutional racism and a failure of leadership by senior

officers" (Beyon and Kushnick 2002: 231). The report's adoption of institutional racism

broke new ground in race relations in Great Britain.

In addition to findings on the police's inept investigation, the report raised a

mixed bag of recommendations on a variety of issues. It included recommendations on

general policies on race relations, racism, education, social policy and numerous related

issues (Solomos 2003:90). The Macpherson report had an important impact on New

4 The murder of 18 year old Black British teenager Stephen Lawrence in South East London inspired government inquiry into racism in British society. Lawrence was stabbed to death by white attackers while waiting for a bus. 29

Labor's thinking on institutional racism. The past showed that the translation of policy recommendations into practice was not guaranteed especially since policy change depends on broader political agendas. The government declared a commitment to implementing the report's recommendation. This signaled New Labor's intention to give questions of race and social justice a higher profile and to take the problem of institutional racism seriously within its own institutions including the police and civil service (Solomos 2003: 90-91 ). While the report garnered a considerable amount of public attention, the findings confirmed what members of Black community(ies) knew and lived each day. Institutional racism was a 'disease' that 'infested' organizational life and culture (Beyon and Kushnik 2002: 231).

Race Relations Amendment Act

The Race Relations Amendment Act of 2000 was New Labor's response to the

Macpherson report. The intention to pass a new race relations Act signaled New Labor's effort to remedy the past weaknesses of previous acts and to set the agenda for the future.

The 2000 Amendment Act was the main initiative that New Labor put on the statute books to address racial discrimination. It extended requirements of the 1976 Act to all public authorities which now also had the statutory duty to promote racial equality. This was seen as step in right direction and represented a symbolically important step by the government and signaled a shift in government thinking in this area (Solomos 2003 :92-

93 ).

The linking of immigration controls to integrative measures was a significant step because it signaled a move towards the management of domestic race relations and 30

legitimizing the institutionalization of firm immigration controls (Solomos 2003 :80).

From the 1960s to the present, policy agendas on race and immigration have been shaped by a concern to combine strong controls on immigration with a public commitment to tackling issues such as racial discrimination and inequality through legislation and government interaction (Solomos 2003: 12). Despite the seemingly proactive yet nominal activities of the British government to resolve unequal treatment, racism and discrimination remain prominent features in British society (Anwar 2000, Alibhai-Brown

2000, Beyon and Kushnick 2002, Gilroy 1991).

In addition to the race and immigration legislation, a number of happenings speak to the racism that is fundamental to the operation of British society. For example, a series of race riots has characterized Britain's history. In 1958, race riots exploded in

Nottingham and Notting Hill which consisted of attacks of whites on Blacks (Scobie

1972, Solomos 2003). Black residents were verbally and physically attacked when gangs of white youth roamed the streets attacking anyone with dark skin (Scobie 1972: 213).

These attacks extended into other areas of London such as Shepard's Bush, Paddington, and Maida Vale. Although Blacks were clearly the victims in these attacks that sought to

"Keep Britain White" (Scobie 1972: 214 ), the riots were used by pro-immigration control to call for the exclusion and even repatriation of "undesirable iITuuigrants". The riots were used to support the argument that black immigrants posed a threat and endangered the "English way oflife" (Solomos 2003: 55).

In response to persistent police harassment and mistreatment, riots erupted in

Brixton. In 1981, Brix ton was home to a very large population of Britain's Afro­

Caribbean community. It was also an area of very high unemployment and crime. In 31

response to the high crime rates, the Metropolitan Police initiated what was called

'Operation Swamp' in which police operated under 'sus laws'. According to these sus or

suspicion laws, police could stop anyone who they suspected of intending to commit a

crime. The police were exempt from the Race Relations Act, and appeared to be

implementing the 'sus' laws on the basis of racial prejudice. A massive police presence

led to almost one thousand people, mostly Black men, being stopped and searched within

a six day period. On April 13 of the same year, police tried to assist a young Black man

who had been stabbed in the back. A rumor circulated that the police were trying to arrest

the injured man, rather than assist him and take him to the hospital. As a result, tensions

arose and riots erupted

(http://www.20thcenturylondon.org. uk/server. php?show=conlnformationRecord.311 ).

Following the riots, an inquiry was conducted under Lord Scarman. Scarman called the

1981 Brixton riots the worst outbreak of disorder in the UK this century and blamed it on

"racial disadvantage that is a fact of British life"

(http:!/news. bbc.co. uk/onthisday /hi/ dates/stories/november/25/newsid _ 2546000/254623 3

.stm). More recently in 2001 race riots took place in the old textile towns of Oldham,

Burnley and Bradford. These riots took place when young Asian and white working

class men fought each other (Beynon and Kushnick 2002:238).

The racism that ignited these series of race riots could also be seen in other ways.

Joshi and Carter's (1984) historical analysis of documents such as correspondence

between party members and newspapers demonstrates that racism was not merely a

response to Conservative politics but was in fact used as a divisive tool throughout

Britain's history. Their analysis reveals how the Labour Party constructed race (and 32

Black people) as a problem in British society. Joshi and Carter briefly trace Britain's history as one of the first industrializing nations, through policies that sought to deal with issues of race, labor, immigration and settlement that led to the development of

"indigenous racism".

In There Ain't No Black in the Union Jack (1991), Gilroy focuses on the distinctive characteristics of racism in Britain which he calls "the new racism". This new racism links discourses of race, nation, Englishness, Britishness, patriotism, and xenophobia that manifest in various forms of inclusion and exclusion. He critically analyzes various materials such as speeches, ads, and the rhetoric of political parties and government and social organizations to demonstrate how ethnic absolutism, a distinct theory of culture and identity which views nations as culturally homogenous

"communities of sentiment" in which a sense of patriotic belonging can and should grow to become an important source of moral and political ideas (Gilroy 1991 :59-60), underscores their activities. Gilroy also analyzes the racial logic in both racist and anti­ racist organizations demonstrating that the new racism is not the property of one political party but in fact defies left/right distinctions.

Ben Pitcher provides insight on the continuing significance of racism in Britain with his contemporary analysis of political rhetoric leading up to the 2005 British

General Election. Arguing that race is a mediated discourse in Britain, he unpacks the rhetoric of multiculturalism that is shared by the mainstream political parties and the national news media. His analysis reveals how the Labour and Tory parties both employ conceptions of belonging that depend on a range of racist exclusions. Pitcher contends that the model of the multicultural citizen that is promoted by the political parties and 33

valorized by the British media as a progressive overcoming of racist belief, in fact serves as a means to perpetuate racist discourse and practice (Pitcher 2006: 538).

British racism has also impacted processes of identity formation for its Black

British citizens. Using four life histories, Rassool examines Black British women's processes of self-identification which she characterizes as the "cognitive re-appropriation of the categories ofracialized and gendered subjugation and the process of encoding these with empowering meanings" (Rassool 1997: 191 ). Drawing on notions of cultural hybridity, Rasool demonstrates how Black British identity is in constant negotiation with a British society that makes being Black and British mutually exclusive.

It should be noted that British racism has been met with resistance. The formation of the Brixton Black Women's Group and the Organization of Women of

Asian and African Descent speak to the struggles to combat negative and stereotypical

images in order to define their identity and preserve their culture (Bryan, Dadzie and

Scafe 1985). Bryan, Dadzie and Scafe (1985) records of the history of Afro-Caribbean

women in Britain from their African origins, experiences during the slave trade,

migration from colonized Caribbean nations to the "mother country" in search of new

and better opportunities to the 1980s reveals the ways Black women in Britain have

challenged racism, sexism, and classism. This history of racism underscores all research

participants' interactions and experiences as Black transmigrants in London.

Pearce (2004) argues that uuntil recently most people on the progressive end of

the political spectrum have believed that underneath periodic eruptions such as race riots 34

5 or Enoch Powell's Rivers of Blood Speech , long term socio-economic change was producing a more successfully integrated, less divided and less racist British society.

Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, in particular, it looked as ifthe race relations legislation of the post-war period was beginning to bear fruit and that second and third generation ethnic minorities were starting to prosper economically and suffer less discrimination.

Debates focused increasingly on citizenship rights and race equality, rather than the pros and cons of immigration, cultural otherness or social cohesion (Pearce 2004). However, opinion polls also showed that race and immigration continued to rank in the top three areas of public concerns. Anxieties about immigration and diversity repeat familiar discourses from periods of new, high or growing net inward migration to Western democracies (Pearce 2004). Britain's greatest challenge continues to be recognizing and responding to what Goldberg refers to as the changing morphology of racism which is plural and constantly altering its form.

In post-millennium Britain, new questions about the location and ethnic identities of migrant workers are being complicated by increased numbers of white skinned migrants from Eastern European countries such as Poland, Romania, Latvia, Estonia,

Lithuania, Hungary, and the Czech Republic. New discourses of (lack of) worth based on national stereotypes (i.e. the hard working 'Polish plumber' vs. the 'Bulgariai'l gangster') as well as the common European heritage and white skins of these new migrants compete and some argue disrupt the previously relatively stable connections between migration and ethnic origins established since 1945 (McDowell 2008: 499-500).

5 In 1968, Conservative Member of Parliament, Enoch Powell delivered a controversial speech on immigration legislation. It came to be known as the 'rivers of blood speech' based on a line in the speech which predicted race riots in the country if immigration continued at then current rates. 35

Questions of religion also complicate the racial and cultural dynamics in Britain.

For example, one news story that garnered a significant amount of media attention was the story of Sikh teenager Sarika Watkins-Singh. Sarika was involved in a court battle over her right to wear a bracelet that was central to her religious beliefs. The young student was excluded from school for breaking a no jewelry rule that she violated by wearing a bangle, known as the kara. Eventually, she won her court battle and was able

6 to return to school .

7 In a 2006 Observer article following the July 7 bombings , A Sivanandan, interrogates a widespread notion that accuses.Muslims of failing to integrate into mainstream society. His article was in response to statements such as Margaret Hodge, the Work and Pensions Minister, that blamed a surge in white, working class racism on

its black victims failure to 'integrate' and 'that promoting an understanding of other cultures should not involve abandoning British cultures and traditions' which she claimed

had been replaced by Diwali celebrations

(http://www.colorado.edu/geography/class_ homepages/geog_4892 _ sum08/Muslims%20i

n%20the%20UK%20-%20Guardian.pdf). Most recently, Prince Harry received flack and

was dubbed a racist for referring to a Pakistani person with the derogatory term "Paki".

These examples demonstrate how the UK is still struggling to figure out how to folly

incorporate and respect ethnic, religious and cultural diversity. Questions of inclusion

6 For the full story coverage go to http://business.tirnesonline.co.uk/tol/business/law/article4425925.ece 7 In July 2005, a series of coordinated suicide bomb attacks took place on London's public transportation systems during the morning rush hour. Two bombs exploded on the London underground rail system in its busiest areas. The third bomb was planted on a London double decker bus. These coordinated attacks were carried out by British lslamist extremist. The bombings killed 52 people and injured more than 750. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/in_ depth/uk/2005/london _ explosions/default.stm 36

and belonging become even more complicated in a contemporary Britain faced with concerns about terrorism and economic (in) security.

While questions of integration and equality continue to be argued in and through debates on race, immigration, and multiculturalism (Solomos 2003, Pearce 2004, BBC

Born Abroad series), Black American transmigrants do not face such overtly racist immigration laws and policies. Instead they encounter an evolving selective tiered and points based immigration system8 for non European Union migrants who wish to come to the United Kingdom to work, study or train. These "managed migration" policies (Flynn

2003 cited in McDowell 2008) differentiate between well educated and highly skilled economic migrants, regarded as valuable social capital and therefore awarded a range of

social rights on entry versus low skilled migrants with receive far fewer rights upon entry

into the United Kingdom (McDowell 2008:495). For a review of the current immigration

system, see Appendix.

The UK operates within a racially polarizing system in which "Black" is defined

to include people of African, Caribbean and Asian descent. Therefore, African American

women enter a space in which they are immediately identified as "Black". In the current

politically charged climate, their identification raises a number of unanswered questions

concerning how they negotiate a post 9-11 environment where theii "America.'1-ness"

may be a detriment or a benefit and "Black" immigrants have been met with resistance.

It is clear that African American women enter a country and a city where complicated

and sometimes conflicting notions of color, class, culture and nation collide. Data in the

8 The UK began revamping its immigration system in 2008. Research participants were involved in the system at various points of changing rules and implementation strategies. For example, some obtained visas under the Highly Skilled Migrants Program (HSMP) now replaced by Tier l. 37

following chapters will reveal how African American female transmigrants negotiate these tensions. CHAPTER2

LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORY

There is not one body of scholarship that exclusively informed my dissertation project but many. Since this project is concerned with the articulation of identities and notions of belonging in relation to place and mobility, this research draws on a number of overlapping scholarship in history, migration, transnationalism and diaspora as well as those pertaining to race, class and gender. Read against each other, these bodies of

scholarship most closely speak to the intercontinental movements of African American women by providing a foundation to investigate how African American women locate themselves in local and global contexts, and negotiate their racial, gender and national

identity in new spaces. Collectively these bodies of scholarship helped to inform my

dissertation research and shape my theoretical and analytical framework which I will

discuss below.

For a project like this, it is important to recognize that there is a history of black

internationalism. African American men and women's intercontinental movement took

them to aii parts of the globe and aiiowed them to engage in poiiticai conversations that

would develop into ideas about what would constitute black freedom, to participate in

transformative social justice projects and lay the groundwork for politically and culturally

engaged black communities (Bogues 2009, Cumberbatch 2009). The significance of this

early transnational movement should be seen in the context of a history that positioned

38 39

African Americans and others of African descent as "African captives" who were transformed into "Atlantic commodities" (Smallwood 2007:60 cited in Bogues

2009:215). As slave laborers in the plantation economies of North America, African

American's movement was severely restricted.

Therefore, Black transmigrants' ability to participate in voluntary transnational

migrations speaks to a number of changes in North American socio-political, cultural and

economic structure. Currently, there are online communities targeted to Black audiences

with the goal of disseminating information about living and working abroad~ These are

websites such as Cafe de la Soul, advertised as "your portal to Black Paris'',

UGOGURL.COM and Adventuredivas.com. African American women are also pursuing

entrepreneurial endeavors such as Black Paris Diva Tours and Ebony and Ivory Tours,

which provides tours of London and Paris for Black and African American travelers.

These trends may suggest a number of important developments. International

travel may be becoming a less class based leisure activity. Perhaps more working class

African Americans are making economic gains and have access to increased

opportunities that allow them to participate in this traditionally middle to upper class

activity. Perhaps African Americans are becoming what Appiah calls "cosmopolitan

patriots" which are individuais invoived in free and voiuntary transnational movement

and follow a cosmopolitan ideal in which you can "take your roots with you and are

therefore free to choose the local forms of human life within which to live" (Appiah 1997

: 622). These are only a few of the explorations and types of questions that go

unanswered by a lack of contemporary study on African American transnational

migration. 40

In order to locate my research in the proper historical context, I begin with historical works that document Black women's transnational diasporic movements. After this brief historical review, I move on to consider race, gender and class in relation to mobility. While these are deliberately imposed separations, certainly race and gender overlap in many instances; I organized the literature review in this manner because it allowed me to move across disciplines as I considered the relationship between these categories and the issue of mobility. Although nation and nationality is surely an important analytical category to deal with as well, I am positioning understandings of class, race, and gender within a North American social and cultural context that are then challenged by a change in national context. Therefore there is no separate section on nation and mobility. Diaspora and transnationalism are also essential concepts in this research. In the final sections of this chapter, I offer a brief review of conceptualizations of diaspora in order to outline how I make use of these concepts in my research.

History

A number of historians and literary theorists have devoted attention to African

American women's diasporic and transnational movement (Dudziak 1994, Edwards

2003, Fish 2004, Griffin 1997, Gunning 2001, Mason 1990, Pellow 1997, Pettinger 1998,

Penn 1999). Michelle Rief(2004) examines Black American women's transnational movement and experiences of travel by documenting Black American clubwomen's involvement in international movements for racial justice. Similarly, Mary Dudziak

(1994) focuses on Josephine's Baker's radical ideology and political activities while abroad. Baker's travels and experiences in Latin America during the Cold War, evidence 41

restrictions placed upon her because of her challenges to US racial politics. However, she experienced a freedom that allowed her to analyze and challenge the absurdity of

American racial politics.

Mary Mason (1990), Cheryl Fish (2004), Rosalyn Terborg-Penn (1999), and

Sandra Gunning (2001) all explore the histories ofNancy Prince and/or Mary Seacole.

Gunning positions Prince as the quintessential black diaspora subject. Gunning's piece

shows how Prince's movement from maid to servant to reformer was achieved through

negotiations that meant challenging and also embracing race, class and gender norms.

Her story is instructive of how different locations reframe each of the component parts of

identity (Gunning 2001 :36). Her experiences abroad and her writing on those travels

demonstrate how she attempted to create an identity for herself outside of the confines of

restrictive nation based gendered and racial norms. Prince's narrative also demonstrates

life in the context of the African diaspora as a deeply gendered experience (Gunning

2001 :43).

Mary Mason reads the autobiography of Nancy Prince as part of an African

American political commitment to social change along with a quest for self-betterment

and self determination (Mason 1990: 339). While focusing primarily on the experiences

of Prince, she aiso compares the travel narratives of women like Ida B. Wells and Mary

Church Terrell, to assert that their travels allowed a degree of self-reflection on their

identity as Black women at certain historical moments.

Terborg-Penn reads the histories of Nancy Prince and Mary Seacole together as

nineteenth century entrepreneurs. The lives and narratives of Prince and Seacole are

complementary even though their experiences vary to some degree. For example, one 42

experienced the impact of racial prejudice growing up in New England while the other observed and commented on American acts of racial discrimination as an adult. Both crossed the Atlantic numerous times and in doing so experienced racial prejudice and gender discrimination while traveling as single Black women (Terborg-Penn 1999: 168).

Both learned to negotiate the gender and racial conventions in their respective societies.

For example, both continued to use the prefix "Mrs." even after they became widows in order to indicate their status as married women, which in the nineteenth century conveyed respectability (Terborg-Penn 1999: 169). Their experiences speak to the societies in which they lived as well as how travel illuminated their diasporic consciousness. Their narratives reveal strategies for survival for Black women in a raced and gendered interconnected world.

Fish also focuses on the travel narratives of Nancy Prince and Mary Seacole. Her study looks at the intersections between mobility, labor outside of the home, and the meaning of working women who traveled to contested territories in colonial and post- colonial locations (Fish 2004:5). She asserts that

the bodies of women travelers-in-motion are exposed and out of bounds, emerging from "hiding places" and landing on foreign shores where they seek refuge in provisional home spaces from which to carry out their work (Fish 2004:18)

While the previous authors allude to the importance of mobility, Fish most explicitly focuses on the notion of mobility as she develops her concept of mobile subjectivity. She uses this terminology to describe the process one undergoes and chooses in moving from place to place, where subject position or context changes in relation to persons, institutions, and locations (Fish 2004:31 ). Mobile subjectivity is a 43

fluid and provisional epistemology and subject position that is contingent upon one's relationship to specific persons, incidents, ideologies, locations, time and space. Fish's mobile subjects overcame fixed identities in their shifting coordinates as they are literally moving through space and time in consequence of decisions they have made about where and when to go. As they move, they come to understand and posit alternative forms of control and expression even as they face limitations (Fish 2004:6-7). Furthermore, Fish argues that each woman created a public voice through which to intervene in a variety of local and national policies and practices while constructing complex identity formations around the raced female body (Fish 2004:5). According to Fish, both Prince and Seacole illustrate how black female experience leads to self-definitions essential to coping with the simultaneity of oppression they experienced and how they transformed that experience through mobile subjectivities (Fish 2004: 15). Their agency reflected a desire for empowerment that was dependent on mobility (Fish 2004:7). In other words, international mobility enabled Prince and Seacole to exhibit a form of agency and claim an identity that countered negative images of Blacks and women. Therefore, as Fish argues, Prince moved within a context of collectivity, especially as it related to being a productive citizen, a key category in which she would enhance and validate her experience as weii as others of African descent (Fish 2004:3 i ).

I included these histories because they are an instructive way to demonstrate how transnational movement enabled Black women to experience life and ways of being, knowing and getting identified outside of the confines of their countries of origin. In some cases, this transnational movement led to epiphanies that broadened their understandings of diaspora as a lived, raced, and gendered phenomenon. While these 44

histories are instructive as they speak to the politics of home and away that is central to gender and migration scholarship, it is important to recognize that their experiences, struggles and the forms of agency these women exhibited only make sense within the socio-historical context. For example, Nwankwo (2003) argues that for Black American travelers of the 19th century, international travel and movement was a way to claim humanity and define the self within an Atlantic power structure that denied people of

African descent humanity and national citizenship (Nwankwo 2003:12). Similarly

Michelle Stephens (1998) argues that for Caribbean American intellectuals in the twentieth century "black transnationalism" provided an opportunity to develop a sense of political identity and autonomy in the face of conceptions of nationhood, self­ determination and democracy that excluded them. It meant the creative development of new internationally informed alternatives to exclusive and restrictive forms of nationalism.

As these histories demonstrate, Black women's global migrations are not a completely new phenomenon. Rather, their contemporary movements are connected to a larger of history of movement through and in spite of struggle. Therefore, while this group of 19th century Black American women were battling against racial and gendered constraints i.e. notions of domesticity, respectability and exclusion from humanity, it is precisely these types of historically specific constructions of the subject, agency and power that go unexamined by a lack of contemporary scholarship on African American women's transnational movement. A lack of contemporary investigation of African

American women's transnational mobility fails to acknowledge that categories of race, 45

gender and class have different cultural meanings that reside in different combinations of historical time and geographical space (Ang-Ly gate 1996: 152-154 ).

Gender and Mobility

Demographers claim that globally female migration is now virtually equal to that of males (Donato et al. 2006:4). Scholars such as Hamilton (2007), Steady (2002), and

Parrefi.as (2001) claim that women's increased international migration is due to economic global restructurings. While these shifts may offer more labor and employment opportunities, they also continue to place women of color at the bottom of the economic ladder and reinforce rather than subvert gender, racial, and ethnic based divisions of labor.

Many migration scholars now insist that migration itself is a gendered phenomenon that requires more sophisticated theoretical and analytical tools than studies of sex roles and of sex as a dichotomous variable (Donato et. al 2006:4). Hence, gender and migration scholars/ship draws heavily on the groundbreaking work of feminist scholars (Alcoff 1988, Scott 1988, Ortner 1974, Rosaldo 1974, Chafe 2001, Lorber 2001,

Martin 1991, di Leonardo 1991) whose work disrupted the seemingly "natural" connections between sex, gender and nature and reveals the social construction of gender.

Drawing on feminist and anthropological literature, gender and migration scholars are moving toward more critical analyses of gender as a social classificatory system that organizes behaviors and interactions in relation to migration.

In gender and migration literature, gender is seen as the core organizing principle that underlies migration and related processes, such as the adaptation to the new country, 46

continued contact with the original country, and possible return (Boyd and Grieco 2003).

Gender is seen as a matrix of identities, behaviors, and power relationships that are constructed by the culture of a society in accordance with sex. As such, the content of gender (what constitutes the ideals, expectations, and behaviors or expressions of masculinity and femininity) will vary among societies. As people interact with one another, accepting or rejecting this content will affect social relationships at a particular time or in a particular setting thus demonstrating that gender is not immutable. In this sense, it is both socially constructed and reconstructed through time (Boyd and Grieco

2003). The fixity of gender and the notion of gender as a biological reality are rejected.

Instead gender is viewed as a human invention that organizes behavior and thought. It is not thought of as a set of static structures or roles but as an ongoing process

(Pessar and Mahler 2006:29). In other words, gender is dynamic. Gendered ideologies and practices change as human beings cooperate or struggle with each other, with their pasts, and with the structures of changing economic, political, and social worlds linked through their migrations. This has particular relevance for (im)migrants as they often become particularly aware of the relational and contextual nature of gender as they attempt to fulfill expectations of identity and behavior that may differ sharply in the several places they live (Donato et ai. 2006:6).

Szcezepanikova (2006) suggests migration is a gendered and gendering process because gender permeates migration practices, institutions and identities. Therefore it is important not only to explore how gender permeates migration practices, institutions and identities, but also to understand why migration processes are gendered in particular ways and what difference it makes for migrants and receiving societies. Migration is not a 47

process that is "passively" shaped by gender ideologies and practices in countries of departure and countries of destination. It is an "active" force that influences how migrants perceive themselves as gendered beings (Szczepanikova 2006: 1-2).

In addition to theoretical re-conceptualizations of gender, gender and migration scholars also focus on the material dimensions of lived gendered migration experience(s).

Boyd and Grieco (2003) address the gendered relations of migration by theorizing on

"migratory probability" in which the woman's status and roles in their country of origin influence their propensity and ability to migrate. They identify three distinct and critical stages in the migration process. These distinct stages are pre-migration, the transition across state boundaries, and the experiences of migrants in the receiving countries. At each stage, gender relations, roles, and hierarchies influence the migration process and produce differential outcomes for women.

Parrefias (2001) follows a similar line of analysis in her comparative study of the experiences of Filipino migrant domestic workers in Rome, Italy and Los Angeles,

California. She examines the politics of their incorporation (and exclusion) in each setting. Basing her analysis on their experiences within what she identifies as the four key institutions of migration (the nation-state, the family, the labor market, and the migrant community), she examines the particular gendered processes of migration such as the outflow of migration, the formation of the migrant household, the entrance into the labor market, and the formation of the migrant community.

Drawing on feminist theorists' work on the nation-state that examines how the narratives of a nation reproduce unequal gender hierarchies, Fouron and Glick Schiller

(2001) study the experiences of transmigrants living in what they call transnational social 48

fields (Fouron and Glick Schiller 2001:571). Using Haiti as their case study, they investigate the ways in which transmigrants reconstitute gender and gender relations as well as how they reconstitute race and nation in transnational spaces. While their work examines how national narratives reproduced gender differences, hierarchies and tensions that influence the daily activities of men and women, they also inquire about the political and transformative implications of such reconstitutions. They pose question such as "does gender as it is lived across the border of nation-states sustain gender divisions, hierarchies, and inequalities, or do these transnational experiences of gender help build more equitable relations between men and women?" (Fouron and Glick Schiller 2001:

540).

Fouron and Glick Schiller's work reveals complex relationships between status, nation and gender and how this system impacted Haitian transmigrants behaviors in the

United States. Men and women participate in transnational networks that position them within social fields that include the unequal class and race relations of production and hierarchical practices and ideologies of gender. Therefore what emerges out of F ouron and Glick Schiller's analysis is that the entire process of migration, from the decision to migrate, through the establishment of transnational networks, to the decision about whether or not to return remain embedded in gender segmented labor markets as well as in "patriarchal practices in immigrant households and communities" (Fouron and Glick

Schiller 2001: 545).

Mahler and Pessar (2001) offer one of the most comprehensive, applicable models to studying gender and migration with their notion of gendered geographies of power

(GGP). This framework allows them to identify a series of transnational spaces and the 49

processes and ideologies operative within them. They examine how and why gender relations are negotiated in transnational contexts and also how gender organizes them

(Mahler and Pessar 2001 :441 ). A critical question in their model is "does international migration and other cross-border activities that bring people into new gendered contexts change gender relations, and, if so, in what direction(s)?" (Pessar and Mahler 2006:42).

In short, their model asks are gender relations and ideologies reaffirmed, reconfigured or both across transnational spaces (Mahler and Pessar 2001 :441 ).

Two key components of this model are the concepts of geographies and social location. Geographies is as a spatial term used to capture the understanding that gender operates simultaneously on multiple spatial and social scales (i.e. the body, the family, the state) across transnational terrains. Social location refers to persons' positions within power hierarchies created through historical, political, economic, geographic, kinship­ based, and other socially stratifying factors. They assert that for the most part, people are born into a social location that confers on them certain advantages and disadvantages

(Mahler and Pessar 2001: 445-446).

Taken together, geographic and social location influence the degrees of agency people exert within transnational contexts as well as the range of institutions with which they interact (Mahler and Pessar 200 i: 45 i-452). The model has as its foundation that people are situated within power hierarchies they have not constructed i.e. class, race, ethnicity, nationality, gender, that operate at various levels and affect individual as well as a group's social location (Mahler and Pessar 2001: 446).

While gender is the central analytical construct in this model, it is useful because it recognizes that gender is not the sole axis around which power and privilege revolve. 50

As much black feminist and gender scholarship demonstrates, differentiation is also based on race, ethnicity, class, and nationality as salient identities that operate in conjunction with gender (Mahler and Pessar 2001: 443, Young and Dickerson 1994, King

1995, Mullings 1997, Brewer 1991, Hill-Collins 1990, 1995, Chow, Wilkinson and Baca

Zinn 1996). Mahler and Pessar's model recognizes thatgender becomes embedded in institutions and therefore lays the foundations for analyzing structural factors that condition gender relations in addition to ideological factors (Mahler and Pessar

2001:442).

GGP is also innovative because it most explicitly engages with the issue of agency. It offers a framework for analyzing people's social agency not only given their positioning within multiple hierarchies of power operative within and across multiple terrains, but also in regards to their own initiative (Mahler and Pessar 2001: 44 7).

Therefore, it involves tracing levels and degrees of social agency and examines the types and degrees of agency people exert given their social locations (Mahler and Pessar 2001:

445-446). In sum, GGP introduces the critical components of agency and power in studies of transnational movement.

What these studies reveal and more importantly what this scholarship demonstrates is that gender is deepiy embedded in determining who moves and how those moves take place (Boyd and Grieco 2003). Gender is conceived of as a way of structuring power in all human relationships (Donato et al. 2006:5). Therefore, migration should be seen as endpoints in a long continuum with many intermediary measures and sites where gendered ideologies and processes operate (Pessar and Mahler 2006: 50). As

Silvey (2006) rightly asserts, at the center of this work is attention to the roles that gender 51

and other social differences play in shaping unequal geographies of mobility, belonging, exclusion, and displacement (Silvey 2006:65). The structures of gender, race, and class play into determining whose bodies belong where, how different social groups subjectively experience various environments, and what sorts of exclusionary and disciplinary techniques are applied to specific bodies (Silvey 2006:70).

Therefore, this scholarship raises a series of important questions about mobility, power, place, and the ways social categories of difference like gender and race inform how African American women operate in the predominately white space of Europe. As

Ang-Lygate asserts, processes of racialization place women of color in a matrix of outsider-within social relationships as they engage socially as non-white women and are positioned as "Other" in predominately Eurocentric societies. Therefore, their everyday social interactions involve moving through multiple identities (Ang-Lygate 1996: 152).

Similarly, Bartowski ( 1995) asserts in theorizing on individuals "relations to elsewhere" that travel is movement through territorialized spaces. This movement stages encounters with class and caste divisions as well as other significant and signifying barriers

(Bartowski 1995:23-24).

This body of knowledge is useful in providing theoretical frameworks as it relates to gendered transnational experiences. Some authors discuss the formation of transnational migrant communities, the production of diasporic subjects and gendered recruitment strategies (Parrefias 2001, Mahler and Pessar 2006). Others theorize on migratory probabilities or gendered national narratives that reproduce hierarchical and unequal social relations or use fluid definitions of gender to examine processes of movement and settlement (Boyd and Grieco 2003, Fouron and Glick Schiller 2001). 52

However, no attention is devoted to the ways in which African American women, in migration from the US to other industrialized nations may exist in liminal spaces. There is no mention of ways to explore the tensions, as well creative, transgressive opportunities that may emerge from transnational movement as African American women manage and negotiate their identities in and between spaces.

Overall, what is important to take away from this scholarship is that movement is never totally free. The politics of home and away are also always at play and central to understanding the politics oflocation (Hart 2004, Davies 1994). Consequently, the politics of home and away should be understood in the context of understanding how gender, migration, and racial oppression create a sense of a unity as well as creates difference (Davies 1994:20). Locally specific constellations of race, gender, and class structures that influence norms and behaviors travel as well. In addition, travelers encounter new constellations of race, class, and gender structures in new contexts.

Therefore based on their particular history and social location, African American women will have a specific relationship and experience with movement. In short, African

American women confront a number of "significant barriers" in transnational movement as they move through different configurations ofrace, class, gender, and nation in anrerem1•t'"t'" .. 10cauons.1 ..._.

Finally, while anthropologists and other social scientists have examined the relationships between gender and migration, transnationalism and processes of identity production (Brah 1996, Hamilton 2007, Hart 2004, Davies 1994, Fouron and Glick

Schiller 2001, Grewal 1994) these studies have tended to focus on the vertical movement of women of color from "third" to "first" world nations. Furthermore, although recent 53

diaspora scholarship positions European cities like London as "forgotten nodal points" in the diaspora (Brown 1998, Sawyer 2005), few studies focus on London as an endpoint in an African American diasporic trajectory.

I argue that African American women's transnational experiences represent a departure from these predominant characterizations of gendered migration and diaspora.

In contrast to participating in this vertical movement, African American women are making a horizontal move from one industrialized nation to another. I assert that this places Black American female transmigrants in a paradoxical position. For instance, they may have access to certain privileges associated with first world citizenship yet continue to be devalued for being Black and female (Bennett and Dickerson 2001, Marshall 1996) despite geographic context. In this way African American women are what Campt (2002) calls "first world" others. It is this contradiction of being a citizen of an advanced capitalistic society paired with the continued devaluation of Black women that makes their transnational movement an important area of study for rendering visible the material and ideological factors that encourage or discourage transnational movement.

Class and Mobility

Like race and gender, class or socioeconomic status influences transnational mobility. Scholarship on the Black middle class 1 is relevant for this project as it documents Black American's historical experience of upward mobility in the United

1 When I refer to class, I am referring to indices such as economic position, occupation, and education level as well as more subjective factors like taste, lifestyle, and attitude. As Prince (2004:89) asserts, socioeconomic stratification extends beyond its most salient components such as employment, income, wealth and access to strategic resources to include less tangible factors like belief systems, social practices and personal tastes which are also outgrowths of economic differentiation. 54

States. This literature is also pertinent because it reveals how class is experienced within a collision of racism and inequality.

Bart Landry (1987) traces the historical events that mark the development of the new black middle class from a small "mulatto" elite in the post emancipation decades, through an old middle class in the first half of the twentieth century to the new middle class of the 1960s. Landry argues that certain social upheavals were required to change the class position of blacks in the US. He identifies the Civil War, restrictive immigration bills, WWI and WWII, the Civil Rights Movement and the booming economy of the 1960s as defining historical moments (Landry 1987 :3 ). Each of these events shaped class formation among Black Americans.

Similar to Landry, Collins argues that the Black middle class emerged from special political and legal protections. She contradicts arguments that the growth of the

Black middle class indicates a decline in racial inequality and the structure of opportunity. Rather, she argues that the context within which the Black middle class has grown remains characterized by inequality (Collins 1983 :369).

Despite contemporary rhetoric of color blind, multi-cultural, diverse and equitable society that uses the presence of a Black middle class as evidence of progress, studies on the Black middle class demonstrate the continuing significance of race and the nev.r \.vays racism and discrimination manifest. While Black middle class Americans may have better jobs and access to more opportunities, research indicates continued economic, residential, occupational, wealth and psychological disparities (Cose 1993, Feagin and

Sikes 1994, Pattillo-McCoy 1999) between Blacks and whites. As Prince (2004) suggests, class can and does privilege people even in the face of racism which reveals a 55

contradiction. In her study, non-professional, working class women did not have the opportunity for international or domestic travel. Hence, my study may reveal that

African American female transnational agents are the beneficiaries of class privilege as they not only had access to the material resources and the knowledge needed to negotiate international movement but also the initial idea that this was possible. Moreover, little

scholarship attends to the changing status of Black Americans and women and how their economic, social and cultural position in the U.S may inform their perceptions and ability to participate in transnational movement. Finally, while women (both black and white)

are the beneficiaries of shifts in the occupational structure and breakdowns in some race

and gender barriers (Higginbotham and Weber 1992: 418), attention must be devoted to

the different ways that upward class mobility and its privileges are experienced in terms

of race and gender. In sum, more research needs to be done on the subjective experiences

of Black middle class women and the ways they manage and negotiate their identities in

and between spaces. This study is a response to neglect in the anthropological literature

and field.

Race & Mobility

Race is a social construct. Scholarship that documents the historical and shifting

constructions ofrace, racial identity, and race based worldviews (Baker 1998, Blakey

1999, Lusane 2001, Lubiano 1996, Lopez 1996, Malik 1996, Omi and Winant 1994,

Roediger 2002, Smedley l 999a, l 999b, Williams 1999) adeptly confirm this assertion.

However, it is also true that while race should be understood as a social construct with no

firm biological basis, it does have real world effects. Race is one of the central sources of

meaning, identity and power in the US (Feagin and Smith 1995:3). I would extend this 56

assertion to a global scale because as Hill Collins (2004b) argues, race and racism are transnational phenomena especially in an ever expanding global socio·political economy.

Other important critical race scholarship on contemporary constructions of race and forms of racism (Brown et al. 2003, Feagin and Smith 1995, Harrison 1995, Harrison

1999, Hill·Collins 2004, Sanjek 1996), race in global contexts (Brodkin 2000, Hall 1996,

Higginbotham 1990, Rodriguez 1995) were also important to my research. Rather than review this expansive body of literature, I will focus on the phenomenon of race as experienced through the Black female body. I accomplish this by examining Black feminist literature that documents the historical, material and cultural contexts from which (re)constructions on notions of Black womanhood emerge. Narrowing my focus on this subset of literature more directly speaks to the politics of home and away for my research participants.

Works such as The Black Woman (1970), Black Women in White America

(1972), All the Women are White, All the Blacks Are Men, but Some of Us Are Brave

2 (1982) , represent significant contributions to Black feminist studies. Toni Cade's The

Black Woman seeks to document the 'truths' of Black woman as opposed to the feminist literature that developed at the time that included works of women like Betty Freidan,

Annais Nin and Simone de Beauvoir (Cade 1970: 9). The various papers, essays, stories and poems that appear in the anthology speak to the dilemmas that accompanied involvement with the (white) feminist movement that privileged sex discrimination over racial discrimination and the sexism that sought to place Black women in subservient

2 See also Paula Giddings When and Where I Enter: the Impact of Black Women on Race and Sex in America, (l 984) and Jeanne Noble's Beautiful, also, are the Souls of My Black Sisters: a History of the Black Woman in America, (l 978) 57

positions in the black liberation movement. It is one of the first works to speak to the distinction of being Black and female as a unique existence. It is a collection of Black women's voices on Black women's varied experiences in America. In sum, it articulates

Black women's position on their experiences, attitudes towards women's role in society and the impact of sexism on their lives.

Lerner's Black Women in White America provides a more historical perspective as it is a compilation of black women's voices from slavery to the 1970s. Here, one can find speeches and essays from prominent historical women such as Anna Julia Cooper,

Mary Church Terrell and Maria Stewart as well as (then) contemporary voices from women such as Fannie Lou Hamer and Shirley Chisholm. Many of the speeches draw attention to the special needs and concerns of the Black woman. Like The Black

Woman, it is a collection of voices that give insight "the special plight and role of the black woman" (Hamer 1972: 609).

In "The Legacy of Slavery: Standards for a New Womanhood'', Angela Davis re­ examines the history of Black women during slavery. She posits that this was a critical period for establishing the contours of Black womanhood. She chronicles the development of this new standard of womanhood that emerged out of slavery and was defined in opposition to white womanhood. I consider Davis's ai.1.alysis at length because it is indicative of the importance of this history throughout the literature.

Davis focuses on women's participation in the labor force as a major site for the production of this new womanhood. The institution of slavery forced Black women to participate in agricultural labor on the same level as Black men. Men and women were considered equal in terms of work load. Many women acquired qualities considered 58

taboo by the 19th century ideology of womanhood (Davis 1981: 11 ). However, Black women were still judged by 19th century ideology of femininity which emphasized women's roles as nurturing mothers and gentle companions and housekeepers for their husbands (Davis 1981: 5). The dominant ideology of femininity romanticized white women and they came to be seen as residing solely in the domestic sphere. The term

'woman' became synonymous with 'mother' and 'housewife' and both were marked by inferiority. As Davis points out, this vocabulary and associated meanings did not exist for Black female slaves (Davis 1981: 12). In a very real way, Black women could not be treated as the "weaker sex".

The degradation that came to define domestic labor in the larger society did not exist in slave communities. Instead, domestic labor took on a significant difference in slave communities. It became the only meaningful form of labor for enslaved individuals. This was particularly important for Black women and their position in slave societies. In slave communities, Black women were not debased by their domestic functions the way white women were. By performing domestic labor, Black women could help to lay the foundation for some degree of autonomy both for herself and her men. As such, she was propelled into the center of the slave community and was essentiai to its survival (Davis 1981: 17). According to Davis, Black women's experiences during slavery -hard work with their men, equality within the family, resistance, floggings and rape-encouraged them to develop certain personality traits which set them apart from most white women (Davis 1981: 27). Notions of Black womanhood developed out of this historical context and was (and is) therefore valued 59

differently. This history provided a reference point that served as the basis for developing alternative criterion for marking Black womanhood.

Bonnie Dill Thornton takes up similar historical trends and also pushes forward to consider constructions of Black womanhood in contemporary contexts. In "The

Dialectics of Black Womanhood", Thornton Dill takes a dialectical approach to understanding black women's relationships to work, family, and femininity. She develops a historical framework for the study of black women by focusing on the contradiction of black women's historical role as laborer in a society where ideals of femininity emphasized domesticity (Thornton Dill 1988: 75). The models of womanhood developed among Black women project images of female sexual and intellectual equality, economic autonomy, legal and personal parity with men (Thornton Dill 1988: 66). Such models contradicted with American ideals of femininity. Thornton's promotion of a dialectical analysis of Black womanhood brings to light this contradiction and makes explicit the complex interaction of political, social and economic forces in shaping the broad historical trends that characterize black women as a group as well as the particular lives of individual women (Thornton Dill 1988: 70).

Both Patricia Hill Collins ("The Social Construction of Black Feminist Thought) and Deborah King (Multiple Jeopardy, :Multiple Consciousness: The Context of Black

Feminist Ideology) reference Thornton Dill's significant contribution in their foundational scholarship. Both draw attention to the complexity of Black women's lives and how multiple categories of difference inform their identity.

Deborah King's concept of multiple jeopardy expands on a concept of double jeopardy. Rather than analyzing oppression from the dual dimensions of race and gender, 60

King adds the dimension of class. But most importantly, King introduces a multiplicative element to the concept rather than additive asserting that it is the interactive oppressions of race, class and gender that circumscribe Black women's lives and provide a distinctive context for black womanhood (King 1995:294).

In articulating the social construction of Black feminist thought, Patricia Hill­

Collins drew on standpoint theory and a concept of intersectionality. Intersectionality and standpoint theory refers to interlocking systems of oppression and devotes attention to how concepts like race, gender, sexuality, ethnicity or class are related to power relations. It provides an interpretive framework that addresses the complexity of race, class or gender interactions. Like King, Hill Collins takes into account how these multiple factors would position Black women in American society and inform their particular construction of Black womanhood.

Finally, works such as Amecka Marshall's "From Sexual Denigration to Self­

Respect" and bell hooks' "The Continued Devaluation of Black womanhood" are representative of a concern in Black feminist literature with confronting and refuting negative representations of Black women and the necessity ofre-constructing identities. bell hooks' piece catalogs the development of tropes of Black womanhood such as the

Sapphire, Aunt Jemima, and the myth of the black matriarchy. hooks asserts that the designation of Black women as sexually depraved, loose and immoral has roots in the slave system. The devaluation of Black womanhood occurred as a result of the sexual exploitation of Black women during slavery and has yet to change (hooks 1981: 52-53).

In addition to the sexually loose prototype, hooks addresses the stereotypical image of the black woman as strong and powerful. She claims that this image has 61

become so embedded in the American consciousness that even if a Black woman is clearly conforming to prescribed notions of femininity and passivity she may still be characterized as tough, domineering and strong (hooks 1981: 83). hooks also examines the development of the matriarch model and demonstrates how this characterization does not accurately depict Black social relations yet continues to be used as a label to describe social interaction in Black communities and Black women's roles there.

Like Marshall, hooks devotes attention to how such images impact Black women's conceptions of self. For example, since the Sapphire identity is projected on any Black woman who openly expresses bitterness or anger over her position, many

Black women repress these feelings for fear of being regarded as Sapphires.

Alternatively, they embrace the Sapphire image as a reaction to the harsh treatment of

Black women in society. hooks asserts that one strong oppressive force of such negative stereotypes has been Black women's acceptance of it as a viable role model to pattern their lives (hooks 1981: 86). Her analysis of Black women's responses to negative stereotypes demonstrates this phenomenon.

Marshall's piece catalogs the development of tropes on Black female sexuality and identity. It discusses the significance of the depiction of Black women as sexually immoral and loose, sensuous, animalistic, prostitutes and breeders. Marshall's attention to these tropes is part of a larger black feminist agenda. By analyzing these images and their impact on Black women, she stresses a need for attacking such imagery on multiple levels i.e. personally and in our relationships with others. She argues that it is vital that

Black women confront such myths (Marshall 1996: 21 ). These stereotypes of Black women's sexuality restrict Black women's lives socially, economically, and politically 62

(Marshall 1996: 27). Furthermore, she argues that the objectification of Black women as creatures of sex not only influences our identity and relationships but is also used by white people and Black men to legitimize our sexual and social exploitation (Marshall

1996: 5). For Marshall, it is evident in Black women's descriptions of their gender and racial identities that myths about sexuality circumscribe their lives (Marshall 1996: 21).

Based on the proposition that such images and myths are central to understanding the black female experience, Marshall's investigation is three fold. She addresses the myths,

Black women's responses to such myths and then the impact of these myths on Black women's lives in multiple spheres. She concludes by discussing the creation of positive self definitions as a powerful challenge to the ways in which derogatory myths have been oppressive for Black women. This resistance to negative images is a push to assert the right to define and control their sexuality (Marshall 1996: 5). The battle over sexual identity that Marshall documents is part of the larger struggle over the identity of Black women's struggle to define themselves.

Given this history, it is also important to be critical of dominant discourses of

Black womanhood that this scholarship produces as well. While it is important to be cognizant of racial identification and classificatory systems that provides "appropriate" scripts and codes of behavior (Appiah 1997; 2000) it is also important not to allow these discourses to become reductionist as certain experiences of black women register as

"valid" Black female experiences (Reynolds 2002).

If we accept the proposition that discourse constructs the subject, then the discourses of strength, resiliency and survival that dominate the literature on Black womanhood take on greater importance. For our knowledge of Black women and Black 63

womanhood comes from these historically contingent discursive formations. These discourses inform the very way that Black women imagine themselves, their relationships with others, their behaviors, the language they use to describe themselves and the roles they assume in their communities.

A few examples from the literature on black womanhood exemplify this point and demonstrate the discourse that structures our understandings of Black womanhood.

Consider Angela Davis's use of Harriet Tubman to conclude her chapter on Black womanhood as indicative of a particular pattern of discourse that informs contemporary notions of Black womanhood. Davis exalts Harriet Tubman's exceptional courage but also asserts that Tubman's actions were an individual expression of a spirit of strength and perseverance that enslaved Black women possessed collectively (Davis 1981 :23). She goes on to state that "It was those women who passed on to their nominally free female descendants a legacy of hard work, perseverance and self-reliance-in short a legacy of spelling out standards for a new womanhood (Davis 1981 1981 :29)." Based on equations such as this, we come to recognize Black womanhood as embodying the strength and perseverance that women like Tubman personified.

Discourses on strength and resiliency also appear in other seminal texts such as

The Black Woman (1970), Black Women in \.Vhite An1erica (1972), All the Women are

White, All the Blacks Are Men, But Some of Us Are Brave (1982). 3 These texts provide insight into the experience of being black and female in America.

3 See also Paula Giddings When and Where I Enter: the Impact of Black Women on Race and Sex in America, (1984) and Jeanne Noble's Beautiful, also, are the Souls of My Black Sisters: a History of the Black Woman in America, (1978) 64

In these speeches, essays etc., we can see the development of a particular discourse of Black womanhood that is rarely challenged. In many of the works that highlight Black women's voices on the topic of womanhood, the nature of the Black woman is characterized by strength and resilience. She is positioned as the quintessential survivor of a world characterized by racism and sexism. Based on historical circumstance, Black women became survivors and leaders of movements for social justice. Contemporary Black women continue the legacy of their maternal ancestors when they fight for justice. As Fannie Lou Hamer writes:

The special plight and role of black women is not something that just happened three years ago. We've had a special plight for 350 years. My grandmother had it. My grandmother was a slave .. .It's been a special plight for the black woman (Hamer 1972: 609).

Furthermore, it is part of her role as a Black woman to seekjustice.4 Some of the language almost slips into an assumed naturalness of this position of the Black woman.

For example, when Fannie Lou Hamer writes "We have a job as Black women to support whatever is right", or when Mary McCleod Bethune writes,

Both before and since emancipation, by some rare gift, she has been able ... to hold onto the fibers of family unity and keep the home one unimpaired whole. In recent years it has become increasingly the case where in many instances, the mother is the sole dependence of the home, and single handed, fights the wolf from the door, while the father submits unwillingly to enforced idleness and unavoidable unemployment. Yet in myriads of instances she controls home discipline with a tight rein and exerts a unifying influence that is the miracle of the century ... (Bethune 1972:583 ).

These discourses call on Black women as a unique category of personhood to take on the struggle for justice. Characterizations such as this lead the reader to believe that the

4 For examples, see Mary McCleod Bethune "A Century of Progress", Fannie Lou Hamer "It is in Our Hands", and Pauli Murray "Jim and Jane Crow" in Lerner, Black Women in White America, ed. Gerda Lerner. 65

Black woman is endowed with an inexplicable essence of strength. Furthermore, discourses like these condition the reader (and people in general) to recognize Black womanhood within these terms. The rhetoric that characterizes Black women as strong

culture bearers becomes almost common-sense.

Examining the literature clearly demonstrates how representations of black

women as strong, independent, survivors are deeply rooted in historical experience with

strong material roots and conditions our understanding of black womanhood. Emerging

from this context, the development of Black feminine identity is a complex process.

Faced with an historical circumstance that positioned them as economic contributors to

the home as well as wives and mothers, Black women were pulled out of the domestic

sphere where dominant society's definition of femininity resided. Definitions of Black

womanhood and femininity were forced to negotiate between (white) dominant society's

construction of femininity and a reality that made achieving that sense of womanhood

almost impossible. This Black feminist literature is essential to my research because the

issues of power, debates and concerns over representation, and the material effects of

these concerns on Black women's lives animates much of my research participants

transition from slave descendant black female body to a immigrant black female body.

Diaspora, Transnationalism and Identity

The relationship between transnational mobility and identity dominates my

attention in this research project. I position Black American women's transnational

migrations and their (re )negotiation of identities within an African Diasporic framework.

In this section I review conceptualizations of diaspora, African Diaspora more 66

specifically, in order to demonstrate how and why I situate these transnational movements as diasporic, and what that means for identity negotiations.

Diaspora

A range of phenomena and experiences seem to fall under the rubric of diaspora.

Scholars such as Brubaker (2005), Clifford ( 1994) and Brah ( 1996) argue that we are experiencing a "diaspora diaspora" as the currency and concept of diaspora has been extended to describe the experience of a wide range of populations and historical circumstances. For example, the term that once described the dispersion of Jewish and

Greek populations now shares meaning with a larger domain of experiences that includes those of expatriates, refugees, immigrants, guest-workers, and members of overseas or ethnic communities (Clifford 1994: 303). The most common tendency in the study of diaspora is to define it as any population that lives outside of the place thought to be its original homeland (Brown 1998: 292).

In his review of the proliferation of diaspora as an analytical and descriptive category in the social sciences, Brubaker (2005) offers that diaspora has three core elements. He argues that some set or subset of these key elements, weighted differently, underscores most discussions of diaspora, its meanings and uses. The first and most widely accepted criterion is dispersion. The second is homeland orientation. This means a point of reference to a real or imagined homeland as an authoritative source of value, identity, and loyalty (Brubaker 2005: 5-6).

Early discussions of diaspora strongly emphasized this criterion. Diaspora populations had to maintain a collective memory or myth about the homeland. They had 67

to regard the ancestral homeland as the true, ideal home and as the place to which one would/should eventually return. Diaspora migrants had to be committed to the maintenance or restoration of the homeland and continue to relate, personally or vicariously, to the homeland in a way that significantly shapes one's identity and solidarity (Brubaker 2005: 5-6).

While traditionally the term diaspora has been used to refer to communities based on shared memories and/ or actual experiences of forced migration from a "homeland", more recent conceptualizations of diaspora (Clifford 1994, Braziel and Mannur 2003) include voluntary as well as involuntary movement of people from one or more nations to another and deemphasize a homeland orientation.

These conceptualizations include the continued economic, social, political and cultural ties maintained with those homelands (Sawyer 2002: 15) as markers of diasporic experience. For example, Smadar Lavie and Ted Swedenburg have defined diaspora as

"the doubled relationship" or dual loyalty that migrants, exiles, and refugees have to places which indicates a connection to the space they currently occupy and continuing involvement "back home" (Lavie and Swedenburg 1996:14). It suggests a dislocation from the nation-state or geographical location of origin and relocation in one or more nation-states, teiTitories, or countries (Braziel and Mannur 2003: 1). In other words, diaspora involves dwelling, maintaining communities, and having collective homes away from home (Clifford 1994:307-308).

The third criterion is boundary maintenance which involves the preservation of a distinctive identity in relation to the diasporic migrant's country of settlement (Brubaker

2005: 6). It is a combination of these criteria that allows one to speak of a diaspora as a 68

distinctive community that is held together by a distinctive solidarity with social relationships that cut across state boundaries and link members of a diaspora in different locations into a single transnational diasporic community (Brubaker 2005: 6).

This notion of boundary maintenance, particularly the part that points to identities in relation to a host society leads to another foundational tendency in diaspora discussions. This is the relationship between country of origin and new country of settlement. Simultaneous connections to both a "new" and an "old" home are characteristic of diasporas no matter what their origin (Bose 2008: 115).

The question of home is central to Brah' s ( 1996) conceptualization of diaspora.

In her own words, the "question of home is intrinsically linked with the way in which processes of inclusion or exclusion operate and are subjectively experienced under given circumstances" (Brah 1996: 192). She reaffirms the salience of home in diasporic discourses as she argues that diaspora space as a conceptual category is inhabited not only by those who have migrated and their descendants but equally by those who remain at home. In other words, the concept of diaspora space includes entanglement of genealogies of movement and dispersion alongside those of stability (Brah 1996: 181 ).

Diaspora, therefore, is centrally about political and personal struggles over the social regulation of belonging (Brah 1996: 192).

While Brah, rightly emphasizes these politics of home in her concept of diaspora she makes a critical distinction between a "homing desire" and a "desire for a homeland".

By making this distinction her use of diaspora offers a critique of discourses of fixed origins and demonstrates that not all diasporas or diasporic experiences must sustain an ideology of return (Brah 1996: 180). The problematic of home and belonging is integral 69

to the diasporic condition, but how, when and in what form those questions surface, or

how they are addressed, is specific to the history of a particular diaspora (Brah

l 996: l 93). In Brah's theorization, diasporas are lived and re-lived through multiple

modalities like gender, race, class, religion, language and generation. All diasporas are

differentiated, heterogeneous, contested spaces, even as they are implicated in the

construction of a common 'we' (Brah 1996:184). Taken together then, concepts of

diaspora, borders and border crossings offer a conceptual grid for historicized analyses of

contemporary trans/national movements of people, information, cultures, commodities

and capital (Brah 1996: 181 ). Diaspora becomes the point at which the boundaries of

inclusion and exclusion, of belonging and otherness, of 'us' and 'them' are contested

(Brah 1996: 209).

Clifford (1994) suggests that in the late 20th century, all or most communities

have diasporic dimensions. While some are more diasporic than others, each has some

moment, tactic, practice or articulation (Clifford 1994: 310) that connects them to a

community, history or experience that resides outside of their current geography.

Therefore, conceptualizations of diaspora must speak to the diverse groups of persons

and communities moving across the globe for various reasons. Diaspora discourse must

"articulate or bend together, both roots a.1d routes to constn1ct forms of community

consciousness and solidarity that maintain identifications outside the national time/space

in order to live inside, with a difference" (Gilroy 1987 cited in Clifford 1994:307-308).

Diasporic discourses should reflect the sense of being part of an ongoing transnational

network that includes the homeland, not as something simply left behind, but as an

important place of attachment (Clifford 1994). If diaspora is, as Braziel and Mannur 70

(2003: 8) suggest, a "human phenomenon, lived and experienced", then its articulations or conceptualizations of those lived experiences must account for a diversity of experience, different types of (un)privileged movements, differing relations to home, and be able to incorporate the historical specificity of groups.

Diaspora has been lived and experienced differently for people of African

5 descent . Negotiations between ideas of immigration, race and national identity, speaks to some of the key themes in the concept and experience of diaspora (Stovall 2006: 200) for people of African descent. This is because of processes of racialization that have historically excluded people of African descent from definitions of humanity and devalued their worth and contributions as citizens of their respective nation(s). Specific models have been developed to address these experiences. African diaspora models have been used as an analytical framework for interpreting the historical experiences of

African people (Williams 1999: 108). It is to these models to which I now turn my attention.

African Diaspora

Bogues (2009) asserts that three sets of transformations mark the African

Diaspora. The first is the forceful movement of millions of Africans into "the New

World." This first transformation initiated the second which was the enslavement of

African persons into regimes of racial slavery throughout the Atlantic world. The final

5Following the definition outlined by Davies and M'Bow (2007) I am defining people of African descent as those who have historical origins in Africa irrespective of time period and geographical location. This includes descendants who were displaced from the continent forcibly during the period of transatlantic slavery as well as those who voluntarily migrated later for economic, education, social or other reasons. 71

transformation positions this removal and transference into racial slavery as a

"displacement of enslaved Africans from their original community" that turned into "a disappearance ... beyond both the physical and metaphysical reach of kin" (Bogues 2009:

215-216). As a result of these transformations, Bogues argues that the search for origins and home became central to diasporic cultural practices and to black social and political ideas (Bogues 2009: 216).

It is easy to see that Bogues' conceptualization was influenced by the traditional and foundational scholarship of theorist such as Joseph Harris and St. Clair Drake. In

Global Dimensions of the African Diaspora, Joseph Harris codified the main tenets of traditional formulations of African Diaspora when he stated "the African diaspora concept subsumes the following: the global dispersion (voluntary and involuntary) of

Africans throughout history; the emergence of a cultural identity abroad based on origin and social condition; and the psychological or physical return to the homeland, Africa"

(Harris 1993 ).

Anthropologist St. Clair Drake's use of African Diaspora emphasized how the consciousness of being "Black" had been continually reinforced by the presence and interaction between African people across the globe. Central to the development of this

Black/ African consciousness was the transatlantic slave trade, voluntary migration and colonialism. Drake viewed events surrounding the dispersal of African people to the

Americas as the main source of New World Africans' identity (Williams 1999: 107).

Therefore , as Williams (1999) asserts, the study of the African diaspora should be extended to include the wealth of historical and contemporary scholarship that discusses the struggle against slavery and the plantation economy, those that have in 72

some way highlighted the efforts of African people to secure citizenship rights and privileges, efforts to reject institutionalized racism amid social transformations of colonialism, industrialization and urbanization, and works that examine African people's efforts for independence and political autonomy.

Like general conceptualizations of diaspora, the relationship between country and origin and settlement is central to African diaspora formulations. In the case of the

African diaspora, Africa is the proverbial "homeland." According to Hamilton (2007), a focus on African heritage epitomizes the dialectical relationship between old, new and emerging roots and is consequently an essential element in understanding diaspora

(Hamilton 2007: 21). A narrow and essentialist focus on an African homeland becomes problematic when Africa serves as the most important, authentic loci of Black identity and experience. Stovall suggests that those writing from an Afro-centric perspective have produced an unchanging African essentialism that asserts the unity of blackness whether social, political or cultural (Stovall 2006: 200-201 ).

Williams writes of this tendency in prevailing interpretations of African Diaspora as "a heavy dependence on some version of what might be called Black communitarinism." He argues that this approach assumes that without question that there was an innate and fundamental unity among Black people around the globe. This approach to exploring the social, political, economic and cultural history of African people relies on the symbol of "Africa" to legitimize a "Black" or "African" identity

(Williams 1999: 109). He argues that this persistent belief in a racial essence calls for some rethinking of African diaspora frameworks. 73

In response to this tendency, Paul Gilroy (1993) offers the concept of the Black

Atlantic which is a social space formed by the hemispheric, rather than national, racial order inaugurated by slavery, and by Blacks' constant movements through and engagements with multiple geographies in their search for freedom, citizenship, and autonomy (Gilroy 1993 cited in Brown 1998: 295).

As Brown outlines (1998) when discussing African diasporic connections, Gilroy moves away from explicitly referencing Africa and instead focuses on an elsewhere, thereby removing Africa as the central reference point in African diasporic formations.

Instead he focuses on particular places where African descendants live. Black communities become linked transnationally by the mutual perception of a shared, wholly racialized condition and through the cultural and political resources they make available for overcoming the racial oppression that grips them all, albeit in different ways (Brown

1998: 294).

In my research, I do not assume an essential connection based on a desire to return to an African homeland. Rather, following Brubaker (2005), I also utilize African diaspora as a category of practice, stance or claim. As a category of practice, diaspora is used to talk about the formulation of identities but also to initiate projects, formulate expectations, appeal to loyalties or mobilize energies (Brubaker 2005: 12). Thinking about diaspora in these terms recognizes a distinction amongst diasporic populations who may have settled outside their country of origin who are actively engaged in diasporic projects or the renegotiation of identities that their movement compels and those who are not (Brubaker 2005: 13). For my research participants, whether they consciously or unconsciously acknowledge and engage with it or not, their individual transnational 74

movements are part of a historical legacy of the trans-Atlantic slave trade, struggles for full citizenship rights and continuing battles for social justice and equity.

Ruth Simms Hamilton (2007) offers one of the most useful and comprehensive frameworks for dealing with the transnational migratory movements of African

Americans. Hamilton writes of diaspora in terms of a "ciruclatoriness phenomenon" which she defines as the experience of ongoing and continuous movement and displacement throughout the African diaspora (Hamilton2007:2). Her "ciruclatoriness" captures the experience of ongoing and continuous transnational mobility of peoples of the African diaspora as a historical, multi-directional process that varies by quantity and scale, direction and rate (Hamilton 2007: 16). This characterization of diaspora focuses on processes of structural change and the resulting redistribution of populations as well as how this movement may produce new socio-racial categories, competing notions of nationality and citizenship that may elicit redefinitions of nationality and ethnicity, and shifting forms of identity (Hamilton 2007:2).

Despite the important critique of conceptualizations of diaspora relying on an unexamined notion of racial essence that connects people of African descent, race remains central to articulations of diaspora, particularly for the African Diaspora. Race is a featured component in Hamilton's concept of diaspora. She asserts that with the modem era came globalization ofracism (Hamilton 2007:26). Therefore, race remains a central defining factor in the experience and historical memory of African diaspora people. The primary experience of being defined in racial terms, articulated within discourses of devalued social worth is pertinent to the processes of identity formation

(Hamilton 2007: 27). 75

Hamilton also offers a useful response to the privileged position of Africa and

pan-Africanism in many early and some contemporary African diaspora discourses. She

offers that much of the theoretical and empirical work focused on African heritage was

guided by an emphasis on perceived sets of relatively stable and patterned relationships

in which the predominant connection between Africa and its diaspora was conceptualized

in unidirectional or asymmetrical terms. This meant that cultural flows or links went from

Africa to various dispersion points. She further argues that the interactions between

Africa and diaspora nations are altered by internal dynamics as well as by changes in the

global geopolitical system (Hamilton 2007: 22). Hamilton does address the position of

Africa within diaspora discourse but recognizes that Africa is part of a collective

·memory. It serves as a reference point for tradition and heritage. It has symbolic and

material significance but also lives within changing relations and ideas of homeland and

diaspora (Hamilton 2007: 19).

Relatedly, Hamilton devotes attention to the importance of history and struggle

for people of African descent in the development of what she calls diaspora cultural

identities and consciousness. She writes:

All global African peoples have struggled to be subjects of their own history; to establish places and spaces of meaning and material survival; to create institutions that offer venues for and visions of a just society, by which and which to live their lives ... these social experiences and relations inscribing process of collective identity reformation are the historical and contemporary trajectories of material circumstances and cultural practices which produce the conditions for the construction of group identities ... diaspora cultural identities are embedded in ongoing political struggles to define individual and collective selves in distinctive ways within historical contexts of displacement, oppression and social inequality (Hamilton 2007:8) 76

All consciousness, group and individual, is social and formed within the context of the groups historical experiences (Hamilton 2007:29). Put another way, a people can only be understood within the context of their historical specificities and the associated meanings and valuations thereof (Hamilton 2007:8). While she recognizes the importance of history in asserting that

there is always some sense of historical continuity between the experiences of succeeding generations, these are shared memories of specific events and personages cited as turning points within a collective history, and there is a sense of common destiny on the part of the collectivity sharing those experiences, social definitions and constructions of identity

She also importantly points out that while

those feelings and values in respect of a sense of continuity, shared memories, and a sense of common destiny of a given unit of the population which has had common experiences and cultural attributes (Hamilton 2007: 8) should not be read as fixed. Collective identities are negotiated, sometimes contradictory and dynamic (Hamilton 2007:8). Therefore, the transnational mobility of peoples of the

African Diaspora must also be understood within the context of broader social, political and economic transformations (Hamilton 2007: 11 ).

Overall, Hamilton offers a useful model of the African Diaspora. While race remains central in assessing the diaspora experience, her model also recognizes that race and raciaiization processes cannot be disentangled from the other axes of difference that constitute diasporic experience. These include access to opportunity, and the social identification and meaning of black collectivity (Hamilton 2007: 24). It is also important to note that things like access to opportunity are fragmented not only in terms of race but also in terms of nation, class and gender. While Hamilton argues that dispersed people of African descent constitute separate yet interrelated "communities of consciousness 77

engaged in an ongoing quest for human dignity and collective self-actualization'', she also argues for a need to elaborate and uncover many of the contradictions and conflicts within diaspora revolving around competing forms of identification, including class, color, nation, and religion (Hamilton 2007:31-32). Her concept of African diaspora is useful because it recognizes that there is variation by geographical location, by generation, by material and institutional conditions and by socio-economic and demographic patterns (Hamilton 2007:8). Hamilton's notion of African diaspora moves towards what Mannur and Braziel (2003) and Williams (1999) advocate-it seeks to represent diasporic experiences in all their ambivalences and contradictions and to differentiate the experiences of African people in ways that allow us to think critically about divisions in African diasporic "imagined communities."

African Americans and the African Diaspora

Since I am positioning this research within an African diaspora framework, it is important to address what Campt (2006) calls "diasporic asymmetries". Most simply this refers to the different, perhaps hierarchical positioning of black communities within the

African Diaspora. For example, Black subjects globally are affected by Black American political and civil rights struggles, as well as by other widely circulating Black American discursive technologies and cultural forms such as literature, scholarship, music, dance, fashion and so on (Pabst 2006: 117). While this may be the result of the status of the US as a dominant world power or American imperialism and cultural hegemony, it should be recognized that in some cases (Black) American ideas, histories, cultural products are circulated in ways that are unrivaled and un-reciprocal (Pabst 2006: 117). By extension, 78

African Americans outside the US may experience some level of contention with others of African descent whether they wish it or not (Pabst 2006: 117). This assertion also recognizes that relations of diaspora forged on the basis of similar experiences of racialization do not always form transparent links between Black people. These relations

are the products of highly constructed processes of cultural reading and interpretations that shape, define and often constrain our ability to understand the differences between

our histories and cultures (Campt 2006: 111). Diversely motivated and varying forms of

transnational border crossing shape the cultural, political and ideological parameters of

blackness (Pabst 2006: 129). It recognizes that the links and relations of the diaspora are

themselves enacted in and through transnational exchanges in ways that are thoroughly

strategic and deeply embedded in intricate webs of power and hegemony (Campt 2006:

110).

In an effort to not let "diaspora paper over difficult fissures and gaps within the

affiliations constructed between black communities" (Campt 2006: 108), I acknowledge

that while much scholarship on Black Britain (Codrington 2006, Brown 1998, Mama

1995, Gilroy 1993) positions it as part of an African diasporic circuit that demonstrates

the rich dialectical relationship between Black America and Black Britain, that

relationship can also sometimes be contentious or antagonistic.

Finally, and perhaps the most salient for my research, is my reliance on

Hamilton's notion of "cross points". These are the actives sites of negotiation and in

some instances contradiction that facilitate the emergence and development of a

collective "we" (Hamilton 2007:8). Focusing on these sites of negotiation may also

facilitate the investigation of an individual identity in response to that collective "we". 79

As Brown (1998:291) asserts there is no actual space that one could call "the

African diaspora" despite how commonly it is mapped onto particular locales. Therefore,

I use diaspora in two ways. First, as a term that describes the actual transnational movements of people of African descent across time and geographical space. Second, as a concept that maps the process of identity (re)formation due to mobility. Drawing on both general diaspora scholarship and African Diaspora scholarship allows me to attend to the ways class gender, nationality and race participate as major forces that shape life experiences and social identities within a diaspora and also attend to the historical specificities of people of African descent. It follows Hamilton's assertion that African diaspora identities are embedded in ongoing struggles to define individual and collective selves in distinctive ways within historical contexts of displacement, oppression and social inequality (Hamilton 2007:8). This approach also places experience at the center of analysis and recognizes that people of African descent are not just products of their economic and socio-political conditions but also of their interaction with those conditions and efforts to "develop their own sense of who they are and what they want to be, to deal with life in particular ways, and to live life as they transform life (Hamilton 2007: 29)."

Transnationalism

It is easy to see how transnationalism nestles easily into diaspora discussions.

Most generally, transnationalism can be used to signal the fluidity with which ideas, objects, capital and people now move across borders and boundaries (Stephens 1998).

Like diaspora studies, the dynamic between home and receiving country is central to studies of transnational ism. Transnational people and processes are anchored in and 80

transcend one or more nation-states (Kearney 1995: 548). Transnational migration is the process by which immigrants forge and sustain simultaneous multi-stranded social relations that link together their societies of origin and settlement. In identifying a new process of migration, scholars of transnational migration emphasize the ongoing and continuing ways in which current-day immigrants construct and reconstitute their simultaneous embeddedness in more than one society (Glick-Schiller et al. 1994).

As defined by Glick Schiller et al. (l 992a) and Basch et al. (1994), transmigrants are immigrants whose daily lives depend on multiple and constant interconnections across international borders and whose public identities are configured in relationship to more than one nation-state. They settle and become incorporated in the economy, political institutions, localities, and patterns of daily life of the country in which they reside. However, at the very same time, they are engaged elsewhere in the sense that they maintain connections, build institutions, conduct transactions, and influence local and national events in the countries from which they emigrated (Glick-Schiller et al. 1994).

I conceptualize the relationship between transnational movement and diaspora as follows. I imagine transnational movement as something more narrow and direct. It is the movement from one context, or nation to the next. These border crossings bring with them a number of compiications as transnational migrants must learn to navigate between two worlds. Therefore, I position my research participants' movement from the US to

London as a "cross point" (Hamilton 2007) or site for the re-negotiation of identity.

Furthermore, I position their individual transnational movement within the context of a larger African Diaspora (as outlined in the previous section) because I believe it almost impossible to discuss the implications and meanings of these migrations without the 81

historical context that attention to African Diaspora theories provides. Transnational diasporic movements disrupt discrete categories of identity and compel us to consider broader questions about notions of belonging and identity in relation to place.

In addition, place remains an especially important resource for the practice and politics of transnational mobility because it is crucial in determining who is empowered to go where, when, under what conditions, and for what purposes (Brown 1998: 298).

Pabst (2006) calls this geopolitics which refers to interactions of privilege and disadvantage and indexes the intricate set of power relations embedded within the places, the ways, and the reasons we dwell and move, individually and collectively (Pabst 2006:

113). Even as "the presumed certainties of cultural identity" that were once firmly located in particular places (Carter, Donald and Squires 1993: vii) are disrupted by transnational mobility and experiences, it is important to be mindful of the geopolitics that encourage or discourage movement.

Braziel and Mannur (2003) argue that transnational movement creates diasporic subjects that are marked by hybridity and heterogeneity. These differences could be cultural, linguistic, ethnic or national. They go on to assert that diasporic subjects are defined by the traversal of national boundaries. Consequently, diasporic subjects experience double or even plural identifications. Along the same lines, Triandafyllidou argues that "multiple identities are constructed out of a whole range of possibilities made available by the cultural diversity in countries of origin as well as settlement which cannot be retained within narrow conceptions of national cultures as closed containers"(Triandafyllidou 2009: 101 ). Based on these assertions, diasporic movement questions the rigidity of identities. 82

On the relationship between diaspora and identity, Stuart Hall writes

Diaspora does not refer us to those scattered tribes whose identity can only be secured in relationship to some sacred homeland to which they must at all cost return, even if it means pushing other people into the sea. This is the old, the imperializing, the hegemonizing, form of ethnicity ... the diaspora experience as I intend it [here] is defined not by essence or purity, but by the recognition of necessary heterogeneity and diversity; by a conception of "identity" which lives with and through, not despite difference; by hybridity. Diaspora identities are those which are constantly producing and reproducing themselves anew, through transformation and difference (Hall 1990: 235).

This passage points to a number of salient features of identity that have informed this research. Hall offers that identity is a construction. Identity is constantly in the process of change and transformation. In other words, identity is a process that is never completed but always 'in process' (Hall 1996: 2-4). Hall contends that identity also seems to invoke a connection to the past. This connection with history as a locus for identity formation is important because groups continue to correspond with that historical past. According to Hall, identities are about questions of using the resources of history, language and culture in the process of becoming rather than being: not 'who we are' or

'where we came from', so much as what we might become, how we have been represented and how that bears on how we might represent ourselves (Hall 1996:4).

Furthermore, Hall identifies the need to situate debates about identity within all historically specific developments and practices which have disturbed the relatively settled character of many populations and cultures (Hall 1996: 4).

I consider discussions of identity closely in conjunction with processes of identification because the two are so intricately connected. At its most basic, identification refers to the "tug of war" between the way an individual chooses to identify him or herself (identity) and the way others identify that individual (identification) (Baker 83

2004: 2). As the tug of war imagery indicates, there often exists a tension between the ways people self-identify (identity) and get identified (identification). These identity and identification processes are lived in and through categories of difference such as race, gender, class, and sexuality. While these categories are social and cultural constructs they have real world effects and embody tangible value. They are based in history, stereotypes and inequitable power relationships (Baker 2004:9). In the US, the formation of an individual identity is tightly fastened to the ascription of labels, stereotypes and expectations imposed on people who fall within particular categories (Baker 2004:7).

Appiah (2000) focuses on the ascriptive end of identity and identification processes. While I assert that we must consider gender and class in the ascriptive processes, Appiah argues that racial ascription is more socially salient (Appiah: 610). He looks at race as a major form of identification that is central to contemporary identity politics. He argues that people have recognizable identities and expectations about the performance of the role (Appiah 200: 609). Furthermore he argues that what people can do depends on what concepts they have available to them. One of the concepts that may shape one's action is the concept of a certain kind of person (they perhaps should be) and the associated appropriate behavior to that kind of person (Appiah 2000: 609).

Baker (2004) makes a similar importai1t assertion when he states that the processes of identification (ascriptive identity or the imposition of an ascribed status) can actually curtail the performance of particular forms of identity and structure the expected repertoires people should and often do perform, practice, or inhabit (Baker 2004: 7).

Between both perspectives (Baker and Appiah) it should be noted that it is never a simple "choice" in terms of one's own identity because individuals are always situated 84

within a matrix of laws, rules, institutions and expectations (Baker 2004:4). Both perspectives demonstrate that these processes of identification involve subtle transformations that often mean surfing within and between dimensions of personal identity and collective or cultural identity (Baker 2004: 7).

Part of investigating processes of identity construction then involves attempting to identify the criteria and boundaries of inclusion and exclusion and associated appropriate modes of behaviors and beliefs that accompany those criteria. Placing questions of identity in international context means that I must consider the dynamic relationship between diaspora, transnationalism and identity.

Politics of Home and Away

Sawyer (2002), Pabst (2006) and Parrefias (2001) offer the most useful ways to think about the relationship between diaspora, identity and transnational mobility.

Sawyer writes of diasporic belonging as a process of "rooting and routing". Roots invoke the local politics of place that actors reside in and in some cases act against. This is often a national context. Routing points to the role of the trans- and multi-local movement of individual actors (Sawyer 2002: 15). It is this connection between "roots" and "routes" that offers a space for the (re )negotiation of identities.

Pabst also uses routes and roots language. She references identity in relation to the

"place" with place signifying dwelling and movement. Place, then, references "where we're from, where we're at, where we've been, and where we're going as individuals and as members of multiple categories of belonging" (Pabst : 113 ). 85

Parrefias (200 I) exploration on the emergence of a transnational diasporic subject via her comparative study of the experiences of Filipino migrant domestic workers

.addresses this relationship by talking in terms of "dislocations" and "contexts of reception" which she places at the center of her analysis. Contexts of reception simply

refers to how migrant Filipina women are received and become situated as migrant

workers in the two locations of which her study focuses (Los Angeles, California and

Rome, Italy). The notion of dislocation refers to the positions into which external forces

in society constitute the subject of migrant Filipina domestic workers (Parrefias 2001 :3).

Her use of dislocations as an operating framework to analyze Filipina women's

experiences goes deeper in penetrating the relationship between identity and subjectivity

by as she puts it "illustrating their process of constitution and the means by which

migrant Filipina domestic workers resist or negotiate the effects of these dislocations in

their everyday lives" (Parrefias 200 l :3).

By analyzing individual experiences at a subject level of analysis, she is able to

look at global processes from a more localized perspective and framework. In this way

she is able to avoid giving an essential representation of the experiences of migrant

Filipina domestic workers. Instead she is able to describe their shifting subject-positions

in multiple migrant institutions in order to illustrate the process of their constitution as

migrant subjects (Parrefias 2001 :246-250). By showing parallel lives and positions in

host societies with different concepts of reception, she emphasizes the fact that across

different contexts they do share a similar role in various local economies and (Parrefias

200 l :246-4 7) and subject positioning in broader cultural discourses. In her case by

placing these women in comparative perspective and most importantly in an international 86

context, she is mindful of the construction of Asian American subjects in the globalization of the economy, foreign policies of the US and Italy and the resulting migrations (Parrefias 2001 : 10).

Following Parrefias and for the purposes of this research, when I position Black

American women as members of diasporic networks I am placing them there not based on some notion of essential allegiance among them but based on their particular position as raced; classed, and gendered subjects with a particular historical narrative and experiences of racialization, sexism, and inequality as well as access to power and privilege. This allow( ed) me to be attentive to the dominant discourses that circulate about Black American women while also focusing on the dynamic and dialectical explorations of identity of my research participants as they operated in transnational social fields and navigate "the politics of home and away".

Finally, the interplay between externally produced group and individual identities has particular relevance for the production of identities when considering the experiences of Black women. In fact, Patricia Hill Collins asserts (cited in Higginbotham 2001 :2) that Black women live their lives as "a series of negotiations that aim to reconcile the contradictions separating their internally defined images of self as African American women with their objectification as "other." This assertion points to the ways race, class and gender collide to produce certain realities for Black women in the United States.

From Sarah Baartman and Josephine Baker to Michelle Obama, the Black female body and image has been the source and site of consistent debate in the discovery and production ofracialized femininities. Historically, in the United States, the Black female body became chattel for breeding and a source for labor. While the white woman was 87

placed on a pedestal and positioned as the protector of hearth and home, Black women were either cast outside of the feminine private domain of the home or forced to operate in the public work domain. The Black woman was the antithesis of all that was beautiful and feminine. The black female body became the material host of a highly developed racial ideology that made her the quintessential dichotomy. In this worldview, the black woman became simultaneously hyper-visible and invisible, masculine and womanly, repugnant and desirable (Rosado 2007: 33). The Black woman and her body are thus inextricably connected to historical representation and both individual and societal perception and interpretation (Bennett and Dickerson 2001 ).

During my time in the field, I saw Michelle Obama represented as domineering

6 7 fist bumping afro-ed terrorist and "baby mama " to being represented as the contemporary Jacqueline Onassis aka Jackie 0. These images placed Michelle Obama on both ends of a raced and classed femininity spectrum. On the one hand she was characterized as an overbearing figure and baby mama which positions Black women and the black family in a lower class, racialized "abnormal" category that rests outside of

"traditional" nuclear family boundaries. A baby mama rests on the stereotype of an irresponsible overly fertile black woman having children out of wedlock without considerations of the consequences. On the other hand, as the campaign progressed,

Michelle Obama became the modem Jackie 0, the white former first lady of President

John F. Kennedy who represented (and to many continues to represent) the epitome of

6 In July 2008, the New Yorker published a satirical cartoon that pictured then presidential candidate Barack Obama in what many Americans think of as traditional Muslim garb, turban, robe and sandals. Michelle Obama was pictured in camouflage, combat boots and an assault rifle. 7 During the 2008 presidential campaign, a Fox news reporter referred to Michelle Obama as Obama's "baby's mama". Much controversy and conversation ensued following the use of this racially charged and, to many, offensive term. 88

style, grace, femininity and appropriate motherhood. I mention this because it speaks to the dynamics black women must contend with as they operate in the world and attempt to re-appropriate their own images and construct their identities on their own terms. This type of imagery and the debate and the discussion it compels is not contained to a local or national level. It operates on a global level. In fact, an email campaign was distributed amongst many of the African Americans I found in London critiquing the New Yorker cartoon. While the 2008 presidential election season brought race and gender to the forefront with democratic candidates Barack Obama and Hilary Clinton, the possibility of a Black first lady and first family reignited important concerns over Black female representation and identity that crossed borders. While these examples speak to externally created notions of black womanhood, we must also be aware and critical of internally produced images as well. While dominant discourses that rest on the image of a "strong black woman" can be empowering, they can also be restrictive if allowed to become the only and therefore authentic version of black womanhood. It is this reality that animates the politics of home and away for African American women.

In their transnational movement, African American women must learn to navigate a complicated gendered geopolitics which speaks to issues of privilege and disadvantage

Transnationai mobiiity disrupts iocation specific patterns of being and knowing.

Feminist scholar Susan Friedman (cited in Pabst 2006:124) argues that transnational mobility enables a "kind of categorical travel that denaturalizes 'home' bringing to visibility many of the cultural constructions we take for granted as natural". Pabst further argues that juxtapositions of different locations help to bring into focus the significance of geopolitical meditation on other axes of difference (Pabst 2006: 124). In 89

other words, transnational mobility offers transmigrants distance from locally specific articulations of identity on both an individual and group level. In this research, participants contended with notions of belonging and constructions of identity in three areas: what it meant to be a Black woman, what it meant to be an American, and what it meant to be part of an African diasporic community. Research participants' exploration of the process of identity in these three areas provides the content for the next three chapters. CHAPTER3

RESEARCH METHODS AND ANALYSIS

To answer my research questions, I used the qualitative research tools of participant observation, social network analysis and interviews. For analysis, I devoted significant attention to the interviews. My selection of these research tools sets a strong basis for theorizing around identity, places experience at the center of analysis and recognizes the significance of discourse in the production of social realities and subjects.

This combination of research methods allowed me to obtain a mosaic of personal narratives that document the individual experiences of African American women yet also speaks to their collective positioning as historically situated raced, gendered, and classed subjects.

Research Participants

Research participants ranged in age from their early twenties to early fifties. Most were employed in the financial services industry or in the legal profession. Research participants hailed from all parts of the United States (see Table 1). All attended college or university. The majority ofresearch participants was US citizens and/or had spent the majority of their lives in the US. All identified the United States as their home country.

All, with one exception, research participants were single, meaning unmarried.

I identified three intersecting groups of Black Americans living in London. One group consisted mostly of young adults who worked in the financial services industries.

90 91

Amy linked me into this group via her email list. I was introduced to the group and dubbed the "newbie" and invited to mixer at a hotel in London. Amy marked an internal division within this larger group that she marked as "crews" or subgroups. While others remained within their respective crews, Amy floated between the two. She characterized the "crews" as follows in relation to an upcoming event. I have replaced the names of research participants with Subject A, B, etc.:

There's kind of distinct groups out here-- Subject A /Subject B and their crew. Subject X/Subject Y and their crew. Subject D doesn't really roll with the 'crews' as much - for instance, none of the people listed below for his outing would normally show up (or actually be on the email invite) for a Subject A or Subject B party. Subject NSubject B represents sort of the American Black crew in finance. Subjects X and Y are a little more eclectic and their crew consists of more of an international crowd and a lot of Africans. These two groups rarely mix. The day in the park might be one of those rare occasions. Now this isn't to say that people don't crossover and that you'll never see Subject X at a Subject A party or vice versa, more to say that Subject X or Subject Y's peripheral people in their group wouldn't show up to a Subject A party and vice versa.

I found these descriptions to be relatively accurate and was able to interview

people from both "crews." I also identified another group of Black Americans living in

London who were on average older than these two "crews", ranging in age from their late

20s to early 50s. Some worked in finance, but they were also lawyers, writers, non profit

professionals as well as business people. Many of the people in this social network were

involved in the deveiopment of an emerging non profit organization. This iatter group

has lived in London longer than the two younger crews whose initial move to London

was due to a kind of business exchange program. 92

Table 1. Research Participants

April 31 Bachelors Brooklyn, NY Finance 3 years Investment Allison 26 Bachelors Atlanta, GA Banking 3 years

Born in Anchorage, AK; considers NY her 'hnmAtn,un Amy 25 J..1.V.1..1..1.""'l-VYY.I.& Financial Analyst 1 year Over Betty 50 Unknown Unknown Unknown 30+ Intern/Legal Brenda 23 Bachelors Memphis, TN Entity Controller 1 year Advanced degree in South Unemployed at Cara 25-34 Architecture Plainfield, NJ time of interview Advanced Celia 48 degree Chicago, IL Chief Executive 6 years Business Analyst Debbie 18-25 Bachelors Atlanta, GA Trainee 1.5 years Financial Printing Sales Dana 47 Bachelors Chicago, IL Representative 13 years Investment 2 years (in Deidra 25-34 Masters Brooklyn, NY Banking 2007) Philadelphia, Writer/Editor/Asp 4 years (in Georgia 36 Masters PA iring TV Producer 2007)

Mitchellville, Iris 31 Advanced MD Attorney 1 year Washington, Jan 18-25 Masters DC Student 1 year

Jennifer 26 JD Queens, NY Attorney 13 months

1 Names are pseudonyms to protect research participants' identity.

2 Length of stay is based on initial interviews and meetings conducted in 2007 or 2008. 93

Table I Continued . . ·... ·'·. .. •·.. ,., l.: ... : .. .·: " . 'i . ..

... :. . ,._, ••• .. Length

. '. '~~'- .-:;· ·' ,;·.. ~ .. '-.1'; ·.:.or ~taf ; .. -.··_ .'::·· . :_;t:.. -· .. .. Age • Eaucatioti • ... >111 c •.. .Name: : • •• 'Rahsre:;, .. · •·.·"·'.Level x·. ,. ~~f:]fi~iJetb~,... · ..•. X· .6tc~da~i~hiFi~1~f; ~. tLon:dort·•: Unemployed at time Kayla 34 MBA Columbia, MD of interview 1.5 years

Kia 30s JD Tallahassee, FL Attorney 1 year

Associate Director Mabel 34 MBA Cherry Hill, NJ British University 3 years

Highest level of education unknown- Late 40's has at least -50's a Bachelors 30+ Marley (estimate) degree Beaumont, TX Public Health years Los Angeles/Oakland, Mary 36 JD CA Attorney 9 months

Natalie 31 JD Sacramento, CA Attorney Indefinite

Noelle 35-44 Bachelors Ria Alto, CA Writer/Photographer 9 months Mid 30s- 40 At least 1 Penelope (estimate) JD Unknown Unknown year At least Paige 35-44 Bachelors New York Banking 2 years

15 Paula 31 Bachelors New York Teacher months Phoebe 26-33 Bachelors Queens, NY Accountant 3+ years Rose 42-49 Advanced Oakland, CA General Manager 3 years

20+ Rebecca 42-49 Bachelors Stamford, CT Consultant years 94

Table 1 Continued

Lengfuof Age Education Stay in. Name Range Level ·Hometown .Occupation/Field .• London.

Cleveland, Sheila 25-34 Bachelors OH Finance 1 year Tonya 30s MBA Tampa, FL Finance 4 years 2 years, 5 months (in Tina 25-34 Bachelors Miami, FL Finance 2007)

Program Manager 26 Bachelors Chicago, IL in non-profit 2.5 years Tiffany sector Corporate Nashville, Diversity Manager 9 years, 10 Olivia 34-41 Bachelors TN months

Based on educational levels and occupational fields (which can be an indicator of income), all of my research participants would be identified as middle class. However, class can be an elusive concept to define. Karl Marx and Max Weber both establish an economic foundation in articulating a concept of class. Both asserted that property ownership and a division of labor are the bases for the formation of classes.

While Marx identified three large classes (landowners, capitalists and workers) under capitalism, Weber anticipated a greater variety of class situations (Chilcote 1994:

111). For example, Weber differentiates a large number of both positively and negatively privileged classes with reference to education and negatively privileged classes with reference to education as well as property and included an analysis of status groups

(Edgell 1993: 14). One of Weber's most significant contributions to discussions of class is the concept of status which he defines as an effective claim to social esteem in terms of 95

positive or negative privileges typically founded on a number of factors such as style of life, formal education or hereditary and occupational prestige (Weber 1982:72).

Status extends beyond the individual and can be applied to a status group which means a plurality of persons who within a larger group successfully claim a special social esteem (Weber 1982:73). According to Weber, classes are stratified according to their relations to the production and acquisition of goods, whereas status groups are stratified according to the principles of their consumption of goods as represented by special styles of life (Weber 1982: 67). Nevertheless, class and status are linked in a variety of ways

(Weber 1982:65).

Although Weber does mark some distance between status and class and ultimately relates the two to the market economy, he brings together two important dimensions of working with class as an analytical category. Weber's discussion of status and status group introduces an important dimension of class that falls outside of the realm of the economic. It becomes evident that determining class involves recognizing non-economic as well as economic factors.

Incorporating some key features of Bourdieu' s discussion of class adds another layer of complexity to thinking through class distinctions and their impacts. For

Bourdieu, the primary differences which distinguish the major classes derive from its overall capital understood as the set of actually usable resources and powers. These are economic capital, cultural capital and social capital. The distribution of the different classes thus stems from those who are at best provided with both economic and cultural capital in relation to those who are most deprived in both respects (Bourdieu 1984:114). 96

In other words questions of class are determined by access and control over the three types of capital.

Individuals grouped in a class that is constructed based on a particular criterion always bring with them what Bourdieu calls secondary properties. This means that a class or class fraction is not defined only by its position in the relations of production as identified through indices such as occupation, income or even education level but also by a whole set of subsidiary characteristics. In fact, Bourdieu argues that a number of official criteria used to measure class serve as masks for these hidden, secondary criteria.

For example, requiring a diploma can be a way of demanding a particular social origin

(Bourdieu 1984: 102). Therefore [social] class is not defined solely by property, a collection of properties, or by position in the relations of productions but by the structure ofrelations between all the pertinent properties which gives its specific value to each of them and to the effects they exert on practices (Bourdieu 1984: 106).

Drawing on these theories, I treat class as a socio-economic indicator that extends

beyond indicators such as employment, income, and wealth. Less tangible factors like

belief systems, social practices and personal tastes are also outgrowths of economic

differentiation. Although they may be more difficult to systematically characterize when

compared with the materiai and the structural, these factors are important (Prince

2004:89). Class gives access to resources, power and opportunity. Therefore, while

income is an important criterion in determining class, class is, as Allison puts it, also

about "access to dreams and "having the luxury of dreaming." While a member of

middle to upper class may be "dreaming about going to Italy" a member of the working 97

to poor class may be dreaming "about a ham sandwich". Allison's statement points to the ways class structures realities and lived experiences of its members.

As members of a middle class, I assert that this group of Black transmigrants are a type of immigrant elite. They bring with them a degree of human3 and financial capital that allowed them to live in higher end neighborhoods, go on international trips to places like St. Tropez, and become patrons of art and theater organizations. If this group of

Black transmigrants were evaluated based on the tiered immigration scheme found in the

Appendix, they would receive high scores in education, previous earnings, and English language ability. They would be considered highly skilled migrants. While their socioeconomic status does endow Black American transmigrants with a certain degree of privilege, race continues to inform their experiences as well.

Participant Observation

The culmination of my research for this project was a 2008 continuous six month stint in the field. However, I did preliminary research in the summers of 2005 and 2007.

Therefore, my field research for this project spans a three year period.

During my first research trip to London, I stayed with a woman named Lila who was my first important contact in the city. Born in England, Lila self identified as

Jamaican and British, based on her mother's Jamaican heritage. Lila also spent at least ten years living in the United States. So, Lila had experienced the racial dynamics in

3 When I use the term human capital I am referring to a skill set that allows transmigrants to contribute to British society and economy. For most research participants their human capital was in the fields of finance and law. In fact, global corporations' desire to develop financial skills and capacities of African Americans in the global market place were the reason for many of my research participants' relocation to London. 98

both the US as well as in the UK. Lila and I often had stimulating and enlightening conversations about her experiences growing up in the UK and then migrating to the US.

From these initial conversations I began to see the complexities of racial and national identification in a city like London. Although official government standards might identify non-whites in the UK as Black Minority Ethnics (BME) individuals inhabit a range of identities that belie these broad categories of identification.

4 My temporary home became Lila's apartment in S-Town , an up and coming urban area of the city. S-Town was almost equidistant between the neighborhoods of A-

City and D-ville. A-City and D-ville were radically different. A-City was a popular destination for restaurants and shopping. It had popular American chains like Barnes and

Noble and Starbucks. The A-City tube station was usually well lit and clean. To give an example to demonstrate the type of area A-City was, while I was in A-City, Cherie Blair, then Prime Minister Tony Blair's wife, had dinner in one of the restaurants. A number of my future research participants lived in A-City. I also stayed at a college dorm that doubled as a kind of hostel during my subsequent trips to London.

In contrast, on my trips to D-ville I found fast food chains like KFC and

McDonalds, small shops that sold ethnic foods like Jamaican patties, Chinese food, hair braiding shops and shops that sold black hair care products. There was no underground tube stop to D-ville. Instead service to D-ville was via over ground train in a very basic somewhat run down train station. Traveling between these two neighborhoods introduced me to the racial geography of the city. While a seemingly diverse racial

4 In order to further protect my research participants' anonymity, I use these types of pseudonyms i.e. A-Town, B-ville, C-City to refer to their neighborhoods and other notable identifiers such as colleges and universities. 99

population frequented A-City, D-ville seemed to be mostly frequented and inhabited by

African or Caribbean descendants and immigrants. In other words, there was a majority of black faces. I would come to know more of the racial geography of the city as I met research participants in their respective neighborhoods.

Another experience that demonstrated the racial/ethnic complexities and racial geography of the city was my visit and interview with Harriet at her family's home in B­

Town. Harriet primarily identified as a Black British woman. I began email communication with Harriet weeks before this summer trip. I met her one afternoon after she picked her daughter up from school. They met me at the B-Town tube station and we walked through the neighborhood to her family's home. As we walked towards their house, I saw the sights and sounds of B-Town. We started in what I would describe as the city center. Here, there were shops and restaurants. As we continued our journey, we walked through an outdoor market that sold everything from fresh fruits and meats to clothes and batteries. These markets were common to most London neighborhoods.

None of my female research participants lived in B-Town. However, one made a comment along the lines of "if you want to see Black people, go to B-Town" or go to B­

T own to get "good Caribbean food." Historically B-Town has been inhabited predominateiy by peopie of Caribbean and African descent. This seemed to be the case contemporarily. Like D-ville, I saw mostly black and brown faces.

Initially, my interview was to only be with Harriet. However, my interview quickly expanded to include her sister and even her sister's younger children. The interview sparked an interesting conversation amongst the family. While Harriet and her sister primarily identified as Black British women, one of the young girls said that she 100

identified as Jamaican. This identification was despite the fact that she was essentially a second generation Black British person. This was in recognition of her grandparents'

Jamaican heritage. The young twelve to fourteen year old offered up the example of who she would root for in a football match. She stated she would cheer for a Jamaican team over a British team.

After I turned off my recording device, I stayed and talked with the family. I had tea and cake, met Harriet's parents as they sat in their front room and watched TV, and was offered some traditional Jamaican fare for dinner. The conversation and my experience with Harriet's family demonstrated the reality of a Black British family--one that drank tea but also had a pot of Jamaican stew on the stove one that watched football

(American soccer) but with loyalties towards Jamaican teams and players.

During these preliminary trips, I met a young woman named Georgia. Unlike most of my research participants in this study, Georgia did not work in finance. She was a writer, editor, and aspiring television producer. At the time Georgia had been living in

London for close to four years. At one meeting with Georgia, I shared with her my previous night's experience at a leaving party5 with the mostly financial services employed African Americans at a club venue in the city. As I made my rounds, meeting and introducing myseif to others, passing aiong contact information with new folks, I noticed that most would whip out a Blackberry or some sophisticated electronic device.

This led to a conversation about the different groups of Black Americans in London and how with her salary she could not always "hang" with certain groups. On a different occasion, she shared with me some data from research she had conducted on leisure

5 A leaving party is the equivalent to a going away party. 101

activities of Blacks in the city and how she saw this as a part reflection of not incorporating Black experience into mainstream venues like museums or the opera.

One afternoon Georgia invited Lila and me to lunch at her Italian's friend's apartment in C-town. The lunch offered some stimulating conversation but it was an encounter as we left the friend's apartment that exposed me to another layer to the racial and ethnic dynamics of London. As the three of us walked towards the bus, we came upon a group of young children playing in the streets. Their friendly play quickly turned ugly as we soon saw one of the kids fleeing the group. Although, I do not know what caused the child to run away, the two young white girls called after the young boy "you

Paki!" New to London, I had never heard this term. However, Lila and Georgia were and explained to me that this was an extremely derogatory and offensive term for

Pakistani immigrants and British of Pakistani descent. During my last research trip to

London, Prince William would take heat for referring to a fellow British soldier in this way. For me, this situation revealed how the seemingly neat BME designation can be easily disturbed. Between Georgia and Lila, I gained some important insights into the city as I experienced the city with a "native" and a Black American trans-migrant. These experiences informed my final research trip.

For my iast research trip to London, I continued to conduct participant observation in a variety of settings and to fold my personal experiences into my observations. For example, I volunteered to take meeting minutes at an emerging non profit organization. While this organization was open to and had members who were

African Americans as well as Black British of Caribbean and African descent, the majority of the attendees at these meetings were African Americans. Attending these 102

meetings allowed me to meet new interviewees and see how African Americans as a

formal group, were attempting to participate and bring together the various African

diasporic communities in London.

I also attended soul food dinners and brunches with African Americans. I

attended sporting events in the park that were organized by an informal network of

African Americans living in London. I attended an engagement/housewarming party for a

young African and African American couple. I also attended "leaving parties" or going

away events. Many of my research participants came to London via an internship type

program that lasted at least one year. This meant there was constant turnover of

individuals coming in and out of this professional Black American network.

While most research participants stated that they appreciated the diversity that a

city like London offered, I found that many of their events created "black spaces". For

example, one of the Sunday dinners I attended featured traditional American "soul food"

items such as fried chicken. I argue this is a way to stay connected to their Black

American heritage. The majority of participants at this Sunday dinner were African

American. Hip hop music was played during the course of the day and the party roared

when a young Welsh woman participated in a popular Black line dance. Towards the end

of the evening, conversation turned to their work experiences. One of the male attendees

told a story of how he was referred to as a colored boy by one his colleagues. Others in

the room nodded their heads in empathy. Others offered how they needed to listen to

music like gospel or hip hop to make it through the day sometimes. I assert that events

like this offered African American transmigrants a support system and the opportunity to

talk through how they were experiencing race in London. 103

At another brunch, soul food and a birthday brought a group of predominately

African Americans together. While most of the attendees were African American, individuals from different African nations were also present. This was an interesting event in that excitement over "soul food" such as macaroni and cheese, candied yams, and red velvet cake to be prepared by African Americans was enjoyed by Nigerians who had never had it before. These experiences went along side conversations about the differences between Igbo and Yoruba tribes and a self identified Liberian telling me that if you as a Black person identify as British, you "don't know where you come from."

This gathering also revealed something to me about the financial status of some of my research participants. At the party, folks reminisced about a ski trip to where they rented out a house. Over the July 4th weekend a group trip was planned for St. Tropez. I took these as class indicators as their jobs were allowing them to make such excursions.

An engagement party for a young African and African American couple revealed the diversity of the category of Black in London. Both members of the couple were of

Nigerian descent, although Cara, the woman in the couple, was a US citizen. Most of the attendees of the party were Black of various nationalities. Some, like me were Black

American, while others were South African, Ethiopian, Liberian or Nigerian. In a subsequent interview, Cara spoke to me about her fiance's difficuity in securing a visa despite his training as a doctor which should have provided him with additional points on the UK's immigration scheme. The party featured traditional American fare like hamburgers and veggie burgers alongside traditional Nigerian dumplings. Hip hop and

R'n B were played at the party as well as African club music. At this event I saw the merger of African and American. 104

A sports day in the park was also a great opportunity to meet new research participants and to involve myself in life as a Black American in London. Approximately

60% of the 30-35 folks at this sport day were African American. Along with those

African Americans, folks who were Black of different nationalities played in relay races, volleyball and other outdoor activities. One incident from this sport day stands out in my mind. As part of the fun of the day, a water balloon fight started that involved mostly the men. During the water balloon battle, a Black woman was accidentally caught in the crossfire. The guys who hit the young woman apologized and the young lady accepted their apologies and dried off. While she dried off, I overheard a group of African

American men joking around about the incident. They commented that this young woman must be Black and British because a Black woman from the US would have been

"taking her earrings off' and "pulling her hair back" ready to fight. While humorous in the moment, I mention it because comments like these demonstrate that the image of overly aggressive, argumentative black woman travels.

The interviews also served as a type of participant observation. In most cases I allowed the research participant to choose the location for the interviews. I made this choice in an effort to mitigate the perceived power differences between researcher and subject. This meant that I was in a location ofihe research participants choice and ended up being either their home, their place of business, or at a local bar, cafe or restaurant in their neighborhood. I used these opportunities to explore their neighborhoods. Most research participants lived in Central London. They lived in diverse neighborhoods.

Some like Maida Vale, or Sloane Square would be considered quite "posh" while others lived in up and coming neighborhoods like Shoreditch. 105

My own familiar ways of identifying were challenged by my time spent between

Henley and London. For a good portion (almost half) of my time in the field, I stayed with a white American family in a town called Henley-on-the-Thames. This choice was the result of not receiving sufficient external funding to conduct my research. Henley is a town on the north side of the River Thames in south Oxfordshire, England. It is a very wealthy, predominately white town that is home to the prestigious, traditionally upper class, Rowing Regatta. I was one of few faces of color in the town.

I commuted by train into London at least three but in many cases up to five times a week. This commute allowed me to see the changing diversity in population as I traveled from South to North and switched from regional transport system to London transportation networks. As I entered London, my status as one of few soon turned into a face of color among many.

In one instance I went to the local library to print some materials. In order to receive a library card, the librarian asked me to complete some paperwork. I obliged. The form contained standard information such as name, address, email etc. There was an optional section that asked individuals to identify their race/ethnicity. As I scanned over the options, I had to stop and think about which box would most accurately represent me.

My choices were Biack British, Biack African, Black Caribbean or Black Other. For the firs time I was a proverbial "other". This did not jive with the familiar US based racial categorizations of Black or African American. Eventually, I selected Black Other but not without thinking to myself how I felt that box was too vague to appropriately convey my identity. 106

In another instance, I participated in a question and answer panel session as part of local borough council's Black history month celebration. The theme of the event was

"Celebrating Nelson Mandela's 90th Birthday and the presidential candidacy of Barack

Obama. The lovely woman I stayed worked for this council and invited me to participate.

I was to provide the Black American perspective. After the panel, panelists and guests were invited to enjoy refreshments. The moderator of the event sparked a conversation with me and soon asked me if I was "all American." This question stumped me. The only reference I could think of for "all American" was to sports. My puzzlement must have registered on my face, as the moderator soon clarified that he meant were my parents born in the US.

These two instances allowed me to live the slight distinction between the often asked questions 'where are you from" and "where are you from from". While, like many of my research participants, I was used to simply saying Black or African American and that being the end of the conversation. The folks we (my research participants and I) encountered assumed that we could probe deeper into our racial ancestry. The latter question was a call to do just that. I believe that folks in London, both Black and white, expected African Americans to be able to point to a particular African or Caribbean nation as the source ofraciai heritage and culturai identity. The subtle distinction in this line of questioning points to the different racial histories and imaginings about racial identity that was disturbed by migratory movement.

Commuting into London and temporarily living in London, allowed me to participate in daily life as Black American woman. It enabled me to become familiar with local debates and issues which in some cases provided a source of questioning and 107

conversation during the interviews. During my commute I would always pick up local paper in order to stay abreast of current events. For example, one of the major news stories of the summer was the rising incidents of knife crime among the city's youth. The first major news coverage that captured national attention was the murder of a young white male, who was the brother of a prominent soap star. This murder caused considerable outrage and resulted in an anti-violence march being held to combat this type of violence. For the rest of the summer coverage of knife crime continued and even became a major focus of the Mayor of London's agenda. Pictures of the victims would often accompany these news stories. Most of the time, these victims were young Black males of African or Caribbean descent. Rarely was this factor mentioned in the news text. I should note that this was in mainstream newspapers whose audience was both white and black. Newspapers such as the Voice, a Black newspaper in London, talked about this issue in direct relation to the impact it had on their communities.

Another major news issue that dominated the press during my field research was the 2008 US presidential election campaign. It was almost impossible to pick up a paper and not find some mention of the US election. In contrast, to the news coverage on knife crime, the impact and the importance of race and or gender was often mentioned in articles covering the campaign. I discussed this media coverage with some of my research participants in the interviews and what we perceived were the differences in media coverage in the US versus the UK. Many remarked on how race did not often make it into conversation in terms of media and just in every day discourse in London. 108

Social Network Analysis and Defining Transnational Agents

One of the major areas of focus in transnational migration studies is examining a transmigrants relationship to his/her home country. These relationships can be evaluated through individual relationships, organizational affiliations, politics, or as more commonly discussed in the literature, through the sending of remittances.

Social network analyses are one way to evaluate the continuing connection between home and away. Social network analyses link a defined set of people, organizations or communities and are used to create network typologies that can explain the variation in people's life experiences (Schensul 1999:8). The basic premise of network analyses is that the social embeddedness of actors in a web of specific relationships says a lot about their position in society (Dahinden 2009: 1370). These patterns of inclusion in social relations do not emerge by chance, but should be regarded as structural patterns (Dahinden 2009: 1370-1371).

In a 2009 study, Janine Dahinden sought to analyze the degree of her research participants' transnationalism on a scale from non transnational to fully transnational with transnational networks further defined from weak, medium, pronounced to strong.

Transnational ties were defined as all those people mentioned by the respondents on the name generator exercise that lived outside of her research site (Dahinden 2009: 1371 ).

Dahinden's criteria for evaluation included questions about persons with whom the interviewee discussed important things, with whom they spent their leisure timt;, or who they provided financial assistance. 109

Following a similar pattern of analysis, I used social network analysis worksheets to gain access to the context of my research participants lives (Schensul 1999:6) and to

"measure" their transnational connections. I compared research participants' social networks in the UK versus the US and concentrated on where participants identified their strongest relationships based on scale of 1 to 5. A one represented a weak relationship and a five represented an extremely strong relationship. While the worksheets demonstrated that research participants were developing or had developed strong relationships in London, on average all research participants strongest relationships

(identified between 4 and 5 on the strength of importance scale) remained in the US.

While the frequency of contact varied amongst participants, the fact that what they identified as their most important relationships were in the US indicates a continuing connection to home.

I gathered this information through a questionnaire that was delivered to the research participants before our first interview. This gave them the chance to complete the form before our first interview session. The questionnaire was designed to access to the context of people's lives by collecting data on the gender, age, nationality, relationship of the interviewee's network as well as the nature, closeness and duration of the reiationships in both the US and the UK (Schensul 1999: 18).

Another way I defined my participants as transnational was by their length of stay in London. What differentiates transnational migration from other forms of temporary travel is a degree of settlement. I worked with African American women who fit the

United Nation's definition oflong term international migrants which is defined as a person who moves to a country other than that of his or her usual residence for a period 110

of at least a year, so that the country of destination effectively becomes his or her new country of residence. The average length of stay of research participants was 5 .6 years.

In addition to these two previous measures, I used the recurring conversations about the 2008 Presidential election as an indicator of their connection to home. In fact one of the "crews" was to host a fundraiser for Barack Obama which is an indicator of their continued participation in US politics. The 2008 US Presidential election is an important factor in research participants' activation of national identity which is discussed in chapter five.

Interviews

I conducted approximately 65 intensive semi-structured interviews (1-2 series with each person) with individuals who self-identified as Black or African Americans.

Instead of conducting three separate themed interview sessions with each research participant as initially proposed, I reduced the interview sessions to two and consolidated the themes. This decision was a direct result of a lack of feasibility. In most cases, research participants' schedules would not permit them to participate in three separate interview sessions. In this dissertation, I concentrate on the 53 interviews I conducted with African American women (for Interview Questions, see Appendix C). I used inductive analysis to identify major themes and patterns found in these interviews and which the excerpts exemplify. These major themes form the content of chapters five, six, and seven. I use numerous quotes to ensure that my research participants' voices are heard and to substantiate my claims. I also use these narratives as the point of departure for deep analysis. 111

I used a snowball sample to create the data set, beginning with respondents that I met on previous research trips to London. I asked these individuals to refer me to others who fit the criteria for the study. A couple of research participants entered me into their email networks which allowed me to gain additional research participants. I also gained research participants through participant observation encounters. Pseudonyms were used to ensure confidentiality.

On average each interview session lasted two hours. The first interview revolved

around the themes, Race, Identity and Diaspora. I also asked questions about their family

history and background. This is what Levy and Hollan (1998) call locating information.

This locating data is important because it positions the interviewee in a larger historical

and social context. This position can become a behavior directing force which is played

out at the intersections of the interviewee's individual sense of self and her perception of

her communally provided social role and identity (Levy and Hollan 1998: 342). Another

important part of this interview session was covering how they came to live in London,

their images and ideas of London before their move, and how they imagined themselves

fitting into the dynamics of the city.

The second interview revolved around the themes of gender, class and nationality.

The second interview aiso included an unstructured portion where the research

participant being interviewed could offer any pertinent information about their

experiences living in the UK that they felt were uncovered by the interview questions.

The interviews were what Levy and Hollan call person-centered interviews which

examine relations between individuals and socio-cultural contexts (Levy and Hollan

1998:334). Person centered interviews position the interview subject as both a traditional 112

"informant'', a knowledgeable person who can tell the anthropologist about behavior and culture in a particular locale, and a respondent, as an object of study of observation in him/herself. Person centered interviews shift back and forth between interviewee in these two positions to provoke a conversation between reports on the context and individual behaviors and perceptions (Levy and Hollan 1998:336). Moving between questions that ask for general descriptive information about a topic or situation and personal information, would reveal the interviewee's perception of the situation and how they see themselves located within that situation. The interview questions also required research participants to think comparatively between geographical contexts i.e. the US versus the

UK.

These semi- structured interviews were the most essential component of my research strategy as they allowed me to directly examine the interviewee's thought process and map the specific trajectories of individuals' lives to uncover what role race, class and gender played in the process of becoming transnational agents. Semi-structured interviews lent freedom to the research participant to lead or direct the discussion, which then enabled me to collect unanticipated data and look for patterns in the unprompted responses of my research participants.

My emphasis on inierviews follows a discourse centered apprnach that focuses on uncovering meaning inherent in language forms and narratives and their relationships to identity, relations of power, beliefs and ideologies (Farnell and Graham 1998:413).

While meanings and identities are historically created and transmitted, they are also subject to revision through dialogue and innovative uses by its members (Farnell and

Graham 1998: 412-415). Like the person-centered interview approach, discourse 113

centered approaches seek to explore the relationship between "social structures" and individual agency (Farnell and Graham 1998:414). A focus on interviews facilitates this objective by providing situated histories, developing specific themes, and reconstructing relationships through detailed narratives. This focus on interview narratives also allowed me to consider how my research participants make sense of socially constructed categories and meanings of (associated with being Black, American female, and diasporic) identity in their own lives in different places.

Analysis

To analyze my interviews, I adopted a qualitative discourse analysis perspective that is informed by critical discourse analysis (CDA). Van Dijk (2004) identifies the main tenets of CDA which are: CDA addresses social problems, asserts that power relations are discursive, asserts that discourse constitutes society and culture, argues that discourse is historical and does ideological work, asserts that the link between text and society is mediated, and finally that discourse is a form of social action. These tenets combine to make CDA critical in that it addresses power, power relations and the reproduction of social dominance and inequalities that are often lived and experienced through social categories such as race, gender, and class.

Since there is no one theoretical framework or a unified set of guidelines used to conduct a critical discourse analysis, I borrow heavily but not absolutely on the work of

Norman Fairclough (2000) to conduct my analysis. Fairclough's approach attends to the dialectical relationship between text, discourse, social structures as well as the social conditions and ideologies that underscore each. Fairclough asserts that language is a 114

form of social practice. This means that language is a part of society and not external to it. Furthermore, language is conditioned by other non-linguistic parts of society

(Fairclough 2000: 19).

Member resources (MR) is also an essential component of Fairclough' s approach to discourse analysis. MR refers to individuals' knowledge of language, representations of the natural and social worlds they inhabit and their related values, beliefs, and assumptions (Fairclough 2000: 20). According to Fairclough, MRs are cognitive and individual in the sense that they are in people's heads. But, they are social in the sense that they have social origins, they are socially generated and their nature and content is dependent on the social relations and struggles out of which they were generated. In other words, social conditions shape the MR people bring to the production and interpretation of a text, which in tum shapes the way in which texts are produced and interpreted (Fairclough 2000: 20-21 ).

Text is also essential in the process of discourse analysis. Fairclough utilizes and defines text in two ways. On the practical level, text is what is said in a piece of spoken discourse. Text is also defined as a product of social conditions, social structures and discourse. He asserts that there is a relationship between text, social structure and member resources. According to Fairclough, this relationship is mediated by the discourse which text is a part. Furthermore, the values of textual features only become apparent and meaningful as they are embedded in social interactions where texts are produced and interpreted against a background of shared assumptions and common-sense notions (member resources). In short, member resources give textual features their value and meaning. 115

Discourse is also central to Fairclough's approach. Considering discourse is important because it allows one to move beyond individual texts and attend to larger power structures that produce certain identities. Moving away from Fairclough momentarily, discourse can be defined as a group of statements which provide a language for talking about a particular topic. It is a way of representing the knowledge about that topic at a particular historical moment. Discourse constructs and defines the topic and produces the objects of our knowledge. It governs the way that a topic can be meaningfully talked about and imagined by defining acceptable and intelligible ways to talk about that topic, write about that topic and even ways to conduct oneself. Discourse also has a function that limits and restricts certain ways of talking, writing and conducting ourselves in relation to the topic and constructing knowledge about it (Hall

1997: 44). Discourse, therefore, should be seen as a system which structures the way that we perceive reality (Mills 2003: 55).

For Fairclough, social conditions determine properties of discourse (Fairclough

2000: 16). Social conditions relate to three different levels of social organization: the level of the social situation or the immediate social environment in which the discourse occurs, the level of social institution which constitutes a wider matrix for the discourse; and the ievei of the society as a whole. Based on these conditions, discourse refers to the entire process of social interaction of which text is a part (Fairclough 2000: 20-21 ).

Viewing language as discourse and as a social practice enables the interpreter to analyze processes of production and interpretation, the relationship(s) between texts, processes and their social conditions, both the immediate conditions of the situational context and the more remote conditions of institutional social structures (Fairclough 116

2000: 21). In other words, critical discourse analysis examines the production of meaning and explores how social interactions make sense in a specific context, but; also examines how the language and discourse used in that local context is associated with broader systems of cultural knowledge.

In this research, I treat the interview narratives as text, both as in what is said and as a product of social conditions and social structures, for critical analysis. This style of discourse analysis allows me to be attentive to the content and style of what research participants offer in their interview texts, what Fairclough calls description, as matters of individual choice and agency as well as relate their experiences as Black transmigrants to the social structures and systems that produce specific articulations of identities. The latter is a combination of what Fairclough calls interpretation and explanation.

Interpretation sees text as the product and a resource in the process of interpretation

(Fairclough 2000: 21 ). Explanation is a matter of seeing a discourse as part of processes of social struggle within a matrix of relations of power (Fairclough 2000:22).

Therefore, I consider individual experiences in relation to group experiences and in the context' of larger social structures and conditions. I pay attention to the common sense assumptions and ideological frameworks that inform the ways research participants; taik about the (re)negotiations of their identity in terms of race, gender, nationality and diaspora and as disrupted by their transnational mobility.

Researcher Positionality

As black American women, we are born into a mystic sisterhood, and we live our lives within a magic circle, a realm of shared language, reference, and allusion within the veil of our blackness and our femaleness. We have been invisible to 117

the dominant culture as rain; we have been knowers, but have not been known (Braxton 1989:1)

As a member of the social group under study, this research will contribute to native anthropology as outlined by Linda Williamson Nelson in Hands in the Chit'lins as

any [native] anthropology coming from a member of an oppressed group can be a revisionist project, one that can rearrange the discursive categories of object and subject, by bringing the voice of observed to the page so that they may speak for themselves ... we cannot fail to acknowledge that the various comers and large spaces of our own enculturation cause us to view and be viewed by other insiders as either focal or peripheral members of the group (Nelson 1996: 189).

In choosing to study a population of which I identify as a member, my work in grounded in a social reality of which I am both a product and a producer. Following in the tradition of Black feminist and native anthropologist, I must acknowledge that" we construct a complex ethnographic world from our data, our field experiences, our knowledge as natives ... woman, other that is contradictory, multi-layered, engaged, and

as close to representing the social reality of the people we study as we can get"

(McClaurin 2001: 61 ).

I do not claim that all Black American women are the same. I recognize that

despite common challenges confronting Black American women as a group, individual

Black women neither have identical experiences nor interpret experiences in a similar

fashion (Hill Collins 2000: 27). However, I do assert that historicaliy Black women's

location in intersecting oppressions has produced commonalities among individual Black

women (Hill Collins 2000:25). As Patricia Hill Collins (2000) argues, being Black and

female in the US continues to expose Black American women to certain common

experiences. US black women's similar work and family experiences as well as our

participation in diverse expressions of African American culture mean that, overall, US 118

black women as a group live in a different world from that of people who are not Black and female (Hill Collins 2000:24).

This sense of connection based on similar shared experiences as US born woman of African descent had a practical influence in my interview sessions. It created a certain degree of assumed familiarity and some ease in conducting the interviews. For example, there was an unspoken level of understanding when discussing the topics of hair and relationships between (Black) men and (Black) women that moved our dialogues forward. This connection is important because it forms part of the MR that allows the text to make sense and for me to analyze those texts. I locate this connection within a

Black feminist (anthro) perspective that values experience as a criterion for meaning (Hill

Collins 2000). Furthermore, although the interviews were semi-structured I considered them dialogues as defined by bell hooks when she says "dialogue implies talk between two subjects, not the speech of subject and object. It is a humanizing speech, one that challenges and resists domination" (hooks cited in Hill Collins 2000: 260). I value this often informal, commonplace, taken for granted knowledge that produces a dialogue shared by African American women who have grown up and lived their lives in the US as important information. A Black feminist perspective articulates the often taken for granted knowiedge shared by African American women as a group and makes that fundamental in the dynamic process of knowledge production.

In addition to placing experience at the center of analysis, my research takes the interaction of categories of difference such as race, class and gender as a central organizing principle and examines the ways in which this interaction profoundly shapes the lives of African American women. Finally following in tradition of native and Black 119

feminist anthropology, I re-affirm a central assertion of Black feminist thought that Black women live their lives as a series of negotiations. As a Black feminist anthropologist, this means that my analysis is informed by a sense of the importance of race, gender and class and recognizes that Black women operate in political, economic and cultural systems that simultaneously empower and devalue them.

This approach allows me to not only "illuminate the experiences of African

American women and theorize from the materiality of their lives to broader issues of political economy, representation, and transformation" (Mullings cited in McClaurin

2001: 61) but also to "participate in some way in the struggle against, racism, sexism and all other systems of inequality" (Cole cited in McClaurin 2001: 57). It is to this tradition of academic activism and a transformative social justice agenda that I hope my research contributes. CHAPTER4

SKINFOLK: LONDON AS A CROSS POINT FOR DISENTANGLING RACE,

IMMIGRANT STATUS & NATIVE ORIGIN

Hamilton (2007) argues that the dispersed people of African descent constitute separate yet interrelated "communities of consciousness engaged in an ongoing quest for human dignity and collective self-actualization". Her formation of African Diaspora also places emphasis on what she calls "cross points". These are the actives sites of negotiation and in some instances contradiction that facilitate the emergence and development of a collective "we" among people of the African diaspora (Hamilton

2007:8).

I take Hamilton's notion of communities of consciousness and the development of a collective "we" as a way to talk about notions of community that transcend and confound national borders and boundaries. This framework is a way to speak to similar understandings and perhaps experiences that result from histories of colonialism, patterns of racism, processes of racialization and the contemporary legacies of those systems. It speaks to the circulation and dissemination of ideologies of race and racism and the

scattering of various African peoples and cultural practices throughout the world

(Hanchard 2004: 151). Hamilton's idea speaks to those populations of African descended who fought for a sense of autonomy, agency and the right to define themselves

despite these oppressive and destructive systems.

120 121

In this chapter, I consider London as a "cross point" where my research participants engage in what I identify as "skinfolk" negotiations. These are inter- ethnic/cultural interactions that compelled research participants to reconsider and interrogate Blackness as a settled category of racial, cultural and ethnic identification.

"Skinfolk" interactions led to more nuanced articulations and understandings of identity,

Blackness, community and belonging that revealed points of diasporic connection and contention. My focus on "skinfolk" interactions allows me to explore the processes of boundary formation and maintenance that inform this dissertation project as a whole. In the next section, I further explain my use of the concept of "skinfolk."

"Skinfolk" and "Kinfolk"

Brackette Williams (1996) speaks of "skinfolk" versus "kinfolk" distinctions

when discussing her field work experiences in different regions of the US and Africa.

Williams uses this concept as a way to talk about her position as an anthropologist and

participant observer and how being an African American female researcher provided her

with an

ambivalent, betwixt and between identity, neither foreigner in a totally unknown form nor native of a fully knowable type, resulting from historical linkages between "shared" race as potentially shared culture that made vague such designations as inside and outside (Williams 1996: 77).

Furthermore, she argues that being "skinfolk" establishes boundary conditions for the

construction of other social personae within which betwixt and between anthropologists

can act and interact (Williams 1996:77). Through her fieldwork experiences, Williams

lives in and through cleavages based on class, education, generation, gender, and

geography. While Williams utilizes this "skinfolk" versus "kinfolk" distinction as a way 122

to talk about her interactions in the field, I adjust and apply this concept as a framework to explore how my research participants imagined themselves as part of an African diaspora as a result of various inter-ethnic interactions they had in London. I use this concept and imagery because drawing on the notion of kin necessitates thinking about points of connection. Thinking in terms of "skinfolk" adds a racial dimension to those points of connection.

A strict definition of kin and by extension "kinfolk" signifies a connection or relation based on blood, marriage or adoption. While these terms are usually used in reference to family relationships, Carol Stack's 1974 groundbreaking study demonstrated that kin can extend beyond strict or traditional familial lines. Her ethnographic data showed that kin and kinship can include but also can extend beyond the meaning people give to the chain of parent-child connections (Stack 1974: 46).

Smedley (1999) argues that a sense of kinship operates as an elemental social device for the structuring of human relations and is a way to maintain customs of mutual obligations and responsibilities that are deemed essential for the preservation of society

(Smedley 1999: 68). Although, humans structure their kinship systems on biological models that stem from the facts of sexual reproduction, this should not obscure the fundamental fact that kinship is also socially invented. Smedley also further argues that we culturally create such relationships and imbue them with biological parallels in symbols, terms and expressions that make them appear natural and permanent (Smedley

1999:68). In recognizing the biological foundation but acknowledging the social nature of kin and kinship ties means that the terms can be extended to include a connection or a relation based on some common interest, characteristics and/or culture. 123

Layering "skinfolk" imagery on top of notions of kin implies a sense of expected relations based on physical similarities of the skin and speaks to the operation of a racial worldview. It was a reliance on an assumed "skinfolk" connection that made inter-ethnic interactions so profound for my research participants. In the US, where Black and/or

Blackness has periodically served as the foundation for a sense of connection and unity amongst people of African descent', in London, this foundation was challenged.

Applying this framework to my research meant addressing the interplay between race,

ethnicity and culture in relation to the creation and maintenance of boundaries. In the

next section, I explore these processes by focusing my discussion on ethnicity.

Boundary Creation and Maintenance

In the foundational text Ethnic Groups and Boundaries (first published in 1969),

Fredrik Barth provides a set of criteria for defining ethnic groups and ethnicity. Barth

offers that an ethnic group must be a population that is 1) largely biologically self-

perpetuating 2) shares fundamental cultural values 3) t:Jlakes up a field of communication

and interaction, and 4) has membership which identifies itself, and is identified by others

as constituting a category distinguishable from other categories of the same order (Barth

1998: 11 ). In establishing this set of criteria, Barth sets up the important interplay

between a self defined group and all "others".

1 Here I am referring to instances such as the Pan African movements in the US, the Civil Rights histories and struggles or the development ofKwanza. Cases of police brutality have also served as rallying point for people of African descent to form alliances despite ethnic and national origin. The murder of Amadou Diallo, a Ghanaian man murdered by police in New York city is one such example. By making this claim, I by no means assert that there are no tensions between peoples of African descent in the United States. 124

Jan Blom further supports the significance between groups of "others" by emphasizing the symbiotic and inter-dependent nature of two culturally inter-related groups. He demonstrates that ethnic identities do not depend solely on culture differences but rather on the assignment of particular social meanings to a limited set of acts (Blom 1998: 74). He argues that ethnic boundaries are related to the nature of the relationship between groups and situates culture as a "specific codification of differences into complimentary statuses which differentiate a population into reference groups"

(Blom 1998: 84).

For Barth, ethnic groups are organizational types that facilitate the operation of a society. According to Barth, the critical feature of ethnic groups is the characteristic of self ascription and ascription by others. Individuals use ethnic identities to categorize themselves and others for the purposes of interaction (Barth 1998: 13-14 ). These distinctions become central in the development of an ethnic identity and the social processes of policing behavior around those boundaries.

According to Barth, ethnic distinctions and the maintenance of boundaries direct social life (Barth 1998:15). Although ethnic categories take cultural differences into account, Barth does not assume a simple one to one relationship between ethnic units and cuitural similarities and differences (Barth 1998: 14). What is important is the significance that social actors apply to those cultural differences. While some cultural features are used by actors to mark and exaggerate difference, others are ignored.

The cultures that mark ethnic dichotomies consist of overt signs and signals.

These are the features that people look for and exhibit to show identity. Examples of these features are dress, language, or general lifestyle. The other component of culture 125

that relates to ethnic units is what Barth calls basic value orientations. These are the standards of morality and excellence by which (ethnic identity) performances are judged.

Therefore, belonging to an ethnic category implies being "a certain kind of person"

(Barth 1998: 14). Membership in that ethnic category also implies a submission to being judged by those standards that are claimed to be relevant to that identity. To use Barth's language, if a person declares him/herself an A in contrast to a B, they are willing to be treated and let their behavior be interpreted and judged as an A's and not a B's. In essence, they declare their allegiance to the shared culture of the A's or B's. The identification of another person as a member of an ethnic group implies a sharing of criteria for evaluation and judgment (Barth 1998: 14-15). Dichotomizing "others" also implies recognizing a set of limitations in relation to shared understandings, differences in criteria for judgment, and a restriction on interactions (Barth 1998: 15). This notion of judgment or assessment figures prominently into my discussion in chapter six where I conduct a gendered analysis of transnational migration through Black American's women's commentaries about hair.

In ethnically diverse societies, the persistence of ethnic groups in contact also entails the structuring of interaction in order to maintain cultural differences. Structuring of interactions requires a set of prescription governing situations of contact that allow for interaction in some domains of activity and not others (Barth 1998: 16). Barth is not overly concerned with the content of culture. Instead he devotes attention to the function of culture in establishing and maintaining ethnic boundaries. Adopting Barth's language, ethnic groups provide the vessels into which culture is poured. While Barth does not focus on cultural particularities, culture is important in articulations of boundaries and the 126

construction of identities. Furthermore, culture is significant because it is associated with the issue of meaning in constructing ethnicity. It dictates the appropriate and inappropriate content of a particular ethnicity and designates factors such as language, religion, belief system, art, music, dress, traditions and lifestyles (Nagel 1994: 161). I use culture as a way to talk about learned human behavior that varies independently of the physical characteristics of the people who carry it (Smedley 1999:30). I further define culture as systems of meanings, beliefs, behaviors and social practices and products of human groups. Using Swidler's (1986) terminology, culture provides social actors with a "toolkit" that informs and in some cases structures daily life and their interaction with others. It provides individuals and groups with a repertoire of thought and action. Although cultures can have deep and strong historical roots, they are constantly evolving as they adapt and change in relation to time, social structures and interaction. Cultures are borrowed, blended, rediscovered and reinterpreted (Nagel 1994:

162). In this way culture is dynamic and sometimes contradictory.

If Barth offers a kind of generalizable template for thinking about ethnic groups and boundaries, Steinberg pushes us to devote attention to the specificities of ethnic groups and identities. Using American society as his point of reference, he argues that we should not take ethnic groups, ethnicities, ai1d related cultures as fact but analyze the broad array of historical, economic, political and social factors that produce distinct groups. He explores the historical and structural foundations of ethnic groups by reviewing of the differential treatment of immigrant and racial groups in the US.

His review speaks specifically to the racial history of discrimination characteristic of the

US when he asserts that while immigrants were disparaged for their cultural peculiarities, 127

in relation to incorporation in US society the message was "you will become like us whether you want to or not." When it came to racial minorities the unspoken message was "no matter how much like us you are, you will remain apart" (Steinberg 1981 :42).

Steinberg extends his review to identity politics that reveal the political nature of ethnic group identification in debates over access to resources. Finally, he asserts that there is a fundamental tension between US notions of pluralism and democracy that benefits from maintaining a system of difference and disadvantage through ethnic groups.

More contemporary scholars such as Audrey Smedley (1999) and Nagel (1994) further substantiate Barth's characterization of ethnic groups and ethnicity and

Steinberg's attention to specificity. Nagel explores identity and culture as the fundamental building blocks of ethnicity. She argues that ethnicity is best understood as a dynamic, constantly evolving product of both individual identity and group organization (Nagel 1994: 152). Therefore, ethnicity is "constructed out of the material language, religion, culture, appearance, ancestry or regionality". Consequently, the meaning of particular ethnic boundaries are constantly in flux as they are negotiated and revised by both the ethnic group and external social groups. In Nagel' s formulation, ethnic groups are subject to external forces such as immigration and government policies in response to that immigrant flow, resource competition between ethnic groups, and political access and power gained or denied based on ethnic identity. In this way she emphasizes the interplay between ethnic groups and their actions and the larger social structures in which they interact.

Smedley defines ethnic groups as communities of people who share similar cultural characteristics, a common culture history, group identity, language traits and see 128

themselves as distinct from other populations. She posits that people who live and interact together in a common community will develop lifestyles, value orientations, language styles, customs, beliefs and habits that will differ from those of their neighbors

(Smedley 1999: 30). Smedley even argues that the modem day way of expressing the common interests of people who are perceived by others and who see themselves as having the same culture is to speak of them as an ethnic group (Smedley 1999: 30). Her historical analysis reminds us that even though some biophysical and ethnic differences have coincided in the past and still do for geographical, ecological and historical reasons, ethnicity does not depend on biology or biological process. In fact, she argues that ethnicity is conditional, temporal and in some cases volitional (Smedley 1999:33). In other words, ethnic stereotypes and ethnic boundaries can and do change.

Since culture is learned behavior, Smedley asserts that the terms ethnic and ethnicity are best used analytically to refer to all those traditions, customs, activities, beliefs and practices that pertain to a particular group of people who see themselves and are seen by others as having distinct cultural features, a separate history and a specific socio-cultural identity (Smedley 1999: 31 ). Therefore, I use the term inter-ethnic in this way; as a way to note differences between peoples of African descent who see themseives and are seen as expressing one or aU of these three key features (distinct cultural features, separate history, and a specific socio-cultural identity).

As a contemporary scholar on race, Smedley also addresses the interconnection between race and ethnicity by tracking the historical development and contemporary operation of the United State's racial worldview. A worldview is a knowledge system, a way of knowing, or perceiving and of interpreting the world and of rationalizing its 129

contents in terms that are derived from previous cultural historical experience and reflective of contemporary social values, relationships and conditions (Smedley 1999:

16). A racial worldview is one is which race serves as the primary lens and organizing

frame for interacting and understanding the world. Although we know that culture is

learned and is a critical component in defining ethnicity and ethnic groups, when a racial

worldview is operant race, ethnicity and culture become inextricably tied in such a way

that ethnicity associated with a racially defined group appears fixed. The predominance

of emerging from a racial world view such as this informs research participants' inter-

ethnic interactions in London.

Recognizing this history, I adopt the language of ethno-racial2 groups not as a

way to assert that the two are logically or inherently connected or to assert that race and

ethnicity are always considered equally when it comes to distribution of power and

resources but as a way to acknowledge that race and ethnicity have been intricately

intertwined in the US context. I use the terms race and ethnicity to denote instances

where race and ethnicity operate as separate entities. Adopting this use of language also

allows me to be attentive to a US racial politics of home that often conflates race and

ethnicity that fails to address the ethnic diversity of a black population as well as consider

the ways in which race versus ethnic based inequaiities informed my research participants

inter-ethnic interactions in London.

2 I am using ethno-racial as characterized by David Hollinger in "The Ethno-Racial Pentagon" in Race and Ethnicity in the United States: Issues and Debates. Stephen Steinberg, ed. Hollinger examines the five racial categories on the US census. In this chapter, ethno-racial refers to the ways racial and ethnic groups have been defined in intimately close relation to another. It refers to the racialization of ethnic categories and identities. 130

But At Home, We're Just Black: Interrogating Racial Identity in London

During my interview conversations I routinely asked research participants how they self identified in racial and/or ethnic terms. Some would look at me with a bit of incredulity, as if to say, 'well, can't you tell, isn't it obvious.' Others would respond with something like 'Oh. You mean like Black or African American?' The majority responded with an alternation between these two terms. I would then also always probe further by asking research participants what that category meant. While the initial question was meant to be a kind of straightforward demographic request for information, the follow up question often sparked conversations about what that category of identity meant on a more personal level (to locate them within an external identification process) and how being in London had influenced the ways they thought about that category of identity. Consider the conversation I had with Celia, the forty-something year old member of the professional-managerial class 3 class who first came to experience life in

London in the eighties and returned and settled in the 2000s.

MR: I'm going to back up a little bit and ask you some basics.

Celia: Ok.

MR: How do you define or categorize yourself in terms of rnce?

Celia: Black.

MR: Can you explain what that category means to you?

3 In Constructing Belonging (2004), Prince argues that socioeconomic stratification extends beyond easily identifiable and measurable features such as employment, income, wealth and access to strategic resources. Less tangible factors like belief systems, social practices and personal tastes are also outgrowths of economic differentiation. This term is used to refer to individuals who by a combination of factors would fall into middle class category. 131

Celia: of African descent. And it's also probably, I guess a cultural category. Because I certainly know many people that would just, say I am Black but they don't look physically, stereotypically of African descent because of intermixture and intermarriage but they are culturally Black and that would be/mean Black Americans. But I have stopped using, African American because I found that it was actually limiting. Again like the Harvard example where African American and African American. Very different. Very different. I have gone back to Black because I really felt like it gave us more of a connection to each other.

MR: Is that something you did since you came here?

Celia: Yeah, since I came here I've gone back to Black.

As the question directs, Celia responds to my question about identification in direct

4 relation to herself as an individual. She identifies as Black • However, she makes some interesting distinctions as she elaborates on what this category, Black, has meant and what it has come to mean as a result of living in London.

Given the previous discussion about the term and usage of culture, Celia's choice of the language "culturally" to define Black is notable because it denotes the expectation of a set of behaviors, beliefs, patterns of interactions and action. In her explanation, Celia identifies a physical and cultural component in defining the racial category to which she belongs. Being Black means being of African descent even if one's physical appearance does not adhere with what would be stereotypical African features such as dark skin. She goes further in defining this category of identity by identifying a cultural component and then linking that cultural component to nationality when she says "but they are culturally

Black and that would be/mean Black Americans." In this context, she equates Blackness with the cultural histories and practices of US born (to use her language) African

Americans. However, what is most significant about this passage are the distinctions she

4 Throughout the dissertation, r honor the terms used by research participants to self identify. 132

draws between African Americans. In line eleven of this passage, she uses the same terminology "African American and African American" to refer to what she perceives as two distinct groups.

She elaborates on this distinction by making reference to a Harvard Study that accounts for the supposed increasing numbers of African American students being admitted to Ivy League institutions due to affirmative action policies. The study showed that while about 8 % of Harvard's undergraduates were Black. Harvard law professor,

Lani Guinier, and chairman of Harvard's African American Studies department, Henry

Louis Gates, Jr. pointed out that the majority of those students were either West Indian,

African immigrants or their children, or the children of bi-racial couples. Furthermore only about a third of the students were from families in which all four grandparents were born in this country (http://vdare.com/sailer/harvard_quotas.htm).

In other words, the study draws a distinction between immigrant Black Americans and "native born" Black Americans meaning those who have been in the United States for generations. By referencing this study as a way to mark those distinctions, Celia outlines some criteria for who should be considered African American. In a US context where there are tangible opportunities i.e. college admissions, Celia indicates it is quite important to notice the difference between African Americans who are immigrants and those who are native born to the United States.

Celia places further emphasis on this distinction with the repetition of "very different" in the twelfth line of this passage. Part of what informs this insistence on making distinctions between African Americans is the US history of oppression of US born African Americans, particularly in education. After all, it took a supreme court 133

ruling (Brown v Board of Education) to begin the process of integration of US schools.

Nevertheless racial disparities persist in school districts across the US. Contemporary debates and attacks on affirmative action in college admission processes further attest to this history of discrimination. Celia grew up during the civil rights era and experienced changes in educational opportunity and access. Her mention of this study is a way to address this continuing disparity for native multi-generational US born African

Americans. Her inclusion of this study in this discussion also speaks to her position in a

US power structure that sets up a competitive structure for access to resources rather than equal opportunity for all.

In spite of recognizing the importance of distinctions in the US, in the next lines she returns to using the terminology of Black which is constructed as a larger, inclusive, collective group of which she, as an individual belongs. While Celia recognizes the significance of recognizing different experiences in the US, in London she "goes back to

Black" because it is a way to connect to other people of African descent. Her individual identity of Black is constructed in relation to this larger collective "we" of African descent. I argue that this construction of Black is the "we" to which Hamilton (2007) refers. Her use of the pronouns "I" and "us" demonstrate this shift. Her individual identity becomes embedded within this larger group. Finaliy, Ceiia's construction of

Black as an inclusive category informs her essential participation in the founding of an ethnically and national diverse organization with Black figured prominently into its title.

Amy, a woman who self identifies as Black but who comes from a Black

American and Chinese background, similarly combines race and nationality in defining

Blackness when she states: 134

Yeah. Cuz now I think I would say that part of being Black is being American and before like whatever. I would definitely say that part of being Black is being American and more so than I would have when I left America. I would say that part of being Black is our history of oppression and not necessarily our shared culture whether its hip hop or whatever. I think it's our past that makes us Black, more so than anything that has to do with our present.

Like Celia, in characterizing Black (ness) Amy makes some subtle distinctions that are revealed in understanding the two groups she references when she uses the pronouns

"our", lines four through six. She also marks these distinctions by placing heavy emphasis on the past.

History plays an essential role in the production of identities and played a significant role in my research participants' constructions of individual and group identity. Hall ( 1996) contends that while identity is a process of being and becoming, history is central to that process because identity construction is not solely "who we are" but also "where we come from" (Hall 1996: 4). In other words, identities involve using the resources of history, language and culture in the process of becoming. Hall's theory implies a constant interaction with history that takes into account not only the historical facts of a situation but how a particular group has been represented throughout history.

The latter has an impact on how one might come to understand and represent self.

As discussed in the literature review, history plays a primary role in Hamilton's formulation of an African diaspora. More specifically, it is a history of oppression and struggle that is central to the development of diaspora cultural identities and consciousness. History is important not only to the construction of individual identities but collective identities as well. She asserts that it is the "historical and contemporary trajectories of material circumstances and cultural practices which produce the conditions 135

for the construction of group identities" (Hamilton 2007:8). Speaking directly to the development of diasporic identities, she asserts that these are always "embedded in ongoing political struggles to define individual and collective selves in distinctive ways within historical contexts of displacement, oppression, and social inequality" (Hamilton

2007: 8).

Given the centrality of history in identity constructions within an African diasporic context, it is important to note the function it performs in this passage. In line four, Amy states "part of being black is our history of oppression". In this line, "our" refers to native born multi-generational African Americans. Amy locates her strong sense of ethno-racial identity and Blackness within this population's history of discrimination and oppression. The reference to an historical past of oppression serves as the foundation of Amy's ethno-racial identity while also serving to create a barrier

between herself as a Black American woman and the Black British individuals she has

encountered in London. Therefore, US specific Black history is paramount in her

construction of Blackness and any associated identities. While both groups (African

American and Black British) and identities emerged out of colonial legacies of

oppression, struggle and triumph, in this context the specificities of those histories

outweigh trans-ethnic connections. As a Black American, Amy use of history removes

her from London's context specific histories.

The second "our" in this passage refers to a larger collective Black which includes

all people of African descent regardless of national origin. However, this "our" in relation

to a larger Black collective is not inclusive in the same way that Celia comes to define an

inclusive Black (ness). Amy further marks the distinction between these "ours" by 136

drawing on the past versus present and by referencing hip hop. Scholars such as

Raymond Codrington (2006) and Basu and Lemelle (2006) assert that hip hop, with its relatively recent history, has become a global phenomenon. It has also been used as an important forum for creative expression and a tool for political action and connection by marginalized people across the globe. However, Amy negates this very contemporary form of music as a diasporic point of connection and as a primary way of identifying.

The extreme relevance of Black American history comes to the forefront because of living outside of the US where that history is recognized and has periodically serve as the foundation for collective political action and a collective identity. In other words,

Amy's shifting conceptualization of Blackness is influenced by her time spent in London where being Black American not only becomes secondary to being American but also places her in a space where can see how race and nationality collide to create a distinct sense of identity, of Blackness, amongst a larger collective of at least nominally Black people.

Brenda's begins to interrogate what seemed to be a secure and stable racial identity as a result of her experiences in London as well. In this passage Brenda moves through the labels Black and African American in a number of significant ways that demonstrate an individual negotiation between identity and identification. \Vhen asked:

How do you define/categorize yourself in terms of race? She responds with the following:

That shouldn't be that ponderous of a question. I know I'm Black but when it gets like. I don't know. Because I hear different people's opinion on being African American and stuff like that and how some people choose to use the term African American just because it's politically correct to call a Black person in America, African American. But then when you get in London you meet all these 137

African people, who are actually African. And then you know they are actually, they are African and something else, like African and British or Nigerian and British and whatever else, so I don't know, Black American, African American pick one.

MR: What does that mean to you, though, then?

Brenda: Um. I was actually talking to one of the guys at the Kulture to Couture about that because he was from. I can't remember what country he was from but he was telling me about how the races are becoming so mixed now.

MR: in Britain?

Brenda: Yeah and I was telling him that I went to, there was a festival, something like carnival, different people form different countries in Africa and I told him like how that was really cool to see because you have these different people who look the same but they all have these different flags and stuff like that from different countries they are from. But you have us, the Black people over here, we kind of look like you but we don't have that same identity as you, as from these countries like you know exactly which country your family came from but you know at home we 're just Black. You can call me African American but I have no ties with Africa. So, whichever one is on the little tick box on the application. Black American, African American, pick one. So.

Brenda's first sentence in response to this question demonstrates that her racial identity has been called into question. When she says "that shouldn't be a ponderous question" she is indicating that she rarely had this dimension of her identity challenged.

Brenda attempts to assert her identity with a clear declarative sentence "I know I'm

Black." However this declarative statement is immediately followed by a "but". This but sets up the remainder of the passage in which Brenda begins to unpack the labels African

American and Black. She places distance between herself and the label African

American when she relegates the latter to a politically correct external signifier. She states "I hear different people's opinions on being African American and stuff like that and how some people choose to use the term African American just because it's politically correct to call a Black person in America, African American." 138

The reference to some people could be referring to two groups. "Some people" could refer to a white majority who do not want to offend the African American person they are encountering by calling them the wrong term. "Some people" could also refer to

US born people of African descent engaged in debates over control of how to be referred.

In either case, Brenda's reference to "some people" speaks to larger political debates about self determination and the power of naming in the US.

For example, the terms Negro and colored came to be replaced by the terms Black and African American. In the late 1960s and 1970s Black came to stand for racial pride and empowerment as evidenced by the Black is Beautiful Movement, the Black Power

Movement, and in the James Brown Song, Say it Loud-I'm Black and I'm Proud. Each of these examples speaks to Black Americans changing relationship with themselves, constructing an identity, and their relationship as a group to the state. Advancing the term African American was part of a political movement introduced by Jesse Jackson in the 1980s (Martin 1991 ). African-American, as a signifier, was supposed to provide US born people of African descent with a cultural integrity and place them in the proper historical context (Martin 1991: 83). In other words, the label African American was purported to have a more historical base in recognizing US born Black Americans

African heritage as a result of the trans-Atlantic slave trade. This term was also meant to provide African Americans with an ethno-racial cultural history similar to Jewish­

Americans or Italian-Americans (Martin 1991 :83).

Although the terms African American and Black have become interchangeable, I assert that in many instances Black is the more familiar, in group terminology versus the more formal African American. Brenda confirms my assertion when she states " ... it's 139

politically correct to call a Black person in America, African American." Furthermore, in the beginning of this passage she refers to herself as Black with a simple declarative sentence denoting some authority. She is Black in this conversational space of another

Black woman (me). Brenda's responses are steeped in the complicated history that U.S. born Black Americans have with the state, its social, economic and political consequences, and to an interpellative process that is informed by both.

Judith Butler ( 1997) defines interpellation as a process that seeks to introduce reality rather than report on an existing one (Butler 1997:33). Its purpose is to indicate and establish a subject in subjection, to produce its social contours in space and in time.

The reiterative operation has the effect of cementing its 'positionality' over time (Butler

1997:34). The power of this process becomes quickly apparent. The power of naming simultaneously creates a subject and through repetition maintains that subject in that position. This power has very real implications for identity politics. For once interpellated in a particular way within that web of power and knowledge it is very difficult to step outside of those boundaries. Once interpellated that subject becomes a part of you. According to Lubiano (1996:66) what we think and imagine ourselves in relation to the world is at least partially determined by the state.

In two instances Brenda appears to resign from these larger political debates and the interprellative process when she closes her responses to my questions with "So I don't know, Black American, African American pick one." and "So, whichever one is on the little tick box on the application. Black American, African American, pick one."

However, I argue that what is actually occurring is that she is engaging in a critical deconstruction of those labels and her position as a young, self defined Black woman, in 140

relation to their larger history. Brenda begins to challenge and compare the "African" in

African American as a result of encounters with African immigrants in London as well as with the Black British. She then references two experiences where she is in a predominately Black space-a festival and an event called Kulture2Couture. In these spaces, Black is inclusive of people of various ethnicities and nationalities.

Kulture2Couture is an event that aims to support London's black African and

Caribbean fashion designers. It is meant to be a platform for "acknowledging, showcasing and promoting black British designers as the originators and innovators of culturally significant and stylish trends." (http://www.kulture2couture.com/index.php).

Although this event focuses on black British designers, it has become a very high profile international gathering that brings together people of African descent and others from a number of different countries. For example, the 2007 event featured designers from

Nigeria and South Africa. Sudanese supermodel, Alek Wek and US music executive

Damon Dash have served as Kullture2Couture Ambassadors. Brenda confided in me that this show in combination with other experiences of being Black in London inspired her to pursue a potential career in fashion once she returns to the US.

I do not know what particular festival Brenda is referencing in this passage. I contend that this is irrelevant. w~nat is important to note is the way Brenda describes the situation and the impact it had on her thinkings on being and the label Black Like Celia, she begins with recognizing physical similarities between geographically distinct Black populations. Brenda designates an "us" which references US born African Americans.

This "us" is used to distinguish US born African Americans who although look like the different groups she encountered at the festival have a completely different identity. She 141

anchors her description with the pronouncement that "at home we're just Black "which speaks to a different set of racial and cultural politics in London versus the US. In this passage Brenda moves from equating race to looks, skin and biology to a more sophisticated, complex articulation of race and identity that recognizes the cultural and social dimensions of individual and group identity. She is recognizing the social and cultural dimensions of identity that are also linked to nation. It is her distance from U.S. specific constructions of race and associated identity that allows this exploration to occur.

Celia provides some perspective on the "at home" racial politics when she speaks comparatively about experiencing racism in London versus the US.

MR: Ok. Let me ask you a question about I guess stereotypes, not stereotypes but perceptions and expectations, so when you got here ...

Celia: Well, I got here right after the Brixton riots.

MR: Ok.

Celia: The thing that I found here is that people can differentiate.

MR: What do you mean?

Celia: You'll hear, and this isn't everybody, if you [go] to some part of Suffolk or more working class borough, it's just a black face. But, amongst the middle class and more educated, will say oh I have a friend who is Ghanaian, he's Nigerian, she's Jamaican, and she's a Black American. She's this. Do you see what I'm saying?

MR: yeah

Celia: It's not the lump thing of she's Black, bad, negative, less worthy. Do you see what I'm saying?

MR: mmm-hrnm.

Celia: So the, I'm saying, the riots were in August, I got here in September you know in Brixton and I never, I never encountered any racism that entire year that I can remember or tell you the story about. No. 142

MR: Ok

Celia: You know I mean someone might have said something and I might have just thought they were rude but it was no story that I would come back and say­ wow. Like the time when we drove to Huntsville to Alabama A & M and saw the Klan or something like that. I had no experience like that the entire year.

Celia introduces her experiences with racism by anchoring it in one of the monumental instances in British racism-the Brixton riots and its aftermath. In 1981, Brixton was home to a very large population of Britain's Afro-Caribbean community. It was also an area of very high unemployment and crime. In response to the high crime rates, the

Metropolitan Police initiated what was called 'Operation Swamp' in which police operated under 'sus laws'. According to these sus or suspicion laws, police could stop anyone who they suspected of intending to commit a crime. The police were exempt

from the Race Relations Act, and seemed to some to be implementing the 'sus' laws on the basis ofracial prejudice. A massive police presence led to almost 1,000 people, mostly Black men, being stopped and searched. This all occurred within a six day period.

On April 13 of the same year, police tried to assist a young Black man who had been

stabbed in the back. A rumor circulated that the police were trying to arrest the injured

man, rather than assist him and take him to the hospital. Tensions arose and riots erupted

(http://www.20thcenturylondon.org. uk/server.php?show=coninformationRecord.311 ).

Following the riots, an inquiry was conducted under Lord Scarman. Scarman called the

1981 Brixton riots the worst outbreak of disorder in the UK this century and blamed it on

"racial disadvantage that is a fact of British

life. "(http:!/news. bbc.co. uk/ onthisday/hi/ dates/ stories/november/25/newsid_ 2546000/254

6233.stm). Despite the fact that racial tensions were high during her initial stay in 143

London and the British government was recognizing racial discrimination as a fact of

British life, Celia tells me that she did not have any memorable or noteworthy experiences of racism. She attributes this to the idea that "people can differentiate".

In this passage, people refers to London residents. As the history and setting chapter demonstrates, London is very cosmopolitan city with a diverse mix of residents.

By making the distinction between a more working class borough like Suffolk and

London, she recognizes that her experiences of racism or lack thereof, are specific to being in London. In other words, contrary to the US, people actually take note of the distinctions among a group that phenotypically may have similarities but are different in terms of geographic origin, and in some cases language, and culture. Otherwise she would be "just a black face." The phrase "just a black face" is important because it indexes an expectation of being incorporated into a homogenous Black population regardless of social status, occupation, education etc. In a US context not only would they as Black American women be positioned in an undifferentiated mass of people who supposedly share the same skin tone, they also expect that being identified as a member of that group means being positioned near or at the bottom of a racial hierarchy.

However, as Celia puts it, contrary to the US in London "It's not the lump thing of she's

Black, bad, negative, iess worthy".

Celia is also referring to very specific types of racism. Her narrative demonstrates that she was not experiencing an explicit, overt style of racism which she identifies by

5 referencing the Klu Klux Klan . However, she does refer to other more common types of

5 The Klu Klux Klan is a racist white North American hate group. Historically, this group has been the perpetrators of violent physical attacks on African Americans. 144

racism that Black Americans have come to expect as part of the African American experience (Essed 1991, Feagin and Sikes 1994). Later on in our conversation, Celia identifies these instances when she tells me

... like I said I didn't have anything overtly. I wasn't followed in stores. I wasn't, you know. It was assumed I might be Nigerian, because there was so much money attached to Black people, Nigerians and various people so they couldn't make the assumption when you walked in that you were poor. So it was a different way you were treated in most of those situations where you can be humiliated as a Black American in Neiman Marcus, well not Neiman Marcus, Neiman's they figure you might be a rapper (we laugh) but you know what I mean

Scholars such as Philomena Essed (1991) and Feagin and Sikes (1994) characterize instances such those described in this passage as forms of "everyday racism". Racism refers to prejudices and discriminatory actions of individual whites, the recurring ways in which people dominate black people in almost every are of society as well as institutionalized discrimination. In this way, racism is more than an attitude. It is the institutionalized form of that attitude. Racism is racial prejudice backed by power and resources (Feagin & Sikes 1994: 3-4 ).

The more blatant forms of racism associated with pre and post civil rights era have been joined by less overt and more subtle racisms. Feagin and Sikes assert that racial discrimination varies in range and subtlety so that anti-black discrimination exists along a continuum from avoidance, exclusion and rejection, verbal and physical attacks

(Feagin & Sikes 1994: 21). Racial stereotyping, prejudice and hostility operate indiscriminately, despite the actual identities and achievements of the black individuals discriminated against (Feagin & Sikes 1994: ix). This is precisely what Celia refers to in this passage. Celia globalizes the expectation of this particular type of racist treatment in 145

the final lines of this passage when she says "you know what I mean". This phrasing relies on the member resources that she assumes we share as Black women who have grown up in a race based US society where this type of "humiliation" is commonplace for

Black Americans.

Differentiation also enters again here in her reference to Nigerians. Celia's statement about Nigerians taken with her previous statement about working class boroughs and the middle class introduces the complicated racialized class dynamics of

British society. Celia's explanation indicates that her observations and experiences in

London contrast her US experiences where race would supersede any other factors pertaining to wealth and status. Her "just a black face" ideology extends beyond this

particular instance and speaks to group positioning in the US in which it assumed that

Black Americans are not permanent or consistent members of the middle to upper

classes. This perspective is what informs her statement about only being able to shop in

Neiman Marcus unless you are a rapper. It also speaks to the criminalization of the black

body in that as shopper she (and others) are constantly under surveillance.

Because she is used to a kind of everyday racism, she essentially dismisses this

type of racism further on in the first passage when she states "I might have just thought

they were rude but it was no story that I would come back and say- wow." Celia's

dismissal of racism is indicative of the majority of my research participants' experiences.

It points to an American culture and society with race based discrimination so much at its

core that Black Americans come to expect it. This part of being an American is what

animates my research participants' uneasiness with when and where to apply their "race

radar." 146

As Celia became more integrated into London life, she does address a level of more systemic racism when she discusses her life as a working woman in London .

. . . But you know my thought is, you know, in any time when you come in conflict with the system you would become Black but most of the time I feel that I get to be an American here first. Which is one of the reasons that when people come here don't really, if they stay more than two to three years, they don't go back. Or they don't go back willingly. Let's put it like that. ..

In the first lines of this passage she asserts that whatever privilege comes with being

American, those privileges are immediately revoked if you come into conflict with the

British system. This is when you become black which in this passage serves to indicate a stripping of privilege. Black is situated within a larger system of racist discrimination in the criminal justice system, housing, education, labor etc. Being black is situated within a society that produces cases like Stephen Lawrence and compels a series of race relations legislation (discussed in chapter one) to address these disparities.

Although research participants like Celia note the ability to differentiate as a positive experience, I would argue that noting these distinctions is happening on a more everyday, personal interaction level. On the more formal or governmental level in

London, minority groups of color are still "lumped" together in some ways. For example, BME (Black Minority Ethnics) is a term that is used to refer to all Blacks which inciudes those of African, Caribbean and Asian descent. This type of tem1inology continues to place British citizens of African, Asian or Caribbean descent on the margins of an unmarked, read, white British identity and culture. As Pierre (2004) argues, even though there seems to be some recognition of the diversity of Black populations that is usually accompanied with arguments that "culture" matters more than race, people of

African descent who share physical similarities continue to experience racism and 147

discrimination in subtle and extreme ways. As Pierre points out, the murder of Amadou

Diallo6 in February 1999 demonstrates that race continues to matter. In a more recent case, renowned Harvard professor Henry Louis Gates, Jr. was temporarily arrested as he was assumed to be a burglar when returning to his home in Massachusetts. The incident sparked national conversations about racial profiling.

While Black Americans were individually experiencing being Black in an environment that appeared to recognize the heterogeneity of a Black population, this does not mean that they were unaware of racism and discrimination on a larger structural level.

Celia demonstrates this awareness when she explains

... And so now that doesn't mean that every now and then in the middle of the night-when you're trying to get a taxi cab, the taxi cab driver might not say, hmm, better not. Doesn't happen that often .... And then because racism is not the controlling organizing feature of the society like class is, while there is racism here, it is not um, it's not high on people's minds everyday ...

MR: So it's not that kind of overt racism that you're used to in the States

Celia: I don't feel it. . .I don't feel it, now it may be they are saying oh look at that Black woman right there but I don't feel it in that way at all.

The presence of different "crew" members at the organization that Celia spearheaded attests to the recognition of this reality. Their recognition of the reality and presence of racism in London is what made the testimony of a prominent Black British man's testimony about his experiences with the British police at the organization's launch resonate with the diverse group of attendees. Their experiences speak more to the ways class and nation intertwine to inform their current realities in London than to characterizing London as a place free of racism which I discuss in chapter five and

6 On February 4, 1999, Amadou Diallo, a Black man from Guinea was murdered by four New York police officers. He was an unarmed victim killed by 19 of the 41 bullets fired at him by white police officers. 148

subsequent sections in this chapter. While the narratives analyzed here represent more personal, individual reflections on racial and cultural identity, research participants also reflected on blackness as part of a larger collective entity. These reflections were often stimulated by a probing of identity that often occurred with a variation of the question

"where are you from from."

But Where Are You From From: Probing Racial and National Origins

Many of my research participants described situations where their racial identity and heritage was intensely questioned that in some ways positioned them in a liminal category. This often emerged in the form of the question "but where are you from from?"

As I discussed in the methodology section of this paper, I had my own personal experiences with this phenomenon when I participated in a question and answer panel in celebration of UK Black History Month. References to physical characteristics were a common way these conversations began.

Jan experienced a direct probing of her racial heritage. This was a common occurrence for her as she explains the difference between identifying as an African

American in more racially diverse contexts versus claiming the same racial identifier at"1iongst people of African descent. In the more racially and etl:1nically diverse contexts of her graduate institution and general movement around London, she explains that

I think I have a weird kind of position or I notice. Like two years ago ... we were getting into the whole Iraq war and I noticed that my identity as an American was what stood out more so than being a Black American. It was interesting because at XYZ School people would say oh what are you? And I'd say I'm African American and they would say--oh, we know it's not your fault that you're in Iraq. That wasn't you. And it's like oh, ok. You're cool. I was there with two other people from ABC College who were white and people were very rude to 149

them. Like, cab drivers would say, like, stupid American go home. But they weren't rude to me. It's like by virtue of being Black you got like a pass card.

In this instance Jan's Blackness distanced her from her American-ness. Because she identifies as African American, her fellow graduate students and others, theoretically, displaced her from a dominant American political power center that was responsible for the war in Iraq. This speaks to a US system of racism that routinely prevents African

Americans from assuming positions of power. The fact that this is mentioned in this international context speaks to the pervasiveness of the system Claiming to be African

American evoked a different set of responses and questions in a more racially homogenous context. She explains:

... but then at the same time when I say I'm African American people are like but what are you really? Where are your parents from, and I say Virginia, Louisiana, and they say no, but where are they really from. It's like why do I have to keep answering more questions. Can't I just be African American! I've even had people say 'why don't you take that DNA test so you can know which part of Africa you're from.' It's like have you taken the DNA test? Because you assume you're Nigerian but because, you know, people move around you could be from some other place. But people say they are from Jamaica, the conversation stops. They are ok with that. But the only difference is your slave ship stopped in Jamaica mine stopped in the United States, so why do you keep asking me more questions. So that's a bit annoying.

Part of what underscores Jan's frustrations with this constant racial inquiry is a sense of expectation that African American is and was enough of a recognizable and valid identifier. Coming from the US, she expects that the label signifies knowledge of histories of involuntary migrations by people of African descent via the slave trade throughout the world. Another level of Jan's frustration rests in the reference to DNA tests. I argue that this is an allusion to Africa as the source of a more real, authentic host of Black identity. While in a US context, claiming African American or Black generally 150

begins and ends conversations about identity and racial ancestry (or it directs the conversation in a different way), inter-ethnic interactions in London challenged this stability. As she notes, being African American warrants further inquiry whereas being

Jamaican does not.

Allison positions her talk about physical characteristics and the ways it places her in a liminal position through conversations she has had with her African friends and interactions she has had with Africans and Caribbeans in London. She states:

I have two very close Nigerian friends here. We always talk about this stuff. .. Um, and part of that may be me looking how I look. Because I've had this conversation too like, you know--my, one of my Nigerian friends, this guy, is like 'well, because you look like you look; no one really knows exactly what you are. Like here you would hands down be mixed race. Some people may think you're like, you know, Black Spanish or something like that but' cuz their concept of what, like, Black people are is, like, African. Or Jamaican. But even like--Or they would think I'm from the Caribbean cuz the Caribbean has that hodge podge of, you know, European, Asian-like a whole bunch of folks have come there and colonized so it's very different. But because I don't look like the traditional Black woman in their context, then maybe I'm able to kind of maneuver a lot easier than some people.

Allison uses Africa as a point of contrast in reference to skin tone. She furthers this distinction by referencing the history of racial intermixture in the Caribbean. While she acknowledges that her skin tone may be viewed as the product of such Caribbean racial mixing, it is unlikely that her physical appearance would be attributed to such mixings in

Africa. Allison makes this claim despite the historical relevance of the arrival of the

Empire Windrush in the 1940s which delivered a significant population of Caribbeans to

Great Britain. In this excerpt, she states "I don't look like the traditional Black woman, in their context". This places her directly in the space of London and how she understands colonial histories and past and present immigration patterns. In the space of 151

London Black has come to mean, African with a dark skin tone. Africa is referred to without dimension or reference to particular countries where skin tone and other physical features may be similar to their own. Instead Africa is the "dark continent", not in the traditional, derogatory sense of a collection of "uncivilized" nations but in terms of a kind of racial purity of physical features like dark skin.

The reference to maneuvering in the final sentence of this passage ("then maybe

I'm able to kind of maneuver a lot easier than some people") is salient because it positions Allison in London (and by extension British society) as an immigrant black body rather than a US slave descendant black body. While Allison solely attributes her ability to "maneuver" more easily in London to her physical characteristics (I don't look like the traditional Black woman in their context), I contend that Allison's US based socio-economic status is an important factor in her London experiences. Allison lives in

S-Square one of the most expensive London neighborhoods which is also largely inhabited by white people. It was one of the most coveted postal codes. During my time spent in London, I learned that postal codes were an informal way to measure the class and prestige of a neighborhood. Which grocery store individuals patronized was also another marker of not only neighborhood class and prestige but individual class and prestige as weii. My first interview conversation with Ailison was conducted in her neighborhood. We sat at a local French cafe where I saw few people of color pass by. I provide this description about her neighborhood because it addresses the degree of privilege that being middle class afforded to my research participants. With her Ivy

League education, Allison was able to ascend to the status of international banker in a major global financial institution which translated into being able to live in S-Square. 152

Allison's education, occupation, and nationality position her as an elite immigrant which removed her from the UK's specific colonial legacy that informed the nation's immigration policies. Membership in the category of elite immigrant applies to all of my research participants. Their experiences were shaped by the degree of human and financial capital they brought to London as well as processes of racialization.

Two related and common discussion points that emerged from our conversations revolving around physical characteristics and identifications were conversations about the category of "mixed race", the differences of how people who claim bi-racial heritage are treated and perceived, and the frequency of inter-racial couplings. The Office of National

Statistics recognizes a category of "mixed" in its population classifications. In 2008, the mixed population composed 3.5% of London's population. This category includes a number of combinations such as White and Black African, White and Black Caribbean,

White and Asian, and Other Mixed. Despite this array of mixed couplings, it was the white and Black couplings and their offspring that drew attention and conversation.

Consider Paige's comments about the category.

The only term I hate is mixed-raced. I don't like that term and that's such an English term.

MR: Is that official?

Paige: It's official. There's a magazine called Afro Therapy and it like has a whole bunch of black hair products and stuff. They have a Web site. There's a section of hair care products called mixed race. I'm like-- okay how's their hair any different than mine? Just because your mama don't know how to comb your hair don't mean your hair any different.

MR: Right. You gotta know how to handle it.

Paige: I'm like what the hell? But that's the only term I don't like. But it's a formal, official term. And they don't mean it - like I had this one woman at work 153

who views herself as mixed race because her mom's from Zambia and her dad's English. And she's like oh are you mixed race? I'm like excuse me? I was like what does that mean? No I'm black. I'm sorry. As long as you have 1116 black in you, you're black. Don't give me mixed-race shit. I'm like if one of your parents is black- you're black.

MR: And she's from Zambia.

Paige: Well she's very, very fair and her hair is almost like this silky- but you can tell it's still relaxed but it grows long. So but it was kind of funny. It's viewed here as being not an insult. That's the other side of it.

This passage is significant because it too speaks to a racial politics of home for my research participants that informed the ways they imagined racially defined group membership despite geographic context. Because of this foundation, in our conversation,

Paige appears somewhat agitated and defensive when what she sees and has lived as a relatively stable racial identity called into question by her self-identified "mixed race" colleague. For others like Allison, group membership was defined by skin tone. In this case that group membership was defined by hair texture. I By drawing similarities between her (Paige) hair texture and those who would perhaps subscribe to the Afro-Therapy magazine and its products, Paige is including those individuals in the category of Black. In this way she discounts the category of mixed race and subsumes it under the category of Black. Showing further evidence of a

US based racial understandings of group membership, she draws on the one drop ruie7 to further negate this category of mixed race.

7 The one drop rule references to a US custom of classifying any person with a traceable African ancestry as Black. 154

Allison engages with the mixed race category as she speaks of the differences in the ways people who claim bi-racial heritage in London are given an option in a way that a bi-racial person in the US would not.

Allison: ... And then the whole concept of mixed race, um, is a whole nother thing-here. Because like, there it's like bi-racial; but you more have to pick a side based on what you

MR: Where in Nigeria?

Allison: No, no, no, sorry--in America.

MR: Oh oh oh.

Allison: If you're bi-racial and if you look white, then you tend to identify with white; or America wants you to choose a side.

MR:Mmmhmm

Allison: Here, you know, mixed race is a whole different culture. That's how they identify, figure into society.

MR: Really?

Allison: Yeah. No one expects you to choose a race because they actually have a whole sub-culture that is solely mixed race.

MR: This lady told me. I was talking to her. She said, 'I think the fastest growing population here is beige. She was like there are so many beige babies around here.' I was like, OK. (We both laugh) and as I'm here longer. .. yeah.

Allison: Because, everybody is-- I mean and I think-- for me I am much calmer being over here. You know.

MR: About that?

Allison: Yeah. Because in America, everything is about race in America.

While Allison's reaction is not quite as strong as Paige's, Allison recognizes the racially defined boundaries of group membership in the US. In contrast to the US, instead of having to choose membership in one group over another, Allison sees mixed race as a 155

wholly separate culture. Culture here follows the characterization I outlined in the beginning of this chapter. This reference to culture functions as a way to separate a group of people who have as much claim on one ethno-racial group as another. For

Allison, this cultural hybridization separates this group. Mixed race individuals disrupt the binary racial classification system that dominates in the US in general and her understandings of how race can figure into one's life. Living in a space where, at least on a formal level, interactions are not solely based on black and white divisions allowed

Allison to "become much calmer". In London she is able to not be as vigilant concerning racial issues. Taken together, their comments and observations give insight into assumed group membership and speaks to their "skinfolk" expectations.

The Head Nod

"Skinfolk" expectations manifested in yet another way that went beyond probing of racial origins and conversations about the UK's recognition of a mixed race.

"Skinfolk" expectations carried into general assumed levels of interaction and recognition or what one of my research participants called the "what's up head nod, just because you're Black." Black American transnational migrants took this as a taken for granted form of recognition in the US. Therefore, the absence of the head nod was a common topic of conversation with my research participants.

Paige talks to me about the presence/absence of the head nod as a form of recognition in two different locations (New York v. London) when she discusses the

Black British as a distinct cultural group in comparison to Africans, Caribbeans and

African Americans. Paige observes that: 156

The Black British which is really cool when you actually see it. It's only when people actually see them do they understand what the culture is like here and how different it is than us in the States. Because in the States, like, in New York, you see another Black person in the subway - you may not start a long conversation but you do a 'what's up' - hello - because there's only so many of us. You at least say hello. Here they'll look right through you and not speak to you. But then a lot of it is, a lot of the blacks here - I've noticed that are French too - just their socialization; the culture's different. Africans and the Caribbeans never really mixed. They don't really in the States either unless you're American, then you kind of forget it.

In this passage, Paige marks the "what's up/hello, head nod" as the least or most basic form of acknowledgement one Black person could and should deliver when encountering aJ1other. According to my research participants, this is a regular occurrence in cosmopolitan US cities like New York. In London, this type of recognition rarely happens. In Paige's own words "they'll look right through you and not speak." She accounts for this difference by referring to experiential differences and socialization. The key indicator for differences in what she refers to as socialization differences lies in the line "because there's only so many of us." The reference to culture functions as a way to designate an extreme difference which is further substantiated by her reference to socialization. Making these claims about culture and socialization indicate that Patty believes that people of African descent who do not practice the head nod are the products of totally different societies in which ethno-racial identities do not inform social interactions. I argue that this points to a developed cognizance of living and operating as a racial minority in predominantly white spaces. Therefore, this recognition is expected even in situations ranging from the subway to work environments. Following Paige's logic, in a US context a cognizance of being a racial minority compels some indication of 157

recognition, verbal or nonverbal, from other Blacks. In London, this expectation is not met.

It is noteworthy the way American is used in this passage when she refers to cultural distinctions between Africans and Caribbeans in the US. While Paige recognizes the effort to maintain cultural and national distinctions happens in both the US and the

UK, in the US this is overridden once "you're American." While this reference to

becoming American could be read to refer to typical assimilation processes that occur

over time for immigrants as they become integrated into American society, her call on

becoming American in the context of the presence/absence of head nods speaks to that

cognizance of being a racial minority in a predominately white space. I argue that here

becoming American alludes to becoming a hyphenated American and more specifically

becoming Black. This idea is further supported by comments Paige makes later on in our

conversations such as "there is no such thing as Black here". This seeming lack of

collective identity (and connection), Black, is a point of discussion for many other

research participants as well, which I will discuss at the end of this chapter.

Amy also alludes to this developed cognizance as a result of operating in

predominately white spaces when she talks about her experiences with the

absence/presence of the head nod. As a young professionai in financial services she

comments that:

At least over here, whereas in corporate America you're Black and you're proud and I made it here in spite of the fact that I'm black and like yeah I'm the Black guy, but Yeah I'm the Black guy. You know what I mean?

What goes unspoken in her explanation is the recognition of barriers to achievement and

success that is part of the African American experience. Recall that in a previous excerpt, 158

Amy emphasized the centrality of a history of struggle in her construction of Blackness.

Although Amy's words are the same (yeah, I'm the Black guy) the emphasis she gives these phrases indicates different meanings and rests on recognizing the presence of race based inequalities and exclusions. Amy therefore asserts that in spite of factors, such as being Black, that often prohibit Black Americans from being successful, being Black should be a source of pride. For this passage to make sense, she is relying on a collective history that she assumes we (as Black American women) share which is indicated by the closing phrase "you know what I mean?" This is not what she found in her inter-ethnic interactions in London. She continues to explain that

... over here it's just like, like even with the firm, my Black network here, no one wants to go to them. They will go to them as an analyst or associate, but the higher up you go the less people attend because they don't want to be stigmatized as a Black person. They want to just be a VP. They don't want to be the Black VP.

Amy is not recognizing a different response to a system of racism. Based on her US experiences, she expects utilizing race as a point of pride around which to rally and may compel direct confrontation of the discriminatory system. She takes issue with what she perceives as Black Brits strategy of attempting to operate irregardless ofrace and to prove their worth based on merit. Ironically, this is the kind of meritocracy that the US

Constitution (ali men are created equai) promotes.

While Amy begins to speak of this difference in a professional context, she goes on to explain how she expects the "head nod" in non professional contexts as well. She is alarmed by the frequency of inter-racial couplings and groupings over more racially homogenous social networks. 159

Amy: and so for me it's really interesting because I walk down the street and I see more Black and white couples than Black and Black couples. I go to a soccer game and ifl see a Black guy who's in a group of white guys. Like I hardly ever see a group of Black men walking around the streets and maybe it's just where I am, obviously if I was in Brixton it would be a different story but its like having to go to Harlem to find Black people when I mean--New York in Manhattan Black people are going to roll together that's what we do. Here, it's almost like you just want to be part of that crowd. And so it's hard for me because I don't understand how to communicate sometimes with them because they don't have the Black collective

MR: You mean the Black British people?

Amy: Yeah. Cuz they don't have the history of oppression that we have. I didn't realize how much that bound all of us together in America to the point that if you see a Black person in the street you give them the what's up head nod just because they are Black. Over here if you do the same thing, they will look at you like you're crazy ... Cuz you're not Nigerian or you're not Ghanaian or you're not Black British. It's a very nationalistic thing so it throws me off because I assume I have something in common with you because you're the same color as me and for them I'm not their nationality so it's the equivalent of me giving a white guy a what's up head nod and him being like 'hi, who are you' (we both laugh) so it's an adjustment for me ... whereas you get a buy almost with a Black person in America you automatically have some connection with them regardless of who you are because they're Black. Over here ... it takes a lot longer to actually build a relationship with them because you're not comfortable. It's like trying to build a relationship with a white person.

Amy attempts to account for the lack of "skinfolk" connection by referencing the racial geography of London and comparing it to New York City and Harlem. Most research participants lived in Central London which consists of a number of different neighborhoods. While neighborhoods like A-city and S-town were reiativeiy diverse in terms of race and culture, neighborhoods like Brixton, Kensington, and Sloane Square were racially homogenous spaces. Brixton is inhabited predominately by Black British,

Africans and Caribbean residents. Two of my male research participants lived in

Brixton. Similar to Harlem, Brixton historically has and continues to be a largely racially homogenous space. While she is aware of the racial geography of both cities and spaces 160

(New York and Harlem, London and Brixton) she expected that "black folks roll together" because "that's what we do." Here she states explicitly what goes unsaid in the beginning of these passages. In this passage she specifically names a history of oppression as a source of connection for people of African descent in the United States.

For Amy, this history finds form in the expected the head nod. Whereas in the US the

"Black collective" might supersede the importance or relevance of national origin, in

London nationality is the more important primary form of identity and identification.

Ironically or perhaps unconsciously yet perfectly apropos, Amy speaks of the lack of

"skinfolk" connection in terms of black and white (like me giving a white guy a what's up head nod); the racial bifurcation she has grown accustomed to as an American citizen.

Olivia also attempted to locate the absence of the "head nod" in her racially homogenous London neighborhood. She talks about this in the context of feeling part of a larger Black community regardless of boundaries .

.. . one of the things when I first moved here really disturbed me is that when you walk down the street and I've always lived in like K-town, C-city, and so not a lot of Black folks, I mean there are some, but its not like going to Brixton, but you know when you walk down the street and see another Black face you nod or you smile, acknowledge them and here there is none of that, people put their heads down.

Like Amy, she draws on Brixton to speak about the recognition she would expect and perhaps take for granted when encountering a larger population of "Black folks''. She uses Brixton as a point of contrast to her neighborhood and to emphasize that despite the low numbers of "Black folks" in your neighborhood "when you see another Black face, you nod or you smile." 161

Across a range of contexts and situations, research participants expressed some · disappointment or disturbance with the lack of head nod. For example, Rebecca spoke about this phenomenon when being in an elevator and at a charity event. She explains that

I feel connected to anybody Black. Like people will run from you here too because they. That's another funny thing here. People will press into the glass, you know if you like get in an elevator, you know how we'll speak, people won't do that here, its like just cuz you're Black and I'm Black doesn't mean anything so that's a huge cultural difference as well because I'm always running to a Black person. Like I was at, years ago, at one of those Windsor charity, Cartier polo thingys they have here and there was one other Black guy there and I was making ab-line and he looked at me like if you come over here. It's just like he was bracing himself. So yeah you will get that.

In the third line of this excerpt, Rebecca marks a distinction between US born Blacks and the Black people she has encountered in Britain. She attributes the difference to experiential differences that rest on an assumed familiarity based on skin tone.

Rose spoke about this lack of "skinfolk" connection when on the bus:

So you have within a community of Black people here you have people who, it's back to this eye contact thing, there's no community. You've got people from the islands. You've got people from Africa. You have people from different parts of Africa and there's no talking. I ride the bus home every night to pick up my daughter with this Black woman with a child who goes to my daughter's school. She will not make eye contact with me or say hello.

MR: Are you serious?

Rose: I am completely serious, I find this so strange. And I've said hi to her and she doesn't say anything. I can't imagine that happening at home ... we would have had a conversation ... I'm not going to force it I just find it very strange.

In addition to expecting the "head nod" from bus to boardroom, research participants had this expectation across class divisions as well. Recall Allison who lives 162

in the very posh S-Square neighborhood as she explains not only how she experiences class daily but how this intersects with her racial allegiances.

Allison: ... because me leaving my house at seven in the morning and walking outside and going to my, you know, down my nice clean city block with the other people in the community, people carrying their Prada bags and what not and not getting awkward looks means that they've accepted me as part of their community. Now there's a lot of domestic workers also in my neighborhood ... so everyone has a nanny, everybody's got a gardener, you know, a home cleaner or something or whatever. Those folks also come out at seven in the morning but they're not coming to the train, they're leaving the train. And so you see kind of this ... you see kind of this class, you see this clash of class every morning. Because you know, mostly brown faces and Eastern European faces getting off the train and everybody with their Gucci sunglasses getting on the train, at S­ Square station. And I can't help but look in the eyes of some of those other Black women as I'm headed in this direction. Maybe I feel a sense of guilt about it, I don't know. It's definitely kind of uncomfortable sometimes. I'll see people my mom's age with like buckets.

Class has historically been a dominating feature of British life and society. Even though

Prime ministers and Parliament hold most of the political power, the Queen and Royal

Family continue to wield some power. They remain socially relevant. Furthermore, titles

such as lords, ladies and attending public versus pri vate8 schools remain important

indicators of status in the UK.

Race intersects with class in the UK in the sense that traditionally those lords and

ladies were white British citizens and those titles and property were handed down from

generation to generation. Britain's Black citizens wern rnrely awarded these titles a.'1d

accompanying status. More contemporarily, being able to attend one of the private or

"red brick"9 elite schools has opened up to African immigrants. While still unable to

8 Public schools and institutions are the equivalent to what North Americans understand as private schools and institutions. 9 "Red brick" schools are roughly equivalent to what Americans understand and know as ivy league higher education institutions. Oxford and Cambridge would both be considered red brick universities. 163

obtain long held and generational titles and status, it does allow them access to the social networks of the upper class.

Many of my research participants were fully aware of the workings of class in the

UK and in London more specifically. Some even went so far as to assert that class was more important than race in the UK and that one could almost "buy oneself out of blackness." While I would argue that this attitude is a bit extreme, it speaks to the relevance and presence of class in the operation of contemporary British society.

Similar to the ways race is sometimes treated as the unspeakable but ever present topic in the US, class in the UK occupies a similar position. During my field research in

London, BBC America ran a highly anticipated series on class in Britain. It was hosted by John Prescott, who gained fame, influence, and criticism as one of the few working class Brits to become Deputy Prime Minister under Tony Blair in 1997. While such high position politicians usually attended elite schools such as Eaton and Oxford, Prescott had to overcome failing his grammar school entrance exams. The series sought to expose the many formal and informal ways class works in the UK. This series as well conversations with residents, and my research participants demonstrated that a complicated hierarchy of status continues to operate in the UK based on factors such as family name and history, accent, area of town one iives in and what school an individual has or may attend. As one research participant explained on the intersections of class and race in the UK:

And then there's also class; which is much more important here than I think it is, like, in the States. I think, again my reference point, Blacks across class still share a common identity, at least, historically they have. I think that's changing but it didn't really matter whether you were a part of the Dubois ten percent or you were in the bottom. There's still a shared identity that was forged by discrimination and a rejection by the main culture. Whereas here, I feel like class is much more important in defining identity than is race ... there's no common 'oh 164

ok I'm Black and this working class person who is Jamaican' -- what would be the basis on which we share. They don't share any common experience. Its like they come from different countries they have different cultural reference point. They're in different classes. They have no reason to interact with one another in Britain because they are going to end up in completely different schools in completely different sectors and the likelihood of them interacting is relatively minor. Um, cuz class defines things here in way in which it doesn't define things in the US. Like if you're born into something here, it seems to define, you're born into the class you're gonna die in it seems like in the UK, in a way in which it's not in the US.

With its reference to a class stratified education system, this description points to how

class produces inequalities in British society. Educational systems are important because they are one of the institutions in which members of a society are indoctrinated with sets

of values and worldviews that the state seeks to promote. Britain's rigid hierarchical

system precludes the type of social mobility that is deemed possible in the US through

hard work and determination.

Equating being Jamaican to a specific class is important because it points to

Britain's colonial legacy and contemporary racist systems. It also speaks to different

contexts ofreception for immigrants. While subjects from all of Britain's colonial

conquests, immigrated to the "mother country", Jamaicans were one of the first large

scale populations of Black immigrants to the UK. (This history is discussed in more

detail in the history and setting chapter). They were channeled into working class

professions such as in transportation. This group of immigrants is the mothers and

fathers of Britain's first and second generation Black British. Channeling this group into

more service oriented industries has had a generational impact as Jamaicans continue to

serve in these industries. 165

In contrast, more recent immigrants from African nations like Nigeria are wealthy and can therefore afford to educate their children to elite British boarding schools and universities. Recall that in an earlier excerpt that Celia also referenced Nigerians as a group that may be excluded from everyday racism because of their wealth. While I would not argue that attending elite British schools completely allows Nigerians to penetrate

Britain's rigid social class system or means that they would not experience racism,

Nigerians are exposed to and can gain access to upper class social networks as well as patterns of behaviors and beliefs of the upper class. In this way class structures social interactions. Finally, in this passage Black continues to operate as a kind of unifier.

(there's no common oh ok I'm Black). According to April (the research participant that provided this narrative), class further stratifies and confounds what may be the basis for racial solidarity and alliance building.

Being American and Black placed research participants in a unique position in relation to British class dynamics. Many recognized that class is and was a dominating feature of British life and society. However some felt that being American placed them outside of those dynamics. In fact, many research participants spoke of feeling a certain amount of privilege because they were not only American but also Black. Research participants were often compared to prominent poiitical figures such as Condoleezza

Rice, Colin Powell and more recently Barack Obama which I argue further positions them as immigrant elites. Celia referred to this positioning as the "talking dog phenomenon." She speaks to the degree of privilege that she, and the other Black

American transmigrants, accrue due to the combination of being a Black person from the

United States. 166

Celia: Like I got the job because I was American and the assumption was that since I had done all of these things, I must be somebody special so they sort of overlooked that I was Black ... you know what I mean ... it's sort oflike ok, if you've done, if you've accomplished all of this, you went to Harvard, you've done all this, you must be really special because we know how racist, the US is. Even more racist than we are, so if you've done all of this there then you must be really ... so its almost like a double premium ... So you wind up becoming kind of special, because it's like ok, this is not one of our Negroes. And then by virtue of you being here, because they think that America is the most racist place in the world so they figure if you have managed to educate yourself well in the States and get here, you are really special. You're a Condi. You're a Colin Powell. You know, you're one of the chosen people.

MR: the golden children (we both laugh)

Celia: so that's why I said the talking dog syndrome. It's like ooh! She's coming over to our house. We have a talking dog coming over for dinner.

This combination of American immigrant status and class position Black American transmigrants outside of colonial legacy that in many instances places people of African descent into lower class. The combination of these factors in some ways placed them out of the collision ofrace and class that may affect someone living in Brixton or Camden and/or working in a different industry. Although they are still subject to racism, as Celia puts it "this is not one our Negroes"

There's no Such Thing as Black Here

While the presence or absence of the "head nod" may seem superficial, I argue that it is an important indicator of the ways my research participants imagined diasporic community and belonging in which a particular notion Blackness is at the center of that conceptualization. In other words, the head nod was a signifier of an assumed "skinfolk" connection that speaks to the ways many of my US born Black American research participants believed in "knowing that you got the same struggle as me because you look 167

like me." Their inter-ethnic interactions in London caused them to reflect and in some cases challenge the seemingly stable foundation of this connection. It caused them to think about and unpack Blackness as an unproblematic, unquestionable source of

connection.

In some instances, these inter-ethnic experiences and interactions in London had a

negative impact on the feelings of diasporic connectivity. For example, when I asked

Tonya, who has lived in London for four years, in what ways her interactions with other

Black people in London has influenced the ways she feels a sense of connectedness to

other people of African descent, she expressed that

... if I'm being honest it's been a little bit negative. The experiences have not been the most positive experiences .. .I find it difficult to trust people, some people. I have some good African friends but I find it very difficult to trust some people

MR: So before you moved to London and had these interactions how was your feeling toward people of African descent?

Tonya: I was completely open. I was like wow! Tell me more about the motherland. I want to know everything. So I was kind of open and unbiased, innocent and then I guess my eyes were open in various situations that made me realize that not all Black people are working together for a common good. And I think that a lot of Africans are not as receptive to us as Black Americans for whatever reason. More so women. I find it to be difficult to kind of reach out to African women. I don't know if it's a trust thing or intimidation thing. I don't find them to be as receptive when they find out you're American it's sometimes a bit awkward.

Tonya references the motherland as a way to reference Africa. This is typical of

imaginings of an African diasporic community in which Africa serves as a mythic,

symbolic homeland to which all descendants can return to their roots. However, as she

indicates those imagined bonds are broken and she realizes that "not all black people are

working together for a common good." 168

While Tonya references Africa as a mythical homeland, Arny references Africa and her consequent interactions with people of African descent in London as something real. When I ask her if she feels part of a larger Black community that crosses national boundaries, she replies quickly and affirmatively "no." She then explains that:

... unless you count like the thirty or forty Black American people who have been transplanted here. I think the American Black community and Black experience is very localized and I don't think that we can, as much as we'd like to think we can go back to the motherland and relate with them, I've been to Africa .. .l've been there. We are nothing like them. We have none of the same experiences. We have none of the same background. We have none of the same history like they can trace back their mother's mother's mother. They know what country they can1e from. They lcflow their roots, right. Our community, I couldn't tell if I was half Nigerian whether I was half Ghanaian. I couldn't tell you any of that. All I can tell you is that my father's mother's mom was a slave. That's all I can tell you. So like that collective Black community identity is confined within the borders of America and we don't extend across anywhere in the entire world because there's nobody else like us in the world and there's other places that have their slaves and have people brought up through their own oppression. But, I thought before I left that Black meant Black everywhere and I know now that that couldn't be further from the truth ... Like there's just this collective barrier, I don't know how else to say it, but like a collective history of you knowing what 1968 means and them not understanding, you know anything you know Watts there's that barrier so yeah.

Amy references specific US historical events and the development of a collective identity that emerged as a result these events. For example, she references 1968 which is

extremely important year in American history in terms of race relations and

advancement. This is the year that saw the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr., the

summer Olympics in Mexico City where two track Olympians raised gloved Black power

fists in protest, and saw the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1968. By drawing on

these US centered events, Amy localizes Blackness and contains it within US borders and

boundaries. As a result of her experiences in London, she realizes that "before I left, I 169

thought that Black meant Black everywhere and I know now that couldn't be further from the truth."

Besides referencing Africa as an important orientation point in thinking about connection to others of African descent, another recurring theme links Amy's and

Tonya's statements. Both link a larger concept of Blackness that they expect to supersede geography to a political sensibility. Amy does this in mentioning 1968 as an important political year and just "knowing what that means." Tonya does this by speaking about the lack of connection in terms of "not working together for the common good." Others have linked this lack of connection to the absence of a collective identity.

The basis for that collective identity was often associated with some type of racially centered social justice agenda.

There is a degree of fragmentation, based on different histories, national origins and consequent experiences between ethnic groups that disturbs Black Americans and in tum prevents the development of a collective Black identity in the space of London. One research participant talks about the lack of community, identity and associated political presence and action between the US and the UK when she explains that

... I've had this discussion with other Black Americans, feeling this lack of political power and engagement like in terms of the Black community here and finding it puzziing or not really seeing a Black upper class that is visible. Because I mean in Washington DC there are a lot of, or I think, a lot of politically active, successful Black professionals and there is definitely a network to tap into. There are definitely clubs, like social clubs like Jack and Jill or the Boulet or things like that or just scenes where you know that up and coming black people are going to be or events like that. Whereas here I don't think it's as organized or if it is its really underground. Even so I wonder if I wanted to stay here is there anything similar to like in the states that I could tap into and if not like raising children, what does that mean for them in terms of their identity, aspirations, also the sort of fractured, like I know they are successful Africans here but they don't bond with the Caribbeans, like they are in their separate groups and its like why don't 170

you guys feel the need to unite and make yourselves more visible and I don't think that's on their radar. They are very much more about helping themselves or sticking to your own group.

The significance of having a race based political perspective is emphasized by Jan's reference to having children in London. She indicates that this would be critical to the development of her potential offsprin$'s Black identity. Therefore the absence of that piece would alter what she understands and has experienced as Black. Whereas she is used to a US context where different nationalities are absorbed into "the African-

American set" and then gain access to whatever resources the group holds. In London she found the opposite; an adherence and allegiance to a specific ethnic group rather than being subsumed into a larger category of identity like Black American or Black British.

April speaks very clearly on the same issues in the US versus the UK as she articulates her understanding of the lack of Black identity in London.

April: But I think race in London is peculiar because I don't feel like there's a Black identity here.

MR: Really?

April: In a way in which I think in the US there is much more of a Black identity. People--yeah there are lots of differences between Black Americans and Africans and Caribbeans and within those communities as well but I think in the US over time over generations there has come to be a sense of what it means to be Black or Black even if you don't add hyphenation to that Blackness. There is a sense of as a Black person X. What it means to be part of that community and it's something that you can discuss and share certain similar experiences. In the UK, I don't feel like that exists. I don't think that people think of themselves as being Black. I think people think of themselves as being Nigerian, being Jamaican, as being British ... And then Blacks here don't seem to interact with one another. It seems to be much more fragmented. Not that in the US-- there's lots of that politics which I've experienced in high school and college and all of that. But it seems like there's much less discussion across cultural groups in the Black community than there is in the US and again not that the US is this panacea of inter-racial relations but at least its more communication that seems to happened. 171

Here it seems extremely fragmented. Extremely fragmented and there's so much tension between the groups.

Both research participants recognize potential cleavages in the US based on factors such as class. History certainly demonstrates the ways class has and in some ways continues divide Black American communities. Conversations revolving around who or what is

"ghetto" or conversely who or what is "bougie" within Black American communities speaks to the existence of class based divisions However, the formation of organizations such as Alpha Kappa Alpha Sorority Inc., or Jack and Jill 1° (which Jan references) which have a middle to upper class development history yet seek to provide service in and for

Black American communities regardless of class.

In London, it is the perceived fragmentation that precludes the development of a race based collective identity and the expectation of a trans-ethnic Blackness that manifests itself in the agitation at the lack of the head nod leads to statements such as

"there's no such thing as black here". A trans-ethnic blackness would recognize and appreciate local histories, cultures and experiences but would also hope to transcend barriers of class, geography, culture and center Blackness as the global unifier. Trans- ethnic blackness is the foundation for Black Americans conceptualizations of diaspora and diasporic community and connection.

A desire for a trans-ethnic blackness compels individual as well as group responses by my Black American research participants. Despite negative experiences and across class, nationality or ethnicity, research participants made an effort to seek some connection to what they perceived as their "skinfolk" in spite of the often non-

10 Jack and Jill is a national African American social and service organization which has dates back to 1938. It is the oldest and largest African American family organization. 172

reciprocated yet expected return. As Olivia, the Black American woman who spoke on this phenomenon earlier in this chapter explained

... I was initially very disturbed, did it for a couple of years, then I stopped for a couple of years and then I started doing it again because I thought this is not who I am. These people are my brothers and sisters, you know, and even if they don't feel like they are ... I have a connection to them, so I still do it. I still do it ... (it's) about making a connection to people. I have a lot of Nigerian friends now and some Kenyan friends, so in terms of people's homes that I go to they are mostly Black and inviting people to my home they are predominately Black.

Notice that Olivia returns to using kinship terminology. She calls her Nigerian and

Kenyan friends her "brothers and sisters" and identifies them as Black. Despite the ways nationality and ethnicity had previously prevented Olivia from reaching out and making those connections that she indicates are integral to which she is, Black now incorporates

US born Black Americans like herself, Nigerians and Kenyans. The use of the kinship terminology denotes a more inherent connection.

The desire, belief and/or need for a trans-ethnic blackness also took form in the founding of an organization by Black American women that seeks to bring together the various African diasporic communities in London. I attended a couple of the planning meetings as well as the organization's launch event. In the meetings I attended, the majority of attendees were Black Americans. The launch event was attended by Black

Americans, Black British, Africans and Caribbeans. While the organization recognized the presence of African, Caribbean, Black British and Black American concerns, Black was in the title of the organization and served as the unifying terminology to link the concerns of these various communities.

In this chapter, I argue that research participants were navigating the politics of home and away in relation to diaspora by working through differences in the value 173

assigned to racial group identification and racial group consciousness. Racial group identification is the degree to which Black migrants identify with other Blacks. It is also referred to as racial group attachment and is often described as the amount of common identity people have with others in their racial group (Benson 2006: 221-226). Racial group consciousness is the meaning Black migrants attach to their racial identities

(Benson 2006: 221). I assert that my research participants' experiences bring into sharp

focus individual and group processes of identity and identification that should be

understood in relation to the amount of human and financial capital they, as Black

American transmigrants, bring to their host society. As a type of immigrant elite, Black

American transmigrants were not channeled into working class professions and subject to

ever changing immigration legislation that sought to include some and exclude others.

According to Benson (2006), research on group identification consistently shows

that Black migrants initially resist identifying as part of the local black racial minority.

However, the majority of her data is based on claims of the experiences of West Indians,

Haitians, Dominicans, Africans and Puerto Ricans. My data reveals the opposite. While I

would not argue that my research participants wanted to assume the identity of the Black

British or other African and Caribbean migrants, I do assert that their narratives

demonstrate that Black American transmigrants place a high degree of importance on

racial identity that should inform notions of group solidarity [and extend to the formation

of race based alliances]. This accounts for a general feeling that Blacks in Britain lacked

a sense ofracial identity and that "there is no such thing as black here". Taken together

these narratives speak to the collision of race of nation and how US born African

Americans have experienced processes of racialization that makes race a central factor in 174

individual and group identification processes. The data also reveal how race is a socially constructed phenomenon that varies by ethnic and national origin.

By playing on the distinction between "skinfolk" and kinfolk my goal was to examine what factors went into the development of a collective, diasporic "we." The process of moving through the ways research participants experienced and reacted to the absence of a "skinfolk" connection, revealed the degree to which a certain notion of trans-ethnic Blackness operated as a cornerstone for a diasporic consciousness. By exploring what serves as the foundation of a collective, diasporic "we" in a space where research participants were distanced from locally specific articulations of identity and identification, I discovered that Black Americans were operating with the expectation of a trans-ethnic and transnational notion of transnational Blackness. It is transnational in the sense that it is connected to a specific location (the US, Nigeria, and the UK) but also trans-ethnic as it is expected to operate as a unifying element that (should) connect people of African descent regardless of whatever label/identity may accompany that Blackness. CHAPTERS

AS AMERICAN AS SWEET POTATO & APPLE PIE: BECOMING AN AMERICAN

BLACK IN LONDON

In the previous chapter, I explored how African American transmigrants navigate border crossings through inter-ethnic interactions. These interactions revealed diasporic points of connection and contention as research participants explored seemingly settled categories of racial identity. In this chapter, I continue to investigate processes of boundary creation and maintenance as the politics of home and away but tum to explore how transnational migration compelled the activation of a relatively dormant axis of identification-national identity. Research participants' activation of national identity in

London reveals another dimension in the process of becoming an immigrant black body.

When asked about the relevance and importance of national identity, Allison offers the following response:

I think a lot of us come over here ... and expect some level of accommodation because we're American ... We're brought up that way. It's brought up in our national kind of rhetoric. You know, in the school system we pledge allegiance ... it's sacrilegious if you don't know the American national anthem. It's sacrilegious if you came to school and can't sing My Country Tis of Thee. You know what I'm saying. You have to know certain things. To be a national you have to know certain things. Stupid American trivia. America's greatest pastime. America's favorite food. Is that my favorite food? Do I like baseball and apple pie? Probably not ... basketball and sweet potato pie. That's my national, you know what I mean.

175 176

Her comments indicate a complicated relationship that Black American transmigrants have with their country of origin and consequently their national identity. Allison recognizes the ways a sense of national identity is instilled into American citizens

through the educational system as well as through cultural activities such sports and food

consumption. In this passage, Allison identifies what she sees as traditional markers of

"American-ness" in naming baseball and apple pie. While she is an American citizen,

she seems detached from what are supposed to be important cultural and symbolic

indicators. She does not incorporate these activities and symbols into her own sense of

national identity. The use of questions (ls that my favorite food? Do I like baseball and

apple?) emphasizes this detachment and leads to Allison's identification of meaningful

parallel symbols-basketball and sweet potato pie. Here, I argue that basketball and

sweet potato pie are used as markers of blackness that stand in opposition to baseball,

apple pie, and whiteness. In this way, Allison marks a distinction between "white"

America and "Black" America and her sense of belonging in constructions of American

national identity. Allison brings into sharp focus the ways American-ness it is often

constructed as white. While whiteness remains an unmarked category that is conflated

with American-ness, African Americans have always contested this. Allison's narrative

speaks to the long history of Black Americans struggles to be recognized as full

American citizens (Davis 2006, Kelley and Lewis 2000).

Stovall (2006) argues that both diasporic and transnational studies tend to

underestimate national institutions in the lives of black migrants thereby neglecting an

important aspect of the politics of home and away. He asserts that discussions of 177

diaspora should not ignore the nation or posit it as an unproblematic "Other". Instead we must devote the same critical focus to its interaction with blacks as with other important components of hybrid identities (Stovall 2006:201 ). Furthermore, he argues that to write about African diasporas is to consider the ways in which blackness both transcends and reaffirms the nation (Stovall 2006: 203).

Other scholars have argued that contemporary processes of transnationalism and globalization have not only altered the ways people conceptualize space, community, and citizenship but have also transformed nationalism and processes of racial identification

(Thomas 2007: 112). Thomas argues that current processes oftransnationalism have changed the ways people conceptualize national community, what makes up the national space and that those conceptualizations are shaped by new understandings about racial community and belonging (Thomas 2007: 127).

African Americans' experiences of national identity in the transnational space of

London England necessitates considering the relationship between race, nation and identity. In this chapter, I explore how African Americans undergo the process of

"becoming American." As they experience a shift or re-ranking of categories of identity, their stories speak to issues of inclusion, exclusion and notions of belonging. Their narratives expose the interconnections and intersections of racial and national identities.

Following Stovall, in the first section of this chapter I consider my research participants relationship to their home country, the United States. Next, I explore how

Black Americans experience race and nationality in London. Finally I consider the importance of politics and particularly the 2008 US Presidential election in the process of becoming an American Black versus a Black American. 178

Relationship/Attitude Toward the US prior to London

Across generation and gender, research participants expressed an ambivalent and tense relationship with the United States. Kayla, a professional woman in her early thirties speaks of her feelings towards the US prior to her move to London with an explicit sense of anger when she states "I feel like they just oppress my people ... Mad, still not over it ... I just wish we had more history because when I think of our history I just think of wars and slavery." Like Allison her comments mark a kind of separation of

Black Americans. She invokes an "us" versus "them" dichotomy when she references

"they" and "my people" where the former refers to a US system that has historically marginalized people of African descent. "My people" solidifies her location within that marginalized group.

A male research participant, in his early thirties, recalled a joke performed by popular Black American comedian Chris Rock to describe his feelings toward the United

States as a Black citizen saying "America is like that uncle that put you through college but molested you along the way." Equating being a Black US citizen to being in an abusive yet obligatory relationship with a family member speaks to the histories of and contemporary iegacies of the second class treatment Black Americans have received over time. A female research participant makes a similar assertion when she describes the relationship of Black Americans to the US as "one of benefits and burdens." Both characterizations indicate a somewhat antagonistic yet necessary relationship to their place of birth. 179

Celia, a Black woman in her early forties offers another important generational perspective with her commentary on race, nation and identity. Her comments provide

some of the historical background that the two previous research participants allude to

when she states:

You know, um growing up. I grew up in the 60s and 70s so it was really more about the Civil Rights Movement. So it was really like trying to get to be an American fully.

MR: Yeah.

Celia: ... So, no I don't really think it, you know, national identity didn't really enter. It was more like; what is it going to take for us to get to be like everybody else.

MR: Right.

In her discussion of Afro-German histories and diasporic identities and

relationships, Tina Campt points out the importance of collective memory. Her model of

black identity fixes that identity to a national community with whom one shares concrete

ties of culture, history and socialization (2006: 106). An emphasis on a collective history

of struggle passed down and called upon through generations is important in this

discussion of a larger national identity because it helps to reveal how American national

identity is also a racialized identity. By this I mean that white Americans are positioned

at the center of constructions of American-ness while other non-white minorities are

positioned on the margins. Therefore, while Black American transmigrants like Celia

have direct experience of Civil Rights struggles and successes and how that related to her

sense of national belonging, younger research participants call on this history as they

make sense of their relationship to the US. For example, Mabel, a young professional

woman in her early thirties offers that: 180

I think in terms of Black American--probably feel a sense of not feeling so American because of history of slavery and coming from such an oppression. I think it's really difficult to feel a sense of pride coming from that history and just feeling cheated .. .I think also as a Black American--Although [we] call America the land of opportunity it's not so much opportunity if you're Black ... you have to fight twice as hard as a Black American for it. So, not necessarily feeling an equal or level playing field in education when, it comes to getting jobs. I feel like being a Black American ... it's almost like you're carrying a burden that you have to set an example. So, when you make decisions about things you can't just like--I'm going to do what Mabel would do. In particular context, ok this is what Mabel would do but I'm also Black so I have to think about how other people are going to respond to that ... I think you have that burden of something to prove and having to represent the whole race. That's not fair but that's the way it works-- in America.

Like many other research participants, Mabel references slavery as an important historical marker in defining Black Americans positioning in the US. Similar to Allison, she uses this history to mark a distinction between white and black American experiences and her feelings of incorporation.

Scholarship such as Solorazano, Ceja and Yosso (2000) and Feagin and Sikes

(1994), as well as documentary films like Unnatural Causes document the effects of racism in different contexts. Solorazano, Ceja and Yosso reveal the effects ofracism through an investigation of racial microaggressions experienced by African American college students. Racial microaggressions refer to subtle forms of racism that have dramatic impacts on the lives of African Americans. They are the subtle verbal, nonverbal and/or visual insults directed toward people of color often automatically or

unconsciously (Solarazano, Ceja, and Yosso 2000: 60). Drawing on the work of

psychiatrist Chester Pierce (1995) their focus group interviews reveal that "in and of

itself a microaggression may seem harmless, but the cumulative burden of a lifetime of

microaggressions can theoretically contribute to diminished mortality, augmented 181

morbidity, and flattened confidence (Pierce 1995: 281 cited in Solarazano, Ceja, and

Y OSSO 2000: 60).

Feagin and Sikes' (1994) case study interviews with middle class African

Americans speak to the weight of dealing with what they call everyday racism. They assert that African Americans must constantly negotiate racial stereotyping, prejudice, hostility and discrimination. These constant negotiations become part and parcel of their research participants' daily lived experiences as African Americans living in North

America. Furthermore, Feagin and Sikes assert these daily experiences of racism are the micro-level expression of institutionalized racism. Each of these studies speak to the cumulative effects of racism.

Mabel's narrative speaks to the impact racism has on individual lives. I assert that what she describes is a form of everyday racism. Her explanation speaks to the ways race circumscribes her experience by altering her personal behaviors and actions (when you make decisions about things you can't just like--I'm going to do what Mabel would do .. .I'm also Black so I have to think about how other people are going to respond to that). Mabel is constantly responding to a racist American system that perceived racial inferiority of Black Americans. Therefore her actions must disprove the persistent expectations of lower performance. This is the burden of being Black in America.

Finally, consider this narrative offered by Brenda as a way to see and understand the relationship between a collective history and the intersection of racial and national identities. In this instance, as with a good number of other research participants, she took national symbols and/or holidays a point of departure to discuss her attitude toward the

United States prior to their move to London. Brenda spoke about the Fourth of July in 182

articulating her relationship and attitude toward the US as well as the importance of nationality to her identity. She provides the following narrative:

... You don't have to go around carrying a flag. I wouldn't like that. Like on the Fourth of July, my team was expecting me to come in in red, white and blue, and all this other. I'm like why?! I guess its Fourth of July, but that's not anything that I normally do, you know. We might barbeque, and somebody might come over, you know, but it's not this big uproar, you know, of the Fourth of July ... Like they were expecting like cupcakes with red, white and blue on them. I'm like, "I'm not making you all anything." So, I don't know. It was - it was a big deal for them. And I was like, well, like I don't know. Because my dad, I remember him like telling me, "Well, we don't celebrate America." ... Yeah, and like in Memphis for a little bit, I don't know if- I don't even know if they still do this, but they were doing like the Juneteenth celebrations, and I read that, I think Texas is one of the only states that regularly celebrates Juneteenth or whatever. And like I don't know if a lot of people like actually so that, but I know my dad was like, you know, we used to want to go get these Fourth of July outfits, and firecrackers and all this other stuff, but we still, you know, go fire firecrackers, but my dad didn't really make a big deal out of it because he was like, "Well, black people weren't free today. Make sure you celebrate next year." .. .Ijust always, you know, that's when I realized that when I got here, we didn't ever really just celebrate the Fourth of July. I mean, we'd go down and get some firecrackers, but it wouldn't be no big deal. But it wasn't, you know, put a flag in your yard, or anything like that... The Fourth of July was just another day off 1 school •

Brenda moves back and forth between experiencing the Fourth of July in London with

her experience of the holiday in the United States. As an American who works in

London, her colleagues expected her to celebrate the holiday with excitement,

consumption and displays of Fourth of July inspired food and paraphernalia. However,

as she states, that is not something she would normally do. She also explains how her

father taught her and her siblings that Fourth of July was not for them with his "we don't

celebrate America". In this instance, the "we" is used in two ways. Here, "we" is used to

refer specifically to her immediate family. It is also used to refer to Black Americans in

1 ln this passage, Brenda is not saying that she attended school during the summer months. Stating that the Fourth of July was "just another day off school" was a way to further relegate the significance of the day. 183

general. Similar to the way Allison marks a distinction between "white" America and

"Black" America in the passage that began this chapter the "we" serves a similar function. Although they (Brenda's family) used some of the traditional trappings of the holiday such as firecrackers, these items did not embody the same meaning for this Black

American family or for this Black American woman. Her family did not adopt or celebrate the quintessential symbol of American independence, the American flag, on this day.

This distinction is further solidified by Brenda's reference to Juneteenth celebrations which is the oldest known celebration commemorating the ending of slavery in the United States. Specifically, it recognizes the moment when the enslaved in

Galveston, Texas received word of their freedom. More generally, it is a day to celebrate and appreciate the Black American experience. It is a day to acknowledge the evils of slavery and its consequences as well as honor and respect the sufferings of slavery

(www.juneteenth.com).

By making this reference and calling upon this history, Brenda's narrative reveals something important about intra-national differences and feelings of belonging (and exclusion) of a community within a nation. Brenda finally relegates this holiday and what it represents with her final statement "The Fourth of July was just another day off school". The Fourth of July was not an important part of her American experience and identity.

Brenda's statements are somewhat reminiscent of the sentiments expressed by

Frederick Douglas, former slave, abolitionist, and publisher of the North Star, in a 1852 speech he delivered as part of Fourth of July celebrations in Rochester, New York. 184

Douglas' speech calls out the hypocrisy of nation celebrating freedom and independence with parades and speeches while human beings remained enslaved within the United

States' borders. To quote Douglas

I say it with a sad sense of disparity between us. I am not included within the pale of this glorious anniversary! Your high independence only reveals the immeasurable distance between us. The blessings in which you this day rejoice are not enjoyed in common. The rich inheritance of justice, liberty, prosperity, and independence bequeathed by your fathers is shared by you, not by me. The sunlight that brought life and healing to you has brought stripes and death to me. This Fourth of July is yours, not mine. You may rejoice, I must mourn. (http://www.historyplace.com/speeches/douglass.htm)

While Brenda is not as eloquent her delivery, the content of her remarks emerge out of a collective historical memory shared by African Americans as a result of the racism and inequality that fuels the country's history and development. Her statements about the

Fourth of July reveal a sense of disparity and distance between white and Black

Americans.

Race and American Experience

While history was important in articulating a sense of national identity for my

Black American research participants, their contemporary experiences of race in America were also integral to the way they experienced the process of becoming American in

London. For example, when asked to compare the frequency with which they experienced race (either daily or event based), the majority declared that in the UK experiencing race was more event based versus experiencing race daily in the United

States. Consider Phoebe's response .

.. .I mean I'm definitely aware of the fact I'm Black. I sometimes feel it--I'll be at work; they are frolicking and happy and I'm over here being a bitch. I'm over here angry for no reason. Like what are they so happy about and I think it's-- 185

they're white and I'm Black ... so I do think about it daily .. .it crosses my mind every day but not in a bad way ... it's just-- I'm a Black person. I'm a Black woman and you have to keep your head a little higher because people will quickly kick you if you don't. So, I do think about it everyday, but at the same time I tend to be kind of laid back about the race issue, but tend to be Super Black when I feel like you're not respecting what its like to be disenfranchised. So, I think I become a little bit more militant in situations like that, when important things happened. MR: Is it the same here? (meaning London) ... Phoebe: Here-- see -- I just-- this is LaLa land. I haven't had that many experiences where I've been like arggh! And ifl do get worked up its because I'm talking about something that's happening in the States ... .I guess here same thing I think about being Black everyday, but it's a non-issue, but it does for sure cross my mind. I can't even think of an important issue that would make me get like arggh!! So I think all that's State side. Even my existence, perhaps even thir1king about being Black everyday is perhaps because I come from the States.

Phoebe's statements beginning with the lines "so it crosses my mind every day" and ending with "what its like to be disenfranchised" are the most significant elements of this excerpt. With these simple declarative sentences Phoebe articulates her reality as a raced being who must deal with issues of racism on a daily basis. The phrase "it's just" is reductive in the sense that it indicates a degree of expectancy of unequal treatment which is linked to being Black. As she states "its just, I'm a Black person."

Phoebe drills down her experiences even farther demonstrating the intersection of

race and gender with her statement "I'm a Black woman and you have to keep your head

a little higher because people will quickly kick you if you don't." I assert that Phoebe

locates herself within a discourse of Black womanhood that rests on images of strength

and resiliency which I discuss in the literature review chapter. Phoebe moves from her

personal experiences (feeling like the "angry, black bitch" in contrast to her white co-

workers who are able to "fro lick" which denotes a kind of ease and innocence) to call on

a collective identity (Black woman). To Phoebe, the Black woman is a person who can 186

deal with the slights ofliving in a racist and sexist society. This is what informs her "you have to keep your head a little higher because people will kick you if you don't".

Confronting discrimination and the expectation of low performance is endemic to her subject positioning in the US. Acknowledging this reality is what underscores her statements. As Phoebe emphasizes thinking about being Black is part of her existence.

In contrast to her life in the US, Phoebe feels somewhat removed from a constant confrontation with race in America when she refers to London as "LaLa Land". Part of what accounts for statements such as this is Phoebe's position as an immigrant elite. As an American Black trans-migrant living in a high end neighborhood, she is insulated to some degree from British bigotry and racism that is discussed in detail in chapter two of this dissertation. I do not assert that this group of transmigrants are painting London as a place free from racism, I claim that their socio-economic status removes them from some of the everyday racism that a Black British person working in a different industry living

in a different neighborhood might experience. In this way it allows them a sense of freedom materially i.e. they live in upper class neighborhoods and can participate in

leisure class activities such as international travel. However as discussed in chapter four,

my research participants are aware of the structural and institutionalized racism operating

in London.

Mabel describes the experience of race in America with a poignant analogy. She

states:

I think growing up in the US, I've grown up with the Black race has been oppressed, history of slavery and discrimination and that mentality that you have to work twice as hard to get what other people that may be of the majority will already get. It's like running this marathon and all majority or whites have been training for this marathon and the night before the marathon you get invited to 187

compete and (you're) still expected to compete at the same level with someone (that has) been training for so long .. .I think growing up in the US race has been a very important factor and knowing that you are going to have to work twice as hard and people are going to judge you because of how you look.

Mabel's analogy speaks to the ways racism unequally distributes power among groups and positions those groups in competition for resources and opportunities. Guinier and

Torres (2002) assert that women and people of color's experiences signal the health of our sociopolitical environment (Guinier and Torres: 129). As a woman of color, Mabel satisfies two of the important criteria identified by Guinier and Torres. Therefore, her narrative provides an important space to unpack the ways racism as a form of power operates. Mabel's construction of power as a competition demonstrates that power continues to operate as a zero-sum game which always produces a group of winners and losers. Following Guinier and Torres analysis, I assert that Mabel's narrative addresses power on the second dimension which refers to a system of power in which there is an indirect manipulation of rules to shape the outcome of the competition. Using this analogy shows Mabel's coming to understand how the underlying rules and structures that play to the strengths of the winner are created. This is what she is addressing when she likens black people as "getting invited to the marathon the night before".

Furthermore, Black people were not even included in the decision on what type of race they would participate in. To use Guinier and Torres' language, Blacks are not "the architect of the game." Whites construct both the barriers to the entry and the terms of engagement (2002: 12). As the analogy compels us to imagine, at the end of the race

someone will win, while another loses. Based on her experiences, the losers have been

and would continue to be the Black race because of historical structural inequality. 188

Kia, an attorney in her early to mid thirties, articulates a similar learning and expectation of racial inequality as it pertains to life choices and opportunities when she explains:

... you always have sort of one eye open for what could possibly happen, like this is going on but you've got to be prepared for anything ... Very, very little things that you know there is an underlying current of racism and it doesn't even have to be racism but just a you shouldn't have this, you're not worthy of this, you shouldn't have this success, shouldn't be in this kind of car, or this kind of neighborhood so this feeling that you're doing something you're not supposed to be doing, you're not in your place.

Phoebe ties this attention to race, an expectation of inequality, and thinking in terms of a

Black/white dichotomy to her very existence and consciousness as she begins to describe how the experience of living in London has influenced the ways she thinks about and understands race.

It has influenced it because, just always thinking. I do think sometimes, not even a thought. It's my existence. Sometimes something happens. I mean I think sometimes people use it too freely in the States like because I'm Black it happened ... excuse for laziness, but I mean I have that thought too but I find that I need to think it less here. It's not. Places where I think it would apply in the States, period, like don't even talk to me about another option. This is what it was ... like not so much necessarily here. I sort of have to re-train or rethink the way I approach things because not every white person is thinking that you're sub par. I watch them sometimes at work and I think they just don't get it because (they are) not from America, not whole dichotomy, they don't have that thinking but not even their thinking that being like for me thinking in terms of Black and white is inside of me. It is. I know how to turn it up or down but it's not a thought it's a consciousness. It just is and the same for them they don't have that here. It's not their existence like it is with us or Americans in general. I have the fleeting thought that I have to think about it less ... but it is inside me.

In both excerpts, Kia and Phoebe refer to an internal mechanism that is used to measure and manage instances of inequality. For Kia, this is found in the phrase "you always have sort of one eye open for what could possibly happen". In Phoebe's passage

she references this internal mechanism with the sentence "learning how to turn it up or 189

down." I argue that the "it" refers to a kind of "race radar" that is a tool that my research participants' that developed in response to American racism and discrimination.

This race radar is similar to what Feagin and Sikes (1994) call the "long look" which refers to situations in which Black middle class Americans respond to possible discrimination by taking a long look in order to evaluate the situation carefully before judging it as discriminatory and taking action. Racism and discrimination requires Black

Americans to look at things from two different perspectives to determine if slights are race based or on something else such as rudeness. Whether is referred to as a race radar or a long look, narratives like Phoebe's and Kia's suggest that Black middle class

Americans carefully examine inter-racial interactions through a lens that is informed by personal and group experiences or racism (Feagin and Sikes 1994: 25).

I spoke with other research participants about learning to adjust their "race radar" in London and the difficulty in assessing certain situations because of the interaction of race and nation in both contexts. In Jan's explanation of her initial impressions of

London, she speaks of learning to live in a racially dichotomized space and the expectations that accompany being a Black woman in that space. In response to sharing my feelings of discomfort surrounding how people would respond to me as a Black woman, she shares

I agree with that because at first I was kind of on the defensive. Three years ago I lived with three white guys, two were English and they were just rude. Like, first, I thought that maybe they were racist because I moved into my flat and the first thing that happened and one of them was like where are you from and I said Washington, DC and he was like oh 'show us your tits" and I was just like what. You just met me why would you say something like that. And the other one just started laughing and like oh American. And it wasn't like Black American, it was just like stupid American 190

Jan speaks of being initially defensive in her interactions with her white English flat mates. While her male flat mates request to "show your tits" clearly places her in a highly sexualized and racialized position, it was her nationality that was called to the forefront and caused her to downplay the issue of racism and sexism.

Jan's experiences of race in America also influenced her social networks as she explains:

and the more I talked to them and they didn't understand I thought it was a really big deal why I was an African American or having African American friends or hanging out with African Americans or things like that. What are we not good enough to be your friends? Like when I found a little group of black American ex-pats to hang out with and go clubbing they'd be like, well, can we come along. I was like you can you just probably wouldn't feel comfortable. It's a bunch of Black people. They were like we don't care. We just want to go and listen to music, we're interested in that. It's like 'ok' fine come along and they really didn't have a problem and I thought ok these white kids are cool and not that I didn't have white friends in the states. But I kind of compartmentalized my friends, unless I have a couple that are just into everything and I can bring them around. But I have some that only like their Bruce Springsteen whatever and that's your scene with your beer pong so I wouldn't take you to a reggae club whereas here, I think it was also the school too, want to experience people and everything, so they didn't understand why I was excluding them or be comfortable in certain positions, which was nice.

The references to Bruce Springsteen and beer pong versus reggae music are racial indicators. In contrast to the US, where she often "compartmentalized her friends" based on race, these divisions were questioned in support of developing inter-racial social 1 networks. As Jan mentions, developing inter-racial social networks can partially be contributed to the social contexts in which she finds herself. As a graduate student at

London university that focuses on the languages, cultures and societies of Africa, Asia and the Middle East, she is around students interested in understanding diversity, at least on an academic level. Attending a top British university is another way that class 191

informed this research pariticpant's experiences. As Americans, this group of immigrant elite were not subject to class "tests" such as evaluating one's accent to determine what neighborhood or school an individual may or may not have attended. They are also not subject to review of one's ancestry and lineage through an evaluation of one's family name. While a Black British person or African immigrant could acquire a "posh" upper class accent by attending top British schools, it would be difficult to "pass" the ancestry/lineage test because titles and properteis have traditionally been passed down through generations of white British. However, Jan does acknowledge the presence of

British racism when she says explicitly "but at the same time I do understand that there is racism here and I have talked about that and I don't think its as maybe overt, like you're kind of wondering are they being racist or are they just rude."

Instances of a perceived lack of quality service was often the "test" for racism among my research participants as evidenced by its mention in this conversation with

Jan.

. .. customer service is pretty bad compared to the United States, its like are they not serving me because I'm Black or because they are just rude. Most of the time I find it's because they are just rude because they will do it to white people too. Like sometimes I will sit around and see if they are going to treat that person the same way ... or like with Indian people, sometimes I wonder if they are treating me a certain way because they see me as intimidating but for the most part, I've noticed that the whoie being Black thing and people moving to the other side, that doesn't happen here. I thought maybe it would and would make things easier functioning. Because usually if you're walking down the street and there's a white person, they'll give you the right of way. Maybe because they are afraid or whatever. Here they'll body check you. It's like no one is intimidated by you as a Black person, its like oh. But I have noticed that they will move out of the way if it's a person of like Indian, Bangladeshi or Pakistani descent. So that's why I say the Indian people are like the Black people at home in terms of the hierarchy of fear and that type of thing. I don't like see in Central London white people being afraid of Black people. So those are like my initial observations or impressions of being here. 192

Jan's reading of customer service as a barometer of racism leads into her expectations of interactions due to race when she talks about fear and intimidation. In the US, Blacks are often the victims of (mis)perception that positions them as violent. In London, Jan sees those expectations as transferred to the Asian (i.e. Indian, Bangladeshi and Pakistani) population in Britain. The racial hierarchy of the US that placed people of African descent at the bottom is slightly altered. While Jan filtered her initial observations and experiences through the lens of an American centered race based system, I posit that her comments indirectly point to the way British racial categorizations operate to produces a category like BME (Black Minority Ethnic) in which Asians are subsumed into the

category and subject to discriminatory treatment.

A series of surveys demonstrate how racial discrimination contributed to

persistent lower rates in employment, difficulty in finding housing, poor education and

treatment in other services. A 1994 Policy Studies Institute (PSI)2 Survey revealed that

40% of ethnic minorities in a sample felt that most or about half of the employers would

refuse someone a job for racial/religious reasons. Twenty-seven percent of white

respondents felt the same way. Nineteen percent of ethnic minority respondents said they

were refused a job because of race or religion (Anwar 2000:60).

In 1980, a study on ethnic minority graduates showed that a greater proportion of

them were unemployed, received fewer interviews, job offers and early promotions. This

pattern was confirmed in a 1996 study (Anwar 2000:60). In 1995, the unemployment

rate for all ethnic minority groups was more than double as compared with whites. For

2 The Policy Studies Institute is one of Britain's leading research institutes. 193

Pakistani and Bangladeshi males, unemployment was 28.7%; more than three times higher than whites (Anwar 2000:61). The 1991 Census showed that ethnic minorities lived in poor quality accommodation in comparison to whites. One third of Pakistani and almost half of Bangladeshi households were overcrowded as compared to two percent of white households. In addition, ethnic minorities were more likely to be homeless (Anwar

2000:62).

In regards to racial harassment and racial attacks, a 1994 report revealed that at

least 130,000 incidents of crime and threats were issued against Asian and Afro­

Caribbean people (Anwar 2000:64). This figure may not reflect the true rate of such

incidents due to underreporting. A 1994 PSI survey suggested that in a twelve month

period 20,000 people were racially attacked, 40,000 were subjected to racially motivated

property damage, and 230,000 were racially abused or insulted (Anwar 2000:66). The

Home Office published three reports within eight years on racial attacks and harassment

(1986, 1989, 1994) (Anwar 2000:65). These figures speak to the pervasiveness of racism

and discrimination in British society.

Another disturbing aspect of British racism is the attitude it produced in British

citizens. Based on 1992 British Attitude Survey, the British public perceived Britain as a

racially prejudiced society (Anwar 2000:69). Perhaps most disturbing is the fact that

black and Asian people feel a sense of hopelessness and impatience towards the lack of

progress in a British society that defined British-ness in a way that excluded them.

Despite the series of legislative acts and policies established to promote racial equality

(outlined in chapter 1), ethnic minorities felt that these legal measures failed to live up to

the their promises. Even worse, many minorities feel that legislative acts give the 194

government an "easy out" ; believing that they are doing something to solve race relations problems when in fact the situation worsens (Alibhai-Brown 2000: 188).

In the following and final two passages of this section, these research participants' narratives more explicitly demonstrate how the politics of home translates into experiencing a racialized nationality and how London begins to alter that. When asked what connects her to the US, Mabel offers this reply

... sense of values and a work ethic relates me to America. I think also a history as well. I think that where it comes from seeing things from a racial perspective. As I've said here in London or the UK it's more of a class issue but when in America you think more in racial terms and that's why I identify as a Black American and not just an American and that's because of our history particularly with being Black and going through slavery and civil rights we feel like we have something to prove. You grow up thinking you have to prove something and I think you carry that for the rest of your life so I think that sense of history separates me. If I had grown up somewhere else, the color of my skin might not be relevant. ..

Mabel begins with a reference to a generalized or generic American work ethic as a point of connection. Holmes and Holmes (2002) assert that hard work is a quintessential principle of American culture. Hard work is for Americans, not only a means to an end

but to a great extent, an end in itself. They argue that it is a survival of puritan philosophy that associates idleness with sin and industry with virtue (Holmes and Holmes

2002: 13) in a way that the real axiom that motivates behavior for Americans is "it isn't

who you knO\·V, its how hard you work" (Holmes and Holmes 2002: 14). Success is

linked to hard work. Another facet of this work-success belief is the idea of the self made

man or woman and the idea of pulling oneself up by the bootstraps. A large portion of

Americans thoroughly believe that anyone can pull off the bootstrap stunt ifs/he really

wants to (Holmes and Holmes 2002: 14). 195

While Mabel recognizes that this linking of hard work and success is very

American, she also recognizes that this success story can be and often is undercut by race. The history of Blacks in America, her history, proves this point. By self identifying as a Black American and "not just an American" she is at once a part and apart. Black linked with American is not only a way to self identify but also an indicator of access to opportunity and success.

Phoebe marks this distinction between being "just an American" by referring to second class citizenship status and the constant confrontation of barriers and obstacles when she states:

You have to do away with a lot of baggage I think because I think you grow up, particularly as a Black person you grow up thinking that everybody thinks you're a second class citizen. You could be poorest of the poor, but, if they're white they think they are better than me. So you do feel like, you have hurdles to overcome because you have to prove yourself to everybody and that's every other race that Asians that's Indians because you grow up feeling maybe not necessarily feeling but knowing that everybody else thinks that you're sub par ... so you can't shake that ... you grow up and interact with the world and that stays at the forefront. So, perhaps living in London they don't have that at the forefront of their mind and I would argue that they don't like, Black =second class. Maybe not in the forefront the way I think an American white person would but shit sometimes it's in the forefront of my mind and I have to be like calm down Phoebe. Like don't defeat yourself, like necessarily don't miss out on giving yourself the best opportunity because you had in your mind someone is thinking that of you. Growing up in America, if you Black, you have to break a lot of barriers. Constantly. Like that's your existence. Like break through one-- hell yes! But I got like eight more to go or like as each day presents itself you have to

Phoebe's statements fall in line with my previous discussion of everyday racism particularly as she references a constant barrage of barriers and barrier breaking as part of your existence as a Black person. She speaks about how racism invades your psyche when she references the baggage that comes with feeling "that everybody else thinks you're sub par." She makes this assertion even more affirmatively by moving from 196

"feeling" to "knowing" that everyone positions Blacks as inferior to even other marginalized minorities. However, in this passage I assert that she adds another dimension to the experience of racism.

Speaking of her membership as an American citizen as second class draws on dominant Civil Rights discourse that rests on the belief that as citizens of the nation they are entitled to certain rights by virtue of being American citizens. Being treated as second class or subpar therefore goes against fundamental American ideology of equality and justice. Referencing second class citizenship moves from thinking about race and racism on an individual level to thinking about it on a larger structural level. Drawing on this language, links her individual barrier breaking to a larger system of discrimination and

injustice that is the result of a group experience. As she puts it "growing up in America, if you Black, you have to break a lot of barriers" and have a lot of "hurdles to overcome."

This language of second class citizenship works to draw attention to how my research

participants felt simultaneously included and excluded in constructions of American-ness

and full access to citizenship rights they should be guaranteed by their birth.

Taken together these narratives show how nationalism and racism are connected.

Wade argues that nationalism and racism are connected in a fundamental way because

both invoive exclusion and inclusion (Wade 2001: 848). Works like Willian1s (1989) and

McClintock(l 995) demonstrate how nation building involves constructing boundaries

around categories such as race, gender, ethnicity, sex and sexuality. In the US part of the

nation building process involves racialization (see Omni and Winant 1994) and means

insertion into a US hierarchy that entails engagement with and ultimate subordination to

the various structures of power (Pierre 2004: 157). Therefore when understanding the 197

intersections of racial and national identities it is important to understand the tensions that exist between sameness and difference and how difference can be a positive as well as negative resource for representations of nationhood and the process of constructing identities (Wade 2001: 856).

Despite the national discourse of America as a nation of immigrants or a culturally pluralist society, racial identity continues to be the crucial factor deciding who fully is a citizen of this nation (Pierre 2004: 160). These narratives demonstrate that race is the modality through which class, gender, nationality, sexuality and ethnicity are lived

(Pierre quoting Stuart Hall 1980: 155). It is this history and the lived experiences of

Blacks in America that account for the ways my research participants experience and

articulate the process of becoming American in a different geographic context.

De-Racialization: Experiencing Race, Class and Nationality in London

The big difference here is I'm American first- not Black. So I don't have to deal with the BS that I put up with in the U.S.

In contrast to race being the primary form of identification and source for identity at

home, in London nationality catapulted to the front in a chain of signifiers. In other

words, nationality superseded race. This was a common experience amongst more than

half of my research participants whenever we talked directly about nationality and also

when discussing how they thought they fit into the race and class dynamics in London.

While some may argue that coming to understand and experience your national

identity is something that happens for any American who leaves the United States and

becomes a resident of another country, I argue that for my research participants' race 198

undercuts experiences of and identification with national identity in a different way.

Consider Jan's comments when she states:

Whereas here, being African American I'm not really reminded of it, the African part of being African American. Because I think that the American title is more salient here. Because with the social policy think tank, people are like what is it like being an American, even when talking to Black youth they were like what is it like in America. It wasn't like (what) African Americans do ...

Based on previous conversations with Jan and knowing a bit about her family genealogy,

I know that with her reference to African in African American, she is not meaning an immediate or a one generation migration history from an African nation. Her reference to the African in American is significant because it is used here as a marker of difference.

She is a hyphenated American. Like Allison, she is marking a difference and distance from fully incorporating a de-racialized sense of national identity. In marking this distinction, Jan recognizes a common experience amongst research participants. That is recognizing what it is to be American yet also realizing that as an African American they exist on the perimeter of that construction in some ways. Iris speaks directly to this in stating

I do feel somewhat de-racialized here. I feel like it's a potpourri a hodge podge of like different international people--you know like Indian, Pakistani. You have a bunch of weird different friends from all over the world and so being Black is not really a big deal. We're all something. We're all different but its not along racial lines ... like when I think of people like April, my friend Ellie ... well, like I'm Black cuz we're all Black but I think here, the current environment that I'm in now, I just, I don't think I am as racialized as I was in the US. I just think of myself as more American because that's sort of identity overrides everything in their eyes and in some ways I feel like that makes me more different than my race does. At least to these people.

Within Iris' statement one can see processes of identification (the way others identify an individual) at work. She feels de-racialized and therefore American because "that sort of 199

identity overrides everything in their eyes". Iris' (and Jan) experiences make a strong case for the relevance of place. Iris references London and being in London as part of a potpourri and hodge podge of different international people. She is referencing the diversity of London. One of the dominant narratives of the US is its appreciation and celebration of its diverse citizenry and how that diversity contributes to American national character. However, it is in the space/place of London that these two Black women feel American.

As discussed in previous sections, I assert that this is in large part due to the fact that my research participants are part of a trans-migrant elite. As members of this group they come with a degree of financial and social capital that positions them outside of the racialized class dynamics that operate in London. For example, many are graduates from

Ivy League universities which would be considered one of the important secondary criteria in defining social class. So that social class is not defined solely by property, a collection of properties or by position in the relations of productions but by the structure of relations between all the pertinent properties which gives its specific value to each of them and to the effects they exert on practices (Bourdieu 1984: 106). According to

Bourdieu, the primary differences which distinguish the major classes derive from its overall capital understood as the set of actually usable resources and powers. These are economic capital, cultural capital and social capital. The distribution of the different classes thus stems from those who are at best provided with both economic and cultural capital in relation to those who are most deprived in both respects (Bourdieu 1984: 114 ).

In other words questions of class are determined by access and control over the three types of capital. Obtaining a degree from a prestigious university provided research 200

participants with a source of privilege that provided access to economic and social capital and a set of privileges that were more fully realized in London than in the US that then translated into "feeling American."

In the following section, I take extended excerpts from Tiffany and Mabel and use them as case studies to explore more deeply the process of how they "became American" in London. I begin with Tiffany, a twenty-six year old Black American woman who has lived in London for the past two and a half years and works in the non profit sector. She grew up in Chicago, IL and is the daughter of Jamaican mother and Liberian father.

When asked: In what ways has living in London influenced the ways you think about being a Black American woman? She replied:

It's made it more that I see myself as American a lot more than I did before. So it's made my identity American and then Black, because before I was a Black American woman. Now I'm like American, Black. Before I was like Black woman, American and now I'm American Black woman. Just reverse the order a bit. . .If I'm in a very neutral environment which doesn't really exist, but might consider myself a woman, the woman and the black changes.

Tiffany takes on these three categories of identity that I introduce in the question and re- orders them which is significant. While in the US she would have to confront images and perceptions, expectations of behavior, either positive or negative, that come with being a

Black woman, in London her re-ordering of the terms denotes a re-ordering in the identification process. In other words, her familiar process of being, knowing and getting identified is altered.

Although she indicates that gender and race as categories of identity may be interchangeable in certain circumstances, nationality now becomes primary. This shift in 201

primary identifiers evokes an ardent response when I ask Tiffany how being recognized as American first has felt. Tiffany states:

Weird! Oh my gosh, it's so weird. Because when I'm in the States, it's always been last and now to have it first is just so bizarre. I kind of go with it because I like to adapt but it definitely allowed me to see America is not just where I live. It's like culturally, like a real culture and not just how I speak. People say I act American so I'm very American. Sort of just made me say like 'oh, I guess I am American.' It's just really weird.

Being identified as an American caused Tiffany to engage with American and

American-ness as not just as a location but also as a place with a particular culture meaning specific beliefs, behaviors and perspectives. As she states later on in our conversation

... So I think I've become more American here. You know like somebody saying you're black, you're black, you're black. You kind of absorb a lot of that and take that in, hopefully the positive aspects of that identity. So, it inadvertently becomes how you act.

Tiffany's reference to being called or labeled as "you're black, you're black, you're black" is important because it not only speaks to the tension between processes of identity versus identification but also the power of an interpellative process (Butler

1997). According to Butler, one comes into being by being named by the other. Those names and labels then create subjects that constitute one socially (Butler 1997:26-31 ). In

London, Tiffany is called into existence as an American (seemingly for the first time).

Tiffany elaborates on this experience further as our conversation continues when she explains:

As soon as I open my mouth people are like ooh. It's like yeah, I'm different. It's kind of funny because, one, people have certain assumptions about Americans so it makes you feel you have to defend that, as an American. And then they make certain assumptions about Black. And so the assumptions change, like when you open your mouth. Because at first before I open my mouth you're 202

judging me as a Black British woman and then next you're judging me as an American woman so I find myself defending a completely different thing.

In this passage, Tiffany is referencing instances in which class would not mitigate experiencing pre-conceived notions and expectations about being a Black British woman when she states "because at first, before I open my mouth, you're judging me as a Black

British woman." Scholarship like that produced by Amecka Marshall, Naz Rassool

(1997), Carol Tulloch (2000), and Mama Amina (1995) speak to the negative images of

Black British women and their processes of re-claiming an identity in response to these negative images. Rassool characterizes these processes as a "cognitive re-appropriation of the categories of racialized and genderized subjugation and the process of encoding these with empowering meanings" (Rassool 1997: 191 ). Rasool's characterization is a powerful statement that speaks to the ways the black female body and identity has to represent the antithesis to what is good, beautiful and feminine.

Furthermore, historically, 'blackness' in Britain has provided the category against which the British nation has been defined in the popular consciousness. In other words, blackness has provided the category of the 'Other'. It has served as a powerful hegemonic construct in shaping commonsense understandings of the British nation

(Rassool: 187). With blackness constructed as the "alien other" or "outsider within",

Black individuals and their communities were conceived of in similar terms. Despite evidence of an historically long Black British presence, ideas of a black community as alien was/is firmly implanted in history (Alexander 1996 :4). Alexander argues that contemporary British discourses on community, nation, and culture collapse ethnicity and race in such a way that continues to deny the place of Britain's black communities within 203

the realm of national culture and belonging (1996:4). Therefore, nations like Great

Britain, that imagine themselves as racially, ethnically, culturally and/or religiously homogenous inevitably impose notions of absolute identities so that a person is either part of the imagined community or is the 'Other', hyphenated, hybrid (Alexander 1996:

4). Britain's Black citizens are conceived of as an amorphous racially and culturally homogenous outgroup (Rasool: 187). It is the conflation of race and gender in service of the construction of British national identity and belonging that gives meaning to Tiffany's statement about being identified as a Black British woman. Because of her American accent she feels that she is not subsumed into colonial legacies and contemporary British racism.

Note that in last sentence of this passage, Tiffany identifies herself as an

American woman. The Black disappears as she talks about being identified in London which denotes a sense of detachment that has developed. She continues:

So I'm not just defending my color anymore. I'm defending my nationality which is a little bit easier. I think because that comes third in the States, I think I find it easier; like an out of body experience. It's almost like a disconnect like I can argue on principle. It's not so close to home like when I'm talking about my identity as a Black person or as a Black woman. I think I'm a little bit closer to that. That's why it's so satisfying to finally be able to defend something that is not so close to home. I never really thought about it like that. It's like, well, finally I don't have to defend myself as a Black woman. So, yeah it's nice and I can talk about what food a lot of Aiuericans eat, and what's going on in politics, or hov.r Americans think about this. It's like now I'm representing the nation not like color or yeah. I don't get asked a lot of Black American questions or maybe there is just so much about Americans they want to hear before and I guess in certain situations like where I am in philanthropy world like they don't care about hip hop. But my roommate might value my music judgment more because I'm American. But in the workplace no one really asks me about being a Black American. The closest they come to is ohh Obama. 204

In this instance, Tiffany declares explicitly that she feels and has felt disconnected from any personal sense of nationality. As she states "it's not so close to home". This is positioned in comparison to her identity as a Black person and more specifically as a

Black woman. In London she is placed into a position where she is called upon to speak about an unmarked (i.e. white) American experience.

Tiffany's statement "finally I don't have to defend myself as a Black woman" is significant because it demonstrates the politics of home and the ways Black women are constantly in the position of defending two categories of identity that are in many instances viewed as inferior. Her experience shows that groups and members of these groups based on categories of race and/or gender have differing perceived grievances and differing structural locations in systems of hierarchy (di Leonardo 1994: 170). Living in

London and being identified as an American instead of by color provides Tiffany (and others) with a sense of freedom that is not common in the United States given its racial history.

Tiffany's experience is representative of the majority of my research participants.

Their experiences should be situated in the historical context of Black American expatriates such as Ralph Ellison, James Baldwin, and Eslanda Goode Robeson who migrated to European cities like Paris, France. Paris has occupied a special place for

Black intellectuals of the 1920s. According to Edwards in The Practice of Diaspora

(2003), Paris provided a special sort of vibrant, cosmopolitan space for interaction that was unavailable in the United States or in the colonies. Therefore, Paris was a crucial site because it allowed boundary crossing, conversations, and collaborations unavailable to 205

the same degree anywhere else. In short, Paris was a special space for black transnational interaction, exchange and dialogue (Edwards 2003:5).

Many Black female artists, entertainers and intellectuals found themselves in

Paris entangled in the vibrant community of developing black internationalism.

For example, Jessie Fauset who is one of black America's first and most influential female writers wrote about how influential her time spent in Paris was to her thinking about her treatment in the US and consequently her feelings of national belonging

(Griffin 1997). Paris was attractive to Fauset in part because there, she was able to test what she recognized as a reluctance to broach issues concerning the interconnection of class, race and gender. She stated:

I like Paris because I find something here, something of integrity, which I seem to have strangely lost in my own country. It is simplest of all to say that I like to live among people and surroundings where I am not always conscious of 'thou shall not' (Edwards 2003:140).

Fauset experiences a freedom in Paris that she is denied in the United States. She remarks: "I find myself more American that I ever feel in America. I am conscious of national characteristics". In Paris, she is temporarily freed from the double consciousness that accompanied the lives of blacks living in America and is able to "indulge in the life her white counterparts take for granted" (Griffin 1997: 81-82). Despite the freedom she experiences, she simultaneously reflects on the situation at home. She notes the irony on social, racial and cultural levels when she asks Why should I feel more at home away from home? (Griffin 1997:82). Fauset's statements exemplify the kind ofreflection and thought that is encouraged by international travel. She demonstrates how international movement allowed Black women to challenge their understandings of their status as 206

American citizens. Decades later my research participants are going through a similar process in London. It was migrating to London and having some distance from the US history of racism and exclusion that positioned Black and American in opposition to one another as well as contemporary dynamics of racial and ethnic interactions that allowed

Tiffany to "embrace another part of herself (the American part) here."Although being placed in the position of American is somewhat uncomfortable because it is something new, this freedom allowed my research participants to engage with the US and national belonging in a less antagonistic and personal way. In London, Tiffany was able to

"represent the nation not her color".

In contrast to Tiffany who is essentially a first generation Black American, Mabel traces her family lineage back to origins in US slavery and Native American ancestry.

Like Tiffany, she grew up in the United States and considers it her home which exposed her to location specific racialization processes, categorizations and interactions.

Exposure to a US specific system where a binary racial system operates as a primary organizing principle informed her worldview which is challenged by what she encounters in London. For example, starting with the common narrative of feeling American first she states:

I actually I feel like here, in London, race is not so much of an issue and I say that relative to being in the US. When I'm in the US I am Black or Black American. When I am in London I am American. I find that if you're saying I'm Black American or Asian American that actually confuses people because they don't see why you are dividing up; so I actually don't think of myself as Black so to speak when I'm in London ... What fascinates me about being over here is how people are classified and there is an actual mixed race. So when I have to fill out forms, I'm an other because it will say white, Asian or Black African, Black Caribbean, Black other. So I'm Black other because I'm not African. I mean we call ourselves African American but here you are from Africa or you are not from 207

Africa. There is no African American and I'm not from the Caribbean so I'm Black other. MR: Did that take some adjustment? Mabel: It's just different to think of yourself as Black other. I think the other thing that fascinates me is that a mixed race is an actual race and there is an actual culture behind it. And in the US, and you are mixed, [you have a ] parent that is white and parent Black, you are Black versus over here.

In the first few lines of this passage, Mabel removes herself from the racial dynamics of London by identifying as American instead of Black. In addition to this experience, Mabel's understanding of herself as a Black person is challenged by the way

"Black" is undercut by nationality in UK categorizations ("so when I have to fill out forms ... Black other"). Her locally specific racial classification system is also challenged

3 by the category of mixed race. Regardless of official classifications in the US , Mabel operates with a kind of one drop rule of racial identification in which any amount of blood from a person of African descent renders that individual Black or African

American. This is what she states "and in the US, and you are mixed, [you have a] parent that is white and [a] parent Black, you are Black versus people over here."

Similar to Tiffany, when asked: What, if any, differences are there of being a

Black woman/man in London versus being a Black woman in the US? She re-orders the

signifiers. While gender remains salient, nationality supersedes race when she states:

I would say the fist thing is being a black woman in London I don't really think of myself as a Black woman I think of myself as an American woman and so I don't feel like here in London there are these stereotypes of Black women in the US like black women are loud they hate Black men, American men, or think they are

3 In all of the census counts through 1990, an individual's race was supposed to be indicated by checking only one of the boxes presumed to correspond to the main social racial categories. http://www.actionspeaksradio.org/2008/10/2000-us-census-allows-individu.html. However in the 2000 census, individuals were allowed to mark one or more races. This was an attempt to recognize the growing number of interracial unions and the children that were products of those unions. 208

good for nothing just those stereotypic images of how we talk and kind of having an attitude. I don't find those things here in London vs. back at home I think those stereotypes are prevalent about Black women. MR: so that's not something you really have to deal with here? Mabel: No.

She continues when asked to think about the ways living in London influenced the ways she thinks about being a Black women to explain that

I think the way is influenced is I think of myself as American first and so anything, I feel like if an issue, if a woman's issues comes up I don't segregate myself and think ok a Black woman has to think this and a white woman thinks this, in London I feel if it's a woman issue its a woman issue vs. if I was back in the US I would think of it as a Black women, as a double minority meaning it's a woman's issue and Black so I got two things on my back vs. here I'm just a woman at whatever a woman has to deal with here I've got to deal with it too.

Mabel locates her responses within a history of gendered racialization and representation that Tiffany alludes to in her narrative. In the US, she has to contend with stereotypes of

Black women as loud and aggressive and as "double minorities" with less power and privilege. In London she is only an American woman. She no longer has to self segregate or think in terms of the burdens that come with being racialized and gendered in a way that negates a strong national identification.

Obama and Substantive Citizenship

The 2008 US Presidential Election captured national as well as global attention.

British newspapers such as The Guardian, The Sunday Times, The Independent and the

Times regularly carried coverage of the American political process. Often in the media forefront, the election campaign was a point of conversation with an overwhelming number of my research participants. Then presidential candidate Barack Obama consistently emerged as focal point in discussions of US politics and international 209

relations. Talk of Obama's candidacy and (then) potential presidency served as a lens for my Black American research participants to explore their feelings of national belonging.

In the final section of this chapter, I will examine how talk of Obama's candidacy served as a lens for my Black American research participants to further explore their feelings of national belonging. I will argue that Black Americans living in London are experiencing a level of what Glenn (2002) calls substantive citizenship.

I will say that this is probably the first time I've ever felt proud to be an American because there is a potential to see a Black person as president. The first time I've felt any pride ... ! mean America is a great country ... You can get jobs, yeah we've got homeless people, but compared to other places, we've got resources. But yeah it's probably the first time that I feel ok saying I'm from America.

The experience of being American first was often linked to first time sentiments of pride towards the United States as exemplified by the quote above. This sense of pride was also often associated with the candidacy of Barack Obama. Consider Kia' s comments regarding her feelings towards the US prior to her move to London.

Just home--just thought of it as home. It reminds me of a comment that Michelle Obama kind of got a lot of negative attention for, was one that she made was something about the fact that this was in her adult life-- that she's proud of the US for the first time. I think for, non Black people or non minority people, I'll say non immigrants but in a sense we're all immigrants, and anyone who hasn't recently moved to the US from another country, I think people can really appreciate that because of course its my country, my home country and there's no other place like it and having traveled, as a minority, there is no other place I'd rather live long term. In a way, it is sense of it is home, but; there's so many areas that could use some improvement whether its race relations or education, healthcare and just how we think about other people, think about our neighbors. In particular in relations, in a way feeling that you know as a minority you can do all you can to be a shining example for you race or whatever people, white people would still not appreciate it or understand it or even take the time--just respecting the race, whether it be Black, Latino or Asian but respecting the experience enough to feel like it is worth you investigating-- learning about because it is a part of your country. It's always about the minority assimilating into the majority. But I just don't think it works, unless the majority says at some point I need to learn something about this country. Because like black history is 210

obviously a part of Blacks but it's also a part of American history FYI. So that goes back to saying I could really identify with her statement ... And for people to go no, I'm not going to pay attention to this man's race instead just pay attention to who's the best candidate or in spite of what people may feel and just going to cast my vote for (who) I think is the best. So its still home, there's still no place I'd rather be, but geez can we just get it together people! Can we just get it together America! Now post- Barack I think maybe there is hope. He represents a lot. He's signaling a shift. Whether or not it will be permanent, I don't know ... So of course, it's almost like such a seismic shift you can't ignore. MR: at least we're giving it a try, well Kia: Don't even get me started. I'm like-it's not Tuesday and until it's Tuesday and they have declared him the winner.

Kia begins her narrative by referencing a statement that First Lady Michelle

Obama made during the course of the Presidential Campaign that became quite

4 controversial • Her statement was used by the opposition as a political tool to cast

Michelle Obama as not "truly and fully" American. Kia then moves to explain how and why she relates to First Lady Obama's sentiment by moving through a couple of dominant discourses about the United States.

First, she alludes to the narrative of the US as a nation of immigrants ( ... but in a sense we're all immigrants). Closely tied to this narrative is an assimilation model that demands that immigrants blend into the mainstream (Pierre 2004) which Kia references when she states "its always the minority assimilating into the majority." In this view, full citizenship for blacks would occur only when white Americans were ready to accept blacks as equals, a process that would take many generations (Glenn 2002: 49). Related to this type of assimilation discourse is the notion that hard work is the venue for success and incorporation into the mainstream. However, we know that hard work and success

4 In February 2008 during a campaign appearance in Wisconsin, Michelle Obama made the comment "For the first time in my adult lifetime, I'm really proud of my country." (http://blogs.abcnews.com/politicalpunch/2008/02/michelle-obam-l .html) Her comments received considerable media attention. 211

models or bootstrap mentalities are always undercut with racial, gender and class based inequalities. This knowledge is part of what underscores Kia' s response and animates her comments when she states" as a minority you can do all you can to be a shining example for your race ... white people would still not appreciate it."

While Kia talks about general areas of improvement for the US i.e. education and healthcare, she returns to racial and intercultural differences and disparities as a major area for continued reform. Kia's reference to Black history is notable because it serves to illustrate a sense of under appreciation of this specific racial group's contributions to

American history and society ("Black history is obviously a part of American history,

FYI"). She emphasizes this point with the final colloquialism FYI as a way to say just in case you forgot-Black history is American history. By making these references, she recognizes herself as a Black woman with a history that places her on the margins of dominant conceptualizations of American citizenship and belonging.

Talk of the Obama's anchors her narrative of the relationship to her home country. What informs Kia's closing comments on Obama is that he represents the realization of American meritocracy ("I'm not going to pay attention to this man's race

instead just pay attention to who's the best candidate") and therefore a sense of pride.

However, this realization is tempered by a caution that a potential election of Obama

would be a temporary change and the US would return to a system where inequality

based on race and/or ethnicity is maintained. The cautious optimism of Kia's narrative is

instructive because it demonstrates the complicated relationship Black Americans and

women have with US citizenship. It demonstrates that race and gender have continuously

been organizing principles of American citizenship. 212

The final dimension of becoming American that marked my research participants' stories was a slight element of surprise as they shifted from being a Black American to an

American Black. When I spoke with Allison and asked how she fit into the racial dynamics in the UK she paused for a considerable amount of time and then came to express that

I think that I'm often identified as American first. And that's a very big novelty here ... So I'm um, you know, kind of the--instead of now being the Black Ambassador, like I have been all my life, I'm now the American Ambassador which is a very interesting place to be in ... I'm the sounding board for America which is a very odd position to be in.

Kia and Allison's narratives point to the ways the boundaries and meanings of citizenship are enacted, reinforced and contested in ways related to race and gender at the local level and in everyday interaction (Glenn 2002). At the most general level, citizenship is the notion of belonging. It is membership in a national community (Glenn

2002: 53-54). However because race and gender undercut this sense of belonging, Glenn differentiates between various levels of citizenship that are salient for this discussion.

Glenn identifies two broad types of citizenship. These are formal and substantive.

Formal citizenship is that which is embodied in law and policy. Substantive citizenship is the actual ability to exercise one's rights of citizenship (Glenn 2002: 53). Glenn goes further by identifying several important a..11d different aspects of substantive citizenship.

These are the notion of standing, or being recognized as a full adult capable of exercising choice and assuming responsibilities; the notion of nationality or being identified as part of a people who constitute a nation, whether corresponding to the boundaries of the nation state or not; and the notion of allegiance which refers to being a loyal member of that national community (Glenn 2002: 54). 213

Racialized and gendered citizenship is created when theoretically universal citizenship rights are differentially enforced (Glenn 2002: 53). For example, universal suffrage may be guaranteed by the Constitution, but historically the right to vote has been differentially protected. The history of Blacks and women serve as important examples of the ways universal citizenship is differentially enforced. Both groups have histories of the right to vote being denied and slowly guaranteed through rigorous political debate, contest and finally guaranteed by Constitutional Amendments. Even today, some would argue that blacks are disproportionately disfranchised by the lack of enforcement of equal access to the ballot (Glenn 2002: 53).

Marking these distinctions shows that citizenship is not just a matter of formal legal status. It is a matter of belonging which includes recognition by other members of that community (Glenn 2002: 52). From their calls on a history of exclusion from citizenship, where the right to vote has been given and taken away to their first time experience of being American, I argue that Black Americans are experiencing nationality for the first time in London. Here, they are identified as de-hyphenated or unmarked

Americans. They are placed into a position where their experience is not seen as peripheral or marginal. Although they technically have standing, it is outside the boun.daries of the US that Black Americans begin to personalize and take ownership of a national identity. As Celia puts it "I get to be an American here first. Which is one of the reasons that when people come here ... if they stay more than two to three years, they don't go back. Or they don't go back willingly. Let's put it like that."

Finally, it could be argued that any American who migrates to a different country will experience a process of becoming American. This is probably true. Moving outside 214

of the boundaries of one's country of origin compels a reflection on the contours and content of any category of identity. In this case, the category of identity is nationality.

However, I assert that there is a difference between recognizing the contours and content of national identity because they are integral and common sense and recognizing how the different aspects of national identity are integrated into a sense of belonging in an

American national community. Put another way, there is a difference in knowing that you are nominally a part of a community yet still exist outside of the construction of that community somehow. I argue that the latter is part of what Black American transmigrants are experiencing in London. Therefore, when a Black trans-migrant like

Allison is called upon to be an "American Ambassador" in London, she toggles between the inter-connected histories of both Black and white Americans. Consequently, while a white (unmarked) American may consider eating apple pie and watching baseball as something second nature, Black Americans recognize these activities as American but not as second nature because they are filtered through a lens of differential treatment that compels them to engage their American-ness in terms of apple pie and sweet potato pie CHAPTER6

HAIR AND THERE

"I feel, here .. .I feel more able to be natural."

When asked the question: what if any differences are there of being a Black woman in London versus being a Black woman in the United States, Mary offers the above reply. Here, this female research participant references a relative freedom to wear her hair in a natural style rather than relaxed or straightened through a chemical process.

Throughout this dissertation, I have examined how Black American transmigrants have experienced a (re)negotiation of identities that comes with the crossing of geographic boundaries. In the previous two chapters I focused on this (re)negotiation along the axes of race and nation. In this chapter, I focus on the intersection of race and gender to conduct a gendered analysis of this (re)negotiation process using Black

American women's discourses about hair.

As the central focus of this chapter, hair, is anthropologically relevant because among women of African descent, hair and hair styles are evidence of a set ofrituals that are being practiced throughout the Diaspora (Rosado 2003:61). Although initially I did not include a specific targeted question about hair in my interview sessions, the topic of hair frequently emerged as an area of interest and discussion with my research participants. This was a consistent pattern among my interviews with Black American women making their lives in London but rarely did this topic emerge in my interviews with Black American men living in London. 215 216

This recurring emergence of hair as a point of discussion demonstrates that hair has and continues to be an important site for understanding the process of identity construction, particularly amongst peoples and communities of the African Diaspora

(Banks 2000, Caldwell 2003, Candelario 2000, Mercer 1994, Eison Simmons 2008,

Rosado 2003). Hair is simultaneously personal and political. As Mercer (1994) argues:

Hair is never a straightforward biological fact because it is almost always groomed, prepared, cut, concealed and generally worked by human hands. Such practices socialize hair, making it the medium of significant statements of self and society and the codes of value that bind them, or do not. In this way hair is merely a raw material, constantly processed by cultural practices which thus invest it with meanings and value (Mercer 1994: 101).

Furthermore, hairstyling is a specifically cultural activity and practice (Mercer 1994: 99).

Relatedly, Rosado argues that hair and hair styling can be viewed as an unconscious

"grammar of culture" meaning that hairstyling practices can be viewed as "universal rituals that represent a body of beliefs and values that are socially transmitted and patterned to guide the groups' behavior" (Rosado 2003:61). In this way, the ways we shape and style our hair may be seen as both individual expressions of the self and as embodiments of society's norms, conventions and expectations (Mercer 1994: 100).

Placing Black American female transmigrants commentaries about hair in an

African diasporic context makes Mary's opening statement a salient starting point because it speaks to the criteria that mark the contours of the category of Black woman as well as processes of constructing identity in relation to those criteria. Her reference to a feeling of freedom speaks to the processes of boundary creation and maintenance. As

Barth posits, essential to this process is a dichotomizing of "others" as a way to establish the standards of shared understandings, differences in criteria for judgment, and a 217

restriction on interactions and behaviors (Barth 1998: 15). Hence, Mary's comments are

instructive because they point to ways her transnational mobility encouraged a

confrontation with locally specific appropriate modes of behavior that come with the

merging of categories of Black and woman in the US. Therefore, using hair as a point of

analysis allows me to investigate the politics of home and away as I examine how hair is

experienced "hair and there."

Black hair has not escaped political readings about how Blacks construct identity

and how whites construct identities about Blacks by reading hair through a sociopolitical

lens (Banks 2000: 14). Hair is political in the Black community because we imbue it with

messages about our gender, religiosity, ethnicity and politics (Rosado 2003: 62). Indeed

it has more often than not been a major source for political debates and a powerful

medium for political and personal expression. Mary challenges white readings of hair

when she tells me about some of her interactions with her colleagues in London. She

explains:

... I'm one of the most militant ones and I just think I'm trying to, I don't want to feel like the pioneer and trying to evolve our thinking but I will be sitting in a group of white people and be like 'hold up, what you say?' I'm like get your shit straight. I don't give anybody a pass. I will pull you aside. I don't try to embarrass people ... I spin it that I ask questions and to get them to say it, like are you saying all Black people have nappy hair ...

The term nappy hair is the most significant element of this passage because its points to

the social history of hair and the systematic construction of blackness as negative. Nappy

hair is used to describe black hair that is tightly coiled or curled in texture. While Black

people may solely use it as a descriptive term and many embraced natural and nappy hair

in the late 1960s and 1970s, historically it has been a derogatory term (Banks 2000). 218

Nappy hair is often constructed as "bad" hair in contradiction to "good" hair that is long and straight. Race overlays this dichotomous construction of good versus bad hair because long, straight hair is associated with white people (women more specifically) and whiteness, while bad hair is associated with black people (most often black women) and blackness. Therefore, when Mary "spins" her line of questioning, she is attempting to get her white colleagues to think about the larger hegemonic system that positions

Black(s) as inferior to white(s).

Tiffany demonstrates how hair can be used as a political statement when she explains how she uses her hair to make a statement about her identity in predominately white settings:

I'll still go to like an all white party but I know a lot of those white people, in the US and UK, don't really see black people unless it's on MTV. But I refuse to be anybody's Black friend .. .I'm not going to be that Black girl so they can be diverse or call themselves a diverse group. I'll go to any party and I'll wear my hair big and I'm not afraid to say that I like hip hop or reggae. I'm not going to try to be like them, but I'll be there.

In this instance, wearing her hair "big" meant picked or combed out in a voluminous, natural, style which she is using as a marker of her blackness and also calls on the history of re-claiming Black hair as a positive marker of beauty and identity for people of

African descent. This blackness is further marked by her references to hip and reggae.

Tiffany's comment "so they can be a diverse or call themselves a diverse group" also speaks to what she feels she has experienced as an artificial sense of diversity where her presence supposedly creates a visually diverse yet otherwise homogenous environment.

This is what she references in her following comments "I'm not going to try to be like them." Her hair is a visual marker of and way to maintain that difference. 219

A personal encounter with a white British man further demonstrates how hair can be read in different ways and frame interactions. During my time in the field I wore my hair in individual micro-braids. This means that additional human hair was braided into my own hair. This braiding technique maintained my hair for a longer time period and alleviated my stress about what to do with my hair while away for an extended period of time. Around the time of the Summer Olympics track and field competition, I ran into a white British man as I took a walked along the Thames River. This was the year that

Jamaican runner U sain Bolt dominated track and field events with his unbelievable record breaking speed. Minding my own business, this man asked me if I was Jamaican.

I replied "no I am not" revealing my American accent. Nevertheless, this white man proceeded to make a statement about the success of the Jamaican team in the track and

field relays. However his comment about their athletic abilities quickly turned into a

commentary about the presence of Jamaicans in British society. He made a statement to

the effect of "if Jamaicans in England would run for the British teams like that, maybe we

(British people) would like to keep them in England." Essentially he was implying that

this could be Jamaicans contribution to British society, which he clearly felt was

nonexistent. This man delivered his statement in a joking manner. In fact, he assured me

that people in England were not as hung up on raciai poiitics the way we "Americans

were."

Since I was American, this man also decided to inquire about the US Presidential

election inquiring about my opinions Barack Obama. A bit disturbed by his previous

comments, I simple told him that I thought Obama was a good candidate to which he

replied "if you elect a Black man, you won't have anyone to blame your problems on!" 220

During our encounter, this man called upon a common phrase used to disclaim any personal racist sentiments "I have lots of Black friends." However, his disclaimer was tailored to the British context when he told me "I have a lot of Jamaican friends."

I argue that it was this man's reading of my hair in combination with my skin tone that inspired this encounter. As Bank argues, white readings of particular black hairstyles are indicative of a discomfort that white mainstream US society continues to feel regarding African Americans in general. According to Banks braids are often read as either exotic or threatening to others because they display a black esthetic that is linked to an authentic or radical blackness in the imagination of many whites (Banks 2000: 17). In this situation, my hair was read as a marker of either immigrant status or at least a different non-British national origin. This encounter gave me insight into the racial dynamics in London and made real and contemporary the race and immigration histories that I discussed in detail in chapter one. It speaks to the history of exclusion that Black immigrants experienced when they moved to the UK, demonstrates the continuing construction of Britishness as white as well as the view that Black immigrants are burdens rather than contributors to British society.

What these excerpts and experience serve to demonstrate is that, in societies where race structures social relations of power, hair (along with skin color) often becomes the most tangible sign of racial difference. If, as Mercer ( 1994) posits, "racism is conceived as an ideological code in which biological attributes are invested with societal values and meanings", then hair is imbued with a range of positive and negative connotations. Hair and hairstyling become political in that they each articulate a response 221

to a panoply of historical forces which have invested hair with both social and symbolic meaning and significance (Mercer 1994: 104).

That's What They Mean by Nappy Hair: Black Hair, Black Women and Identity

The subject of hair has been a particularly contentious issue for Black American women (Russell, Wilson and Hall 1992, Banks 2000, Jacobs-Huey 2003, Rooks 1996,

Hunter 2005, Byrd and Tharps 2001, Caldwell 2000, Phillips 2003). While talk of

"good" hair and "bad" hair has plagued all members of Black American communities,

these evaluations of hair for and about Black women take on an added level of

significance because they are also often linked to notions of beauty, femininity, social

value and worth. Furthermore, Black women share a collective consciousness about hair

as it shapes black women's ideas about everything from racial identity to constructions of

femininity (Banks 2000: 14).

Consider the comments made by Allison and Kia in regards to hair and beauty.

Allison is a twenty-six year old African American woman who works in financial

services and has lived in London for the past three years. When I asked Allison about her

degree of racial group identification, which is defined as the amount of common identity

or attachment people have with others in a racial group (Benson 2006: 221-226), she

filters her response through talk about beauty and hair. She explains

I think ... the broader issues are still the same. You get down to ... if you put people in a room there's gonna be some experience of discrimination, some experience of being the only one, some experience of not feeling as pretty as the other girls in the room because of this that and the other, some experience about finding a good Black hair salon, some experience about finding a Black man who actually wants you because you are Black ... something that brings us together ... You know what I'm sayin. So that stuff is universal. I think there is a global Black family we just 222

have to find the right way to connect and not let the outside differences tear us apart so quickly.

While Allison's response begins with some general or basic experiences of discrimination and being "the only" minority in educational and professional settings, she drills this down to some very specifically gendered instances of connection. She offers finding a good black hair salon as a point of connection. She also mentions the difficulty in finding a Black man who desires a Black woman precisely for that difference.

Although it is true that concerns of beauty, desire, and attraction are experienced by women across racial categories (Peiss 1998, Bordo 1995), Black women have had to contend with notions of beauty that have historically and continue to exclude them from the category of beautiful and attractive. Allison's comments point to individual as well as collective experience(s) ofrace and gender through beauty which becomes central in articulating her sense of diasporic connections. Her closing statement "that stuff is universal" speaks to the global reach of positioning Black women outside of constructions of femininity and beauty.

Kia, a thirty something year old lawyer who has lived in London for a year, speaks to this reality more explicitly when she states:

Where are the images that are showing my beauty? Of course I know there's the traditional US beauty of white, blue eyes, blonde hair. Or I think, just white females in general, you know, where are the photos that show black women in their beauty? So if it's not like an Essence or Ebony, where would you get it? And if you don't have it at home, where would you get out as a black woman and again you're not being acknowledged. Your experience is not being represented. Then I think you can sometimes feel lost. Like am I really here? Hello, over here.

Although Kia begins to make her claim in reference to the US ("there's the traditional US beauty of white, blue eyes, blonde hair") she changes to recognize this construction of 223

beauty is not strictly limited to a US context ("I think just white female in general"). The use of the phrasing "of course" denotes a matter of fact-ness about this situation. It indicates a universality of these standards of beauty. As Gramsci posits on the relationship between common sense and ideology, ideology works as 'a form of practical activity in which a philosophy is contained as an implicit theoretical "premises" and 'a conception of the world that is implicitly manifest in art, in law, in economic activity and in all manifestations of individual and collective life' (Fairclough 2000: 70).

Furthermore, ideologies work through naturalization. For example, naturalization occurs when a discourse type so dominates an institution that it ceases to be seen as arbitrary and comes to be viewed as natural and legitimate. Ideologies become ideological common sense to the extent that the discourse types which embody them become naturalized

(Fairclough 2000:76). Beauty as white, blond hair and blue eyes has become a naturalized component of the discourse surrounding beauty. As a result, Kia must look to alternative sources to locate positive images of black beauty. This is why she references

Essence and Ebony which are magazines tailored for African American audiences. This lack ofrecognition works to make her feel invisible ("am I really here?). Kia's narrative demonstrates that Black women cannot achieve the idealized feminine ideal because the fact of their Biackness excludes them (Hili-Coiiins 2004: i 99).

Maxine Leeds Craig (2002) argues that racial identities are defined through the continual interplay of individual practice and collective action while also positing that

Black women rearticulate the meaning of a black racial identity daily as they position themselves in relation to culturally available images of black womanhood (Craig Leeds

2002: 9). I maintain that hair and talk about hair should be considered one of those 224

culturally available images that inform individual articulations of identity. Therefore, critically investigating talk about hair can lead to a greater understanding of how hair meanings represent broader articulations of identity, race, gender, class, beauty, power, black women's consciousness, and the multiple realities that black women face (Banks

2000). In other words, hair and Black women's experiences of and with their hair can be a means to understand how black women view their worlds and their place in it.

I took the frequent recurrence of talk about hair as an important site to explore

Black American women's articulations of identity in their international context.

Interactions and conversations about and around hair emerged in a number of different ways. For example, as mentioned above, I wore my hair in whatare called individual I micro-braids throughout my fieldwork period. One afternoon, after completing an interview session, I went into the local drugstore to purchase a couple of items. As I roamed the aisles, a Black woman with a British accent approached me and greeted me with the standard British "Hi-ya, are you alright?" introduction. She then asked me if I needed help finding any particular merchandise. I told her "no, but thank you for asking".

As I continued to walk up and down the aisles, I noticed this saleswoman continuing to stare at me. With my items in hand, I proceeded to the cashier area which now had a very long line. I claimed my spot in iine and was then approached by this same saleswoman.

This time she said "do you mind if I ask you a question" My reply was "no". She asked

"where did you get your hair done?" I then replied that I had my hair braided in the

United States before I left for the UK. With a slightly crestfallen face, she said "Oh, we can't get our hair done like that here. Your braids are really close together. Yours look really, really nice." I smiled and said "thank you", thankful that this was the reason for 225

her stares. I categorized this encounter with and about my hair as hair as a point of connection. It was this feature that compelled this woman of color to approach me in an environment that my research participants characterized as often marked by a described tension or a lack of connection between the women of color and of the African Diaspora

(see chapter four).

Dana also cites hair as central in finding points of connection with women of

African descent in London. Dana is one of the longer term residents within my research population having lived in London for thirteen years. She is also one of the founding members of a newly formed organization that sought to bring together the various

African diasporic communities in London. When I first met Dana and told her about the research I was doing, she explained to me how, upon her initial arrival to London, whenever she met another Black American she would call another Black American friend who was also new to London to say "found another one." In response to the question of how she felt a sense of connection to other people of African descent, she said:

I think that I feel connected because I make an effort to be connected. Like I said, I try to introduce myself to Black people period ... Actually I met one woman, actually a Brit, a Black Brit coming out of a restaurant and literally it was pouring rain and finally a taxi came and I thought well she's never going to get one and I'm thinking about the hair (we both laugh). So, I said, and actually to be honest with you, I'm not sure if she was white that I would have even thought in those terms to say come in my taxi. Literally I was worried about her hair. I said you might as well get in my taxi and we've been friends for four years now. And we had that connection because I'm thinking 'poor child's hair is going to be a mess'.

Again, this excerpt demonstrates an instance where hair served as a point of connection between a Black American woman and a Black British woman. It served as the initial basis for a continuing friendship despite national origin. 226

My conversations with Dana also revealed an issue that I will explore later in this chapter regarding a kind of policing of behavior around hair. Dana was one of the few

Black American women in her industry when she started working. Therefore she was always aware of her appearance. For her "there were no business casual days". In response to the question: Have you ever felt restrained or restricted to do anything in your life because of your race? She states:

Not at all. Never. And that's not that people weren't trying to restrain me it's just that I assumed that I had the right to do it. I'm sure I've walked into a room and people thought I shouldn't be there but I just ignored them and kept on doing what I was doing. So yeah. I never felt--1 just want to make a comment, because I've had friends who've felt intimidated or been discriminated against by clients, who don't really feel that they're not so much qualified but, you know, as a Black woman .. .I just think you have to be yourself, you know, positive and walk in the door as if I'm supposed to be here and that's that. But also you have to look sharper than they do. Everything about you has to say you're about business. So it's funny when I go to meetings, I'm not going to be casual but ifl'm meeting someone new I'm looking sharp, you know my hair's got to be, everything has to be perfect.

Her declaration that "as a Black woman, you know" that you have to "look sharper" indicates that there is some level of implicit shared knowledge paired with an assumption of lower expectations so that Black women in professional context must not only meet but exceed expectations. In other words, her narrative speaks to the reality of race and/or sex based discrimination. As a result, Dana carried the perspective that managing and maintaining hair is a critical part of the appropriate performance of Black womanhood.

Hair discourse emerged in other profound ways as well. There were a number of conversations that placed hair at the core in processes of developing a specifically raced and gendered identity. Put another way, hair was central for many of my research participants developing their sense of identity as Black women and their worldview. 227

Consider Paige's narrative, who is a middle aged woman who works in an American based financial institution. Born in the US with Caribbean parents, she identifies as

Black. Paige first experienced life in London via a study abroad experience in the mid- nineties and has been living in London for the past two years. Her narrative demonstrates the linking of race and gender through talk about experiences with her hair when she explains:

... that's when I think you really start feeling race. When you're actually living with someone that then--You always had the question in school can I touch your hair and all that other shit; but then when they actually see you wrapping your hair at night. It's like what are doing or you don't wash your hair everyday?! ... that's when start thinking about what you do as rote. People in school never saw you wash your hair or when you didn't or when you put your hair in rollers or when you didn't. So I think that's why in college I really started feeling and think about it more

MR: It starts to be questioned.

Paige: Yeah. I was like, huh? What are you talking about? Yeah, why don't you? I don't know. I just don't.

In this exchange, Paige links her hair care maintenance to a significant realization of racial identity. This realization is also related to an interracial interaction, when she refers to previous experiences of mostly white people asking to touch her hair ("you always had the question in school, can I touch your hair and all that other shit"). Paige's use of the word "aiways" indicates this being a habituai experience whenever in predominately white spaces in the United States. Many of my other female research participants cited similar experiences of their hair being treated as a kind of exotic feature.

In this passage, Paige refers to specifically racialized hair care practices. The reference to "wrapping hair" is when a woman combs her hair around her head which is 228

then generally covered with a scarf. The purpose of this technique is to maintain the straight hair style. What Paige views as normal and natural i.e. wrapping her hair or not washing your hair every night is called into question when she mimics the types of questions and responses that became more routine in the more intimate inter-racial living environment of college. These challenges disrupted something that she had lived as part and parcel of her experience of being a Black woman in America.

Consider another example from Iris. Iris is a unique case within my research population. While Iris identifies as Black American (and is an American citizen), she was born in Nigeria. In her early adolescence, she and her family moved to the United

States. I included Iris and her experiences within my research population and data because she has experienced and encountered racial dynamics in three different locations and ultimately came to identify herself as a Black American. Her experiences bring to the forefront many of the gendered racialization processes that go unexamined in a

United States context. She explains:

... if you immigrate to a society where you're a minority you have to integrate that new identity also as well into all the other issues you have going on. So, you know my hair wasn't weird when I was in Nigeria. Things about me weren't really strange and then moving to America and ok like the cusp of the early nineties, late 80s--in Nigeria, the jheri curl 1 was still a little bit ok, in America it was on the way out. It was like how do I transition my hair. Going through all these things where being black there meant something completely different from being Black in America. In terms of what's even acceptable to Black people and then what's acceptable to white people .. .It was hard to navigate.

Living in Nigeria, Iris came from a racially homogeneous environment where she asserts that factors like skin tone and hair texture did not figure as predominately into her

1 A jheri curl is hair that is chemically altered by applying ammonium thioglycolate. The hair is then rolled on small rods and dried, leaving the hair curly or wavy. Through this process the texture of the hair is changed. The hair remains curly but it is no longer as tightly coiled (Banks 2000: 173). 229

identity. In an earlier portion of her interview she speaks of the difficulties of being an immigrant and adjusting to a new society. While all immigrants may experience an assimilation process as they attempt to integrate or get integrated into their new home country, Iris' realization that the jheri curl was an outdated hair style speaks to her integration in Black American society. As discussed earlier, hair matters in Black communities. The recent success of Chris Rock's movie Good Hair, speaks to its continuing significance in Black American communities. Therefore, Iris cites hair as one of the primary mediums through which she which she experienced the transition from a society where ethnic distinctions were a primary marker of difference to a society where racial distinctions are the primary markers of difference. It is in American society where her raced and gendered identity begins to take form. Iris was experiencing a dimension of Barth's process of boundary creation and maintenance in which as a member of an

African American community, she is subject to evaluation by members of that group.

Iris' identity as a black woman is more fully realized through hair as she comes to understand the meaning of "nappy hair". When I queried her on how she began to understand herself as a Black American woman, Iris replies:

... I think as a Black woman I feel like my identity formed more in the US when I started being self conscious about other women, not as a black person, but as a black woman; more conscious about other women and the way they look, they way they're treated etc. etc., notions of beauty and what's considered beautiful etc. when you start becoming, when all of a sudden it clicks, wow this is what they mean by nappy hair. When I got to the US, that's when you hear the term nappy hair. And you know different skin tones become more of an issue, white women come into the picture and like, I think you feel Black; you feel more like a Black woman ... when you have other different kinds of identities, not in opposition in a negative way, but you're confronted by them. And I would say more in college is when I became more conscious of it .. .in college you have more sisterhood than you have in high school. .. when you get to college everyone is like reading Maya Angelou, and we're having Black Women's Associations and 230

stuff like that and I think it lets you coalesce around the identity a lot more ... So I would say, that is the age when it clicked for me. But some people it depends on your experience ... you know you start thinking of yourself as a black woman, not just a girl or a woman or a black person or whatever, but almost like a separate category.

The reference to nappy hair is the central element around which Iris' articulation and realization of identity revolves. As I discussed earlier in this chapter, nappy hair has a particular racial history. It is usually used as a derogatory term that speaks to the relegation of Black women in relation to notions of beauty. I assert that this exclusion of

Black women in constructions of beauty is just one aspect of a system that relegates and discriminates against Black women. For example, black women continue to make less money than their white male and female counterparts (Caiazza, Shaw and Werschkul

2004). A 2010 report, Lifting as We Climb, reveals that a noteworthy wealth gap between women of color and the rest of the population. More specifically, women of color have less wealth than white women and men of their own race. This disparity is located in past and present institutional factors such as the structure of government benefits, the tax code, and fringe benefits that work to exclude many women of color from wealth building opportunities that are provided for other segments of the population

(Chang 2010). These studies indicate that being Black and female has real material consequences.

Iris' coming to understand what nappy hair means points to the identity and identification process as experienced through the politics of home and away. While in

Nigeria, she did not have an understanding of what was meant by "nappy hair." It was not until she encountered the gendered racial stratification in the United States that she understood the ways that race and gender collide for Black women in the United States. 231

This brief narrative, I argue, also demonstrates the complexity of identity construction processes for Black women in the US. The final sentences are particularly relevant in this discussion of identity production. When Ike states "you know you start thinking of yourself as a Black woman, not just a girl or a woman or a black person or whatever, but almost like a separate category" she marks the convergence ofrace and gender in a way that produces a category of identity that is greater than the simply the sum of its parts. It is not just woman or just Black. Black and woman become inextricably linked. Marking this distinction materializes the move made by black feminist scholars in understanding the lived realties of Black American women. It is a movement from thinking in terms of "double jeopardy" or from an additive perspective

(Beale 1995) to considering Black American women's experience from a multiplicative perspective (King 1995). Taken together, these passages (Paige and Iris) demonstrate that race is always gendered and that all of the physical characteristics, it is particularly hair that marks race for women (Gilliam and Gilliam 1999 cited in Caldwell 2003:21).

While the previous excerpts speak more directly to the raced and gendered politics of home for Black American women, I would also push participants to think about the politics of away by asking research them to think comparatively about their experiences between the US and the UK. A question that I routinely posed to interviewees was: do you feel like any stereotypes (race, gender, class or nation based) followed you here to London? For Natalie, an attorney in her early thirties, navigating the politics of home and away was filtered through talk of her hair when she states:

Maybe. Hmm. Not necessarily. I mean I worry about them, in my head; but nothing external. I think part of that is if the British know anything its discretion. My hair used to be much longer, much bigger, and I recently cut it but before that 232

when it was like huge and still natural, everybody was like (in a British accent) "oh, your hair is lovely". They never brought it up unless I brought it up. No comments, no trying to touch it nothing. And you know Americans they are all over it. No, nothing.

MR: Yeah, like how did you do that?

Natalie: Yeah. Exactly! No questions at all. If I brought it up they'd be like 'oh I think it's lovely. It's so curly.' Leave it at that. That's it.

Natalie's description of the responses to her hair from her British colleagues simultaneously provides a commentary on her experiences and treatment in the US in relation to her hair. Like Paige, she references times when her hair is treated as an exotic feature of difference ("no comments, no trying to touch it nothing. And you know

Americans they are all over it"). However, unlike in a US context, in London her hair is not a discussion point. When her hair is mentioned, she receives positive responses.

Natalie's talk about her hair reveals that she knows that her hair can and has been read in a number of ways.

Natalie was one of the few among my research participants who chose to wear her hair in a natural hair style. Natural hair has a political history within the African

Diaspora (Tulloch 2000, Amina 1995, Mercer 1994). In the US it became a potent political symbol of black consciousness particularly during the 1960s and 1970s when

Black Americans fought against racist beiiefs and policies in US government and society.

It was also one of the powerful representations of the Black is Beautiful movement of the same time period. This movement sought to counter a hegemonic ideology that positioned Black American women as the antithesis to what is considered beautiful and feminine. According to Tulloch (2000), head ties, Afros and dreadlocks, offered conscious Black women throughout the African diaspora a solution between the tug of 233

war between natural and artificial hairstyles which engendered a duality of insecurity in

Black identity (Tulloch 2000: 217). Choosing to wear one's hair in a natural style stood in direct opposition to notions of beauty that said that beautiful meant long flowing hair and white skin. It was a way to redefine beautiful in a way that included women of

African descent. This history, briefly captured above, provides an important subtext for conversations like this as it informs Natalie's surprise in not having overt comments made about her hair, particularly in a professional context, and people declaring that her hair is in fact "lovely".

At the beginning of this excerpt Natalie makes the comment that she does not feel as if any stereotypes have been placed upon her externally. ("Not necessarily. I mean I worry about them, in my head; but nothing external.") This is an important distinction because it speaks to how race and gender based expectations of behavior can and do invade individual notions of self and how others perceive you. When I push Natalie to explain what internal stereotypes she has, she more fully demonstrates the ways in which race and gender based images influence her behavior and how she does and does not want to be perceived. She says:

Well, the same as in the States. I worry about making sure I can't be pigeon-holed as the loud Black woman. Like I'm not going to be the angry Black woman. I'm not going to be the loud Biack girl. Like especiaily in a work environment, like that's not going to be me. I'm not going to be the one who's difficult to get along with, doesn't get work, you know what I mean. So I'm like worried about falling into those traps, you know. So I'm worried about falling into those stereotypical traps.

Scholars such as Wingfield (2007) and McElya (2007) write about dominant and powerful images of black women as mammies and overbearing aggressors. Wingfield

(2007) writes about this type of restrictive imagery in her discussion of gendered racism 234

in the workplace. She argues that in the workplace, African American women have to deal with the imagery of the "educated black Bitch" which is a label is often assigned to

Black women who fail to embody the extreme loyalty of the modem Mammy or who cannot uphold the image of the Black lady (Wingfield 2007). Notions of the angry Black woman or educated Black bitch rest on the controlling and restrictive idea of Black women as almost supernaturally strong, dominating and at the most extreme castrating.

Natalie carries this historied legacy of reductive and controlling imagery with her and indicates that it something that she is conscious of in her interactions in London. Taken together these conversations demonstrate the ways in which a raced and gender identity and identification process is lived through and articulated through hair.

While Natalie's example represents a more individualized way hair, race and identity may affect Black American women and how they operate, Allison's comments

(below) about hair indicate that this type attention to hair can be the lens through which

Black (American) women assess the collective position of women of color in their new society or geographic context.

During one of our interview sessions, Allison and I discussed the coverage of knife crimes. The rising incidents of knife crime among the city's youth garnered major news during the summer. As we discussed the media coverage in the UK and considered how the coverage may vary in the United States, Allison offered up a story of another knife related act of crime that captured her attention. Her description follows:

... as long as we're killing each other nobody minds one of them gets killed and it's something. The other thing was there was an incident last, I think it was two weeks ago, where--it was in the Metro in the morning. They had this girl who got acquitted of murder. White girl. And you know, very cute. Had her picture big as day as the accused, big as day. Gucci sunglasses on, she's come out of the 235

courtroom with like a latte, hair pulled back. And they have the victim who was a black girl. Like this sized picture (she indicates a small picture) ponytail to the side, barrette, you know clearly a bad picture of her that they could find and then in small print; I mean she's literally like this big. Acquitted-- on the front.

In this description, Allison narrows this situation down to the two images that appeared in the paper. The white perpetrator of violence is depicted in a glamorous upscale way; similar to the way many American celebrities are photographed after a day of shopping with designer accessories and well groomed. In comparison, the black victim is (in her opinion) given minor attention in a less than flattering photo image. The image is "bad" because her hair is in a ponytail to the side with a barrette attached. What does not come off the page and is difficult to communicate in text is the way Allison delivered the description and the emphasis she gave to the lines about the victim's hair style and the decision of the newspaper to run an image like that in such a highly charged situation. The fact that she distilled this instance of (in)justice down to appearance and hair is significant. By focusing on hair and appearance of these two women involved in an altercation, she points to how representation is political and speaks to debates and tensions over the representation of Black women in the media. Scholarship such as bell hooks (1992) lets us know that concerns over control of media images are part of a larger struggle for self-definition in racist and sexist societies. For Black women, it is part of a struggle to re-define Black womanhood.

Allison was strongly attuned to issues of race and representation. In another one of our interview sessions, we talked about the release of a highly anticipated issue of a

Vogue magazine that was to feature for the first time Black models on the cover. In the context of conversation on what she perceived as the differences of being a Black woman 236

in London versus the United States as well as the forthcoming Black Vogue Allison shares:

In the States, [I] think the predominant image of Black woman is welfare mom or welfare state. Here [it's] not the first thing [you] would think of... [I] think the way Black women are defined is different ... Like the news there is quick to show Black women [with] mad kids around them, no shoes, house shoes. Those images they love. [You] rarely see those images here. On BBC, [you] don't get the hood images. Here [you] get the image of refugee mom, similar despair, here get the UNICEF mom.

The two images that Allison provides in this passage are notable. These are the image of the welfare mom and the UNICEF mom. Although these images are specific to the geographic context (welfare moms in the US and UNICEF moms in the UK), they are united in the way they position women of color as burdens of the state rather than contributors. Allison understands that those images can and do have an effect on how she is perceived and treated by others. Her recognition of the ways black women are portrayed in the media, in both contexts, makes her comments about what was dubbed the

"Black" Vogue all the more compelling. She stated:

I think it's probably because we knew that nothing was going to come along like that again; or for a very long time. I bought it because I knew it was going to be a collector's item and because I was curious. And it's funny because they make a point in the article that although all of the features were black most of the advertising which is actually paying for the magazine, is still solely white ... There's not enough representation in print or on the catwalk. But I think it also speaks to. For me i bought one, because I knew; I just had in my heart that either that it wasn't going to sell very well or they were gong to try and make it out so that the numbers worked to show that it didn't sell very well, i.e. you know either they do limited distribution or the shopkeepers don't, sorry we're sold out but they never had it in the first place you know that kind of stuff. I was like ok well I'm going to buy my copy so that my vote counts to the tally. I think a lot of people had the same kind of mentality because I got several emails from different sources. I got text messages the day it came out. Black Vogue is on the stands. Go buy it. So I think it's kind of like a mini civil right movement... It was something for us to rally around. It was more a political statement I think than actually accepting. Yeah, I don't know how to say this but yeah, face value ok I'm a black 237

woman. I'm buying a fashion magazine today. It was a lot deeper than like the reasons for us buying it versus a white woman buying it.

Allison's closing statement "I'm not just a Black woman buying a fashion magazine today, my reasons a lot deeper than that" comment is embedded within the larger collective struggle for self definition. Allison's comment is fixed within the same legacy that underscored Natalie's discussion of her hair. Therefore, Allison's purchase of the

Black Vogue was an effort to support positive images of Black women instead of what is usually perpetrated in the media. Her reading of hair through issues of representation take on added significance demonstrating how hair served as a kind of gauge for assessing the racial dynamics of London and the position of women of African descent in the UK, a group which she considers herself a member.

Olivia, a corporate executive who works in diversity, similarly uses hair as way to assess the racial dynamics of London. Having lived in London for the past ten years, I inquired if being aware of the racial dynamics was a concern for her before she decided to migrate. She stated that " I didn't have any impression of that ... I mean the time--the previous visit I had made here, I didn't see that many people of color so I wasn't expecting .. .I wasn't expecting a Black experience. I wasn't expecting issues either."

Interestingly, Olivia Jinks having a Black experience with some degree of confrontation.

This is evident with the emphasis she places on the word issues. After a little more thought about the question, Olivia moves to talk through her perception of London's racial dynamics through hair .

... The first time I was here I did see a lot of Black folks with Jheri curls and I was like. And that was in the mid-90s so I was like. Hmmm. Ok. It's a little bit backward here. And every now and then I will see somebody to this day with a 238

jheri curl and I'll text my girlfriend and be like JC alert. Because who's still wearing a jheri curl?!

MR: No one!

Olivia: Girl please! Even Michael Jackson gave up his curl. Ok!

When Olivia talks about the continued presence of jheri curl hairstyles a decade after the hairstyle was popular (in the US) she is also making a comment on the progress of Black people in London. Because of this initial encounter, she expects Blacks in Britain and

Britain as a whole, to a certain extent, to be less progressive in terms of racial and cultural development. Hair style was used as one of her primary indicators in determining not only the status of Black people in the UK but also the racial climate of the city in which she would live and work.

Olivia's use of the phrase "girl please" at the end of this passage is a form of

Black English that she uses to claim voice. Voice is the way a speaking subject claims who they are within a particular text. Components of voice include lexical choice and language choice. Therefore, voice is a way of putting together different language choices and styles as a way to claim a position (Hill 1995).

Black English is a Euro-American speech, or standard English, with an Afro-

American meaning, nuance, tone and gesture. Smitherman (1977) claimed that the Black idiom is used by 80 to 90 percent of American Blacks, at least some of the time

(Smitherman: 2). Black vocabulary cuts across generational, sexual, educational, and occupational lines. Most segments of the black community use some if not all of the terms from the black lexicon at one time or another (Smitherman 1977:72). Therefore, transitioning from standard English to Black English is Olivia claiming position as an 239

Black American women as well as a way to establish some connection between the two of us as women of African descent from the United States who, she assumes, should recognize the presence of jheri curls as an important clue into the racial dynamics of a new space.

Marking this space between US born women of African descent and the ones she encounters in London was also evident in our continuing conversation about hair.

In response to a statement I made ("I went down to Brixton and some of the hairstyles coming out of there was like a hair show") referencing the various hair colors and elaborate hair styles, Olivia replies:

Oh yeah. Girl please. It's a mess ... We leave those hairstyles at the hair show. We don't .. . you know the jheri curls, the Brixton hair show stuff. But also the African girls who get weave and think they don't have to wash their hair for three months. I'm like. Girl, I get on the bus and literally. I'm so bad. About a month ago I was on the tube leaving Canary Wharf. Now you think. These people work in finance. This girl was sitting and I was standing literally above her and she was well dressed, she had on a designer watch, she had like on an Omega watch, she had on a diamond ring, you know a diamond engagement ring her ring was probably a carat or two, probably a carat, carat and a half so she had money. Girl her weave! Her hair was so damn nappy. And you could see, you could see the weave growing out. She had about two inches of new growth and girl I pulled my phone out pretending to use it and took a picture.

MR: You didn't!

Olivia: I did ... Girl I could not believe it. Cuz you know I clocked her whole look and I was just like are you for real up in here. It's like baby if you can't afford to have a weave don't get a weave.

MR: Upkeep.

Olivia: Upkeep. Maintenance. And that's the thing about the African babes. They may have a lot of money but they. They will dress the part. They will have a $5000 bag, and you 500 pound shoes and all that but you just, you just scratch the surface a little bit and they will have a bad hair weave, their nails will be jacked or you know they'll have on some skanky underwear, do you know what I 240

mean ... like just something will be off and you're like wow "you really are African'. I mean I don't mean to be. It's horrible to say, but it's so true

Olivia's claim "We leave those hairstyles at the hair show. We don't." is the most significant element of this passage because it denotes a distinction between Black

American women and Black British, Caribbean and/or African women living in the UK.

It is also a kind of critique of hair style choices that I argue is informed by an unwritten or implicit understanding concerning the appropriate performance of Black womanhood

The latter will be discussed in the final section of this chapter.

Nevertheless, Olivia's comments are indicative of another pattern that emerged throughout these interviews. This was a shift in reading hair as not only a specifically racial signifier but also increasingly towards reading hair as an ethnic signifier. Hair and hairstyles were often used as a primary mark of distinction between women of African descent from the United States, the Caribbean, Africa, and/or Britain. It was one of the key indicators for my research participants in identifying other Black American women.

For example, Debbie, a young woman in her mid-twenties who had lived in London for the past year and a half stated:

I can always tell a black American woman mostly because she seems more put together and obviously I'm bias because I'm a Black American woman ... I ran into a co-worker on the train to and from Heathrow, ran into each other randomly in London, and she made the comment that I knew you were Black American woman. Because of the way your hair was done, but just because of the way my hair was put together. She knew I was black American. So I find that to be the difference ... And I think that women in the UK, black women in the UK, that they don't really pay attention not pay attention or take the time to keep their hair up or their appearances up. Which is unfortunate because I mean, black women are beautiful, regardless of where they are from ...

This was Debbie's response when asked what she believed to be the differences between

what it means to be a black American woman versus what it means to be a black British 241

woman. Brenda simply puts it: "I know physical appearances are different. Like the different things we do with our hair". Celia identifies hair as an immediate and obvious marker of difference that she explains as the result of the varying histories of racial interactions in the US versus the UK when she explains:

I mean I can almost always identify the Black Americans on the street without them opening their mouths

MR: How do you tell?

Celia: ... Hair for one thing. Since there has obviously been a lot more intermixing over the years. Grades of hair are much more diverse amongst black Americans. Whereas here you have maybe one or two generations of people intermarrying and intermixing and so you either have sort of beige but you don't have all the different shades of brown. You don't see that here the way you do in the States.

While my Black American women research participants' perceived hair and hairstyles as an ethnic marker in this way, they also encountered situations in which their racial and national identity was called into question because of their hair and skin tone.

Jan, a self described milk chocolate skin toned young African American woman2 remarked on this experience.

I think its automatic default, like well she's Black. I have had some interesting encounters with like Indian people asking me if I'm part Indian, like Indians from India. Like are you sure ... That's happened a couple of times. I even had one guy touch my hair, it was after I got a perm and he was like but your hair is and I was like chemicals (we both laugh). Like why don't you understand that? And that doesn't happen at home. Like in the states, I haven't had an Indian guy go like are you Indian but it happens here a lot. .. but definitely been interesting the whole color thing and how do you describe yourself like race. But I never try to pretend to be Indian and expect to get anything for free.

Jan hints at a specific US context at the end of her statement with a kind of hidden reference to passing. Historically in the US individuals whose features fell outside of the

2 Throughout this dissertation when I use racial categorizations in reference to specific people, I use the term(s) they selected and self-identified with in reference to racial and/or ethnic identity. 242

standard or typical phenotypic traits associated with a particular racial group, would attempt to "pass" or claim membership within another racial group, usually the white racial group. This was done in order to gain access to resources and privileges denied to

Black Americans. Jan claims to not be participating in such activities even on the most basic level of getting goods for free ("But I never try to pretend to be Indian and expect to get anything for free.")

Olivia cites a similar experience as we discuss how she categorizes herself in terms ofrace and the importance of race to her identity. She states:

I am African American or I usually say Black American. I don't usually say African actually because the Africans look at us and think (makes a face) .. .It's to the core of me; who I am. It's the thing that people view as a negative and I view as a positive. It's a thing of strength for me. It's the thing people see when they see me, it's the first thing people see when they see me. It's funny though because I live in a neighborhood where there are a lot of Arabs and Indians and my boyfriend used to be like they think you're one of them because he noticed that Indian men would always look at me .. .I never noticed that because my hair is like straight and black and they're in every tone of the rainbow like we are ... I get that from cab drivers all the time, like where are you from, America, where are your parents from, America, like white people really don't understand that whole thing; they really, really don't so they are always trying to figure it out. ..

The US history of racism and discrimination underscores Olivia comments about race and identity. Her talk about her race being the first thing that people notice about her and her race being a positive instead of negative suggests not only an understanding of a history of racialization but also experiencing the tension between racial identity and identification processes coupled with efforts to re-claim a positive Black identity. The

"core" of who she was disturbed by a racial identification system that differs from what these women were familiar with in the United States. 243

In these two cases the combination of their hair and skin tone cast these women into an ambiguous and unfamiliar situation where their firm sense of racial identity was challenged along with their nationality. These examples demonstrate how people become accustomed to being defined within a national context with categories that are based on the state's own definitions, series of laws and/or informal ways of classifying people based on skin tone (Eison Simmons 2008: 95) and hair texture.

"Weaving" Together an Appropriate Performance of Black Womanhood

What often accompanied using hair as an ethnic and national signifier, were evaluations and assessments of hair styling choices. I argue that these assessments are part of Barth's processes of boundary construction and maintenance. Despite the fact that

Black American women were using hair as a point of distinction, Black American women are in fact including the Black British, West Indian and African women they encounter in

London as part of a collective "we" group of Black women. Therefore, they are subject to judgments and evaluations of behavior by that in group. As Barth asserts membership in an ethnic category implies being a certain kind of person and submission to being judged by the standards that the group deems relevant (Barth 1998:14). As Black women, they are participating in a form of internal policing in order to regulate appropriate modes of behavior and presentation that are the result of living in racist and sexist societies.

These evaluations often revolved around the wearing of hair weaves. Weaves involve adding synthetic hair that is either, braided, glued or sewn into existing hair usually to augment hair length. Initially hair weaving was worn primarily by Black

American women. However it has grown in popularity and this technology is now used 244

by women in other racial and ethnic groups. Consider the following examples of evaluation and critique. The first is from a conversation I had with Kayla. Her comments about weaves emerged out of a conversation we had about inter-racial dating .

. . . As long as they are thin cuz they can't deal with big thick big booty but if you are thin and Black as this napkin. These white men will. .. they like 'em dark. My ex fiance liked black women. They were all bli-zack. They don't care about hair, weave, braided.

MR: I've seen it some folks with hair. ..

Kayla: Jacked, jacked. And I can even understand with this humidity whatever and this is kind of raggedy and I have an appointment tomorrow for the record ... They've got this Chaka Kb.an thing-- all this weave. [You] need to put your weave to your color. We can do weaves because we could in theory have long hair. But you know what I mean. It's got to be realistic ... the weaves here are crazy.

In this exchange, half way through her critique the research participant makes it a point to let me know that she has an appointment to get her hair done. Although she does wear a hair weave, she knows how to keep hers maintained. In contrast to the "bli-zack" women she has encountered in London, she knows the proper maintenance rules. Bli-zack is a made up term that is used to emphasize the dark skin tone of other Black women. The use of this word is also a way to emphasize how improbable she views the matching of long hair with deep, dark, brown skin tones.

Kayla also makes an important note that the hair weaves "look crazy" because they are unrealistic. When she refers to Chaka Khan she implies that the hair weaves are over the top. Women are wearing hair weaves that are more appropriate for a stage performance versus every day life. Her critique of hair weaves and part of a validation of why Black American women can get away with hair weaves is because "in theory" we could have long hair. Here she is referring to a history of racial intermixing in the US 245

historically and some contemporarily that produced different hair textures and lengths amongst African Americans.

Mary was one of my most outspoken research participants. She offered her comments about everything in a candid, vivid, no holds barred fashion. Mary had been living in London just under a year when I met and interviewed her. On the subject of hair weaves, Mary says:

I mean y'all don't even understand a proper weave or a perm. Can't even get your damn hair done here. I've never seen more jacked up hair. And I live down the street from a nice place, if you want your stuff straight. Anything anglicized they can do. I get my hair texturized. They don't understand that. It's like I want my hair nappy-ish. I went to get it done and said don't pull my ends straight but she's like my hair is doll hair and she pull my ends straight. I find they are behind the times, people of color and trying to acclimate, clearly when you look at the weaves they are wearing and this purple eye shadow. And I'm thinking you are not Girls Aloud. I think it's an identity crisis ... when I see, some of these girls, you can tell are not comfortable with their jiggaboo status because they basically sew a cat across the back of their head. The shit don't blend. They make no attempts. Its funny I had to tell people that I had a weave because it doesn't look like this because it's my natural length. But they look busted to' up here. But when I see them what it symbolizes to me when I see them with the weaves and shit in their hair is that they are trying to fit into a culture that they don't belong to. Which is shameful. I was looking at some sister the other day with three tones of a weave in her hair. I mean platinum blond, black hair and some fucking auburn Kool-Aid. And it looked like she paid a pretty penny for that hunk of hair. And it was pretty in terms of like for a costume, but to be walking around like that I'm like 'wow'

Like Kayla, Mary's evaluation likens the wearing of hair weaves by Black women in

Britain to a performance. In this case, Mary calls these hairstyles choices costumes. This is significant because it suggests that they (research participants) see the Black British,

African and Caribbean women they encounter as seeking to perform an identity that is not their own. The weaves become emblematic of that false performance. 246

Mary's evaluation about hair adds another element in its critique. Like Olivia and

Allison she uses hair as the lens to measure progress in integration in a predominately white society. ("I find they are behind the times, people of color and trying to acclimate, clearly when you look at the weaves they are wearing and this purple eye shadow.")

However, the comment about Girls Aloud adds a critique about identity. Girls Aloud is an extremely popular all girls pop band. All of the members are white British women from various parts of the UK. In marking a distinction in what the all white female members of the group Girls Aloud can do with their hair and the attempts of Black

British, African and Caribbean women to emulate those styles, she indicates that the

Black women in London wearing "weaves and purple eye shadow" are not really in touch with a Black identity that affirms the positive and empowering aspects of being Black.

This belief underscores her comments about how hair stylists and Black women in

London do not understand that she wants her hair "nappy-ish" not completely straight or in what she identifies as an "anglicized" fashion. Again, while hair is personal it is also political. By drawing this link and viewing Black British, African and Caribbean women as behind the times, Mary implies that they have not fully come to understand a notion of beauty that is not based on European features such as long hair.

Phoebe makes a simiiar deduction concerning a collective racial identity as manifested in hair styling choices as compared to Black Americans when she states:

... Black people here--raised here generally. You know how Black Americans have this hard core, but it's just more of that we kind of understand on some level there has to be solidarity and I don't think Black people here understand that. They are just like I'm British. What's the difference? You even see it down to the trivial things like how they do their hair. Your hair can't style like a white person's so why are you doing it like that! You can't unless your perm is fresh you can't style your hair like that. Like little things I just feel like they don't get. 247

Noting what they deem as a lack of a positive, re-affirming collective identity as a marginalized Black population places further distance between Black Americans and

Blacks in Britain. Research participants are making these types of claims despite the fact that Blacks in Britain do have a history of struggling to define a Black identity in a country that positions Black and British as mutually exclusive (Scobie 1972, Amina

1995, Alexander 1996, Carby 1999, Tulloch 2000, Rassool 1997). Nevertheless, a seeming lack of Black identity is part of what informs the separation of an assumed collective "we". Ironically, despite this absence of Black identity, Black America..11 women are incorporating Black women in Britain into a larger collective group; hence the evaluations, critiques, and assessments.

Recall Olivia, the corporate diversity executive who had much to say about Black women and their hair style choices (see page 240 of this chapter). Olivia's notes that the types of Black women she is encountering and consequently critiquing "work in finance" and live and work in Canary Wharf. Canary Wharf is a relatively recent development south of the Thames River where a large number of financial institutions have headquarters and offices. It also has a large indoor shopping mall and a number of upscale hotels. Mentioning professional jobs and Canary Wharf implies that the women she encounters are of a certain class which is an important dimension of this analysis. As discussed in the methodology, my research participants are a type of migrant elite that come from middle class backgrounds. Notice that in "clocking her look" Olivia points to other material markers of class from a 1-2 carat diamond ring to a designer watch. 248

Olivia is critiquing the women of African descent she encounters in London through a raced and classed based lens that has a historical basis. In the New Black

Middle Class (1987), Bart Landry traces the historical events that mark the development of the new black middle class from a small mulatto elite in the post emancipation decades, through an old middle class in the first half of the twentieth century to the new middle class of the 1960s.

Williard Gatewood (1990) charts a development of a black elite class that was marked by a certain self image, set of values, strategies and relationships to the larger society. He characterized these patterns of behavior and beliefs as the "genteel performance." The emerging black middle class were cognizant of the fact that to the larger society, their black ancestry marked them as inferior. Therefore, they attempted to eliminate white prejudice by behaving in ways that conformed to the standards of respectability embraced by the larger society and encouraged other black folks to do the same (Gatewood 1990:208). The genteel performance served dual functions marking the black elite as a distinctive class and status group while simultaneously serving as a tool for racial uplift. What Gatewood labels a "genteel performance", is a clear demonstration

3 of a group learning and performing a certain habitus •

The genteel performance and its inherent racial dimension become more complicated when the dimension of gender is added to the equation. For Black women the 'genteel performance' was more complex as it was imbued with not only certain sets

3 Habitus refers to systems of learned dispositions. It is a complex set of common ideas, related emotional attitudes as well as similar behavioral patterns (De Cillia, Reisig!, and Wodak 1999: 153) Inscribed within the dispositions of the habitus is the larger structure of the system which produces an individual or group's habitus (Bourdieu 1984: 172). 249

of racial expectations but gendered expectations as well. Performing a class coded femininity meant attempting to adhere to the standards of true (defined as white) womanhood in which the central tenets were domesticity, submissiveness piety and purity. Failure to adhere to these tenets made one less than a "true" woman as the true woman's exclusive role was homemaker, mother, housewife and tutor of the social and moral graces (Giddings 1984: 47). Although most Black American women could not adhere to these standards due to historical circumstances that required them to take up work outside of the domestic sphere, these standards informed a production of a raced and class coded notions of femininity and womanhood that were meant to combat negative images of Black women as immoral, unrefined and uneducated.

Contemporary debates within Black American communities about who are what

"ghetto" meaning lower class is economically as well as in terms of lifestyles beliefs and behaviors or the contrasting "bougie" meaning middle to upper class are contemporary manifestations of this history. Therefore in identifying markers of class, Olivia positions the non-American Black women she encounters within her middle class trans-migrant elite group. As such, she expects this woman to know better; to know the rules of acceptable and appropriate appearance. Olivia expects the women she encounters to adhere to a racialized class performance of black womanhood.

While the previous description is about one individual, she extends this thinking and evaluation through hair towards events and their producers. Since I conducted my fieldwork into the fall, I was in London during the country's Black History month which takes place in October. When I asked Olivia if she would attend any UK Black History month events, she replied: 250

No, because they all tend to be really janky. Been doing diversity for 6 years and gone to so many ... other thing that's missing here, go to things events and poorly run and you go to these things and it's a shit show ... [they] will be in at-shirt with sparkles on it and hair will look a mess and you're like are you for real? ... so there's a lot that missing, because as Black Americans, because we are hard working, we get our hustle on, we know quality when we see it, we look the part and we look the part all the way around, we might be broke as hell, but we look the part

In this passage, Olivia rates events like Black History month, usually run by Black British people, as sub par. She distills this down to they way the female presenters appear "with t-shirts with sparkles and their hair looking a mess". This is in comparison to Black

Americans who "are hardworking, know how to hustle and look the part all the way around." The rhetorical question "are you for real" is important because it alludes to a kind of intra-group policing of behavior among Black American women that Olivia extends to Black British, African and Caribbean women. These are the unwritten rules and expectations of presentation and appearance.

This policing of behavior, as seen through assessments and evaluations of hair, is made most clear in a conversation between me and two research participants. The first instance demonstrates a kind of internal policing around hair as demonstrated by Paige when she states:

Now I haven't done anything extremely "stereotypically" black at the office. I don't know what would happen ifI did. Like one of my girlfriends - she's a lawyer here too. Works for an American law firm. She went to St. Martin on holiday. So when she was in St. Martin she got her hair braided. Normally it's just straight and relaxed, right? So it was braided tight around the scalp and then one big long one in the back. It wasn't like little braids out. And she said she went up into the office and her boss couldn't look her in the eye. It's like it's a good thing you already had a first impression and you'd been working for him for a good couple of months. All of a sudden he couldn't look her in the eye. She couldn't understand. We were like what--he thought you were going to revolt against him? We're like how are you gonna handle that? What's she gonna do now? But it was kind of wild when she said that and I'm like thinking okay I haven't had anything 251

like that happen but then I haven't put myself in a position to have that happen. I don't know if all of a sudden I came to work in braids what folks would do or say.

From Paige's perspective, she identifies wearing one's hair in braids as a marker of blackness. Banks (2000) adds weight to this perspective by noting that like the afro, beaded braids, and cornrows can be read as exotic or threatening because they display a black esthetic that is linked to an authentic or radical blackness in the imagination of many whites (Banks 2000: 17). Paige's comments speak to this when she presents the rhetorical question "we were like what--he thought you were going to revolt against him?

In the professional environment within which Paige is operating, choosing to wear one's hair in this style is perceived and received as disadvantageous. At least this is Paige's and her friend's analysis of the change in relationship with her boss. Paige notes that she has not experienced any overt racism or discrimination in the workplace since she has been in London. However, she also notes that this is probably due to the fact that she has not done anything "stereotypically Black" such has wear her hair in braids. I contend that this is an internal policing of behavior that is specific to Black minorities.

Now consider Mary's response to advice she was given by Paige. Paige and

Mary became friends as members of the small community of Black Americans living in

London.

I'll tell you something Paige told me. I wanted to get my hair braided; I used to love getting my hair in individual braids. She told me not to do that because I had an advantage of not being perceived as, as being American, so in other words you don't want to be perceived as Caribbean.

MR: not being perceived as Caribbean?

Mary: yep, Island Black and I took such offense to that. I'm crazy. So yeah I'm going to get my hair braided and I'm going to educate these Alicia Keys wanna­ bes. I was like don't tell me what to do with my hair and the only thing acceptable 252

to do with my hair is a weave or straightened or blow dry because you don't want to confuse the man. I find that very strange coming from someone who is American and Black ... At the same time I was kind of at her mercy for guidance because she's been here longer. So do I want to jeopardize my career I mean if I really wanted my hair braided I'd do it. But I had other options so it's really tricky in that regard. I remember her saying that and thinking oh that's fucked up ... So like Paige, was the one who told me, I wanted to come back with braids in my hair, oh don't do that. They'll think they you're Caribbean. There is an advantage to being perceived as a Black American. I find that being a really hard statement to receive coming from someone that was black telling me that. It's like you're perpetuating the stereotype and reinforcing it by telling me that. I didn't wear braids for a long time because I grew up in Los Angeles and I saw all these girls looking like; basically I used to think they were hoochies. I'm talking about big ass gold hoops and my sister would be rocking them too talking about hey and oh god, got the multicolored hair, what I call the Christmas tree hair dos. So no--didn't sit with me too well. I used to do everything I could. I felt like I was living two existences. I got to get a job I've got to cater to the man. He's not going to understand that and he's going to think I'm a ghetto rat and feeling like I was betraying my culture.

Here again you see a research participant marking a clear distinction between

Black Americans in London and Black British, African and Caribbean women. In this case, Mary refers to the latter as "island people". The retelling of the conversation where

Paige, who at that time Mary was looking to for guidance, advises Mary not to have her hair braided and do something "stereotypically Black" takes a different tum. In London, straightened or relaxed hair becomes a marker of American-ness and a beneficial form of social capital. It continues to mark Black American women as of African descent but

American. Therefore being identified as American then Black in London is perceived to come with certain benefits and privileges (as discussed in more detail in the previous chapter). In Mary's eyes these privileges had real consequences. She fears that she may even lose her job if she "confuses the man" and forces a white power structure to confront the colonial legacies and discriminatory treatment faced by Black British citizens. As Black trans-migrant elite they are somewhat removed from those dynamics. 253

Paige's warning to Mary of losing that privilege if she styled her hair in braids is embedded within the complicated racialized class dynamics that Mary alludes to when

4 she associates wearing her in braids with the "hoochies " she grew up around in Los

Angeles. Mary's choice not to wear her hair in braids in the US was an attempt to disassociate herself from that image of the black women as sexually loose. In essence, it was a form an internal policing of her behavior.

Mary's discussion on Paige's attitude toward hair styling choices and what that means is representative of an intra-group debate and struggle. These concerns are entrenched within a system in which black women's lives remain governed by a set of old oppressive myths such as sapphires and mammies and find contemporary expressions in racialized constructions of baby mamas and hoochies. Therefore, Black women must learn how to adapt to different environments or contexts in which they are expected to perform an identity that is never wholly true, representative of them (Jones and Shorter-

Gooden 2003 :2).

I began this chapter with a quote from Mary and want to close this chapter another. Recall that Mary claimed that she felt freer to wear her hair in natural hair style than when in the US. She also stated that:

Here ... I feel very invisible here. Not free and not imprisoned but invisible.

MR: and that's a good thing?

Mary: ... It's somewhat empowering and again there is a big analogy between that and Ralph Ellison and Invisible Man for me because I think in his book he longed to not be seen as a race and the pain of having to accept that these discriminations exist was just too much for him and that's why he wanted to be invisible and for me its like I can do nothing all day, I can do something, I can be a part of

4 Hoochie is a term used to refer to a promiscuous woman. 254

something or not. The key things for me as a black woman in term of difference I always think about where can I walk around with nappy hair. Well, you sho nuff can here.

Mary's feeling of invisibility speaks to an experience of liminality. Her emphasis that this invisibility is neither a total feeling of freedom or imprisonment confirms that limits persist. The reference to Ralph Ellison and the pain that comes with being raced in a particular way is significant because it speaks to her experiences growing up Black and female in the United States. This experience is accompanied by a constant feeling of having to fight the fight. Put another way, Mary's narrative demonstrates that her experiences of racism and discrimination compel her to participate in fights for social justice and equity. However, in London she feels as if she has more of a choice ("I can do nothing all day, I can do something, I can be a part of something or not"). Being in

London has given her some distance from those locally specific articulations of identity and subjectivity. To ultimately express those feelings and experiences through hair demonstrates the importance of place and how the politics of home and away are wrapped up in hair. CONCLUSION

African American women's race, country of origin and gender converge to place them in an under-explored nexus in contemporary transnational migration research. I have argued that African American women's transnational experiences represent a departure from predominant characterizations of gendered migration and diaspora by placing the experiences of an upwardly mobile group at the center of analysis. In contrast to participating in vertical movement from a "third" world to a "first" world nation,

African American women make a horizontal move from one industrialized nation to another. This movement positions them as transmigrants who may have access to certain privileges associated with first world citizenship yet continue to be devalued for being

Black and female despite geographic context.

My primary research aim was to examine how African American women were experiencing this contradiction in another predominately white space. I critically examined this issue by exploring how African American women navigate the politics of home and away- defined as the relationship between ways of being, knowing, identifying and getting identified emerging from the "home space" to reconciling and/or

(re)creating forms of being, knowing and identifying in a new "away" space. Living in

London compelled my research participants to reflect on how they experience and express their individual and collective social identities. African American women's navigation through the politics of home and away was marked by a transition from being received and perceived as a slave descendant black body to being perceived and received. 255 256

as an immigrant black body. In the United States the legacy and aftermath of the involuntary movement of people of African descent via the trans-Atlantic slave trade influenced the ways research participants experienced their identities as raced and gendered diasporic subjects. In the United Kingdom, while African American women were still received as black bodies, their immigrant status superseded their legacy of second class citizenship in the United States.

The introduction was just that. It provided an overview of the dissertation, introduced the research question and outlined the structure of the document. Chapter one provided the background information on my research site. Here, I reviewed the historical and contemporary migration histories and patterns in the United Kingdom. This review was essential as it demonstrated the ways that the United Kingdom's immigration legislation is strongly linked to the country's race relations legislation. In providing this historical and contemporary perspective on race relations and immigration, I showed the socio-political environment that African American female transmigrants enter when they choose to make their lives in London, England and consequently experience the transition to Black immigrant body. Chapters two and three were important foundational chapters in that they provided a review of the literature that informed this research project and detaiied the methods I used to answer my research questions.

Chapters four, five and six were the heart of the dissertation. In chapter four, I discussed Black American transmigrants' inter-ethnic and cultural interactions in London and the ways these interactions informed how they, as people of African descent from the

United States, imagine themselves as members of a larger African diasporic collectivity.

I explored how African American women navigate through two sets of racial and cultural 257

politics-those in the US and the set they encounter in London. I found that African

American women's time spent in London obliged them to interrogate their Blackness as a seemingly settled category of racial and cultural identification which led to more nuanced articulations of Blackness, identity, and community. Finally, I used the imagery of

"skinfolk" to explore points of diasporic connection and contention. Using this imagery as a way to analyze research participants' narratives and interactions revealed that

African Americans operate with a trans-ethnic notion of Blackness.

In chapter five, I considered the relationship between race, nation and identity. I argued that African Americans undergo a process of "becoming American" in London.

Research participants experience an inversion of their racial and national identities as they are identified as American Blacks instead of Black Americans. Experiencing this shift during the 2008 US Presidential election outside of the US figured prominently into research participants' narratives about this process. Therefore, I used the 2008 US

Presidential election as the lens to expose the interconnections of racial and national identities.

In chapter six, I focused on the intersection of race and gender and conducted a gendered analysis of the (re)negotiation of identities that comes with the crossing of geographic boundaries. I used research participants' commentaries about hair to investigate Black female transmigrants' negotiation of the "politics of home and away."

The data revealed how hair figures prominently into African American women's identity construction and informs their worldview; how encountering women of the African

Diaspora who do not conform to often unstated rules about hair style, care and maintenance demonstrated the ways African American women participate in a 258

comparative and evaluative process involving a policing of behaviors concerning notions of Black womanhood; and finally, how their migration to London offered freedom from locally specific articulations of identity and subjectivity.

Further Areas for Exploration (Unanswered Questions)

After reflecting on my time in the field and through this writing process, I realize that more questions surrounding this research topic have emerged. There were also issues that I was unable to give critical attention to and explore in the space of this dissertation. For example, the topics of dating and inter-racial dating frequently emerged as a discussion point with both male and female research participants. In fact at the end of my interview sessions, I always asked participants ifthere was a question or topic that I should have covered but did not. Many informed me that they expected to have more questions about dating. While I do consider the topic of inter-racial dating briefly in chapter four, I believe it worthy of further investigation. On one level, African American women's ideas and concerns regarding their mating and dating options intra-racially as well as inter-racially could provide important information about how they are able to integrate and participate in social networks on the most intimate level. Therefore, it would be vaiuable to compare dating behaviors of African American women in the US and in the UK.

On another level, examining mating and dating patterns could also be a lens to explore how race, nation, sex and gender intersect. Wade (2001) argues that sexual reproduction links racism and nationalism as both a race and a nation must be constantly reconstituted in ways mediated through the sexual activities of gendered individuals. He 259

argues that sexuality and gender are important to national and racial identities because they intertwine in complex ways to significantly impact the function of sexual desire and how those individual desires are shaped. Furthermore, he contends that the forms those sexual activities take become markers for where individuals and categories of people belong. Therefore, ideas about race, nation and sex involve notions of how humans are constituted and relate to one another physically (Wade 2001: 852-853). Interrogating behaviors, patterns and ideas about inter-racial dating could potentially provide insight into how (US) national narratives produce criteria for appropriate and inappropriate couplings based on race and gender as well as how those criteria are challenged once leaving the United States.

Initially as part of my research design, I proposed to visit hair salons as sites for participant observation. Drawing on an ethnographic study conducted in an African

American tavern (May 2001) and the considerable scholarship on the importance of hair in the shaping of African American female identities, I assumed that hair salons in the

UK would serve a similar function of hair salons1 in the US. Since hair shapes black women's ideas about everything from racial identity to constructions of femininity

(Banks 2000:14), I believed that the hair salon could be viewed as a safe space; a site where black women could talk about issues ofrace, gender, ciass, sexuality, images of beauty, and power. However, once I entered the field and began talking with African

American female research participants, I discovered that hair salons did not seem to

1 In Barbershops, Bibles and BET, Melissa Harris-Lacewell demonstrates how barbershops serve as an important counter public space in which African Americans (re)produce of black political thought and ideologies. She argues that spaces like the barbershop afford African Americans the opportunity to exchange interpretations of the truth, understand the complexity of the political world, to link their individual experiences to group narratives and to define desirable outcomes and develop strategies to solve social problems (Harris-Lacewell 2004: xxiii). 260

occupy the same "safe space" for African American women as they did in the US.

National and ethnic differences seemed to prevent conversations and connections based solely on race and gendered experiences. One research participant described the experience of being in a hair salon as "unwelcoming" especially when compared to "back home" where "everybody talking." This expectation of communality is a gendered expression of the expectation of a transnational blackness and assumed "skinfolk" connection.

Following the lead of my research participants, I found other sites for participant observation such as brunches, organizational meetings and parties. In addition, time and financial constraints prevented me from conducting participant observation in hair salons.

Nevertheless, I believe that conducting research in hair salons would be a productive exercise for examining diaspora as a gendered phenomenon. It would be unintelligent to dismiss the considerable literature that places Black women's experiences with their hair throughout the African diaspora as a critical point of analysis. Instead, future research in this area could perhaps answer questions such as what function hair salons serve in different geographic contexts and how are Black British women, African and Caribbean women experiencing the intersections of race, class and gender differently than African

American women.

Another area for future exploration inspired by this research is in the development of a Pan-African consciousness amongst African Americans and how this influences alliance and coalition building. Since my research population was African Americans, I sought out venues and activities where they were the majority. Despite the lack of the

"head nod" and the larger implications of this lack of recognition, which I explored in 261

chapter four, a number of my research participants were involved in a new African

Diasporic organization. African American women spearheaded the founding of this organization. The major purpose of this association was to bring together the different

African diasporic communities in London and to address issues and concerns that faced these communities. For example, during the launch party for this organization, a prominent Black British figure offered remarks on a negative encounter he had with the

British police. His remarks were made to underscore the need for an organization such as this. This was a space of solidarity in which national and ethnic differences seemed to be overridden by issues of social (in) justice experienced by people of African descent. In addition, the majority of the organization's members seemed to be professional, middle to upper class individuals. Therefore another level of inquiry for research that would track the development and activities of this organization (and any others like it) would consider the role class plays in developing these cross-cultural yet racially homogenous alliances.

Significance and Impact

"Whenever people think about Black women abroad, they only think about Josephine Baker and those damn bananas."

One of my research participants made this statement during a conversation about her experiences iiving in London. I include it in the conclusion because it strikes at the heart of the significance and relevance of this research. This assertion demonstrates that research on Black internationalism has been limited by scope of years and geographic region. As I complete this dissertation, this declaration provided me with a re- affirmation to conduct my study in an under-researched geogrpahic site and to move 262

forward in time in order to ensure that knowledge on Black internationalism did not remain static and fixed.

This research lays the groundwork for investigation into the relationship between transnational migration and processes of identity and identification on a number of different levels. First, this type of research should be replicated in different geographical areas. For example, during preliminary phases of my research, I became aware of

African American women living in Paris, France and Rome, Italy. Like London,

England, Paris and Rome are Western European nations which have not been explored as contemporary endpoints in African American migratory journeys. As the excerpt that opened this section attests, Paris holds significance in the history and imaginings of Black international engagement. However, each city has different race and immigration histories that would impact how African American women are perceived and received as transmigrants and the resulting navigation of identities.

Second, this research lays the groundwork for important compartive studies on

African American migrations to predominatley black spaces such as South Africa. This type of research would furhter demonstrate how transnational mobility denaturalizes home and the culturally specific forms of identity construction and performance. This research could further demonstrate how transnational mobility disrupts location specific patterns of being and knowing. Compartive work could also be conducted along the axes of race and gender by juxataposing the experiences of African American men and white women.

Third, my focus on how African Americans participate in African diasporic networks outside of the United States could lead to instructive conversations about 263

Blackness and its role in the development of pan-African sensibilities and identities.

More specifically, it leads future research to consider how national origins inform articulations of Blackness that lead to statements from research participants such as "I would definitely say that part of being Black is being American and more so than I would have when I left America." Investigating this issue could also provide insight into what ways African American experiences may be privileged in constructions of Blackness.

Finally, while this research was in part a response to disciplinary interest in transnationalism and globalization, my findings and conclusions have cross-disciplinary saliency for the existing bodies of scholarship in Women and Gender Studies, Diaspora

Studies, as well as Black and Africana Studies.

A major impetus for this research was noticing a gap in gendered migration research. I have argued that African American women's transnational movement and experiences represent a departure from predominant characterizations of gendered migration and diaspora. It is a focus on women of color who overcame being channeled by previous circumstance into low wage service work. Instead these are women of color who are upwardly mobile professionals. This research sheds light on how the interaction of socially constructed categories of difference can simultaneously place individuals in spaces of privilege and disadvantage. This is in spite of being a citizen of the purported most powerful nation of the world which prides itself on notions of meritocracy, equity and equality.

My development of this research project highlights the need to have scholars and scholarship that would recognize how populations like this may be excluded from academic discussions, theory and knowledge building. I believe this research also gives 264

voice to a wide range of women's experiences. It provides a much needed balance to information and representations of African American women's activities and their contributions to a global community of which they are a part.

Finally, while this research focused on the transnational movement of African

American women and emphasized the dichotomy between home and away, it also offered

a reflection on the contemporary dynamics between race, gender and class in the United

States. By placing African American women's transnational experiences at the center of

my analysis, I sought to examine the impact and meaning of race, class, gender, and

nation in the lives of my research participants. This focus revealed the varying

relationship African American women had with their home country and those locally

specific articulations of identity and subjectivity. It also revealed how African American

women articulated and manipulated these categories as sources of empowerment and

restraint and have taken actions that reflect their search for autonomy and self­

determination. APPENDIX A

RACIAL CATEGORIZATIONS AND GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION

., .• " . .. .··· < I···· .. .~;:';,. .categrirjr ··Ltindf)ri:fr .·.···. .E~gfand .'..· ... .. ' . ... ·. , ... .: All Persons (Persons) 7,512,400.0 50,762,900.0 White (Persons) 69.4 88.7 White: British (Persons) 58.0 84.2 White: Irish (Persons) 2.5 1.1 White: Other White 8.9 3.3 (Persons) Mixed (Persons) 3.5 1.6 Mixed: White and Black 1.0 0.5 Caribbean (Persons) Mixed: White and Black 0.5 0.2 African (Persons) Mixed: White and Asian 1.0 0.5 (Persons) Mixed: Other Mixed 1.0 0.4 (Persons) Asian or Asian British 13. l 5.5 (Persons) Asian or Asian British: 6.5 2.5 Indian (Persons) Asian or Asian British: 2.3 1.7 Pakistani (Persons) Asian or Asian British: 2.3 0.7 Bangladeshi (Persons) Asian or Asian British: 2.0 0.6 Other Asian (Persons) Black or Black British 10.7 2.8 (Persons) Black or Black British: 4.3 1.2 Caribbean (Persons) Black or Black British: 5.5 1.4 African (Persons)

265 266

Black or Black British 0.8 0.2 Other Black (Persons) Chinese or Other Ethnic 3.4 1.4 Group (Persons) Chinese or Other Ethnic 1.5 0.7 Group: Chinese (Persons) Chinese or Other Ethnic Group: Other Ethnic 1.9 0.7 Grou (Persons) Source: Office of National Statistics, 2008. APPENDIXB

CONTEMPORARY IMMIGRATION SYSTEM

The new immigration system is broken into five tiers. Each tier has different conditions, entitlements and entry requirments for migrants wisihing to work in the UK.

Each tier requires the migrant to score a sufficient number of points to gain entry clearance or extend his or her leave to remain in the United Kingdom. Points are awarded for various criteria specific to each tier. In all tiers, points are awarded for criteria which indicates that the individual is likely to comply with immigration requirements

(http://www.workpermit.com/uk/uk-immigration-tier-system.htm).

Tier One or the Highly Skilled Worker Tier is "designed to attract highly skilled workers to live and work in the

UK"(http://www.migrationexpert.com/ukNisa/Tier2_General_visa_uk.asp) Highly skilled individuals include doctors, scientists, engineers, entrepreneurs, investors, and other educated workers. This tier allows highly skilled individuals who score the requisite points to immigrate to the UK without any kind of sponsorship

(www.workpermit.com/immigration/).

Tier Two offers an entry route into the UK for skilled workers who are citizens of countries outside of the European Economic Area. In all cases people applying for entry under this scheme must be in possession of a job offer

(www.workpermit.com/immigration/). Tier 2 has four sub-categories. General which is for people coming to the UK with a job offer to fill a gap that cannot be filled by a settled 267 268

worker. Intra Company Transfers which is for employees of multi-national companies who are being transferred by an overseas employer to a skilled job in a UK-based branch of the organization. Sub category 3 is for elite sportspeople and coaches whose employment will make a significant contribution to the development of their sport at the highest level. The final subcategory is Ministers of Religion and is for people coming to fill a vacancy as a Minister of Religion, Missionary or Member of a Religious Order

(www.workpermit.com/immigration). In Tiers l and 2, points are awarded for criteria such as age, previous salary or prospective salary, qualifications such as level of education, and English language ability. A score of 75 must be attained obtain a Tier 1

Visa.

Tier Three encompasses unskilled, temporary migration for employment. This tier is for a limited number of lower skilled workers to fill temporary shortages in the labor market. Recently, the UK government decided to suspend Tier 3 from implementation for an indefinite period of time because it feels that it can source employees from within the

European Union to meet the labor demands of employers that hire unskilled, seasonal labor (www.workpermit.com/immigration/).

Tier Four is for international students. Students coming to the UK under this tier require a university or other quaiified UK educational institution to sponsor them. This tier grants students a visa for an initial period of one year. International students also have special immigration options available to them upon graduation. Once a student graduates from an eligible UK educational institution, they can apply for a Tier 1 visa under the Post-Study Work sub-category. This will allow international graduates to 269

remain in the UK for two years. Once completing their period under Post-Study Work, a graduate can move into another sub-category or tier.

Tier Five is for youth mobility workers who are people allowed to work in the UK for a temporary period of time to satisfy primarily non-economic objectives i.e. Working

Holiday Makers and Temporary Exchange Workers. Individuals applying under this tier must be between 18 and 30 years of old and have sufficient funds to support themselves when they first arrive in the UK until they find employment. This tier only allows young people from countries with which the UK has certain agreements. It allows these individuals to live and work in the UK for up to two years

(http://www.workpermit.com/uk/uk-immigration-tier-system.htm).

Tiers 3 and 5 are temporary migration schemes and migrants who fall under these tiers are not able to switch to a different tier from within the UK. All migrants applying under Tiers 2-5 are required to have a sponsorship from a licensed sponsor such as an employer or educational institution. Highly skilled Tier 1 migrants do not require a job offer and thus do not require sponsorship.

Most of my research participants fell into Tiers 1 and 2 of this migration scheme.

Most obtained visas and/or work permits from their employer. Therefore, most had little to no difficulty with official paperwork processes. Three research participants obtained visas via the Highly Skilled Migrants Program. This gave them more flexibility in terms of job opportunities. In the former case of obtaining work visas/permits through an employer, individuals were only able to work with that particular company. 1-2 research participants had obtained indefinite leave to remain status. This gave them permanent 270

residence in the UK. Two research participants had British passports which granted them the rights and privileges of British citizens. APPENDIXC

INTERVIEW QUESTIONS TEMPLATES

Interview 1: Getting Here, Race, Identity and Diaspora

Family History 1. Where were you born? 2. Where do you consider your hometown? 3. Where did you grow up? 4. Where are your parents/grandparents from? Born in the US and/or US citizens? 5. Did your parents/grandparents attend college? 6. How far back and to what localities can you trace your family's lineage?

Getting Here 1. How did you come to live in London? • What brought you here? Was it an opportunity that kind of fell in your lap or was it something you actively pursued? How did you get the idea to leave the US (under what circumstances)- is it something you always wanted to do or did a particular opportunity present itself and you decided to take it? Did you consider living anywhere else? Where and why? 2. How much international travel had you done before moving to London? How were you able to finance your travels? 3. What, if any, difficulties did you experience in moving here? (this can be in official capacity like getting a work visa, finding a place to live, getting to know your new surroundings, finding comfortable surroundings or either opposition from family or friends for leaving the US) 4. What ideas or images of London did you have before moving here? How have those ideas changed since you moved here? 5. What were some of the factors that influenced your decision to move here? 6. Was being knowledge about the racial (social, cultural, international) dynamics in the U.K a major determinant in your decision to move here? 7. How would you describe the racial dynamics here by this I mean interactions with people of different racial, ethnic backgrounds? How do you think you fit (or do not fit) into the racial landscape here? 8. Do you feel like any stereotypes (race, gender, class or nation based) followed you to London? Did you confront any new stereotypes once moving to London? 9. Did you feel a sense of freedom from any stereotypes or expectations after leaving the US? 10. How often do you come into contact with other Black Americans?

271 272

11. Is it important for you to maintain connections to news and events in the U.S.? How do you do it? • Any forms of media you attempt to stay up on (media=websites, publications, radio stations, chat rooms) 12. How has your social life changed since moving to London? 13. *How do you spend your leisure time? Do you seek out activities, events, or venues aimed at Black populations/women/Americans? Why or why not? a. Only do it at certain times like around black history month, or was it b/c part of a particular organization

On Race (will be asked to consider these questions in the context of the US and the UK; in other words--will be asked to think comparatively) I. How do you understand the concept of race? 2. How do you define/categorize yourself in terms of race? Explain. 3. Given the following choices: very important, somewhat important, important in different contexts, not important at all, how important is race to your identity? 4. How would you describe your skin tone? Do you think it has an impact on the importance of race to your identity? Impact on your treatment by others? 5. *Is being Black or African American something you think about/experience/encounter on a daily basis or is it only something you think about when a major event occurs? 6. *Can you think of any situations where you felt particularly Black/African American? 7. *Have you ever felt restrained or restricted to do anything in your life because of your race? (can be in terms of what job/career to pursue, who to date, what music to listen to, what sports to play, who to interact with socially) 8. In what ways do you think race (profoundly) effects how a person lives his/her life? Please explain. 9. *In what ways do you think race affects your life choices and opportunities (positive or negative) 10. In what ways do you think growing up in the US affected the way you understand race? 11. In what ways has living in London influenced the ways you think about and understand race?

On Diaspora & Blackness 1. In what ways do you feel a sense of connectedness to other people of African descent? • Do you feel that you are a part of a larger Black community (i.e. those of African descent); a community that crosses national boundaries? Please explain. • How do you think you fit into that community as a Black American? • Is feeling connected to a larger Black community important to you? 2. Do you feel that you interact with a more diverse Black population in London than you did in the US? 273

3. Something about the diversity of Blacks in the US v. the UK? 4. *How often do you come into contact with other people of African descent (regardless of nationality)? 5. How have any of your interactions with other Black people in London influenced the ways you think about your relation to other people of African descent? • In what ways has being in London influenced your sense of connectedness to people of African descent i.e. your connection to an African Diasporic community • How have your interactions and experiences in London influenced/changed the way you think about your identity as a person of African descent? 6. *Do you seek out events/activities/venues aimed at people of African descent? Why or why not? 7. *How would you define or characterize Blackness/what it means to be Black? In what ways has living in London influenced that definition (i.e. do you have an expanded definition) • When you want to get a sense of that connection to Blackness what do you, where do you go, what do you read?

Interview 2: Gender, Class and Nationality

On Gender 1. How do you define/categorize yourself in terms of gender? 2. Given the following choices: very important, somewhat important, important in different contexts, not important at all, how important is gender to your identity? • Is being identified as a Black woman/man important to your sense of identity? Why or why not? 3. *Is your gender something you think about/experience/encounter daily or is it something you think about when a major event happens. Explain. • *Can you think of a situation where you felt particularly like a woman/man (positive or negative)? Please describe. 4. *Have you ever felt restrained or restricted to do anything in your life because of your gender? 5. How did you come to understand yourself as a Black American woman/man? 11 If you had to choose one or two women that represented the epitome of Black womanhood who would they be and why? What characteristics do they exhibit that made you make this choice? 6. What, if any differences, do you think there are in what it means to be a black woman versus what it means to be a white woman/man? Explain your answer. • Do you think there is a difference in what it means to be a Black American woman/man versus what it means or feels like to be a Black British woman/man? Explain your answer. 7. What, if any, differences are there of being a Black woman/man in London versus being a Black woman/man in the US? 274

8. In what ways has living in London influenced/changed the ways you think about being a Black American woman/man? 9. In what ways do you think gender (profoundly) effects how a person lives his/her life? Please explain. 10. * In what ways do you think gender affects your life choices and opportunities (positive or negative) 11. In what ways do you think growing up in the US affected the way you think about and understand gender? 12. In what ways has living in London influenced the way you think about gender?

On Class 1. How would you identify yourself in terms of class (based on a US based class structure)? What criteria do you use to define class status i.e. how do you measure class: is it in terms of income, behavior, family background, education, a combination of these • Do you feel like this (your class identification) changes once in the UK? How are the systems different? 2. Given the following choices: very important, somewhat important, important in different contexts, not important at all, how important is class to your identity? Explain your answer (different in the US vs UK?) 3. Do you consider the rest of your family to be of the same class as you? 4. *Is your class something you think about/experience/encounter daily or is it something you think about when a major event happens. Explain. 5. In what ways do you think class affects how a person lives his or her life? 6. In what ways do you think class affects your life choices and opportunities? (positive or negative) 7. How would you compare your quality of life in the US vs. the UK i.e. are you living in the same type of place, community, lifestyle? 8. How do you understand the UK class system? How do you feel you fit into or do not fit into the UK system? 9. In what ways has living in London changed the ways you think about class?

On Nation/Nationality 1. How do you define yourself in terms of nationality? 2. Do you consider the US to be your home country i.e. where you are from? 3. Given the following choices: very important, somewhat important, important in different contexts, not important at all, how important is your nationality to your identity? 4. *Is your national identity something you think about/experience/encounter daily or is it something you think about when a major event happens. Explain. • *Can you think of a situation where you felt particularly American? 5. *Have you ever felt constrained or restricted to do anything in your life because of your nationality? 6. How would you describe your feelings/attitudes towards the US (before moving to London and after living in London)? 275

7. In what ways do you think growing up in the US influenced the way you think about the relevance/importance of national identity?-any changes since moving outside US borders and boundaries 8. In what ways do you think living in London has influenced the ways you think about being an American citizen/Changed the ways you think about America as your home country 9. In what ways do you think growing up in the US affects the way you think about and understand nationality? I 0. *In what ways do you think your nationality affects your life choices and opportunities? (positive or negative)

Closing I. What do you like the best/least about living in London? 2. In what ways do you think being abroad/living in London will influence the ways you relate to others/will influence your relationship(s) will family and friends, co- workers 3. How has living in London influenced the ways you think about your life choices and opportunities? 4. What did you hope to gain out of this experience of living in London?-success? 5. Anything you think I should have asked that I didn't? APPENDIX D

BASIC INFORMATION SHEET

2. _Age or Select one of the following: 18-25 42-49 26-33 50-58 34-41 59+

3. Highest level of education achieved: _High School Graduate or GED _ Some College _ Bachelor's Degree _ Masters Degree _Advanced Graduate or Professional Degree (i.e. MBA, JD, PhD) _Other, Please explain ------~--~------

4. Current occupation:------

5. US citizen: Yes No

6. US passport holder: Yes No

7. Length of stay in London:------

8. Please name and describe your current area/neighborhood of residence:

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