Being Black, Being British, Being Ghanaian: Second Generation Ghanaians, Class, Identity, Ethnicity and Belonging Yvette Twumasi-Ankrah UCL PhD 1 Declaration I, Yvette Twumasi-Ankrah confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. 2 Table of Contents Declaration 2 List of Tables 8 Abstract 9 Impact statement 10 Acknowledgements 12 Chapter 1 - Introduction 13 Ghanaians in the UK 16 Ghanaian Migration and Settlement 19 Class, status and race 21 Overview of the thesis 22 Key questions 22 Key Terminology 22 Summary of the chapters 24 Chapter 2 - Literature Review 27 The Second Generation – Introduction 27 The Second Generation 28 The second generation and multiculturalism 31 Black and British 34 Second Generation – European 38 US Studies – ethnicity, labels and identity 40 Symbolic ethnicity and class 46 Ghanaian second generation 51 Transnationalism 52 Second Generation Return migration 56 Conclusion 60 3 Chapter 3 – Theoretical concepts 62 Background and concepts 62 Class and Bourdieu: field, habitus and capital 64 Habitus and cultural capital 66 A critique of Bourdieu 70 Class Matters – The Great British Class Survey 71 The Middle-Class in Ghana 73 Racism(s) – old and new 77 Black identity 83 Diaspora theory and the African diaspora 84 The creation of Black identity 86 Black British Identity 93 Intersectionality 95 Conclusion 98 Chapter 4 – Methodology 100 Introduction 100 Method 101 Focus of study and framework(s) 103 Constructionist epistemology 103 Ethnic Identity, class and transnationalism 104 Sampling and selection 104 Call for participants - limitations and sample size 108 Membership organisations and background to choices 110 Analysing the data 112 Constant comparative method and coding 113 Case Studies 115 Ethics 116 4 Role of the Researcher 117 Conclusion 121 Chapter 5 Case studies – Kofi and Ama 123 Introduction 123 Case Study – Kofi 123 Case study - Ama 131 Conclusion 139 Chapter 6 – Racism 140 Introduction 140 Growing up 141 The first generation and racism 148 White privilege, supremacy and microaggressions 150 Microaggression, everyday racism and the second-generation 156 Racism and Ethnic Identity 159 Conclusion 161 Chapter 7 – Class 162 Introduction 162 Class definitions and the Black community 165 Black identity and middle-class identity 168 Being middle-class 170 Working-class identifiers and Working-class with qualification 171 Interrogators 171 Middle-class ambivalent and middle-class identifiers 171 Black middle-class vs White middle-class 181 Ghana, class and negotiating multiple class locations 184 Conclusion 191 Chapter 8 – Education, Education, Education (or books, books, books) 193 5 Introduction 193 Background 195 Education as a tool for social mobility 196 A more hopeful narrative 198 The ‘students that stayed’ 199 Parental aspirations and offspring compliance 203 Obligation to parents 204 Strategies for social mobility 210 Third generation and education 219 Conclusion 220 Chapter 9 – Being Black, being British, being Ghanaian 222 Introduction 222 British Identity – politics and belonging 228 A new British Identity? 228 Being Ghanaian 233 The third space 238 Conclusion 240 Chapter 10 – Transnationalism 242 Introduction 242 Transnationalism and the second generation 243 Emotional Transnationalism 245 Experiencing culture 247 Transnationalism and return 250 Conclusion 254 Chapter 11 - Conclusion and closing remarks 256 Introduction 256 Key findings 258 6 Racism 258 Class 259 Education 260 Being Black, Being British, Being Ghanaian 261 Reflections and review of hypothesis 261 Epilogue 267 A Note on Racism in Britain today 267 #Black Lives Matter - New movements 269 Appendices 271 Appendix 1 -Topic Guide 271 Appendix 2 - Invitation email 272 Appendix 3 - Follow up email 273 Appendix 4 - Consent form 274 Appendix 5 -Interviewees in thesis 276 Appendix 6 - Transcript extract 278 Bibliography 279 7 List of Tables Cultural identity ........................................................................................................... 85 Table 1 - Participants NS-SEC classifications ........................................................... 106 8 Abstract This thesis focuses on the intersection between class and ethnic identity among second-generation Ghanaians. I explore how middle-class second generation Ghanaians construct and maintain (if they do at all) their ethnic identity and the role of class in its construction. For my participants, their narratives engage with the role of education as the driver for social mobility, the issues of belonging to the host nation as a visible minority, explorations on how their ethnic identity is linked to their socio-economic identity and how they create a space in both the cultures. There is very little written about this long- settled community and indeed about middle-class identity and ethnicity in general. The study engages with the literature on diaspora, race and racism and the intersection between ethnicity and class. My research interrogates this statement and focuses on people born of Ghanaian parentage who have been raised in England. Drawing on a semi-structured thematic interview approach, I spoke to 21 participants aged 27-41. The study finds that the role of education and family is key to the development of the participants. It was clear that for my participants their class identity had little impact on their chosen ethnic identity. For the majority, as they matured, the need to engage more with their Ghanaian identity manifested. I argue that being perceived as ‘Other’, experiencing racism, prejudice and microaggressions led the majority to dis-identify with being ‘English’, but, for some, being seen as an outsider in Ghana meant they felt they did not belong there either. In response, many constructed an identity based on their understanding of a Ghanaian identity and their experiences as part of the second generation in the UK. 9 Impact statement When this study was conceived there was very little literature about the community which is my focus – middle-class, second generation British Ghanaians. This had changed slightly by the completion of this PhD, but the data contained here expands the available literature. Indeed, there are many second and subsequent generations of minority groups which are currently absent from the sociological literature. This study contributes to the small, emerging body of literature that covers these cohorts and provides information for others with an interest in this area. Research into ethnic minority middle-class groups requires more exploration - the work I have begun here could be used by other academics to explore these groups and also extend the scope of my research. There is work that could be done on second- generation return, what happens to this second-generation cohort who are being openly courted by the Ghanaian government who wish for them to be part of Ghana’s future or on the third-generation. There are numerous themes that could be developed further or explored in relation to other minoritised groups. It was always my intention for this work to go beyond the Academy and whilst it has been shared at several academic conferences and events, I have also used the information to speak in non-academic spaces. For example, I participated in a panel on parenting and the second generation hosted by Star100, a London-based Ghanaian membership organisation and used my research as a basis for discussion. I will continue to engage in this way so that more people can access the information. This research has been presented in various formats within seminars and at conferences across the UK – such as the British Sociological Association and the Blackness in Britain conferences. I have also used this work as a guest lecturer at Canterbury University with undergraduates on a coaching and counselling course. Other guest lecturer slots have been discussed and I have been approached by online PhD forums to share my work. A journal article has been agreed and will be published in 2019 in the Graduate Journal of Social Science 2019 - Being Black, being British, being Ghanaian - A Discussion on Belonging. Other journals are being considered for future articles. 10 With regard to policy on integration and belonging, what was clear was an absence of policy-makers engaging with and understanding established communities. The impact of racism and discussions of immigration, at the time of my study, had an effect on my participants’ sense of belonging and identity. Whilst my group of respondents was successful in terms of the education and labour markets and were able to navigate British society, the experience of being an outsider was quite profound. Current debates, notably the Windrush scandal and the ‘hostile environment’ which is a product of policy and political debate show the worsening of the situation rather than an improvement. Being Black is still seen as a negative identity and it is this that will need to change in society for a lasting impact to be felt. 11 Acknowledgements This thesis would not have been possible without the love and support of my family and friends. They have read drafts, encouraged, motivated, and, in the case of my family, at times financed this endeavour. Special thanks to the Twumasi-Ankrah, Anolue and Osei-Berkoh families – thank you all for believing in me. A special mention also goes to my husband, Chris Osei and son, Ethan Osei, who have had no choice but to be on