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'ALAMEDA IS OUR HOME': African Americans and the Struggle For

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'ALAMEDA IS OUR HOME': African Americans and the Struggle For ‘ALAMEDA IS OUR HOME’: African Americans and the Struggle for Housing in Alameda, California, 1860-Present by Reginald L. James Presented as the Senior Thesis in Partial Fulfillment of Requirements for The Bachelor’s Degree in African American Studies Social Science at the University of California, Berkeley. August 1, 2013 Student’s Grade: ___________ Name of Major Thesis Advisor: Ula Y. Taylor . Signature of Major Thesis Advisor: ___________________________________ Name of Department Chairperson: ____________Na’ilah Nasir______. Signature of Departmental Chairperson: ____________________________________ Date: _______________ 2 ‘ALAMEDA IS OUR HOME’: African Americans and the Struggle for Housing in Alameda, California, 1860-Present Reginald L. James 3 4 “Your island cannot live in a social vacuum devoid of contact with minority peoples. Russell V. Lombardo, The Alameda Sun, December 16, 1965 5 CONTENTS Dedication Introduction PART 1: EARLY COLORED COLONIES OF ALAMEDA 1. Early Black Settlers in Alameda 2. Black Pioneering Homeowners of Alameda 3. Alameda’s Pattern of Prejudice PART 2: WORLD WAR II AND THE WAR OF RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION 4. Island Home Front 5. ‘Housing Authority Unfair’ 6. Jim Crow Alameda 7. Black Life in the Projects PART 3: MEASURE A AND MASS BLACK DISPLACEMENT 8. Island’s White Noose: Measure A 9. Tenants vs. Alameda 10. Renewed Hope 11. ‘Can’t Move, Won’t Move’ 12. #DefendJodie Conclusion: ‘Pushed Out’: African Americans Displaced from Island and Its Narratives Abbreviations in the Notes Appendices Acknowledgements 6 DEDICATION For Mabel Tatum, Vickie R. Smith, Clayton and Delores Guyton, Modessa Henderson, Lorraine Lilley and all who’ve fought for fair housing, affordable and low-income housing, and for Black people to have a home in Alameda In Memory of Jodie Randolph In Honor of Deborah James 7 INTRODUCTION The story I tell is the journey of African peoples who call and have called the City of Alameda their home. During and after World War II, tens of thousands of African Americans migrated to the Bay Area and the island city. Segregated in wartime projects and later large apartment complexes, these Black Alamedans raised their families, established kinship networks and created community. With a small exception, many of these families and neighborhoods have been destroyed physically. In other instances, hundreds of people were forced from neighborhoods and the entire island. Most African Americans still reside on the north and west sides of the island. But with ongoing redevelopment, many still wonder how long it will be until further mass displacement. Black people have called Alameda home since the mid-19th century, yet the island’s Black population is not as known or studied as its neighbors in the nearby and larger city of Oakland. Initially migrating west to work as servants and domestics, Black pioneers slowly began to move to California to seek opportunity and escape the Jim Crow South. California has the second largest population of Black people in the country, with experiences that both mirror and differ from Black people elsewhere in the country, as well as the other racial groups in the state. Between 1850 and 1965, Black people in East Bay cities, including Alameda developed “parallel communities” with institutions that mirrored those of the dominant white societies of those same cities. Residential segregation was the primary reason for these separate communities.1 World War II represented a “watershed” moment in California history. Hundreds of thousands of people moved to the state in what the San Francisco Chronicle called the 1 Lawrence B. De Graaf, Keith Mulford, and Quintard Taylor, eds., Seeking El Dorado: African Americans in California History, Seattle: Washington, 2001. Delores Nason McBroome, Parallel Communities: African Americans in California’s East Bay, 1850-1963, New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1993. 1 “Second Gold Rush.” Black residents became increasingly segregated in older, inner-core areas of the East Bay. Meanwhile federally subsidized loans allowed whites-only suburban expansion. The Black population of other nearby cities like Oakland, Berkeley and Richmond has grown, while Alameda’s has ebbed and flowed. Although located within the center of the Bay Area, the island of Alameda maintained a predominantly white population until 2000. Whites are still the city’s largest group.2 How has housing discrimination impacted African Americans on the island? How have federal, local and state laws, policies and practices impacted African Americans seeking housing in Alameda? How did Black migration to Alameda impact the island’s geography? What has been the role of government in causing and alleviating housing discrimination? What role have homeowners, landlords, realtors, and financiers played excluding Black Alamedans from housing opportunities? Previous scholars have written about housing discrimination and segregation, Black migration to the American West, but no one has told the story of African Americans in Alameda. ‘Keep this Neighborhood White’: Housing Discrimination in the U.S. The concept of “home” is central to the American Dream. It is a place, an ideal, “where the heart is,” a status symbol, a place to live, as well as most American’s largest investment. Home is the center of family and community life. Home is can be a house, but also an apartment. Home is “where the heart is,” wherever one calls “home.” Housing policies and residential conflict provide a lens of understanding race relations in America. Conflict over residential space demonstrates the centrality of the home and its role in the production of race in American culture. In Forbidden Neighbors: 2 Gerald D. Nash, World War II and the West: Reshaping the Economy. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1990; Marilynn S. Johnson The Second Gold Rush: Oakland and the East Bay in World War II, Robert O. Self, American Babylon: Race and the Struggle for Postwar Oakland, Princeton Press 2004. 2 A Study of Prejudice in Housing, Charles Abrams wrote after the Second World War, “The racial issue was becoming centered around the home, the most emotional possession of the American family and mass interest in bias was being generated as millions of homeowners were falling easy prey to opportunism or bigotry.” With major federal subsidies increasing American homeownership opportunities for whites in suburbs, the home became recognized as families’ largest investment. Yet the history of housing discrimination nationwide predates WWII.3 Various explanations for housing discrimination exist. Many narratives focus on the role of the government and officials, and the finance, real estate and rental industries. These focus on the role of the federal government in subsidizing suburban expansion. Racial segregation is the de jure and de facto residential separation of races. The dominant narrative suggests racial segregation it resulted from government and industry practices; however, others argue segregation emerged from whites’ racial prejudices. Government and industry solely capitalized and further perpetuated deep-seated racism. Jim Crow cities existed in the urban north and west 4 Multiple explanations exist to explain the persistence of racial segregation in America. Two theoretical models explaining racial residential segregation are: spatial assimilation and place stratification. Spatial assimilation assumes people of similar Socio-Economic Status (SES) live together. Thus, if whites have the same SES, they will choose similar quality housing. This model assumes an impartial housing market, without 3 Charles Abrams, Forbidden Neighbors: A Study of Prejudice in Housing, 8; Kenneth Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier: The Suburbanization of the United States. 4 Charles Abrams, Forbidden Neighbors, and Kenneth Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier: The Suburbanization of the United States adopt the position of government sponsored racial segregation. Stephen Meyer argues white prejudice lead to racial segregation, Stephen Grant Meyer, As Long as They Don’t Move Next Door: Segregation and Racial Conflict in American Neighborhoods, Oxford, England: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2000. 3 bias or discrimination. However, research suggests that this model does not apply to African Americans, as two distinct housing markets exist. African Americans often become penalized for owning their own homes, living in both segregated neighborhoods or near whites of lower SES. According to the place stratification model, SES groups people. However, African Americans segregated due to whites’ disdain for Black neighbors, and discrimination in rental and lending markets.5 While spatial assimilation suggests a more organic separation based largely on socioeconomics, place stratification accounts for the persistence of segregation at all income levels. These tools for analyzing residential patterns are important. Just as important is understanding the tools used to create and maintain residential segregation. Efforts to exclude certain populations of residents have changed over time. Prior to the 1930s, prior to major federal intervention into the market, the private housing market determined who could live where. Zoning, the state police power in which jurisdictions regulate land use, did not emerge until the early twentieth century. After initial usage in the nineteenth century for public health purposes, zoning ordinances eventually became a tool for municipalities to segregate residents. With subdivisions, or grouped parcels, entire
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