DOCSLIB.ORG

UNIVERSITÀ DEGLI STUDI DI TRENTO Dipartimento Di Scienze Umane E Sociali SCUOLA DI DOTTORATO in STUDI STORICI

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
UNIVERSITÀ DEGLI STUDI DI TRENTO Dipartimento Di Scienze Umane E Sociali SCUOLA DI DOTTORATO in STUDI STORICI UNIVERSITÀ DEGLI STUDI DI TRENTO Dipartimento di scienze umane e sociali SCUOLA DI DOTTORATO IN STUDI STORICI Alessandro Salvador Il NAZIONALSOCIALISMO E LA DESTRA NAZIONALISTA TEDESCA: 1925 - 1933 Tutor: prof. G. Corni Tutor: prof.ssa A.G. Manca XXII ciclo (2006-2009) 1 INTRODUZIONE. 3 PARTE I - LA DESTRA NAZIONALISTA: 1925 – 1933. 1. Il partito nazionalsocialista (NSDAP): da organizzazione regionale a nazionale, 1925 – 1933. a. Rifondazione e consolidamento del partito. 9 b. La NSDAP negli anni d'oro della Repubblica. 15 c. Gli anni dell'ascesa al potere. 22 2. Lo Stahlhelm: da movimento paramilitare a organizzazione politica, 1926 – 1929. a. Il nuovo ruolo delle organizzazioni paramilitari. 27 b. I raduni di Berlino (1927) e Amburgo (1928): le tappe della svolta politica. 35 3. Il partito tedesco-nazionale e la sua progressiva radicalizzazione: 1925 – 1930. a. Il compromesso con la Repubblica. 48 b. La nomina di Hugenberg e la crisi della DNVP. 57 c. La DNVP negli anni finali della Repubblica. 63 PARTE II: L'OPPOSIZIONE NAZIONALE E IL NAZIONALSOCIALISMO: 1926 – 1933. 1. Lo Stahlhelm e la NSDAP: dalla svolta politica dei veterani fino alla lotta contro il piano Young. a. Reazioni nazionalsocialiste alla svolta politica dello Stahlhelm. 70 b. La gestione dei rapporti e dei conflitti fra il movimento dei veterani e i nazionalsocialisti. 84 c. La propaganda nazionalsocialista e la crisi nello Stahlhelm. 99 2. Gli anni dell'opposizione nazionalista: dal Volksbegehren contro il piano Young a Bad Harzburg a. La lotta contro il piano Young e la costruzione di un fronte nazionalista. 106 b. L'asse Hitler – Hugenberg e la crisi della DNVP. 127 c. L'opposizione nazionalista contro il “sistema” nel Reich e in Prussia. 143 3. Crisi e sconfitta dell'opposizione nazionalista. a. L'illusione di un'alleanza: da Bad Harzburg alle presidenziali. 157 b. I tedesco-nazionali e lo Stahlhelm durante la campagna presidenziale. 171 c. I tedesco-nazionali contro i nazionalsocialisti: il tentativo di arginare Hitler nel 1932. 188 III – CONCLUSIONI. 1. Il ruolo dello Stahlhelm nella opposizione nazionalista. 198 2. La DNVP di Hugenberg e le ragioni di un fallimento. 204 3. La crescita della NSDAP a spese della destra nazionalista. 209 APPENDICE 1. STATISTICHE. 213 APPENDICE 2. NOTE SULLE FONTI. 223 BIBLIOGRAFIA. 227 ELENCO DELLE FONTI. Fonti bibliografiche: 236 Periodici: 236 Fonti archivistiche: 237 2 Introduzione. Con la presente ricerca si è inteso, soprattutto, indagare come la destra nazionalista radicale tedesca si è rapportata con il partito nazionalsocialista e la sua repentina crescita nelle fasi finali della Repubblica di Weimar. Il nazionalsocialismo è forse il fenomeno storico-politico su cui più si è scritto e le cui sfumature e sfaccettature sono state analizzate, con alterne fortune, già nell'immediato dopoguerra, quando non addirittura durante la guerra.1 Tuttavia questa vasta letteratura risulta sbilanciata su alcuni aspetti e ne trascura altri. Il periodo del Terzo Reich e la figura di Hitler, comprensiva degli studi sulla psicologia delle masse e il potere carismatico, rappresentano una parte consistente di questa vasta produzione. Ben rappresentati sono anche gli studi sull’ideologia nazionalsocialista, sulle sue radici e i suoi vettori, ivi compresi alcuni lavori che esplorano gli aspetti più peculiari e “esoterici” di quell’ideologia. Esiste, tuttavia, un buco nella letteratura sul nazionalsocialismo, sia contenutistico sia temporale. La letteratura sul partito nazionalsocialista, la sua struttura, le sue strategie politiche e il suo sviluppo durante la Repubblica di Weimar è decisamente sottorappresentata, se escludiamo lavori pionieristici degli anni sessanta e settanta che continuano a costituire un punto di riferimento nonostante la distanza temporale che ci separa da essi.2 Allo stesso modo è raro trovare delle trattazioni che trattino in modo sistematico delle interazioni tra il nazionalsocialismo e i movimenti politici a esso contemporanei, se escludiamo opere generali sui movimenti politici della Repubblica di Weimar in cui, spesso, un occhio di riguardo è dato al nazionalsocialismo, senza che i modi di interazione siano trattati nella loro complessità. Se, quindi, nella vasta letteratura sul nazionalsocialismo è ancora possibile trovare delle lacune, e sorprenderebbe il contrario dato che i punti di vista sono tanti almeno quanto gli esseri umani, ben più grave è la situazione per quanto riguarda altri movimenti politici che durante la Repubblica di Weimar hanno condiviso obiettivi, lotte, persone e anche condanne penali, col partito di Hitler. Lo 1 Si vedano ad esempio i vari e controversi scritti di Hermann Rauschning, di cui il più famoso è sicuramente Gespräche mit Hitler (Europa-Verlag, New York-Zürich, 1940) oppure testi infarciti di dietrologia ed ipotesi fantasiose come The thousand-year conspiracy di Paul Winkler (Scribner, New York, 1943) 2 In particolare grande importanza rivestono ancora i lavori di Dietrich Orlow, Wolfgang Horn e Joseph Nyomarkay per i cui dettagli bibliografici si rimanda alle note del primo capitolo e alla bibliografia. 3 Stahlhelm e lo Jungdeutsche Orden rappresentano, ad esempio, due grandi organizzazioni che hanno segnato la storia del movimento nazionalista radicale contro la Repubblica di Weimar. Le loro organizzazioni di massa arrivavano a coinvolgere centinaia di migliaia di individui in periodi nei quali la NSDAP raccoglieva a malapena ventimila aderenti. Tuttavia di questi movimenti, negli studi sul nazionalsocialismo, esistono solo degli accenni che raramente considerano, e mai in modo sistematico, le modalità, le cause e gli effetti delle interazioni fra questi movimenti e il nazionalsocialismo. A onor del vero pochissima attenzione è stata dedicata a questi movimenti in senso generale. Se si escludono lavori generali sui movimenti paramilitari e sulle Politische Kampfbünde3, la produzione monografica sullo Stahlhelm e sullo Jungdeutsche Orden è carente, per non dire inesistente.4 Si tratta inoltre di lavori molto lontani del tempo ed elaborati in periodi in cui l'accesso alle fonti era limitato, sia per la vicinanza agli anni della guerra, con tutte le limitazioni che il caos postbellico in Germania e le limitazioni legali imponevano, sia per le conseguenze della divisione dello Stato tedesco che hanno reso per decenni inaccessibili, agli storici occidentali, le fonti conservate oltre la cortina di ferro. Sulle relazioni specifiche tra questi movimenti e il nazionalsocialismo un primo e unico tentativo è stato fatto da Werner Knabe, in una tesi di dottorato rimasta inedita che, nonostante l'apprezzabile sforzo che rappresentò, era limitata da un ampio uso di memorialistica, spesso frutto di corrispondenza diretta fra l'autore e i protagonisti delle vicende esaminate.5 Un altro limite del lavoro di Knabe, sul cui progetto di base è costruita una parte di questa ricerca, è rappresentato dalla sua corrispondenza esclusiva con esponenti dello Stahlhelm. Sullo Jungdeutsche Orden apparentemente esiste una letteratura più ampia ma buona parte di essa è attribuibile a ex membri dell'ordine o a persone che con esse hanno avuto rapporti diretti. La mia intenzione di affrontare i rapporti dei nazionalsocialisti con questa organizzazione non ha, tuttavia, avuto un seguito, perché non sono emersi elementi tali da renderli interessanti ai fini della mia ricerca. Se è pur vero che tra Jungdeutsche Orden e NSDAP è esistita una 3 In questo campo spiccano i lavori di autori come James Diehl, Kurt Finker, Sven Reichardt e Dirk Schumann (vedi bibliografia) 4 Sullo Stahlhelm esiste una sola monografia realizzata da Volker Berghahn nel 1966, mentre altri lavori non sono stati pubblicati come la dissertazione di Alois Klotzbücher e quella di Werner Knabe (v. bibliografia). Esistono tuttavia alcuni saggi che ne affrontano alcuni aspetti specifici come ad es. Cebulla, Florian, Die Rundfunk politik des Stahlhelm, in Rundfunk und Geschichte, No. 25, 1999: pp. 101 – 106; per quanto riguarda lo Jungdeutsche Orden, oltre ad una monografia di Klaus Hornung (v. bibliografia) esistono alcuni lavori anche recenti come ad es. Lohmüller, Wolfgang, Der Jungdeutsche Orden, Lohmüller, München, 1987. Quest´ultima opera come altre sull´Ordine, viene tuttavia da ambienti che hanno, dopo la guerra, tentato di ricostruirne l´organizzazione. 5 La tesi, del 1955, dal titolo Der Stahlhelm und die NSDAP, è conservata presso l´archivio dell´IfZ di Monaco, segnatura: MS528 4 dialettica e che alcuni aspetti meriterebbero forse ulteriori approfondimenti, i dati emersi non lasciano intendere che questa dialettica e le sue conseguenze sull'ordine o sul partito nazionalsocialista abbiano avuto un ruolo decisivo, o anche solo rilevante, nello sviluppo dei due movimenti. Tuttavia le fonti sullo Jungdeutsche Orden sono lacunose e la gran parte di esse, conservata presso il Bundesarchiv di Berlino, sono conservate in fondi appartenenti ad organizzazioni nazionalsocialiste e quindi sono frutto di una raccolta intenzionale con probabili fini di studio o di indagine, considerato il ruolo dell'ordine nella resistenza ai primi anni del regime nazionalsocialista. Se si è ritenuto di menzionare lo Jungdeutsche Orden in questa sede è proprio per segnalare questa problematica ed eventualmente stimolare ulteriori ricerche in questo senso. A questi due movimenti, cui la ricerca ha dedicato un’attenzione limitata, si deve accompagnare un terzo soggetto politico i cui rapporti con il partito nazionalsocialista hanno avuto degli effetti determinanti,
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Bibliographical Essay
    Bibliographical Essay Below is a working bibliography of the most important books and artides that have been particularly useful to the editors and that complement the essays contained in the volume. Since we focused on the structural, i. e., economic, dass, and power dimensions that largely led to the collapse of the Weimar Republic and the successful ascension to power of the Nazi party, most of the items listed reßect that ap- proach. Although not exhaustive, this list indudes some of the most significant works in the field and those which have shaped our thinking. For a discussion of the emergence of fascism and its relation to dass, economics, and political development, see: Nicos Poulantzas, Fascism and Dictatorship (London: NLB, 1974); Renzo De Felice, Fascism: An Informal Introduction to lts Theory and Practice (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1976); Stanley Payne, Fascism: Comparison and Definition (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1980); Stein Ugelvik Larsen, Bernt Hagtvet, Jan Petter Myklebust, eds., Who Were the Fascists: Social Roots of European Fascism (Bergen: Universitetsforlaget, 1980); Peter Stachura, ed., The Shaping of the Nazi State (London: Croom Helm, 1978); Walter Laqueur, Fascism: A Readers Guide (London: Wildwood House, 1976); Ernst Nolte, Three Faces of Fascism (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1965); Barrington Moore, Jr., Social Ori- gins of Dictatorship and Democracy (Boston: Beacon Press, 1966); Eugen Weber, Varieties of Fascism (New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold Co., 1964); Francis L. Carsten, The Rise of Fascism (London: Batsford, 1967); John Weiss, The Fascist Tradition (New York: Harper & Row, 1967); Hans Rogger and Eugen Weber, eds., The European Right (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1965); George L.
    [Show full text]
  • Republic of Violence: the German Army and Politics, 1918-1923
    University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository Graduate Studies The Vault: Electronic Theses and Dissertations 2015-09-11 Republic of Violence: The German Army and Politics, 1918-1923 Bucholtz, Matthew N Bucholtz, M. N. (2015). Republic of Violence: The German Army and Politics, 1918-1923 (Unpublished doctoral thesis). University of Calgary, Calgary, AB. doi:10.11575/PRISM/27638 http://hdl.handle.net/11023/2451 doctoral thesis University of Calgary graduate students retain copyright ownership and moral rights for their thesis. You may use this material in any way that is permitted by the Copyright Act or through licensing that has been assigned to the document. For uses that are not allowable under copyright legislation or licensing, you are required to seek permission. Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY Republic of Violence: The German Army and Politics, 1918-1923 By Matthew N. Bucholtz A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GRADUATE PROGRAM IN HISTORY CALGARY, ALBERTA SEPTEMBER, 2015 © Matthew Bucholtz 2015 Abstract November 1918 did not bring peace to Germany. Although the First World War was over, Germany began a new and violent chapter as an outbreak of civil war threatened to tear the country apart. The birth of the Weimar Republic, Germany’s first democratic government, did not begin smoothly as republican institutions failed to re-establish centralized political and military authority in the wake of the collapse of the imperial regime. Coupled with painful aftershocks from defeat in the Great War, the immediate postwar era had only one consistent force shaping and guiding political and cultural life: violence.
    [Show full text]
  • Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy
    Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy How do democracies form and what makes them die? Daniel Ziblatt revisits this timely and classic question in a wide-ranging historical narrative that traces the evolution of modern political democracy in Europe from its modest beginnings in 1830s Britain to Adolf Hitler’s 1933 seizure of power in Weimar Germany. Based on rich historical and quantitative evidence, the book offers a major reinterpretation of European history and the question of how stable political democracy is achieved. The barriers to inclusive political rule, Ziblatt finds, were not inevitably overcome by unstoppable tides of socioeconomic change, a simple triumph of a growing middle class, or even by working class collective action. Instead, political democracy’s fate surprisingly hinged on how conservative political parties – the historical defenders of power, wealth, and privilege – recast themselves and coped with the rise of their own radical right. With striking modern parallels, the book has vital implications for today’s new and old democracies under siege. Daniel Ziblatt is Professor of Government at Harvard University where he is also a resident fellow of the Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies. He is also currently Fernand Braudel Senior Fellow at the European University Institute. His first book, Structuring the State: The Formation of Italy and Germany and the Puzzle of Federalism (2006) received several prizes from the American Political Science Association. He has written extensively on the emergence of democracy in European political history, publishing in journals such as American Political Science Review, Journal of Economic History, and World Politics.
    [Show full text]
  • Otto Schmidt (1888-1971): Gegner Hitlers Und Intimus Hugenbergs
    Otto Schmidt (1888-1971): Gegner Hitlers und Intimus Hugenbergs Inaugural-Dissertation zur Erlangung der Doktorwürde der Rheinischen Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität zu Bonn vorgelegt von Maximilian Terhalle aus Berlin Bonn 2006 Gedruckt mit der Genehmigung der Philosophischen Fakultät der Rheinischen Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität zu Bonn. Erstgutachter: Prof. Dr. Klaus Hildebrand Zweitgutachter: Prof. Dr. Joachim Scholtyseck Tag der mündlichen Prüfung: 24. Mai 2006 Diese Dissertation ist auf dem Hochschulschriftenserver der ULB Bonn: http:/hss.ulb.uni-bonn.de/diss_online elektronisch publiziert. Danksagung Unendlicher Dank gilt meinen geliebten Eltern. Ihnen habe ich es zu verdanken, daß ich mich auf diese doktorale Reise begeben durfte. Sie haben mich während der ganzen Zeit unentwegt und auf das herzlichste unterstützt. Sie haben mir das nämliche Brot und vieles mehr gewährt, was in seiner Grenzenlosigkeit kaum in Worte zu fassen ist. Disziplin, eiserne Disziplin, die Härte gegen sich selbst habe ich von Ihnen gelernt. Diese preußische Disziplin war das unersetzbare Movens, das diese Arbeit ermöglicht hat. Meinen Eltern möchte ich an dieser Stelle für Ihre liebevolle Ausdauer danken. Ihnen sei diese Doktorarbeit in Liebe gewidmet. Berlin, den 26. Mai 2006 Wir müssen den vergangenen Generationen das zurückgeben, was sie einmal besaßen, so wie jede Gegenwart es besitzt: die Fülle der möglichen Zukunft, die Ungewißheit, die Freiheit, die Endlichkeit, die Widersprüchlichkeit. Nipperdey, Th., 1933 und die Kontinuität in der deutschen Geschichte, in: ders., Nachdenken über die deutsche Geschichte. Essays, München 2. Aufl. 1986, S. 204 f. Inhaltsverzeichnis 1. Einführung 1 1.1. Gegenstand der Untersuchung und ihre Methode 1 1.2. Quellenlage 8 1.3. Gedruckte Memoirenliteratur 14 1.4.
    [Show full text]
  • Weimar Was Weimar: Politics, Culture and the Emplotment of the German Republic
    This is a repository copy of Weimar was Weimar: Politics, Culture and the Emplotment of the German Republic. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/92080/ Version: Submitted Version Article: Ziemann, B. (2010) Weimar was Weimar: Politics, Culture and the Emplotment of the German Republic. German History, 28 (4). pp. 542-571. ISSN 0266-3554 (Submitted) https://doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghq114 Reuse Unless indicated otherwise, fulltext items are protected by copyright with all rights reserved. The copyright exception in section 29 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 allows the making of a single copy solely for the purpose of non-commercial research or private study within the limits of fair dealing. The publisher or other rights-holder may allow further reproduction and re-use of this version - refer to the White Rose Research Online record for this item. Where records identify the publisher as the copyright holder, users can verify any specific terms of use on the publisher’s website. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Weimar was Weimar. Politics, Culture and the Emplotment of the German Republic Benjamin Ziemann Weimar Radicals: Nazis and Communists between Authenticity and Performance. By Timothy Brown. New York. Oxford: Berghahn Books. 2009. 240 pp. $80/£50 (hardback). Weimar: Die überforderte Republik 1918-1933.
    [Show full text]
  • The German Right, 1918–1930 Larry Eugene Jones Frontmatter More Information
    Cambridge University Press 978-1-108-49407-6 — The German Right, 1918–1930 Larry Eugene Jones Frontmatter More Information THE GERMAN RIGHT, 1918–1930 The failure of the Weimar Republic and the rise of National Socialism remains one of the most challenging problems of twentieth-century European history. The German Right, 1918–1930 sheds new light on this problem by examining the role that the non-Nazi Right played in the destabilization of Weimar democracy in the period before the emergence of the Nazi Party as a mass party of middle-class protest. Larry Eugene Jones identifies a critical divide within the German Right between those prepared to work within the framework of Germany’s new republican government and those irrevocably committed to its overthrow. This split was greatly exacerbated by the course of German economic development in the 1920s, leaving the various organizations that comprised the German Right defenceless against the challenge of National Socialism. At no point was the disunity of the non-Nazi Right in the face of Nazism more apparent than in the September 1930 Reichstag elections. is Professor Emeritus in the Department of History at Canisius College in Buffalo, New York, where he has taught since 1968. His previous publications include the award-winning German Liberalism and the Dissolution of the Weimar Party System, 1918–1933 (1988) and Hitler versus Hindenburg: The 1932 Presidential Elections and the End of the Weimar Republic (2015). © in this web service Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge
    [Show full text]
  • Protestant Missionaries and German Colonialism, 1860-1919
    ABSTRACT Title of Document: “FOUNDING A HEAVENLY EMPIRE”: PROTESTANT MISSIONARIES AND GERMAN COLONIALISM, 1860-1919 Jeremy Best, Doctor of Philosophy, 2012 Directed By: Professor Jeffrey Herf, Department of History This dissertation investigates the relationship between German Protestant missionaries and secular leaders of colonial politics and culture in the German colonial empire during the nineteenth century. In particular, it examines how missionaries defined their collective identity as an international one against pressures that encouraged mission societies to adopt and promote policies that favored the German colonial state and German colonial economic actors. Protestant missionaries in Germany created an alternative ideology to govern Germans’ and Germany’s relationships with the wider world. The dissertation examines the formation of an internationalist missionary methodology and ideology by German missionary intellectuals from 1870 and the shift to traditional Protestant nationalism during World War I. It then examines the application by missionaries of this ideology to the major issues of Protestant mission work in German East Africa: territorial rivalries with German Catholic mission orders, mission school policy, fundraising in the German metropole, and international missionary cooperation. In so doing, it revises conventional interpretations about the relationship between Protestantism and nationalism in Germany during this period. “FOUNDING A HEAVENLY EMPIRE”: PROTESTANT MISSIONARIES AND GERMAN COLONIALISM, 1860-1919 By Jeremy Best Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Maryland, College Park, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 2012 Advisory Committee: Professor Jeffrey Herf, Chair Professor Vincent Carretta Professor Paul S. Landau Professor Richard Price Professor Andrew Zimmerman © Copyright by Jeremy Best 2012 Dedication To Amy who has been with me on this from the start.
    [Show full text]
  • Daniela Gasteiger, Kuno Von Westarp (1864–1945). Parlamentarismus
    2019 | 2 Daniela Gasteiger, Kuno von Westarp (1864– 19./20. Jahrhundert – Histoire 1945). Parlamentarismus, Monarchismus und contemporaine Herrschaftsutopien im deutschen Konservatismus, DOI: München (De Gruyter Oldenbourg) 2018, X–521 S. 10.11588/frrec.2019.2.62891 (Quellen und Darstellungen zur Zeitgeschichte, 117), Seite | page 1 ISBN 978-3-11-052905-0, EUR 64,95 rezensiert von | compte rendu rédigé par Roger Chickering, Washington, D. C. The history of the German right during the Weimar era has recently become the object of renewed interest, particularly the way it found institutional expression in the German-National People’s Party (DNVP). The consolidation, parliamentary maneuvers, and subsequent fragmentation and dissolution of this party have produced a rich collection of scholarship from the pens of Larry Jones (the doyen of this field), Wolfram Pyta, Maik Ohnesorg, Philipp Nielsen, Maximilian Terhalle, and Johannes Leicht, among others. The appearance of this work has, however, accentuated the curious anomaly that the arguably most influential and interesting figure in the DNVP’s history, Kuno von Westarp, has not been the subject of a serious biography. The impressive new study by Daniela Gasteiger, a revised version of her dissertation at the LMU in Munich, has now rectified this problem. Kuno von Westarp was born in Posen and pursued a bureaucratic career that culminated when he was named to the Prussian Oberverwaltungsgericht in Berlin. He was then elected to the Reichstag in 1908 and quickly rose to a position of leadership in the German Conservative Party, where he became head of the parliamentary caucus in 1913. His ascent reflected his deep Prussian conservatism, his uncompromising monarchism, and his growing hostility to Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg, who he believed was too weak for his job.
    [Show full text]
  • Barry Jackisch, the Pan-German League and Radical
    Citation style Hofmeister, Björn: Rezension über: Barry Jackisch, The Pan-German League and Radical Nationalist Politics in Interwar Germany, 1918–1939, Farnham/Surrey: Ashgate Verlag, 2012, in: Archiv für Sozialgeschichte, 2013, 12_01, DOI: 10.15463/rec.1189726643, heruntergeladen über recensio.net First published: http://library.fes.de/pdf-files/afs/81518.pdf copyright This article may be downloaded and/or used within the private copying exemption. Any further use without permission of the rights owner shall be subject to legal licences (§§ 44a-63a UrhG / German Copyright Act). Maik Ohnezeit, Zwischen „schärfster Opposition“ und dem „Willen zur Macht“. Die Deutsch- nationale Volkspartei (DNVP) in der Weimarer Republik 1918–1928 (Beiträge zur Geschichte des Parlamentarismus und der politischen Parteien, Bd. 158), Droste Verlag, Düsseldorf 2011, 490 S., geb., 62,00 €. Rainer Pomp, Bauern und Großgrundbesitzer auf ihrem Weg ins Dritte Reich. Der Branden- burgische Landbund 1919–1933 (Elitenwandel in der Moderne, Bd. 8), Akademie Verlag, Ber- lin 2011, 429 S., geb., 79,80 €. Barry Jackisch, The Pan-German League and Radical Nationalist Politics in Interwar Germany, 1918–1939, Ashgate Verlag, Farnham/Surrey 2012, 212 S., geb., 58,50 £. Die Geschichte der politischen Rechten in der Weimarer Republik ist trotz intensiver Forschung zum Aufstieg der NS-Bewegung noch nicht zu Ende erzählt. Die Gewissheit um die Vorläuferfunktion vieler ,alter’ nationalistischer und völkischer Organisationen und Parteien für den Aufstieg der NSDAP galt immer als kanonisch gesetzt für die Analyse sowohl des Niederganges der konservativen Rechten wie des Aufstiegs der NS-Bewegung zwischen 1918/19 und 1933. Studien, die zu häufig nur auf organisa- torische Netzwerke und ideologische Verbindungen wie Antisemitismus und autoritäre Demokratiekri- tik der politischen Rechte verwiesen, ließen die internen Konflikte um politischen Stil und Strategien sowie die spezifischen Ambivalenzen um die Einbindung der sogenannten Massen in die politische Repräsentation jedoch außen vor.
    [Show full text]
  • The Spartacist Uprising of 1919
    Marquette University e-Publications@Marquette Marquette University Press Publications 1958 The Spartacist Uprising of 1919 Eric Waldman Ph.D Follow this and additional works at: https://epublications.marquette.edu/mupress-book THE SPARTACIST UPRISING MARQUETTE GERMAN STUDIES I The Spartacist Marquette German Studies, l Uprising of 1919 and the crisis of the German Socialist Movement: A study of the relation of political theory and party practice ERIC WALDMAN, Ph.D., Assistant Professor of Political Science at Marquette University PRESS • MILWAUKEE �. MARQUETTE GERMAN SnmIES are published under the direction of the Institute of German Affairs of Marquette University. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 58-7265 @ Copyright, 1958, MARQUETTE UNIVERSITY PRESS, Milwaukee, Wisconsin Manufactured in the United States of America Acknowledgment T 1s A well known truism that most books reflect not only the effort of the author but an accumulation of thought and Istudy by many others who have completed research and publica­ tion in the same general area of investigation. This book is no exception to the rule, and the author has made extensive use of many excellent studies concerned with German political and his­ torical developments. No effort has been made to repeat descrip­ tive material found elsewhere, although references in the foot­ notes will direct the reader to more detailed historical studies. It is impossible to acknowledge our obligations to all of those who have directly or indirectly assisted with the writing of this study. However, the author's intellectual indebtedness to his for­ mer teacher, Professor Wolfgang H. Kraus, is of such magnitude that is must be foremost as we acknowledge assistance, advice, and constructive criticism.
    [Show full text]
  • Tue NSDAP As an Alternative Elite F Or Capitalism in Crisis John D
    Tue NSDAP as an Alternative Elite f or Capitalism in Crisis John D. Nagle Tue rise of German fascism presents a question common to most fascist movements that have eventually achieved state power: namely, how is it that an extremist political elite is able to evolve from a political position of marginality, distrust, and disinterest vis-a-vis established social elites to a position in which political entrepreneurs from estab- lished elites are able to hand over state power to this same extremist elite? Three Developmental Hurdles This is a problem of general interest for the study of fascism, since most capitalist democracies have fascist "pretenders" as a more or less standard feature of the political landscape. From Louis Bonaparte and his Society of December 10 in the Second French Republic through the Moseley and Quisling movements of the 1930s to the current National Front in Britain, Jean-Marie Le Pen's National Front in France, and the Lyndon Larouche sect in the United States, fascist leadership groups have presented themselves as an alternative political elite and offered their services to established centers of power in business, state, and military sectors. 1 Fascism as a political-elite alternative for a capitalist society faces several developmental or evolutionary hurdles before it can achieve state power. Of the many fascist pretenders, only a few have succeeded 194 An Alternative Elite 195 in achieving this goal. Only some have evolved beyond political mar- ginality; fewer still have convinced established elites within society or elites representing foreign powers that they are useful and/or necessary for dealing with some crisis those established centers of power are unable or insufficiently able to deal with using their own resources.
    [Show full text]
  • Das Scheitern Des Deutschen Tory-Konservatismus Die Umformung Der DNVP Zu Einer Rechtsradikalen Partei 1928-1932
    Das Scheitern des deutschen Tory-Konservatismus Die Umformung der DNVP zu einer rechtsradikalen Partei 1928-1932 Von Thomas Mergel In den Erklärungen zum Scheitern der Weimarer Republik gilt die DNVP als ein Sammelbecken der Steigbügelhalter für Hitler. Denn die Industriellen, Agrarier, Beamten und Militärs, die - gewollt oder unge- wollt - schließlich Hitler an die Macht halfen, hatten ihre politische Heimat zumeist in der DNVP. Vor dem Hintergrund der Annahme eines durchgehenden Antirepublikanismus erscheinen die Radikalität der deutschnationalen Politik und der Schulterschluß mit dem Nationalso- zialismus durch Hugenberg nach 1928 als innerlich logisch, die prag- matische Phase davor, als die DNVP an zwei Regierungen beteiligt war, dagegen als bloßer Schein. Von der Ablehnung der Weimarer Ver- fassung über den Kapp-Lüttwitz-Putsch bis hin zum Volksbegehren ge- gen den Young-Plan und die schließliche Beteiligung an Hitlers Regie- rung wird damit eine Linie gezogen, die die durchgehende System- feindschaft der DNVP illustriert und die Lernunfähigkeit auf Seiten der Rechten betont.1 Unterbelichtet erscheinen dabei die tiefgreifenden Wandlungspro- zesse, denen die Partei während der zwanziger Jahre unterlag. Insbe- sondere werden die Chancen der DNVP unterschätzt, einen systeminte- grierten Konservatismus zu entwickeln, den man nach dem englischen Vorbild als einen Tory-Konservatismus bezeichnen könnte. Dieser läßt 1 So etwa: Anneliese Thimme, Flucht in den Mythos. Die Deutschnationale Volks- partei und die Niederlage von 1918. Göttingen 1969: Jens Hemming, Konservatis- mus als „nationalrevolutionäre Bewegung". Konservative Kritik an der Deutsch- nationalen Volkspartei 1918-1933. in: Dirk Stegmann u. a. (Hrsg.), Deutscher Kon- servatismus im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert. Fschr. Fritz Fischer. Bonn 1983. 295-331: Geoff Elex, Konservative und radikale Nationalisten in Deutschland.
    [Show full text]