The Criminal Law of Genocide the German Perspective
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ICLA_03_Gropengieber.qxd 7/26/05 12:45 PM Page 329 International Criminal Law Review 5: 329–342, 2005. 329 © 2005 Koninklijke Brill NV. Printed in the Netherlands. The Criminal Law of Genocide The German Perspective HELMUT GROPENGIEßER1 I. The German History of the Law of Genocide The term “genocide” is inseparably connected with German history. When Raphael Lemkin2 coined this concept he had in mind the most heinous atroc- ities committed by Nazi Germany against the Jews, Poles, Gypsies and other groups during the National Socialist dictatorship and World War II which he intended to cover with one single word. But although the representatives of the National Socialist regime were held responsible for their deeds, none of them was punished for “genocide”, neither by the International Military Tribunal in Nuremberg in 1946 nor later on by German courts. There are two reasons for this – at first glance – astonishing fact: When the high rank perpetrators were charged, tried and sentenced – some of them to death – by the International Military Tribunal in Nuremberg in 1946,3 the term “genocide” had already been used during the trials, but it had not been written down in the Statute of the IMT itself. Thus no judgement made explicit reference to the notion of genocide;4 the legal basis for those convictions was the offence of crimes against humanity.5 1 Senior Researcher, Former Head of Sections “Spain” and “Portugal” at the Max Planck Institute for Foreign and International Criminal Law, Freiburg i. Br., Germany. 2 Lemkin, Axis Rule in Occupied Europe (1944), pp. 79 et seq.; see also in detail to the ori- gin of the concept Gil Gil, El Genocidio y Otros Crímenes Internacionales (1999), pp. 125 et seq.; Werle, Völkerstrafrecht (2003), para. 536. 3 As to the trials in Nuremberg see Ahlbrecht, Geschichte der völkerrechtlichen Strafgerichtsbarkeit im 20. Jahrhundert (1999), pp. 59 et seq.; Werle, supra note 2, para. 14 et seq. 4 See Fronza in Lattanzi/Schabas (eds.), Essays on the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court I (1999), pp. 105–137, at p. 108; Gil Gil, supra note 2, pp. 131 et seq.; Hübner, Das Verbrechen des Völkermordes im internationalen und nationalenPURL: https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/d5d760/ Recht (2003), p. 58; Kreß in Joecks/Miebach (eds.), Münchener Kommentar zum Strafgesetzbuch, s. 220a StGB / s. 6 VStGB (2003) para. 22. 5 Art. 6 lit. c) IMT Statute; congruent Art. 5 lit. c) IMTFE Statute. ICLA_03_Gropengieber.qxd 7/26/05 12:45 PM Page 330 330 HELMUT GROPENGIEßER Shortly thereafter, in December 1946 the General Assembly of the United Nations explicitly addressed “genocide”;6 two years later in 1948 the Genocide Convention7 was adopted. From that time at least the con- cept of “genocide” can be considered as well established in international criminal law. In 1954 the Federal Republic of Germany ratified the Genocide Convention and transformed the international regulation – in accordance with their legal obligation to punish perpetrators of genocide8 – into a new offence of genocide in s. 220a of the German Criminal Code (Strafgesetzbuch; StGB).9 But even then German courts dealing with National Socialist criminality faced constitutional obstacles. According to Article 103 paragraph 2 of the Basic Law for the Federal Republic of Germany (Grundgesetz)10 criminal law may not be applied retroactively. The German courts could therefore operate only with rules which had been in force at the time when the atrocities were committed; so it was only possible to punish the accused for murder or other ordinary crimes,11 not for the ex post enacted offence of genocide.12 6 UN Doc. A/Res. 96 (I) of 11 December 1946; see also UN Doc. A/Res. 95 (I) of the same day which confirmed the principles of Nuremberg. 7 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide of 9 December 1948 (78 UNTS 277). 8 Boed, The Effect of a Domestic Amnesty on the Ability of Foreign States to Prosecute Alleged Perpetrators of Serious Human Rights Violations, Cornell International Law Journal 33 (2000), pp. 297–329, at p. 319; Zimmermann, Auf dem Weg zu einem deutschen Völkerstrafgesetzbuch, Zeitschrift für Rechtspolitik (ZRP) 2002, pp. 97–102, at p. 98. 9 Gesetz über den Beitritt der Bundesrepublik Deutschland zu der Konvention vom 9. Dezember 1948 über die Verhütung und Bestrafung des Völkermordes vom 9. August 1954 (Bundesgesetzblatt [BGBl.] 1954 II, pp. 729 et seq.). See in detail Bremer, Nationale Strafverfolgung internationaler Verbrechen gegen das humanitäre Völkerrecht (1999), pp. 230 et seq.; Jescheck, Die internationale Genocidium-Konvention vom 9. Dezember 1948 und die Lehre vom Völkerstrafrecht, Zeitschrift für die gesamte Strafrechtswissenschaft (ZStW) 66 (1954), pp. 193–217, at pp. 193 et seq. For an English version of the German “Strafgesetzbuch” see <http://wings.buffalo.edu/law/bclc/StGBframe.htm>. 10 Of 23 May 1949; for an English translation see <http://www.iuscomp.org/gla/ index.html>. 11 The Federal Court of Justice (Bundesgerichtshof) notes crimes against life (s. 212 et seq. Reichsstrafgesetzbuch [RStGB]) crimes against bodily integrity (s. 223 et seq. RStGB) and deprivation of liberty (s. 239 RStGB); see Amtliche Entscheidungssammlung des Bundesgerichtshofs in Strafsachen (BGHSt) 45, pp. 64–91, at p. 83.PURL: https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/d5d760/ 12 Jähnke in Jähnke/Laufhütte/Odersky (eds.), Leipziger Kommentar zum Strafgesetzbuch, 11th ed., s. 220a (1993) para. 7; Kreß, supra note 2, s. 220a StGB/s. 6 VStGB para. 20; Werl, supra note 2, para. 610. ICLA_03_Gropengieber.qxd 7/26/05 12:45 PM Page 331 THE CRIMINAL LAW OF GENOCIDE 331 For more than four decades section 220a of the Criminal Code contained the only international crime implemented in German Criminal Law,13 a pro- vision which fortunately did not have to be used for a long time, which is why some scholars indicated the offence of genocide as an example for so called “symbolic criminal law”.14 Due to the acts of violence committed in the former Yugoslavia this situation has changed: Some perpetrators were punished for genocide by German courts, but the total number of correspon- ding trials during the last ten years remained very small.15 Finally, in 2002 the German legislator passed the “Code of Crimes Against International Law” (CCAIL – Völkerstrafgesetzbuch [VStGB]). S. 220a of the German Criminal Code was transferred without any significant change of the wording and content16 from the Criminal Code into the newly created s. 6 of the CCAIL.17 Therefore it is still helpful to study the German 13 Kreß, Vom Nutzen eines deutschen VStGB (2000), p. 3; Werle/Jeßberger, Das Völkerstrafgesetzbuch, Juristenzeitung (JZ) 2002, pp. 725–734, at p. 726. 14 Hassemer, Symbolisches Strafrecht und Rechtsgüterschutz, Neue Zeitschrift für Strafrecht (NStZ) 1989, pp. 553–559, at p. 554; see also Dietmeier, Völkerstrafrecht und deutscher Gesetzgeber – Kritische Anmerkungen zum Projekt eines “Deutschen Völkerstrafgesetzbuchs”, in Graul/Wolf (eds.), Gedächtnisschrift für Dieter Meurer (2002), pp. 333–343, at p. 340, with further references. 15 Cf. Ambos/Wirth, Genocide and War Crimes in the Former Yugoslavia Before German Criminal Courts, in Fischer/Kreß/Lüder (eds.), International and National Prosecution of Crimes Under International Law, pp. 769 et seq.; Kreicker in Eser/Kreicker (eds.), Nationale Strafverfolgung völkerrechtlicher Verbrechen, Landesbericht Deutschland (2003), pp. 427 et seq.; Schabas, National Courts Finally Begin to Prosecute Genocide, the “Crime of Crimes”, Journal of International Criminal Justice (JICL) 1 (2003), pp. 39–63, at pp. 56 et seq.; see also the homepage of the Federal Prosecutor General (Generalbundesanwalt) (<http://www.generalbundesanwalt.de/strafe/vmord.php>). 16 Adopting the international language usage the clause “characterised by its folk customs” was replaced by “ethnic”. See Werle, Konturen eines deutschen Völkerstrafrechts, Juristenzeitung (JZ) 2001, pp. 885–895, at p. 892; Werle/Jeßberger, JZ 2002, supra note 13, p. 727; Zimmermann, supra note 8, p. 101; idem, Bestrafung völkerrechtlicher Verbrechen durch deutsche Gerichte nach In-Kraft-Treten des Völkerstrafgesetzbuchs, Neue Juristische Wochenschrift (NJW) 2002, pp. 3068–3070, at p. 3069; idem, Main Features of the new German Code of Crimes against International Law (Völkerstrafgesetzbuch), in Neuner (ed.), National Legislation Incorporating International Crimes. Approaches of Civil and Common Law Countries (2003), pp. 137–155, at p. 140. In respect of the content there was no need to adjust the national text to the Rome Statute; see Hermsdörfer, Zum Anpassungsbedarf des deutschen Strafrechts an das Statut des Internationalen Strafgerichtshofs, Humanitäres Völkerrecht – Informationsschriften 1999, pp. 22–31, at p. 24; Werle, Völkerstrafrecht und geltendes deutsches Strafrecht, Juristenzeitung (JZ) 2000, pp. 755–760,PURL: https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/d5d760/ at p. 756. 17 S. 220a StGB was abrogated by Art. 2 no. 1 of the Gesetz zur Einführung des Völkerstrafgesetzbuches (EGVStGB; Bundesgesetzblatt [BGBl.] 2002 I, p. 2254 [2258]) at the same time as s. 6 CCAIL was introduced by Art. 1 of the mentioned Act. ICLA_03_Gropengieber.qxd 7/26/05 12:45 PM Page 332 332 HELMUT GROPENGIEßER jurisprudence18 and numerous commentaries19 to the formally abrogated s. 220a. II. A Survey of s. 6 of the CCAIL Although obviously influenced by the text of the Genocide Convention, s. 6 of the CCAIL is more than just a copy; there are some peculiarities by which the German legislator tried to adapt the international model to the national legal system. The following synopsis may provide an overview: Art. 6. ICC-Statute: Genocide Sec. 6 German Code of Crimes against International Law (CCAIL): Genocide20 For the purpose of this Statute, (1) Whoever with the intent of “genocide” means any of the fol- destroying as such, in whole or lowing acts committed with intent in part, a national, racial, reli- to destroy, in whole or in part, a gious or ethnic group national, ethnical, racial or reli- gious group, as such: (a) Killing members of the group; 1.