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Signs of Culture: Deafness in Nineteenth-Century America Rebecca A College of the Holy Cross CrossWorks Fenwick Scholar Program Honors Projects 5-1990 Signs of Culture: Deafness in Nineteenth-Century America Rebecca A. Rourke '90 College of the Holy Cross, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://crossworks.holycross.edu/fenwick_scholar Part of the Cultural History Commons, Other Languages, Societies, and Cultures Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Rourke, Rebecca A. '90, "Signs of Culture: Deafness in Nineteenth-Century America" (1990). Fenwick Scholar Program. 9. http://crossworks.holycross.edu/fenwick_scholar/9 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors Projects at CrossWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Fenwick Scholar Program by an authorized administrator of CrossWorks. SIGNS OF CULTURE: DEAFNESS IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY AMERICA Rebecca A. Rourke Advisor: Ross W. Beales, Jr., Ph.D. Readers: Diane Bell, Ph.D. and Rev. Joseph Bruce, S.J., M.A. The Fenwick Scholar Project 1989-1990 --- - CONTENTS . ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ......... :. 111 PREFACE· . v INTRODUCTION . xii 1: CULTURAL THEORY . 1 2: SIGN LANGUAGE: FACT OR FICTION . 30 3: "THE HALF KNOWN LIFE" . 69 4: HAPPY GRADUATES . 99 5: "THE NIMBLE JEST" . 109 6: POETRY: CULTURAL CONFRONTATION . 117 7: THE GREAT SOUND DEBATE . 138 8: STORIES FROM DEAF CULTURE . 146 9: DEAF SOLUTIONS . 160 10: T:H:E SEPARATIST SOLUTION: A DEAF STATE? ... , . 176 11: A TRUE PLACE OF THEIR OWN: GALLAUDET COLLEGE . 193 12: CULTURAL BACKLASH: THE ORAL RISE . 208 13: ORAL VICTORY: CLARKE SCHOOL . 222 EPILOGUE . 241 APPENDIX A ....................................... ~ . 246 . APPENDIX B ....................· .. · ... ·. 270 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY .............................. ·. 275 - . -. - -- ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This project was the most fulfilling work of my college career. It could not have been accomplished, however, without the aid and support of many people. It is impossible to thank everyone here, but I will try to extend my sincere thanks now to ·all who gave of their time and themselves to help me. First, I must thank the faculty here at the Cross whose support was unflagging. Particularly: my advisor, Ross Beales, who listened ceaselessly to my prattle as tried to order my cultural thinking, tempered my stubbornness with reason, and always believed; my reader Father Joe Bruce, who provided me with insights into the Deaf community by generously sharing his own experience with me; and my reader Diane Bell, who successfully pushed me further than I thought I could go. Many other faculty members have supported me along the way, including William Green, Patricia Bizzell, J.J. Holmes, Father Kuzniewski (I hope I've made the Jackson Society proud!), Martha Crunkleton, David 0 'Brien, and Theresa McBride. I have appreciated all of your well wishes and I thank you all for your faith in the worthiness of this project and . my ability to complete it. Next, this project could not have been completed without the generosity of the American Antiquarian Society in Worcester, Massachusetts. The bulk of my research was conducted there and I am very grateful for the use of their excellent facilities. The staff was incredibly helpful in finding me resources and personally interested in the work I was doing. I would especially like to thank Joanne Chaisson, Joyce Tracy, Georgia Barnhill, Marie E. Lamoureux, and Jane Hilman for all their help! Also I must thank Bret Carroll and Lee Heller for their sparkling conversation, as well as their continued interest in my research. · Of course, this work was made much more bearable through the love of my friends. I cannot possibly name you all--you do know who you are! But I am obligated to thank some of you here. I must thank my suitemates, who put up with me through the good and the bad. Kristen Cavaliere, my roommate, who was always there with a kind word and a smile; Tara Matthews, who graciously lent me her car to get to the AAS and never complained about it!!! (and who made the "Great American Novel" seem like something to chuckle over); Lisa Sacovitch, whose confidence in me inspired me when things seemed hopelessly complicated; Jenn Wallace, who signed with me so I didn't get too "hearing"; and Eileen Joyce, who actually had the patience to consider technical questions about historical methodology with me--unbelievable! You all kept me from becoming too isolated in my work and for that I thank you. A special "thank you" to Mike Villa, for the after-hours use of the school's laser printer. And, finally, David Edwards, my tireless technical.advisor and my best friend; you iii iv gave me both a shoulder to lean on and a program to compose on and I honestly couldn't have done it without you. The people who have always supported me (and who didn't laugh at their daughter when she announced that she wanted to learn sign language!) are of course my parents, Virginia and Dennis Rourke. You have always taken my interest in the Deaf community seriously and have always encouraged it. I hope that I have made you both proud of me. It is the least I can do after all you have done for me. And lastly, to the spirit of Helen Keller, who inspired a nine-year-old girl to take her first tentative steps into the world of deafness .... PREFACE- The search for Deaf culture in the nineteenth century has not been easy. The roots of the culture are located there, coinciding with the creation of the residential schools for the deaf. Such schools gave the Deaf population a place to meet and share ideas, for the first time in American history. The close and sustained contact generated cultural development. The roots are all there; the challenge has been to decipher them. Deaf culture is, after all, just beginning to receive attention from a twentieth- century perspective. Researchers are investigating the Deaf experience of the late twentieth century and have seemingly discovered the culture. The fact is that the culture has been there for some time; hearing investigators have only just started to notice it. An abundance of research on the twentieth-century manifestations of the culture is appearing now. The nineteenth-century roots, however, have been largely overlooked . Certainly, the educational battles have been well documented. The war between the manualists and the oralists has been well covered.1 I am interested in more than education. I am concerned with why the battles started in the first place. Why did hearing educators begin to fear Sign and switch to oralism? What did hearing people 1Manualists are those educators who believe that deaf children should be instructed through the use of Sign. Oralists, by contrast, reject Sign because they believe that its use interferes with the acquisition of correct English. They therefore propose to teach deaf children by lipreading and articulation. The battle between the two methodologies has been best covered in Harlan Lane's When The Mind Hears. v -_ .. vi think of deafness? How did Deaf people's impressions of Sign differ from those of the· educators? Did Deaf people have a sense of themselves as a cultural group, different from hearing people in a more significant way than mere hearing loss? These are the cultural issues with which I have been concerned. The existence of Deaf culture in the twentieth century I admittedly take as a given, Twentieth-century researchers, both Deaf and hearing, have proven the point. I have tried to outline the salient points of their arguments as best I could; still, I could not spend the bulk of my time in the twentieth century. My focus was on the nineteenth-century experience. I will try to clear up any instances of confusion for the reader here. The most obvious indication of the treatment of a culture is the use of the word "Deaf." The capitalized word is a cultural symbol, similar to the way that we capitalize other such groups as "Americans" or "Irish." It is a sign of respect as well as an act of distinction. The term "Deaf' refers only to those people who consider themselves a part of Deaf culture. Thus, Deafness is a choice predicated not only by the existence of hearing loss, but also by how one chooses to react to the loss. Will one adopt a hearing approach and learn to speak, investigate hearing aids, try to .fit in to the hearing community? If so, one cannot be a member of the Deaf community. Such a response makes one a member of the oral deaf community instead, a group that . generally prides itself on its ability to assimilate into hearing society. Signing is --- vii usually disdained. However, if one learns Sign and searches out the company of other Deaf people, reacting to the hearing loss with unique adjustments, than one can call oneself Deaf. It is therefore entirely possible to be physically deaf without being a part of Deaf culture. Method of communication revolves around this issue of membership. As Susan Rutherford, an anthropologist studying Deaf culture explains, "What makes Deaf people a cultural group instead of simply a loose organization of people with a sensory loss is the fact that their adaption includes language."2 American Sign Language is an indicator of cultural identification. The argument is still brought up, however. Can we really call Deafness a cultural phenomenon? Do Deaf people truly possess a culture? Or do they constitute instead a sub-culture in the American landscape? I myself have chosen not to use the word "sub-culture." It is not the preferred designation in the Deaf community. I would take my cue from the Deaf community whenever possible. For me to do otherwise would be to impose my hearing notions upon the Deaf experience.
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