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1-1-2015

Me Haka I te Haka a Tānerore?: Māori 'Post-War' Culture and the Place of Haka in Commemoration at Gallipoli

Hemopereki Simon University of Wollongong, [email protected]

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Recommended Citation Simon, Hemopereki, "Me Haka I te Haka a Tānerore?: Māori 'Post-War' Culture and the Place of Haka in Commemoration at Gallipoli" (2015). Faculty of Law, Humanities and the Arts - Papers. 2971. https://ro.uow.edu.au/lhapapers/2971

Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact the UOW Library: [email protected] Me Haka I te Haka a Tānerore?: Māori 'Post-War' Culture and the Place of Haka in Commemoration at Gallipoli

Abstract This article is an extensive discussion from a Maori perspective into issues around the use of Maori cultural terms, in particular haka, to commemorate the fallen in WWI. Embedded in the article are key theories of cultural memory, 'war culture' and 'post-war culture'. The research outlines the differences between European and Indigenous war and post war cultural practices focusing on Maori. It seeks to understand the reluctance of Turkish officialso t see haka being performed when it was apparently banned from ceremonies in 2005. It outlines the media reporting on the issue and the subsequent reintroduction of haka in August 2015 at the centenary of the Chunuk Bair battle. It unpacks deep problems inherent with using such items as they are vehicles of cultural memory. These memories carry with them deep-seeded issues in relation to colonisation and the military. It highlights problems around the cultural assimilation of haka and Maori and the lack of support from wider New Zealand for protecting Te Reo Maori (Maori language). It holds that there is a place for haka in commemoration and that Maori need to be mindful of Turkish cultural sensitivities as haka was used to wage war against them. However, it explores a counter argument, in that haka and cultural items can be used in post-war culture to promote understanding and peace while recognising the tikanga concept of mana whenua. It points out the words of Ataturk about the embracing of those who fought at Gallipoli as the sons of Turkey. It asks Turkish officialso t recognise that under no circumstances is the performance of cultural items meant to cause offence and that Turkey's multicultural nature should recognise the practice as indigenous religious practice. As such it questions the role of Turkish officials approving Maori cultural items for commemorative ceremonies. Lastly, it opens avenues for further research in the issues raised.

Disciplines Arts and Humanities | Law

Publication Details Simon, H. Hoani. (2015). Me Haka I te Haka a Tānerore?: Māori 'Post-War' Culture and the Place of Haka in Commemoration at Gallipoli. Australasian Canadian Studies Journal, 32 (1-2), 83-137.

This journal article is available at Research Online: https://ro.uow.edu.au/lhapapers/2971 RHYS COOPER Australasian Canadian Studies

For the purposes of this study, Canadian figures incorporate both Canadian and Newfoundland Victoria Cross figures. Me Haka I te Haka a Tānerore?: Māori The best among these referential texts are Pillinger and Staunton’s Victoria Cross ‘Post-War’ Culture and the Place of Haka in presentations and locations, John Smyth’s The Story of the Victoria Cross, Max Arthur’s Symbol of Courage, Bryan Perret’s For Valour and Michael Commemoration at Gallipoli Ashcroft’s Victoria Cross Heroes. This has been best explored in: Olive Anderson, “The Growth of Christian HEMOPEREKI HŌANI SIMON 1 Militarism in Mid-Victorian Britain,” The English Historical Review 86, no. 338 (January 1, 1971): 46–72; Heather Streets, Martial Races: The Military, Race and Masculinity in British Imperial Culture, 1857-1914 (Manchester University Press, 2004); J.a. Mangan, “‘Muscular, Militaristic and Manly’: Keywords: War culture, Post-War Culture, Māori contingent, haka, The British Middle-Class Hero as Moral Messenger. / Muscle, Militariste et WW1, Gallipoli, commemoration. Viril: Le Heros Britannique Issu de La Classe Moyenne Comme Messager Moral,” International Journal of the History of Sport 13, no. 1 (March 1996): 28–47; J. A. Mangan, Manliness and Morality: Middle-Class Masculinity in Britain and America, 1800-1940 (Manchester University Press, 1991). Of these only Lieutenant Frank McNamara was successful: “London Gazette,” June 8, 1917, 5703, https://www.thegazette.co.uk/London/issue/30122/ Mihi supplement/5701. This is particularly the case in texts such as: Nicolas Brasch, For Valour : Australia’s Tēnei au, tēnei au Victoria Cross Heroes, Our Stories (Newtown: Walker Books Australia, Te hōkai nei i tāku tapuwae 2013); Kevin Brazier, The Complete Victoria Cross : A Full Chronological Ko te hōkai-nuku Record of All Holders of Britain’s Highest Award for Gallantry (Barnsley: Ko te hōkai-rangi Pen & Sword Military, 2010); Fowler, Valour in the Victory Campaign; Ko te hōkai o tō tūpuna Anthony Staunton, Victoria Cross : Australia’s Finest and the Battles They a Tāne-nui-ā-rangi Fought / Anthony Staunton (Prahran, Vic. : Hardie Grant Books, 2005., I pikitia ai ki ngā Rangitūhāhā 2005); Dennis Pillinger and Anthony Staunton, Victoria Cross Presentations Ki te Tihi-i-manono and Locations (Woden, 2000); Michael A. Ashcroft, Victoria Cross Heroes I rokohina atu rā / Michael Ashcroft ; Foreword by HRH the Prince of Wales (London : Ko Io-Matua-Kore anake Headline Review, 2006., 2006); Charlotte Mitchell, Victoria Cross, 1868- I riro iho ai ngā kete o te wānanga 1952 : A Bibliography, Victorian Fiction Research Guide: 30 (Brisbane: The Ko te Kete Tuauri University of Queensland, 2002). ko te Kete Tuatea ko te Kete Aronui Ka tiritiria, ka poupoua Ki a Papatūānuku Ka puta te Ira tāngata Ki te whai ao Ki te ao marama

Tihei mauri ora!2

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I runga ngā whakaaro o te wā On account of the thoughts of Ki te whawhai, ki te pae o te riri to fight on the battlefields of these times Gallipoli. ka mihi atu au ki a rātou te hunga I greet those of you who have Ki Karipori. I runga i ēnei whakaaro In these circumstances welcome, mate Nau mai, haere mai, whakatau come here welcomed, you are koutou e takoto ana passed and lay in state on the many mai rā i ngā marae maha o te motu, ā, marae around the land, here is a Ki tēnei he tūmomo marae mo welcomed and greeted formally ānei he mihi e tangi ana greeting of compassion, here is the tātou here. ānei he waiaroha, ko ngā roimata Ko te tino pūtake o tēnei tuhinga water of compassion – the tears The real purpose of the piece is to and the open up me te hupe mō koutou katoa mucus for you all He mea kia tuwhera mai discussion and debate. This is not Takoto mai i runga ngā whariki Lay down on the woven mats something Nā o mātou tūpuna i hanga that our ancestors created he korero, he tautohetohe hoki that will answer all the problems He poroporoaki tēnei hoki ki a This is a farewell greeting also to kāhore tēnei he mea e whakautu related to this topic but something rātou those I ngā raruraru katoa o te kaupapa that attempts to embody or realise i hinga ki te pakanga tuatahi o te ao that fell in the First World War nei Ki a koutou katoa moe mai, To you all may you rest He mea ki te whakatīnana questions about key, important deep Moe mai rā koutou i roto May all of you rest in love and peace. i ētahi urupounamu me ngā philosophical politically and te aroha, me te rangimārie. take hohonu rawa ā-ahurea, culturally issues like: Ko tēnei inaianei he mihi mahana This is now a warm greeting a-torangapū pera i ēnei mea: What is the correct way to remember, He mihi mahana ki a koutou A warm greeting to you all He aha ngā mea tika kia to commemorate those that fell in nō ngā mātāwaka o te motu, ā, from the many nations of this land this battle? o te ao whānui hoki. And also around the world whakamaumahara, A haka? A Māori cultural item Ki a tātou te hunga ora To the living perhaps? Nau mai ki tēnei wāhi e ai ki ahau Welcome to this place Kia whakanuia i a rātou i hinga What is correct for all of us? “Te Tīmatanga.” Ko tēnei tuhinga that I call, “Te Tīmatanga” [The I te pakanga nei –he haka? Therefore, I stand now to lead this Beginning] discussion, He tīmatanga ki te āta whiriwhiri This piece is a start of careful He mea Māori pea? This debate at this, a gathering of selection He aha ngā mea tika ki a tātou compassion and love. Ki te āta rapu i Te Ara Tika of a careful search for The Correct katoa? Path Nō reira, ka tu au inianei ki te arahi Mo mātou i tū i te wā o mua for all of us who stood in past-times i ēnei korero, i tēnei tautohetohe i tēnei hui aroha

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I Te Tuatahi—An Intoduction E tū i te tū a Tānerore E haka i te haka a Tānerore Kaua I te tū, i te haka a te keretao3

The above are important lines from a haka by Māori cultural exponent, Tīmoti Kāretu. They urge the haka performer to stand and haka in the appropriate manner, in line with the example set by Tānerore. What, then, is haka? Haka is essentially a form of indigenous dance. As a word it is used to cover all types of Māori dance.4 Nathan Matthew explains that it ‘is a posture dance accompanied by chanted or shouted song . . . One of the main characteristics of haka are that actions involving all parts of the body are used to emphasise the words’.5 Additionally, Gardiner comments that it is ‘a generic term for a range of performances involving Figure 1: The ‘Pioneer Battalion’ performing a haka taparahi for the welcoming movement and chanting or song within Māori culture, used for a range of New Zealand’s Prime Minister William Ferguson Massey and Sir George of ceremonial purposes including encounter, performing narrative and Ward at Bois-de-Warnimont, France (30 July 1918). Image courtesy of The celebrating victory’.6 Matthews also notes: Alexander Turnbull Library.8 Performing arts fulfilled a wide variety of social and political functions in traditional Māori society. These functions included welcoming guests (haka pōwhiri—haka of welcome), fare-welling and mourning the deceased As a trained and seasoned performer, composer and researcher I (waiata tangi laments), attracting a mate (waiata whaiāipo—‘sweetheart acknowledge that haka is commonly referred to as the ‘Māori War dance’; songs’), giving advice or instructions (waiata tohutohu—message-bearing however, this is a common misnomer as Māori philosophy places haka as 9 songs), restoring self-respect (pātere—fast chants), intimidating an the dance, ‘about the celebration of life.’ This is demonstrated in the haka adversary (peruperu—war dance) and the transmission and making public creation story. According to tradition, the haka was created by Tānerore, of social and political messages (haka taparahi, ngeri—ceremonial haka). the son of Tama-nui-te-Rā (the sun) and Hineraumati. Hyland comments Regardless of function, the key aspect in Māori performing arts was the that ‘[t]he haka is (and also represents) a natural phenomena; on hot summer words and the message they contained. However, it was the body that was days, the “shimmering” atmospheric distortion of air emanating from the 7 the instrument and vessel of delivery. ground is personified as “Te Haka a Tānerore”’.10 In performing arts this is signified by the wiri. Tama-Nui-Te-Rā (the sun) = Hinetakurua = Hineraumati (Winter Madien) (Summer Madien)

Tānerore Whakapapa Table 1: The Whakapapa of the Creator of Haka, Tanerore

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Kāretu describes the haka taparahi11 as being the more common (and well the most abused of all haka.’22 The effect of its use by the national rugby known) of all haka. It is performed without weapons. Other haka forms team and others places it firmly, rightly or wrongly, in the New Zealand include the (haka) peruperu,12 which is a (jumping) war haka that uses psyche. Linda Dyson comments that weapons. Kāretu notes other forms of haka as being tūtū ngārahu (similar [W]hich has [seen haka being] … appropriated as a signifier of national to a peruperu but where the jumping is sideways), whakatū waewae (like identity. Here we have an example of the way in which the culture of a peruperu with no jumping), Manawa Wera (like a ngeri with no set the Māori is assimilated into a unifying notion of ‘New Zealandness’; 23 actions, usually ceremonial and connected with death), Pōkeka (like a difference is elided into a mythologized sign of national unity. manawa wera), and Kaioraora (hatred or venting haka). 13 Along with the haka taparahi, the haka pōhiri14 is used frequently … [for] welcoming Contrary to the popular belief that haka is only portrayed in a masculine 24 manuhiri.15 The most well-known haka is ‘Ka Mate, Ka Mate’, composed setting like that of rugby, haka is/was also performed by women. Hyland by Ngāti Toa Rangatira, Te Rauparaha.16 This is generally performed in notes: modern times as a haka taparahi; however, traditionally it is a two-verse [T]he performance of haka in such varied contexts, enacted by diverse ngeri or a spontaneous action ceremonial haka. bodies, that continues to provoke critical—often negative—responses at home and around the globe … [like] the ‘savage’ on show—creates considerable controversy over whether or not through the presentation Colonisation, NeoColonisation and Haka of vaudeville versions of haka for tourist displays, or even as co-opted by sporting teams, the power, authenticity, or accuracy of the practice is O’carrol notes that Haka was deeply impacted by the arrival of the coloniser. 25 somehow diminished. Land dispossession, disease, and language loss negatively impacted upon 17 Māori culture. These notions position haka as vulgar, belonging to the ‘savage’ domain This is further explained, by Ritchie, who comments that: and that it is a practice that should end. Additionally: [e]verything that could have happened to destroy Māori culture has [c]oncomitant with this is the representation of colonial civilization happened; dispossession of land; disruption of stable living; destruction of as progressive, figured against the portrayal of pre-colonial models of authority systems; invasive schools, language loss, disease, demoralisation; time and history as backward. In the case of the haka, a neo-colonialist population decimation; trenchant assimilation policies; religious historiography presents Māori culture as that which must give way to the

imperialism; subject to prejudice and monoculturalism; the setting of modern.It does not simply import and reenact the bloody legacy of colonial 26 faction against faction; cultural takeovers; abdication of Treaty promises; histories but activates and enacts that history in the present. capture of resources. All these are chapters of colonial and neo-colonial impact.18 With this in mind, this essay discusses the place of haka in commemorative ceremonies to remember fallen soldiers, particularly at Gallipoli, where The impact of colonialism had a significant impact on haka. Kāretu Australian and New Zealand soldiers fought against troops from the then comments that: Ottoman Empire. In recent years, the practice has been mired in cultural 19 With the decline in use of Te Reo Māori, the threat on haka is politics as the media have reported the Turkish authorities’ taking offence that new compositions would have been rarer given that less language at haka. This article seeks to clarify the issues that led to a ban on haka was being used. Similarly, with fewer people speaking Te Reo Māori, performances at Gallipoli ceremonies in 2005 and the nature of Māori fewer people are able to understand the words and meanings behind post-war practices. The key questions are: what are some of the ways Māori 20 haka compositions. commemorate the fallen in war? How does haka contribute to Māori and ‘Ka Mate, Ka Mate’ however, as Bredan Hokowhitu claims, is the most New Zealand’s post-war culture around commemoration? Why was haka globally recognised form of indigenous cultural appropriation.21 Kāretu banned from World War One (WWI) commemorations at Gallipoli? How states that this haka has ‘become the most performed, the most maligned, 88 89 Hemopereki Hōani Simon Australasian Canadian Studies did the media report on the ban and reinstatement? These questions will including war and its effects. In effect, haka and waiata is cultural and be answered within a kaupapa Māori research framework.27 collective memory in action.

I Te Tuarua—History and Theory Aotearoa New Zealand and the ANZAC Tradition Collective and Cultural Memory The story of Gallipoli possesses an extreme potency in the psyche of Australians and New Zealanders.38 It is widely accepted that memory is central to the construction of collective identities; for example, those adopted by religious, ethnic or national groups.28 An open-ended definition of collective memory is ‘the representation of the past and the making of it into a shared cultural knowledge by successive generations in ‘vehicles of memory’.29 Here, social science definitions challenge previously accepted theories about the formation of a group’s collective memory, which were racially based and commonly referred to as ‘racial memory’.30 Theorists argue that the survival of type, in a cultural sense, is the function of cultural memory; in turn, this informs a group’s collective identity,31 as collective memory is formed in a social environment.32 Text plays a critical role in reinforcing and perpetuating collective identities, in the form of objectivised culture.33 Text is significant for haka and waiata as they are considered a form of literature and in the case of mōteatea, poetry. These act as the ‘concretion of identity’ for particular groups.34 This is because history is contained within the text in haka and waiata that allows for the formation and continuity of the culture. 35 Therefore, heritage has become centrally important to particular ethnic Figure 3: Charles Dixon’s ‘The Landing at ANZAC, 1915’. peoples as a way of asserting collective uniqueness. However, such identities Image courtesy of Archives New Zealand.39 are not immutable, as memory and assumed identity exist in a reciprocal relationship.36 Memories sustain ideological positions, social boundaries The number of Aotearoa New Zealand soldiers killed and injured during and power.37 WWI at Gallipoli was high: Haka and waiata communicate are a Māori-based expression of New Zealanders were enthusiastic about the outbreak of war, and Gallipoli memorialisation and commemoration. This is because they share values and was the place where they first fought in the war. Casualties at Gallipoli were 2,721 dead and 4,752 wounded out of a total of 8,450 committed to meanings derived from shared knowledge, in this case mātauranga. They the campaign. This gives an 80% casualty rate, which is eerily the same are used in ceremony and in formal situations and provide a buttressing of as Australians’. Consideration of the New Zealand casualty rate for the cultural messages. They are usually performed by trained specialists who entire First World War reveals some doleful statistics. From a population ‘cultivate’ the mātauranga in its performance, providing a normative self- of less than 1 million, the percentage of eligible manpower recruited was image of Māori groups and our values. In doing so, they provide cultural 19.35%. The number sent overseas was more than 100,000, and of these symbols and mātauranga that reinforce Māori self-image. Additionally, nearly 17,000 were killed and more than 41,000 wounded.40 they have been used to record important events in individual iwi histories,

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Tom Roa comments that after Tawhiao’s declaration, this gave significant emphasis to the impact of colonisation as a possible secondary reason for lack of support by these iwi: years later these people are being told you gotta put on a uniform, grab a gun and a bayonet and go thousands of miles across the world to fight a King. A Crown that is responsible for the loss of all your livelihood, loss of lives, loss of land and a country that supplied all of the military advantage of those confiscations. It bedevils the mind [sic].44

Those iwi that supported the Crown during the colonial wars were quick to support the recruitment cause for war.45 At the outbreak of war, the Imperial War Office had a broad policy of not allowing indigenous people to enlist in WWI.46 This was due to the fear that white men fighting a white war would be seen to be losing the war if indigenous soliders were recruited and to the possibility that trained indigenous soldiers could revive an armed struggle

Figure 4: Gallipoli, showing allied landings in April and August 2015.41

Therefore, the practices that have developed since WWI and the Gallipoli campaign against the then Ottoman Empire are informed by a national identity, focused around the ‘forging myth’ of the ANZAC spirit. Questions over how to commemorate this the place of indigenous traditions from these settler societies—in this case Māori—in the commemoration of the dead, particularly at Gallipoli inform past and present debate .

The Māori Experience of Gallipoli In the nineteenth century after the colonial wars, the actions of the Crown—such as the mass confiscation of ‘rebel’ Māori lands—led to significant opposition, particularly from Waikato-Tainui, Taranaki, Figure 5: A 1915 cartoon from the New Zealand Observer depicting a Māori Tauranga Moana and Tūhoe iwi.42 soldier attacking a Turkish position with a ghostly tūpuna figure holding a mere behind him. Image courtesy of Alexander Turnbull Library47 In 1881 the kīngitanga movement, led by the second Māori King Tāwhiao, declared peace with the Pākehā .43 Waikato-Tainui kaumatua and academic

92 93 Hemopereki Hōani Simon Australasian Canadian Studies against their colonial masters.48 The first issue was significant at the time whole unit of indigenous soldiers to the war. This was later reformed and in 1914, in a world that was understood in terms of race: then expanded to a whole Māori Battalion, formerly named the Pioneer [a]t the time self-superiority was integral to the British worldview Battalion in France.55 The First contingent left Wellington for Egypt on at every level. ... These period beliefs conflated physical characteristics, 14 February 1915.56 based mostly on skin colour, with cultural and historical characteristics, The First Contingent was originally consigned to Garrison duty; this including attributed morality, and then judged on a scale of primitive was due to government concerns that the Māori race was dying out.57 As to sophisticated, with the Europeans and the British—inevitably—at with the Canadian forces, there were also concerns about cannibalism, a the top.49 practice that had long been extinguished.58 After much lobbying of those in charge, they got their wish to participate in frontline action. As Aotearoa This perception included the persistent belief that Māori were always New Zealand’s Minister of Veteran Affairs comments: ready for war and hailed from a culture where war-like ancestral attributes informed their conduct: this is otherwise known as the ‘martial race The 500-strong Māori contingent landed at Gallipoli at the beginning of 50 July 1915. Desperate to prove their worth as frontline troops, the August theory’. The cartoon above best demonstrates this. This myth is related offensive became their baptism of fire. Attached to the NZ Mounted Rifles to the need for the British to believe in their own racial superiority and regiments in platoons of 50 men each, they soon lived up to the fighting their ‘civilised way’ as opposed to the barbaric war-mongering Māori. traditions of their warrior forefathers by overrunning Ottoman trenches Their perception of Māori being war-like helped in smoothing the way on the ridges leading to Chunuk Bair.59 for Māori to participate in WWI. There were a number of ways indigenous peoples within the British ‘War Culture’ and ‘Post-War Culture’ Empire tried to enlist. In Australia, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders tried to pass themselves off as Polynesian and other ethnicities to enlist Culture is ‘that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and [other traits] acquired by man as a member in the Imperial Australian Forces. As time went on and conscripts were 60 few, Australian policy was changed to enable ‘half-castes’ to enlist, at least of [that] society [or group]’. For Rodriguez and Fortier, ‘[c]ulture is a officially.51 In other settler colonies like Canada: social construct that is usually understood in and through the contents of its traditions,’ with tradition revealing ‘a variety of contents: doctrine, [The] Canadian officials contemplated the role of Aboriginal peoples in the stories, myths, creeds, symbols, experiences, and everyday moral war almost from its onset. The initial response in Ottawa was hesitation. In decisions’.61 Cultural memory represents another carrier of tradition—that the popular literature of the day, ‘Red Indians’ were associated with torture 62 and scalping, practices quite unacceptable under the rules of war laid out is remembrance. Malone signifies that there is such a concept as ‘war in the Geneva Convention (1906). ‘While British troops would be proud culture’ in her analysis of how, for the fallen from the countries of the to be associated with their fellow subjects,’ official logic held, ‘Germans British Empire, the importance of ‘decent burial’ was enshrined as an might refuse to extend to them the privileges of civilized warfare.’ The British Imperial value. As Wilson explains: 52 recruitment of ‘status Indians’ in Canada was therefore prohibited. The burial of friends, or known comrades from the same battalion in the front lines, offered a moment when the soldier’s attachment to the world Māori politicians like Apirana Ngata were keen to see Māori participate in in the trenches, which was formed through routine and practice, was the war for the Empire to demonstrate their constructive engagement with threatened. In these circumstances, the burial of comrades provides a the ‘European order’. The view was that Māori deserved full citizenship powerful insight into the ‘war culture’ of the troops.63 rights and equality in the colonial state. Going to war was seen as a means 53 i to achieve this. When they heard that Indian troops were active in France Underlying a soldier’s relationship with the battlefield and the dead s and the Suez Canal and that the French was using Algerian and Kanaki epistemology, knowledge, customs, law as regulation, and most of all forces from New Caledonia Māori MPs used this to their advantage.54 western military and war beliefs. Other examples of the practices of war Aotearoa New Zealand was the only British settler nation to send a culture from Gallipoli include ‘going over the wall’, the shouting charge,

94 95 Hemopereki Hōani Simon Australasian Canadian Studies relieved soldiers swimming, and ceremonies for giving medals. This also Captain Pirimi Tahiwi recalls his memories of haka on the Chunuk Bair extends to the home front, where rationing and compulsory military drills battlefield: were introduced. [w]e had to attack [On their own a force of 70 men] a certain trench Due to the values and practices of indigenous peoples, the ways in occupied by the enemy ... Captain Dansey and Lieutenant Hīroti ... which war and post-war culture are experienced usually differ significantly Corporal Tāhiwi,71 another man, and myself we went ahead. We decided from those of European origin. At Gallipoli the Māori contingent enacted to attack. We thought a good way to frighten the enemy as well was to the traditions of their tūpuna, including haka. Their participation at repeat this Māori haka, ‘Ka Mate, Ka Mate’ when we charge. We had Gallipoli proved that Māori made good soldiers and were fond of using decided to charge this group at the same time as doing this haka ... perhaps the bayonet. In a Māori war culture, using haka is a significant stamp of that may have put the fear of God into them and they cleared the trench 64 for us. As far as I can remember we didn’t have to put a bayonet through cultural difference. During WWI, the New Zealand Native Contingent anyone. I suppose the haka was enough for them and they wondered: who was expected to know and perform cultural items. This is evidenced in a 72 on earth are all these savages? book produced by the Government Printer in 1914 entitled, Songs, Haka, 65 and Ruri For The Use of The Māori Contingent Haka was an important Even when not fighting, Māori troops used haka as a form of entertainment part of this war culture. The online exhibitionANZAC Sight and Sound: 66 for the public, as witnessed by this haka peruperu in the street. (https:// Sights and Sounds of WWI, from Ngā Taonga, gives this commentary on www.youtube.com/watch?v=RVVvkT2xBW8)73 a clip of the performance of the haka ‘Te Kahu Pōkere’67: The Māori contingent were bound for Malta before moving on to Gallipoli Other forms of memorialising the cost of war for Australians and New ... Performing the haka was found to be a good way to unite men under Zealanders occur every year on ANZAC Day at Gallipoli in the form a 74 a common purpose. It provided relief from the mundane day-to-day pilgrimage. Pugsley states that: existence in training camps, and was a form of entertainment for the ANZAC Day has grown to mean much more than the memory of a landing contingent and other troops, as well as a morale booster.68 in the dawn by an Australian division. It is part of the story of our country [meaning Aotearoa New Zealand] at war, of the history of [Aotearoa] New It is also commonly thought that haka helped Māori soldiers cope with Zealand for much of this century, and a symbol of a growing consciousness 75 the reality of war.69 of our own identity.

Just as with war culture, indigenous post-war culture (in this case Māori post-war culture) is also different. In this sense, I will offer some examples below by exploring ingoatanga,76 whakairo,77 whakaahua,78 tohi,79 and tito waiata/haka.80

Ingoatanga This is in practice gifting a name to something, a significant act within Māori culture. In terms of warfare and Tūwharetoa history, the example of naming the Okahukura area near Lake Rotoaira is important; it commemorates the battle fought by Tamamutu and his brothers against 81 Fig 6: A Te Arawa style clay whakairo recently attributed to Tūoro Akapita the invading Whanganui iwi. At first glance, it may seem that the area Pango, which was carved into the ‘Big Sap’ trench with the words ‘NZ Māori was named after a type of chief’s cloak adorned with kākā feathers; a Pah’ inscribed next to it. Image courtesy of The Australian War cloak that happens to be reddish in nature. The idea inherent in the name Memorial Museum.70 Okahukura compares the colour of the ground to that of the cloak as if it 96 97 Hemopereki Hōani Simon Australasian Canadian Studies were covered in blood. A new museum in Gisborne is dedicated to Māori Whakaahua from that area who have fought for the Crown in a range of conflicts, in th Commonly translated to mean ‘photographs’, this is a modern extension particular those of the 28 Māori Battalion in World War Two (WWII); 108 of whakairo. It is common in Te Ao Māori to see in wharenui and it is named after this battalion. Another example is the naming of children. peoples’ houses photographs, sometimes with medals, of those Māori As a traditional Māori practice, children were named after events and soldiers who went to war and did not return. As Māori we grow up with people, particularly those people who were brave in war. This practice photos of passed loved one all around our houses; these are extended into continued after WWI and particularly after WWII. A number of Māori 82 the collective hapū community space of the wharenui. This is particularly children are called Cairo, El Alamein or Libya. It is common for those 109 more common if your house happens to be the whānau homestead. of Ngāti Pōrou whakapapa83 to be named after the Victoria Cross awardee Images of tūpuna are hung to demonstrate whakapapa linkages between Te Moana-nui-ā-Kiwa Ngārimu. A multitude of marae84 buildings around the living and the dead. In wharenui it is about the connection between a the country are called Te Hokowhitu-ā-Tū.85 hapū and its members. Photographs are a contemporary replacement for carved poupou. In modern funerary practices photos of dead relatives of Whakairo the tūpāpaku are placed around the deceased and are addressed as living during formal speech-making.110 It is a tradition that when a wharenui86 is built it is carved elaborately; this is due to the whare87 being the living representation of a tūpuna.88 Tohi Most significant is the carving of poupou.89 The inside of a wharenui also 90 91 Tohi are the ritual ceremonies performed on people for the removal and represents te orokohanga, the creation stories. The tāhuhu represents bestowing of tapu.111 They are used in both Māori war and post-war Ranginui, the heavens or sky father, with the floor being Papa-tūā-nuku, culture. In war culture they are used to bestow tapu onto those who are the earth mother. going to war.112 In Māori post-war culture they have been used in two The inside form of a whare is attributed to a story where, depending on 92 very different ways. One of these was to remove the tapu and cleanse the iwi or hapū, Tāne-nui-ā-rangi or Tāwhaki went up to the heavens to toa after war and to dedicate children to the service of Atua,113 usually get ngā kete o te wānanga or baskets of knowledge. The naming of certain Tumatauenga by performance of special tohi.114 The other purpose was to things within a whare is a testament to that story. Inside a whare, heke 93 remove the tapu of warfare. This was in practice during both world wars (‘to descend’) are the support rafters, and are covered in kōwhaiwhai. and is still undertaken today. These contain mātauranga,94 which are the literal representation of the connection to or the descent of mātauranga from the heavens down to Tito Waiata/Haka 95 96 the carved poupou (the carved representations of the hapū’s tūpuna ). Over time, waiata115 and haka have taken a special place within Māori It is believed that living hapū members are the embodiment of these cultural practices, as vehicles of memory. They are considered an archive 97 98 whakairo on the walls. The living, through a whakapapa connection of history and knowledge that enables identity formation. In pre-colonial 99 to those whakairo, contain certain pūmanawa; given to them by these and colonial times it was tradition to write waiata tangi116 for those who fell 100 tūpuna. It is common for these poupou to have ‘toa’ attributes carved in war.117 An example of a waiata tangi written in WWI exists, written by 101 on them, usually represented by the holding of rākau o te riri. In Māori Miriama Te Whare of Tūwharetoa for her son Taiawhiao Te Whare, who 102 war philosophy, this was considered a chiefly way to die in battle. Hence, died of wounds sustained during fighting at Gallipoli.118 It also became there is huge cultural significance placed on rākau o te riri as taonga tuku popular around WWI to adapt waiata tangi styles into a more modern 103 iho, particularly on whakairo poupou. This is represented above by the form, as waiata-ā-ringa, evident in Aprirana Ngata’s ‘Te Ope Tuatahi’ 104 poupou whakairo of Tītokowaru where he is holding a mere. Recently, (http://www.28Māoribattalion.org.nz/audio/the-battalion-sings-te-ope- 105 106 in my own iwi Ngāti Whakaue they carved a poutokomanawa of tuatahi) and Paraire Tōmoana’s ‘E Pari Rā’. (https://www.youtube.com/ 107 Haane Manahi complete with medals and a WWII protective helmet. watch?v=Yk12h_AxBsw) The book produced for the Māori contingent

98 99 Hemopereki Hōani Simon Australasian Canadian Studies also used popular tunes of the day and translated text for use by Māori to the Gallipoli Peninsula in north-western Turkey, where the ill-fated 123 soldiers.119 It was common to write haka to commemorate, remember or battle occurred in 1915. vent about issues relating to war. Tūhoe’s ‘Ko te Puru’ and Raukawa/ Tūwharetoa’s ‘Wairangi’ are examples of this.120 While not an exhaustive Additionally, other news service reports noted that ‘[i]n past years, the list, these examples do illustrate some of the practices that make Māori haka, was performed at official events, including at the presidential palace 124 Māori post-war culture distinctive. in Ankara’. I Te Tuatoru—Media Reports In Aotearoa New Zealand, media reports responded: The co-leader of the Māori party, and [Māori] protocol expert, Dr. Pita Banning the Haka Sharples says the move is unacceptable. He says Māori battalions in the Overtime haka has become a modern post-war cultural tradition among First and Second World Wars performed the haka in the trenches, and 125 Māori. This is probably due to its use during the two world wars. However, it is an integral part of their identity’. Sharples also added that, ‘the cultural misunderstandings about the place of haka in commemoration haka should have been incorporated as an official part of Anzac Day commemorations at Gallipoli.’126 and rememberance took hold in 2015. Radio New Zealand stated in news reports on 24 April 2005 that: 2015 Chunuk Bair Commemoration Service New Zealanders attending Anzac Day commemorations at Gallipoli are being urged not to perform the haka because the actions may be culturally At the centenary celebration in August 2015, ‘New Zealand Governor- offensive to the Turks. Wing Commander Tim Walshe from the New General Jerry Mateparae was joined by hundreds of people on Saturday Zealand Air Force, who has been helping co-ordinate the commemorations for the service at the New Zealand memorial on Chunuk Bair’.127 in Gallipoli, says it is not part of the official performances. But he says Dignitaries who attended the ceremony included the Governor-General, in the past, New Zealanders watching the ceremonies have performed Sir Jerry Mateparae and his wife Lady Janine, the Governor-General of spontaneous hakas, and he hopes the crowd will not do so this time. There Australia Sir Peter Cosgrove, His Excellency Sir Peter Cosgrove, His are reports that the Turkish authorities consider some of the gestures in the Excellency Jonathan Curr, New Zealand Ambassador to Turkey, Minister haka to be obscene, but Mr Walshe says there’s been no specific request of Veterans Affairs the Honourable Craig Foss, Commander Joint Forces for it to be banned.121 New Zealand, Major General Timothy Gall, and Corporal (Rtd) Willie Apiata VC.128 Another Radio New Zealand report noted that: Walshe says there was no specific request from the Turkish authorities for They comment that ‘[t]he battle for Chunuk Bair was the first battle in the haka not to be performed. There are reports the Turkish authorities which Māori fought under the New Zealand flag. The Māori contingent consider some of the gestures in the haka to be pornographic.122 lost 17 men, and a further 89 were injured.129 The media added that, “As part of the service a stirring haka was performed by male and female These news reports are contradicted by another summarising local Turkish Defence Force members in tribute to those who fought and died on the media reaction to the ban: hill 100 years ago’.130 Turkish authorities have banned the traditional Māori haka war dance from ceremonies marking the 90th anniversary of the ill-fated World War I Gallipoli battle, deeming it obscene. ‘Overzealous’, read the front-page headline of the daily Vatan, which condemned the decision by Prime Turkish Officials and Haka Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan to bar Māori performers from doing the A haka has been performed at a Gallipoli commemoration service for haka at tomorrow’s ceremonies. The daily Aksam reported that Ankara the first time in years since 2004, but Turkish concerns about ‘offensive’ ‘pleaded’ with officials in New Zealand not to send Māori haka dancers gestures had to be ironed out first. Governor-General Jerry Mateparae, who participated in the service, told The Australian Associated Press (AAP) 100 101 Hemopereki Hōani Simon Australasian Canadian Studies there had been some Turkish sensitivities about certain haka gestures being Maj. Pene allow us to determine that on an international stage, the haka offensive but the issue had been resolved.131 Sergeant-Major Brent Pene, has been made visible, out of context, by the All Blacks. The actions of leader of haka party, told AAP that the haka performed on Saturday was the Turkish officials are a response to their limited cultural knowledge of dedicated to all soldiers who fought and died at Gallipoli, not just New haka and Te Ao Māori and what they have seen of it via an appropriated Zealanders.132 cultural display by a national sports team or a group of ‘New Zealanders.’ Sgt. Maj. Pene said there were some Turkish misconceptions about It must be noted that even if a group like the Defence Force or the All gestures in the haka: ‘I think they’ve been watching the All Blacks too Blacks has a haka written specifically for their use, that haka by its very much’. He said it was a case of explaining things and being mindful of nature and construction is a Māori thing. Merely being written for that how certain gestures were perceived: ‘I wasn’t prepared to compromise specific purpose does not divorce the ‘ready-made’ haka from its cultural our culture. We didn’t change our haka, we kept it but there were certain context, as the actions are symbols of a culture and the words convey things that I was mindful of’. Sgt Major Pene said a [All Black] throat- mātauranga. Therefore, when performed on a national or international cutting gesture was not part of his group’s haka. He said that arm-slapping stage under a nationalist banner, it can also be considered a political act. was a matter of ensuring that performers were careful to get the action In the way that it reinforces Māori identity and distinctiveness, haka does right so it did not appear offensive in Turkish eyes. Performers were also that exact same thing for non-Māori allowing for the building of a national taught not to look directly at Turkish officials at [the] service to reduce identity, by association distinctively branding everyone as ‘New Zealanders’ any perception of a challenge to them.133 (as demonstrated by Ambassador Curr’s comments). The problem is that haka are vehicles of memory and have been used New Zealand’s ambassador to Turkey Jonathan Curr said the haka had historically as vehicles of demonstrating resistance to white oppression. The huge significance for New Zealanders and was a fitting way to conclude fact that haka like ‘Ko Te Puru’ were written during the colonial invasion the centenary year at Gallipoli: ‘[w]hat we wanted to do was ensure there of the Waikato are testament to that. The non-use of such haka over haka was comfort on the part of our Turkish guests that this haka could be 134 that were more acceptable to government aims in official government performed as a final farewell to our fallen at Chunuk Bair’. documents, required to be learnt by Māori soldiers during WWI, further demonstrates that the aims of Māori Members of Parliament at the time, I Te Tuawhā—Discussion like Apirana Ngata, were to assimilate Māori into white society and for Māori to be acceptable in that construct. This reinforces colonial ideas Due to the appropriation of haka by non-Māori groups and the advent of about what non-Māori can possess or desire of that which belongs to contemporary globalisation, haka is well known across the globe as a symbol indigenous peoples. of indigenous dance. In Aotearoa New Zealand, it has been distorted by its Coincidentally, other suitable cultural items than haka could have use in sport providing a hyper-masculine image of haka as a site of war or been performed at Gallipoli, as was the case at the 2015 centenary service ‘doing battle’, notably in the case of the All Black’s use of Derek Lardelli’s at Chunuk Bair, where Paraire Tōmoana’s ‘E Pari Rā’ was used as an ‘Te Kapa o Pango’, which allows the haka to be interpreted through non- instrumental piece for the laying of wreaths.136 While a waiata-ā-ringa, Māori eyes and knowledge. This gives the impression that it is only done it is also appropriate for commemoration given the words and the fact by males, and is exacerbated by the commentary of uninformed people that it can be considered a lament. The Defence Force needs to recognise who continue to define haka by western standards as a ‘war dance’. The that there are more ways than just haka to remember war. A key feature communication of messages orally via haka is lost due to peoples’ lack of in the use of the Defence Force Haka ‘He Taua’ is that it is probably the knowledge and understanding about Te Ao Māori and Te Reo Māori. one most widely known among the military, as opposed to ‘E Pari Rā’. As The perception of haka as a war dance is evident in Turkish officials’ such, teaching it would be easier. insistence on not seeing the haka ‘throat-cutting’ action performed at Underlying this discussion is a lack of acceptance of the relevance of Gallipoli, despite this perception of inflicting death by throat slitting being 135 Te Reo Māori and thus Māori culture to every ‘New Zealander.’ This incorrect. The actions of the Turkish officials and the comments of Sgt. 102 103 Hemopereki Hōani Simon Australasian Canadian Studies was recently highlighted by Justice Joe Williams, who joins a long list of If the military insists on the continued use of haka in commemorative people claiming that ‘Crown initiatives to revitalise Te Reo had failed’ events it must do so with the understanding that it is reinstituting colonial and that most initiatives to save the language were developed by Māori.137 ideas and acts, particularly that of assimilation. As haka were used for The language and culture that underpin haka do not serve a nationalist ceremonial purposes it is acceptable by Māori cultural standards for them construction of identity. Anything that promotes this perspective is allotted to be used in commemorating war. Haka can be used to carry on this the label ‘separatist’, something that privileges Māori or is the domain of tradition. Issues will then arise regarding which haka is to be used and Māori only. This is particularly an issue with Māori language revitalisation which style is most appropriate? Who should perform it? Who would be efforts.138 The decontextualised use of haka means that while the language considered more appropriate to perform haka at these occasions? The author and culture underpinning it do not serve nationalist ends, the appropriation maintains that haka is not a given birth right of all New Zealanders.142 of haka is mobilised to that end (whether or not it is successful). However, This is demonstrated by the recent Ngāti Toa treaty settlement, which for Māori culture to survive and grow (as highlighted by Kāretu) it is not vested the most well-known haka ‘Ka Mate, Ka Mate’ in iwi ownership the survival of haka per se that is needed: it is the language that is needed and control.143 After all as Hokowhitu suggests haka is a form of embodied followed by the cultural knowledge and philosophies contained within all sovereignty.144 cultural items promoted through the medium of language. . A worrying aspect of this research is that the military is the only body We must acknowledge that Aotearoa New Zealand was built on racism that still actively moves to assimilate Māori by its very nature. Whereas and white privilege, like other English settler colonies. Mason Durie areas like education, health and justice have made steps towards providing notes of the introduction of The English Acts 1854 that it was one of the better conditions for Māori this has not happened in the military. We have first pieces of legislation passed by the settler government. She states, ‘[i] not had all-Māori military units since 1945, despite Māori making up a n a single statute the Act made all English laws binding in New Zealand disproportionate number in the military. This is despite other famous units with a proviso, introduced in 1858 that the English laws applied only of indigenous soldiers still being maintained since the end of WWII, such so far as they were applicable to the circumstances of New Zealand’.139 as the Gurkhas. Underlying this is racism and much ill treatment, as a The imposition of British law over the traditional law of Māori, tikanga, result of racism, of ex-Māori soldiers after WWI and WWII.145 The use privileged settler society over and above the needs or desires of Māori. of ‘ready-made’ haka by the military as suggested by Hyland strips away For us as a nation to mature and overcome the significant obstacle that specific meaning and cultural integrity:146 while perhaps unintentional, it is/was the colonial process we must fully embrace and be accepting of Te removes iwi and hapū identity and agency to control the use of haka and Ao Māori,140 and not just for the usual economic gain. the mātauranga attached to it. On a commemorative level this must include a more significant Interestingly, despite tikanga not being respected by mainstream society incorporation of traditional Māori practices. This may include the place in Aotearoa New Zealand since the arrival of Pākehā, it is considered of traditional items like waiata tangi, commemorative waiata-ā-rangi like traditional law and is the guiding set of principles around Māori conduct.147 ‘E Pari Rā’ with actions, the use of taonga pūoro, traditional karakia, and Key ideas from tikanga, in particular mana whenua, should be explained. having water available for personal cleansing among other things. While Tikanga informs how Māori should behave traditionally. In the case of the government has moved towards incorporating a limited number of these mana whenua ‘it is a principle exercised by tribal groups who maintain practices, as in the case of the Chunuk Bair commemoration ceremony, customary authority over a specified geo-political territory’.148 Therefore, we could go further and deconstruct what is essentially still a very British we as Māori must respect the battleground at Gallipoli as your whenua,149 institution and ceremony to create something that is essentially more of and as such you have the right to control what takes place on that whenua Aotearoa New Zealand. Given the nature and structure of the ceremony to a degree. We, as Māori, must acknowledge that haka were used to wage at Chunuk Bair, it appears that the standard ceremony created around war against you as a people. However, that is only one aspect of the use of the end of WWI has merely had aspects of Māoritanga added, perhaps haka. For a multicultural and secular countries, like Turkey or Aotearoa over time.141 104 105 Hemopereki Hōani Simon Australasian Canadian Studies

New Zealand, officials must recognise certain facts about indigenous If the Turkish people accept those Māori that fought against them as your cultures, in particular Māori culture. As Henare comments: ‘sons’ you must accept the culture that goes with that and understand the Māori religion is not found in a set of sacred books or dogma, the culture many-faceted nature of the cultures that fought and died at Gallipoli and is the religion. History points to Māori people and their religion being surrounds. If viewed in that spirit then you haka can be understood as—a constantly open to evaluation and questioning in order to seek that which celebration of someone’s life, not something that is offensive or is intended 150 is tika, the right way. to cause offence . While it was heartening to see haka being performed at Gallipoli in The creation and practice of haka as sites of ceremony is a reflection of 2015, an issue is not being addressed. This is the role of Turkish officials this. The words in the haka ‘He Taua’ by the New Zealand Defence in the approval of Māori cultural items. The problem here is that these Force, for example, invoke and acknowledge Tumatauenga and Rongo, are cultural items that come from their own distinct set of knowledge and the Atua of war and peace and how these forces can be used in the service understandings and ultimately their performance should be judged by that 151 of both. From media articles we gather that haka, if it was banned criterion. Officials need to be open-minded and accept that no offence (the reports are confusing and contradictory), was banned in 2005 by is ever intended by the performance of any cultural item. Officials need then Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. It shows a lack of to bear in mind the spirit of multiculturalism and the way in which it is understanding about Māori cultural practices (in this case by a non-British offered in conjunction with the words of Atatürk. It does not matter what [and indeed, non-European]) culture mirroring an endemic hostility to cultural item is used, whether it be Māori, British, or French, whether it Māori culture by British Imperialism and the New Zealand state. For be a haka or a polka at Gallipoli. The concern here is that if one action Turkish officials to call haka ‘pornographic’ and ‘obscene’ displays of a is seen to culturally out of place by a Turkish mindset or cultural norms significant lack of knowledge around haka and Māori culture. This may known only to an official it could be banned. For example, the arm-slapping be a case of oversensitivity or overreaction as the Turkish media refer to move is done; this could happen with any item of Māori cultural practice. the banning of haka as ‘overzealous’. To call it this is a reminder of the cultural genocide that occurred for Māori. For Māori culture is a living By conforming to their wishes about these cultural actions, Turkish culture and despite all odds it has survived horrific slaughter at the hands officials (and also Aotearoa New Zealand officials) limit what can be of the New Zealand government and its policies in general. The fact is done to commemorate and the style of haka. While ‘He Taua’ is a default, that we as Māori have pushed for change since the 1970s.152 To have this it is not the haka that was used in Gallipoli by soldiers in that war. In reflected in commemorative ceremonies for our war dead is a huge step using a default to please everyone are we really honouring the culture or for Aotearoa New Zealand. From being a culture that was excluded and memory of the whole collective that died there? War is a multicultural ostracised to having parts of the culture included is a huge sign of the event where there are many cultural practices, beliefs and mores and thus progress and maturity Māori and Aotearoa New Zealand have made; far so is its commemoration. from the colonial model provided by Britain. It is interesting that the progress Māori have fought for in Aotearoa New To take such a stance contradicts its founding principle of secularism Zealand could be applied here also. Haka, despite being used in war, in a but also the words of Atatürk who said: post-war cultural context can be used to promote cultural understanding and peace between peoples. Instead of arguing over ‘semantics’ and what Those heroes that shed their blood and lost their lives ... You are now could and could not possibly offend people, we as two nations, and others lying in the soil of a friendly country. Therefore rest in peace. There is no difference between the Johnnies and the Mehmets to us where they lie who participated in Gallipoli, should move to better understand one side by side here in this country of ours... You, the mothers who sent their another culturally. We should use this as a proactive step to engage in sons from faraway countries, wipe away your tears; your sons are now lying meaningful scholarly and cultural dialogue so that we do not end up in a in our bosom and are in peace. After having lost their lives on this land similar position that we were in during 1915–1916. Items and practices of they have become our sons as well.153 cultural significance to cultures within the borders of both countries, like haka, should be used to further promote that understanding.154 106 107 Hemopereki Hōani Simon Australasian Canadian Studies

I Te Tuarima—He Otinga—A Conclusion mature it must make further moves towards embracing Te Ao Māori, particularly in language and tikanga. Fittingly, I conclude this research This article is a theoretical and philosophical discussion piece. The author with the words of New Zealand’s Governor-General Sir Jerry Mataparae, recognises that further research on this topic is required; this article creates who stated about the bicentenary of Chunuk Bair, that in 100 years’ time openings for that to take place. To facilitate that a practice research was ‘our descendants will be here, learning about our history, looking at the used. It must be noted that with practice research there is no conclusion. names on this memorial to the missing’.155 This is due to the fact that the function of practice is always on-going. Future research will contribute, further, or move the research conversation in different directions. However, practice, in this case public policy and Moe mai rātou mā May you rest here cultural practice is fluid and continues. With this in mind this article i roto te rangimārie, in peace cannot provide a conclusion but rather should advise on possible directions ka oti ahau i kōnei, I shall finish here research could pursue. The author recognises firstly, the need to engage Apiti Hono e tatai hono, Join together the lines of men. those involved in the construction of the Chunuk Bair ceremony and rātou mā ki a rātou The dead to the dead. those who know haka. This should incorporate a qualitative approach to Mātou te hunga ora ki a mātou Us the living, to the living further understand the place of haka and other Māori cultural items in Tēnā Koutou, Tēnā Koutou, Greetings, Greetings, Greetings these types of ceremonies. Tēnā Koutou Katou , Kua Ea! Ka Huri! It is finished! It is over! However, this project has raised far more questions than answers, and these need to be investigated. These questions include: who should perform haka or waiata in military ceremonies commemorating war? What does the Islamic faith think about the act of haka? Should haka tautoko be performed by the public at events like these? Why is there a resistance to from non-Māori to learn Māori cultural items other than haka? Why is it that Māori cultural items other than haka are not used as nationalist symbols? However, the most outstanding question highlighted by this research is: should the military be decolonised? If so, how should that take place? Or at least, should Kaupapa Māori (Indigenous) units be created? Ultimately, the title of this article asks a question: Me haka i te haka a Tānerore? At the basis of that question is the philosophy regarding how one should haka. However, in this context the overall question is: how should we as nations that were once at war memorialise and commemorate our losses in a proper fashion? Just because war has ceased does not mean that it has stopped, remembering that politics is a form of war. Sites of remembrance and commemoration are by their very nature political and as demonstrated above the items used to commemorate them are too. This is particularly so if the nation that participated in an overseas war has a colonial settler past. The nature of cultural memory activates memories for any cultural group; with the military and settler governments for indigenous peoples, this may have a negative nature. However in saying that, these cultural items have extreme power that can promote peace and cultural understanding around the world. For Aotearoa New Zealand to 108 109 Hemopereki Hōani Simon Australasian Canadian Studies

Appendix 1 He marama kapo ko te rite^ i a koe^ Nau i kai wawe i te matamata^ hunuhunu^ Me taria atu te toa^ o Pāte^ Te Waiata Tangi mo Taiawhio E kai e hoa te toto^ o Tiamana^ Ko te toto tena o waenga^ i ngā iwi^ E rite tū i te maru^ ahiahi^ Mei pā tata mai te motu^ ki Ēuropi^ Kī atu ana ahau nau mai^ e noho^ Kua kainga ahau te upoko^ Tiamana^ Kī ana mai koe tukuna ahau^ ki te mahi^ Kia ara ake ai te mamae^ ki te hoa^ Mahia e ngā pākeke Ki te hoa, i e! Kore rawa koe i rango tika tonu^ ki te riri^ Ko te ara tēnā o Te Rangitāhau (I) Appendix 2: The Reading of The Hon. Craig Foss, I ōna tūranga i mate ai i Mōhaka Minister of Veteran Affairs—The Chunuk Bair Centenary Ko te toto i a koe nō ngā whakarau Commemoration Service, August 2015156 Ko te pono i runga rā hei hoa mō te te tīnana Ka mutu i kōnei taku poro^poroaki The 500-strong Māori contingent landed at Gallipoli at the beginning of Kei te pai toka haere te ra hei hoki mai July 1915. Desperate to prove their worth as frontline troops, the August Rongo noa atu au ka whiti^ i te moana^ offensive became their baptism of fire. Attached to the NZ Mounted Rifles Hei oranga ngākau te kupu^ a te Kīngi^ regiments in platoons of 50 men each, they soon lived up to the fighting Hua noa e te hoa he kupu e^ tūhono traditions of their warrior forefathers by overrunning Ottoman trenches Tēnei tōu tohu ka mau^ ki te rangi^ on the ridges leading to Chunuk Bair. On the evening of 6 August, just a Haere rā i te^ ki te awatea^ few hours before the attack commenced, their padre, Chaplain-Captain He matenga rangatira te mate ki^ a Tū Wainohu asked his CO for permission to speak to the men. He was about Ka rongo mai te Kīngi ki tōu^ haerenga^ to fulfill the role of tohunga and the ancient custom of summoning Divine Ka mutu i kōnei āku poro^poroaki^ assistance before battle. Standing on a slight rise he delivered this speech: Rango mai ngā iwi o te Ao^ katoa^ Fellow members of a brave family listen unto me, your elder and adviser in E kore koe e mihi me mate^ ki Kōnei^ things spiritual and corporeal. My words to you are: be brave, be valiant. Kōtahi nei te mahara e auraki^ atu ai^ Be firm and determined in your hearts and in your minds to win success. Kei riro kē koe mā te ahi,^ e tau^ Remember you are the descendants of brave and war-like ancestors. You Toru ngā hotu ka ripo^ kinotia^ are only a handful of warriors amongst the many thousands of men here. These people are watching you; they are asking within themselves. What Te teina i ahau, nakuko^ i tuku atu^ manner of men are these who have come from the ends of the earth? Will E mihi atu ahau kitōu mate^ i kōnei they justify their presence? So therefore, my brothers, do not forget that Me tangihia ki ōu^ haerenga nei^ the name and honour of the Māori people lies in your hands today—to Ngaro noa hoki koe, i te kapa rangatira,^ make or to mar. When you charge the enemy, never turn back, but go Kei ōu tuakana on, and on, and on to victory. I know that some of us now here will never Kei ōu teina, kei ōu tuakana again stand together with us. But it would be better for us all to be dead Taku pākarihau tu waenga^ i te marae^ in these hollows and on the tops of these mountains than for a whisper of Ka riro atu nā koe i ngā^ manunumi^ dishonour to go back to the old people at home. Therefore, my brothers, Nā te hinga riki rā ^tō materanga mai^ be of good courage. Be fearless in the face of the enemy and keep up the Haere rā e i te marama o Hūrae^ prestige and high name of the Māori race. You will by your noble deeds light such a fire on the mountains that it can never be quenched. Remember 110 111 Hemopereki Hōani Simon Australasian Canadian Studies

that old ancient proverb of our ancestors: Small and insignificant as is the Appendix 3: Glossary of Te Reo Māori Terms kopara (native bellbird), yet swings he to and thro on the highest branch atua Ancestor with continuing influence, god, demon, of the tallest kahika tree. Accordingly, I desire you to reach the top of supernatural being, deity, ghost, object of superstitious those mountains this morning. regard, strange being. Although often translated as ‘god’ and now also used for the Christian God, this is a Wainohu’s eyes at this point began to well with tears. ‘I could see in their misconception of the real meaning. Many Māori trace eyes’, he said, ‘their grim demeanor and that my words had gone home their ancestry from Atua in their whakapapa and they to everyone like a knife thrust into their heart. I concluded my address are regarded as ancestors with influence over particular with the words of Saul unto David when David went to meet the giant domains. These Atua also were a way of rationalising and Philistine Goliath: “Go, and the Lord be with thee”. The Māori chaplain perceiving the world. Normally invisible, Atua may have then commenced to sing ‘Aue e Ihu’ and 500 young men, kitted in fighting visible representations. array, burst into hymn. Trooper Harry Browne of the Wellington Mounted Rifles described the scene: haka peruperu A jumping haka used to raise the dust before war the hymn ‘Jesus Lover of My Soul’ was sung in Māori, to a tune of their haka pōhiri A formal haka used in welcoming ceremonies. Pōhiri is own. The parts blended beautifully. The contingent had 25 tenors in its also spelt as “pōwhiri” depending on dialectual preference. chorus. The chaplain in a splendid voice sang the solo, the rest supplying haka taparahi A posture stance haka used for ceremonial purposes the obligatio. Is there any language beautiful as that of our Natives, when hapū Kinship grouping, clan, a section of the larger indigenous it is set to music? My squadron stood around silent listening intently. There nation or iwi. was something pathetic about the tune and the scene that brought tears to the eyes, and yet as we listened we felt that they and we could go through heke Support rafter. anything with that beautiful influence behind us. ihi Authority, charisma, awe-inspiring, psychic power kōwhaiwhai Ornamental patterns usually painted onto the heke of whare. manuhiri Guest(s) or visitor(s) marae courtyard - the open area in front of the wharenui, where formal greetings and discussions take place. Often also mātauranga used to include the complex of buildings around the marae. Traditional knowledge mere A short, flat weapon of stone, often of greenstone mōteatea Chanted song, a form of poetry ngā kete o te The baskets of knowledge wānanga ngeri A ceremonial haka with spontaneous actions Pākehā White person, person of European decesent Papatūānuku Earth Mother pātere A fast chanted mōteatea usually concerned with the restitution of self respect

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poupou A carved panel traditionally used to help support the waiata whaiāipo A song to attract a mate or lover wharenui structure, usually located on the sides of the wana Thrill, fear, excitement, awe-inspiring whare. wehi Fear, awe, respect poutokomanawa Central post(s) carving of a wharenui usually carved like an whakaahua Photograph(s) abstract full-bodied person. It is also considered to be the whakaingoatanga Naming heart of the ancestor that the wharenui represents. whakairo Carving(s) pūmanawa Inherited whakapapa traits or attributes. whakapapa Genealogy rakau o te riri Weapon(s), weaponary of war also attributed as the possession of Tūmatauenga whānau Extended family including your immediate family; can be used interchangeably Ranginui Sky Father whare House; this is a common use shortened word for wharenui tāhuhu Central ridge pole of a whare usually considered to be the or wharepuni. spine of an ancestor. wharenui Traditional meeting house tāonga tuku iho Ancestral heirlooms or items past down the generations. tangi To cry, the funeral ceremony tapu Sacred(ness) Te Ao Māori The Māori world Te Hokowhitu A traditional concept of the one hundred and seventy toa a Tū as a collective that make up a war party or taua; the Māori name for the Pioneer ‘Māori’ Battalion Te Orokōhanga Creation story Te Reo Māori Māori language tikanga Traditional Māori custom and law tito waiata/haka Compositions of songs and haka toa A brave person who is skilful in warfare. toa rangatira Cheifly or gallant champion/brave, a very skilled person in warfare tohi Ceremonial or Sacramental Rites toi moko Preserved heads Tūmatauenga Atua of war and mankind. tūpuna Ancestor(s) also spelt tīpuna depending on dialectual preference. waiata Song waiata tangi Lament, a form of mōteatea waiata tohutohu A song of direction or advice, a form of mōteatea

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Melbourne: Oxford University Libro International, 2014. Press, 1992. ———Te Hokowhitu a Tū: The Māori Battalion in the First World War. Auckland: Te Uruwera Inquiry, (Waitangi Tribunal) Tamati Kruger Oral Testimony, 2007. Libro, 2015. Tylor, Edward Primitive Culture: Researches into the Development of Mythology, Radio New Zealand. Haka Provoks Fear During WWI. Wellington: Radio New Philosophy, Religion, Art, and Custom. Vol. 2. Murray, 1871. Zealand, 24 April 2015. Accessed 11 September, 2015. http://www. radionz.co.nz/national/programmes/temanukorihi/audio/201751900/haka- Unknown. ‘P05859.006’. In Photograph Collection, A Māori tiki carved into the provokes-fear-during-ww1 rock along the main sap to Fisherman’s hut. The sign reads: NZ Māori pah and a carved hand pointing to the left indicating the Māori meeting place Radio New Zealand Newswire. ‘Gallipoli Haka Writ—No Headline’. Radio New is to the left. Canberra: The Australian War Memorial Museum, 1915. Zealand Newswire, 24 April 2005. Accessed 7 September, 2015. Newztext Database. ———Songs, Haka, Ruri for the Use of the Māori Contingent. Wellington: Government Printer, 1914. ———’Nzers Attending Gallipoli Anzac Day Commemorations Urged Not to Haka’. 24 April 2005. Accessed 7 September, 2015. Newztext Database. 120 121 Hemopereki Hōani Simon Australasian Canadian Studies

———. ‘Poupou (Carved Panel) “Titokowaru”’. Te Papa: Museum of New Zealand higly critical views on haka performance have been discredited recently. Collection. Unknown: Ngāti Ruanui, n.d. The author recognises this, however, his position here is that he author used Walker, Franchesca. ‘”Descendants of a Warrior Race”: The Māori Contingent, group validity methods with the academics and cultural experts of two large New Zealand Pioneer Battalion, and Martial Race Myth, 1914–19’. War iwi, Te Arawa and Tūwharetoa. They agreed with what has been written in & Society 31, no. 1 (2012): 1–21. this article was considered to be in line with their thinking on the topic of haka including the selected quotes by Kāretu’s book above. This provides Walker, Ranginui. Ka Whawhai Tonu Matou [in English]. Auckland; New York: the article with a form of cultural and research credibility in a framework Penguin Books, 2004. that uphold tikanga and validates knowledge in line with the principles ———’Proper Names in Māori Myth and Tradition’. The Journal of the Polynesian of Kaupapa Māori Research. It must be noted that since Te Reo Māori is Society 78, no. 3 (1969): 405–16. the indigenous language of New Zealand it will not be treated as a foreign Wilson, Ross. ‘The Burial of the Dead: The British Army on the Western Front, language and italicised as is normal practice with Chicago 16th edition 1914–18’. War & Society 31, no. 1: 22–41, 2012. style. Translations will be provided in the footnotes. Where quotations are Wright, Matthew. Shattered Glory: The New Zealand Experience at Gallipoli and used with translations provided by others, these will be incorporated into the Western Front. Auckland: Penguin, 2010. the quotation. In all cases where it is necessary to convey Māori cultural understandings, Te Reo Māori (Māori language) words will be privileged Endnotes over English. 1 Indigenous Studies Unit and The Forum for Indigenous Research Excellence, 4 Tīmoti Karetu, Haka: The Dance of a Noble People (Auckland Reed, 1993), University of Wollongong, NSW, Australia. Email: hemopereki@gmail. 24. com. 5 Nathan Matthews, ‘The Physicality of Māori Message Transmission: Ko Te The author would like to acknowledge the support and contributions of the Tinana, He Waka Tuku Kōrero’, Junctures: The Journal for Thematic Dialogue editors Benjamin Authers and Robyn Morris, the people who contributed 3, no. Body (2004): 9–10. time and effort Puawai Carins, Bernice Williams, Sharon Toi, Dr Byron 6 Wira Gardiner, Haka: A Living Tradition, 2nd vol. (Auckland: Hodder Moa, Rangiwai, Dr Katarina Simon, Dr Juan Tauri, A/Prof Bronwyn Carlson, 2007), 23–33. Rangimārie Mahuika, Edwin Wikatene, Jenni Chisstoffels, Qianne 7 Matthews, ‘The Physicality of Māori Message Transmission’, 9. This Matata-Sipu, Wiremu Puke, Jan Habib, Sarah Johnstone, Jason Fox, quotation also signifies that there are multiple forms of haka. Gary Ross, Maryrose Houston, Hannah Tatton, Hinekura Smith, Tīmoti Bramley, Rev Dave Jepsen. Additional thanks to these iwi and institutions 8 Henry Armytage Sanders, ‘Pioneer Battalion Performing a Haka for Joseph for their kindness: Taranaki Whānui, Ngāti Ruanui, Te Arawa, Ngāti George Ward at Bois-De-Warnimont, 30 June 1918. Photograph Taken Tūwharetoa, The National Army Museum (NZ), The Commonwealth War by Henry Armytage Sanders’, in Royal New Zealand Returned and Services’ Graves Commission, Te Papa Tongarewa, The Auckland War Memorial Association :New Zealand official negatives, World War 1914-1918, ed. Pioneer Museum, The Australian War Memorial Museum, Te Pae Tika, The British Battalion Performing a Haka Ref: 1/2-013282-G (Wellington: Alexander Pathé, The South Otago Museum, Ngā Taonga (Sound and Film Archive Turnbull Library, 1918). NZ), Taupō Museum, The British Library, The University of Oxford 9 Hemopereki Simon, ‘Haka and Its Appropriation’, lecture (Wollongong: Libraries, The Alexander Turnbull Library, The University of Wollongong Indigenous Studies (INDS130), Univesity of Wollongong, 6 August, 2013). Library, The University of Waikato Library, The University of Auckland 10 Nicola Hyland, ‘Beyoncé’s Response (Eh?): Feeling the Ihi of Spontaneous Libraries, Massey University Library and Taupō District Libraries for the Haka Performance in Aotearoa/New Zealand’, TDR: Drama Review 59, use of their collections, time, and support during the development of this no. Generic (2015): 69. article. 11 A posture stance haka. This article is written in remembrance of Edna Isaacs. 12 A jumping haka used to raise the dust before war. 2 This opening chant is an incantation known as a tauparapara. It is used 13 Tīmoti Kāretu,Haka: The Dance of a Noble People (Auckland Reed, 1993), at the begining of formal speechmaking, to allow for the transmission of 37-48. knowledge and ideas by the speaker. As this is a form of matauranga the author did not wish to translate it. 14 A formal haka used in welcoming ceremonies for welcoming guests. Pōhiri is also spelt as ‘pōwhiri’ depending on dialectual preference. 3 Tīmoti Karetu, Haka: The Dance of a Noble People(Auckland Reed, 1993), 22-23. Criticisms have been made of Kāretu’s book as conservative, and his 15 Guest(s) or visitor(s).

122 123 Hemopereki Hōani Simon Australasian Canadian Studies

16 For more information refer to Hyland, ‘Beyoncé’s Response, 74–75. Tua o te Pae Hui Wellington, 2011); ‘Kaupapa Māori Theory: Transforming 17 Acushla Deanne O’Carroll, ‘Haka and Hula Representations in Tourism’ Theory in Aotearoa’,He Pukenga Korero 9, no. 2 (2012). (MA Thesis, Victoria University of Wellington, 2009), 50. 28 Ed Cairns and Michael Roe, The Role of Memory in Ethnic Conflict (New 18 James Ritchie, ‘Working in the Maaori World’, in Resource Papers: A Working York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), 3–8; Anna Green, Cultural History Paper Series (Hamilton: Centre for Māori Studies, 1989). (New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 106. 19 The Māori language. 29 Alon Confino, ‘Collective Memory and Cultural History: Problems of Method’, The American Historical Review 102, no. 5 (1997): 1386–87. 20 Karetu, Haka: The Dance of a Noble People. For more information on this topic refer to Rachael Ka’ai-Mahuta, ‘The Impact of Language Loss on the 30 Ernst Hans Gombrich and Aby Warburg, An Intellectual Biography (Phaidon Māori Performing Arts’, Te Kaharoa 1, no. 1 (2010). Incorporated Limited, 1986), 323.

21 Brendan Hokowhitu, ‘Haka: Colonised Pysicality, Body-Logic, and 31 Erik Erikson, ‘Ontogeny of Ritualization’, (London, 1965): 21; Irenaus Embodied Sovereignty’, in Performing Indigeneity: Global Histories and Eibl-Eibesfeldt, Krieg und Frieden aus der Sicht der Verhaltensforschung Contemporary Experiences, ed. Laura Graham (Lincoln, NE: University of (Munich: Piper, 1984); as cited in Jan Assman, ‘Collective Memory and Nebraska Press, 2014), 273. Cultural Identity’, New German Critique 65, no.1 (1995): 125–126, http:// www.jstor.org/stable/488538. 22 Karetu, Haka: The Dance of a Noble People. For examples of the ways haka is being abused by the National Ruby team The All Blacks (and its major 32 Maurice Halbwachs and Lewis A. Coser, On Collective Memory (University sponsors), particularly through advertising, refer to Hokowhitu, ‘Haka: of Chicago Press, 1992), 37. Colonised Pysicality’. Hokowhitu (2014) comments that ‘[t]he taking over of 33 Anna Green, Cultural History: Theory and History, 106. the All Blacks’ primary sponsorship by the global sports clothing company 34 Assmann, ‘Collective Memory ‘, 130–32. Adidas signified a mass wave of marketing based on selling the exoticism of 35 For more information on literary history from the text of haka and waiata “traditional” Māori masculine culture. At the time, the marketing campaign plus the identity refer to Te Ahukaramū Charles Royal, ‘Mōteatea and the led to questions by Māori regarding intellectual property rights and the Transmission of History,’ (paper presented at The Meeting of the Otaki misappropriation and commodification of Indigenous culture’ (274). Historical Society, 4 Feburary 1997; Rachael Te Āwhina Ka’ai-Mahuta, ‘He 23 Lynda Dyson, ‘The Return of the Repressed? Whiteness, Femininity and Kupu Tuku Iho Mō Tēnei Reanga: A Critical Analysis of Waiata and Haka Colonialism in the Piano’, Screen 36, no. 3 (1995): 274. as Commentaries and Archives of Māori Political History’ (PhD Thesis, 24 Refer to Rachael Ka’ai-Mahuta, ‘The Genesis of Waiata and Haka’, ed. AUT University, 2010). Rachael Ka’ai-Mahuta, Tania Ka’ai and John Moorfield,Kia Ronaki: The 36 Green, Cultural History, 107. Māori Performing Arts (Auckland: Pearson Learning, 2013); Hyland, 37 John R. Gillis, Commemorations: The Politics of National Identity (Princeton, ‘Beyoncé’s Response’. An example of haka wāhine, or female haka from NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996), 4. Tūwharetoa and Maniapoto is the haka ‘tarahiki.’ Haka like these survived in part because of their beat. It allowed them to be easily converted into 38 Ibid, 784. opera songs. For more information on this refer to this rendition by Dame 39 Charles Dixon, ‘The Landing at Anzac 1915’, oil painting, 1198mm x Kiri Te Kanawa. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=W643THBPhKE 1962mm. Archive New Zealand (National Collection of War Art), http:// 25 Hyland, ‘Beyoncé’s Response’, 70. warart.archives.govt.nz/node/1085. 26 Ryan Hartigan, ‘Embarrassing Time, Performing Disunity Rugby, the 40 Slade, ‘Gallipoli Thanatourism’. Haka, and Aotearoa-New Zealand in the United Kingdom’, Performance 41 Ian McGibbon, The Oxford Companion to New Zealand Military (Auckland: Research 16, no. 2 (2011): 38. Hartigan’s comments are an analysis of a UK Oxford University Press, 2000). sports writer’s call for the end of haka, and his description of it as uncivilized. 42 Refer to Danny Keegan, ‘”The Future Sons of Britain”? in Huia Histories 27 To maintain brevity in this article, I refer the reader to information on of Māori: He Tāhūhū Kōrero, ed. Danny Keegan (Wellington: Huia, 2012); Kaupapa Māori research in research by Ella Henry and Hone Pene, ‘Kaupapa Ranginui Walker, Ka Whawhai Tonu Matou (Auckland; New York: Penguin Māori: Locating Indigenous Ontology, Epistemology and Methodology in Books, 2004); Gardiner, Te Mura O Te Ahi: The Story of the Māori Battalion; the Academy’, Organization 8, no. 2 (2001); Leonie Pihama, ‘A Conversation Michael King, Te Puea: A Life (Auckland: Reed, 2008); Christopher Pugsley, About Kaupapa Māori Theory and Research’ (paper presented at theKei Te Hokowhitu a Tū: The Māori Battalion in the First World War (Auckland: Libro, 2015).

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43 Keegan, ‘”The Future Sons of Britain”?’, 233. ‘Māori“Conversion” to the Rule of Law and Nineteenth Century Imperial 44 Radio New Zealand, Haka Provokes Fear During WWI Loyalties’, Journal of Religious History 32, no. 2 (2008). 45 Keegan, ‘”The Future Sons of Britain”?’; Vincent O’Malley and David 59 New Zealand Defence Force, ‘The Battle for Chunuk Bair: Centenery Armstrong, The Beating Heart: A Political and Socio-Economic History of Te Service 1925-2015 Gallipoli Campaign Commerations (Order of Service Arawa (Wellington: Huia, 2008). Programme)’, ed. New Zealand Defence Force (Wellington: New Zealand Defence Force, 2015). Refer to Hon. Craig Foss, ‘Reading’, Appendix 2. 46 Pugsley, Te Hokowhitu a Tū: The Māori Battalion in the First World War, 20. 60 Edward Tylor, Primitive Culture: Researches into the Development of Mythology, 47 William Blomfield, ‘The Spirit of His Fathers’, 1915, cartoon (A4 size Philosophy, Religion, Art, and Custom, vol. 2 (Murray, 1871). As cited in Mike photocopy). New Zealand Observer, Christmas issue, December 1915. Morris, Concise Dictionary of Social and Cultural Anthropology (Malden, MA: Various artists: Collection of newspaper clippings, photocopies and bromides Wiley-Blackwell, 2012), 57. Tylor was commenting about civilization but of cartoons by W. Blomfield (A-312-1 and A-312-6), Angus (A-312-2), its application is more suited to culture. Paynter (A-312-3), Tom Scott (A-312-4), W. A. Bowring (A-312-5), Waite Ibid, 9. (A-312-7) and Ashley Hunter (A-312-8). Ref: A-312-1-088. Alexander 61 Turnbull Library, http://natlib.govt.nz/records/22888949. 62 Ibid, 9. 48 O’Malley and Armstrong, The Beating Heart. 63 Ross Wilson, ‘The Burial of the Dead: The British Army on the Western 49 Matthew Wright, Shattered Glory: The New Zealand Experience at Gallipoli Front, 1914–18’, War & Society 31, no. 1 (2012): 39. and the Western Front (Auckland: Penguin, 2010), 58. 64 And later in the war the Pioneer Battalion. 50 For more information on Māori and the martial race theory refer to 65 Unknown, ed. Songs, Haka, Ruri for the Use of the Māori Contingent Franchesca Walker, ‘”Descendants of a Warrior Race”: The Māori (Wellington: Government Printer, 1914). In the notes at the National Library Contingent, New Zealand Pioneer Battalion, and Martial Race Myth, by [Austin] Bagnell indicates the editor of the book as Sir Apirana Ngata. 1914–19’, War & Society 31, no. 1 (2012). This suspicion is supported by Puawai Carins, Modern Māori Collection 51 Peter Londey, ‘Indigenous Australian Servicemen’, in The Australian War Coordinator at Te Papa Tongarewa, and the author by the type of traditional Memorial Museum Encyclopedia (Online) (Canberra, ACT: The Australian items in the book. What is interesting about the book is that ruri or poems/ War Memorial Museum, n.d.), https://www.awm.gov.au/encyclopedia/ love ditties were included. aborigines/indigenous/. 66 Ngā Taonga is the formal Māori name for the New Zealand Sound, TV 52 Whitney Lackenbauer, John Moses, Scott Sheffield and Maxime Gohier, and Film Archive. It is government policy in Aotearoa New Zealand for ‘The World Wars’, Commemorative History of Aboriginal People in the Canadian government departments and entities to have dual names in English and Te Military ([Online book] Ottawa: National Defence and Canadian Forces, Reo Māori. As part of this policy the name in most common use becomes 2010), http://www.cmp-cpm.forces.gc.ca/dhh-dhp/pub/boo-bro/abo-aut/ the formal use name for the government entity. Ngā Taonga is the only entity chapter-chapitre-05-eng.asp. not to follow this formal policy due to a recent amalgamation of a number of entities to create its current form. 53 Richard S. Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy: Crown-Māori ‘Te Kahu Pōkere’ was at the time a very well known haka, as popular as Relations in New Zealand/Aotearoa 1900-1950 (Wellington: Victoria 67 ‘Ka Mate, Ka Mate is today. However it was not included in Unknown, ed. University Press, 2004), 43-50; Gardiner, Te Mura O Te Ahi: The Story of the Songs, Haka, Ruri for the Use of the Māori Contingent. Māori Battalion, 14; O’Malley and Armstrong, The Beating Heart. 54 Stéphane Pannoux and Gary Ross, “Never a Week Goes By:” A Reflection on 68 Ngā Taonga (Sound and Film Archive), ‘F6824 Inspection of the New the Impact of the Great War on Two Pacific Colonies 2015. Museum Exhibition. Zealand and Australian Division in Egypt, March 1915 (Haka in the Sand Taupō Museum; O’Malley and Armstrong, The Beating Heart. / Haka He Onepu)’, in Sights and Sounds of World War I (Ngā Taonga (Sound and Film Archive, 2015), http://anzacsightsound.org/videos/haka-in-the- 55 Pugsley, Te Hokowhitu a Tū: The Māori Battalion in the First World War. sand. 56 Ibid, 45, 66. 69 ‘Haka Provokes Fear During WWI’, Radio New Zealand, 24 April, 57 Ibid, 31. 2015, radio broadcast. http://www.radionz.co.nz/national/programmes/ 58 For more information on the extinguishment of cannibalism refer to William temanukorihi/audio/201751900/haka-provokes-fear-during-ww1 Schaniel, ‘European Technology and the New Zealand Māori Economy: 70 Unknown, ‘AWM P05859.006’, in Photograph Collection (Canberra: The 1769–1840’, The Social Science Journal 38, no. 1 (2001); Lachy Paterson, Australian War Memorial Museum, 1915). The whakairo is a significant

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example of Māori war culture during the Gallipoli campaign; there 84 Courtyard - the open area in front of the wharenui, where formal greetings were more than one of these whakairo. The soldiers posing in the photo and discussions take place. Often, in modern times, also used to include the are Australian For more information on the whakairo refer to Puawai complex of buildings around the marae like a wharenui usually belonging Cairns to Te Papa Tongarewa Blog, 09/04, 2015; http://blog.tepapa.govt. to a hapu. nz/2015/07/03/marks-on-the-landscape-researching-the-Māori-carvings- 85 Te Hokowhitu a Tū is a traditional concept of the one hundred and seventy at-gallipoli/ toa as a collective that make up a war party or taua. This was also the Māori 71 His younger brother. name of the Pioneer Battlion and the 28th Māōri Battalion. The naming of 72 ‘Captain Pirimi Tahiwi Who Served with the Māori First Native the museum reflects the latter group. Contingent, Talks About Gallipoli (No Bayonet Needed / E Hara Te Pēneti 86 Traditional meeting house. I Mau)’, in Sights and Sounds of World War I (Ngā Taonga (Sound and Film 87 House; this is a common use shortened word for wharenui or wharepuni. Archive, 2015). http://anzacsightsound.org/audios/no-bayonet-needed-e- 88 Ancestor. hara-te-peneti-i-mau. 89 A carved panel traditionally used to help support the wharenui structure, It is noted that the use of the word ‘savage’ could be easily conceived as being usually located on the sides of the whare. pejorative. To understand its use in this context the reader must understand 90 Creation story. the cultural context of Māori. The use of ‘savage’ is used as a form of self- 91 Central ridge pole of a whare usually considered to be the spine of an deprecating humour which Māori are renowned for. Additionally, the author ancestor. acknowledges its use as a form of internalised racial discourse from colonisation 92 In this form Tāne, son of Ranginui and Papa-tūā-nuku, is the progenitor of about the idea of the ‘noble savage’ which was projected onto Māori as subjects mankind, in Māori tradition Atua had many names reflecting their functions of British colonisation. However, it modern times in terms of modern Māori and positions. Tāne in receiving ngā kete o te wānanga in this case is also humour it is also used as a form of ‘honour.’ known is Tāne-Te-Wānanga, in his role as Atua of the forests, birds, and 73 Te Karere, ‘E Pari Rā to Feature in London’s Anzac Dawn Service’, in insects he is called Tāne Māhuta and so on. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RVVvkT2xBW8 (TVNZ, 6 April 93 Ornamental patterns usually painted onto the heke of whare. 2015), accessed 10 September 2015. Footage probably shot in France. 94 Traditional knowledge. 74 Refer to John Hall, V. John Basarin and Leonie Lockstone-Binney, ‘An 95 Kinship grouping, clan, a section of the larger indigenous nation or iwi. Empirical Analysis of Attendance at a Commemorative Event: Anzac Day 96 Ancestor. at Gallipoli’, International Journal of Hospitality Management 29, no. 2 (2010). 97 Carving. 75 Christopher Pugsley, Gallipoli: The New Zealand Story (Auckland: Libro International, 2014), 335. 98 Genealogy. 76 Naming. 99 Inherited whakapapa traits or attributes. For more information on pūmanawa refer to Hirini Moko Mead, Tikanga Maori: Living by Maori Values 77 Carving. (Wellington: Huia, 2003); Mere Berryman and Paul Woller, ‘Learning 78 Photographs. about Inclusion by Listening to Māori’, International Journal of Inclusive 79 Ceremonial or sacramental rites. Education 17, no. 8 (2011). In regard to Berryman and Woller’s model the 80 Compositions of songs and haka. type of pūmanawa discussed in this paper would be equivalent to that of a pūmanawa in the form of a tāonga, in this case a tāonga tuku iho. 81 Refer to John Te H. Grace, ‘Tūwharetoa: A History of the People of the Taupō District (Auckland, Reed, 1959),169. 100 A brave person who is skilful in warfare. 82 Ranginui Walker comments on the the naming of children after events in 101 Weapon(s) of war also attributed as the possession of Tūmatauenga—Atua the World Wars. Refer to Ranginui Walker, ‘Proper Names in Māori Myth of war and mankind. and Tradition’, The Journal of the Polynesian Society 78, no. 3 (1969). It is also 102 This is highlighted in He Waiata Tangi mo Taiawhio Te Whare with common to see ‘Kairo’, as it is spelt as a transliteration into Te Reo Māori. the line ‘He matenga rangatira te mate ki a Tū’, which translates as It is a 83 Geneaology. chiefly death to die for Tū[matauenga] (Atua of war and mankind). Refer to Appendix 1.

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103 Ancestral heirlooms or items past down the generations. If these items Performed by the Māori of New Zealand in Past Times’, The Journal of the are known to have participated in war they hold more significance to the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 44 (1914); Best, decendents or uri. ‘The Lore of the Whare Kohanga. Part III’, The Journal of the Polynesian 104 Short, flattish weapon usually made of greenstone. Society 15, no. 3(59) (1906): 149–53; Jean Smith, ‘Memoir No. 40. Tapu Removal in Māori Religon: Part 1’, 83, no. 4 (1974): 9–11; Kuni Jenkins and 105 Indigenous Nation or People. Helen Mountain Harte, Traditional Māori Parenting: An Historical Review 106 Central post(s) carving of a wharenui usually carved like an abstract full- of Literature of Traditional Māori Child Rearing Practices in Pre-European bodied person. It is also considered to be the heart of the ancestor that the Times, (Auckland: Te Kahui Mana Ririki, 2011), 8–12. wharenui represents. 115 Song(s). 107 For more information on Haane Manahi refer to Paul Moon, Victoria Cross 116 Lament chants. at Takrouna: The Haane Manahi Story (Wellington: Huia, 2010). 117 The evidence for this is the number of waiata tangi recorded by Aprirana 108 The Māori world. Ngata in his volumes of traditional waiata or mōteatea called ‘Ngā Mōteatea’. 109 It must be noted that due to population decline and the impact of colonisation As an example of this in volume one alone 18 of the 90 mōteatea are waiata that the tradition of whakairo nearly died out. This is a major reason for the tangi while one other is a prediction/vision waiata about war. Of these 18 introduction of whakaahua into wharenui as a substitute for whakairo. This waiata the iwi for whom they belong is vast suggesting that the practice was emphasised by Wiremu Puke who comments, ‘[p]hotos and portraits was a Māori wide phenomena. The iwi were: Ngāti Porou, Tūwharetoa, were the replacement in some areas where there wasn’t a surviving carving Te Arawa, Te Rarawa, Ngāti Tama, Ngāti Maniapoto, Tūhoe, and Ngāti tradition and replaced also the practice of the display of preserved heads such Whatua. Refer to Apirana Ngata, Ngā Mōteatea (Auckland: Auckland as toi moko’. Ngāti Tūwharetoa Iwi Facebook Group (8 September 2015). University Press, 2004). 110 Judith Binney and Gillian Chaplin, ‘Taking the Photographs Home: The 118 Peter Henson and Lauren Kernohan, Taupō District Remembers Them: Our Recovery of a Māori History’, Visual Anthropology 4, no. 3–4 (1991): 442. Stories of World War One (Tūrangi: Self-Published, 2015), 459. To examine Monty Soutar notes that ‘[a]fter the war, photograps of these men in their the waiata refer to Appendix 1. khaki uniforms were hung in homes and on marae throughout the country. 119 Unknown, Songs, Haka, Ruri for the Use of the Māori Contingent. Refer to Monty Soutar, ‘Te Hokowhitu-a-Tū: A Coming of Age?’ in New Zealand’s Great War: New Zealand, the Allies and the First World War, ed. John 120 Ko Te Puru commemorates Tūhoe’s participation in the colonial land wars Crawford and Ian McGibbon (Auckland: Exisle Publishing, 2007), 103. against the Crown. Tamati Kruger’s testimony to the Waitangi Tribunal comments that ‘[t]his haka was composed in 1864 as a Tūhoe response to 111 Sacred(ness). the encroachment of the colonial invasion of the British Empire. Tūhoe

112 Jean Smith, ‘Memoir No. 40. Tapu Removal in Māori Religon. Part 1: met the colonial forces at Orakau in the Waikato where they engaged in Pages 1–42’, The Journal of the Polynesian Society 83, no. 4 (1974): 11; Wira battle. Although this battlefield was a couple of hundred miles from their Gardiner, Te Mura O Te Ahi: The Story of the Māori Battalion (Auckland: own lands, Tūhoe felt the need to meet the aggressor therefore their own Reed, 2004), 9. space was threatened. Te Puru or literally ‘the bull’ was a metaphor used 113 Ancestor with continuing influence, god, demon, supernatural being, deity, to describe the arrogance of the colonial forces. Tūhoe used the image of ghost, object of superstitious regard, strange being; although often translated a bull to belittle the invaders’. In contrast, Wairangi commemorates the as ‘god’ and now also used for the Christian God, this is a misconception ravaging of Ngāti Maru’s pā Te Āea near Matamata by Ngāti Raukawa as of the real meaning. Many Māori trace their ancestry from Atua in their revenge. It is a pre-colonial haka. The haka was used before they attacked; whakapapa and they are regarded as ancestors with influence over particular this is a commonly done haka by Tūwharetoa. Refer to Te Uruwera Inquiry, domains. These Atua also were a way of rationalising and perceiving (Waitangi Tribunal) ‘Tamati Kruger Oral Testimony’ (2007); Karetu, Haka: the world. Normally invisible, Atua may have visible representations. The Dance of a Noble People. Māoridictionary.com, 2015, http://www.Māoridictionary.co.nz/search?id 121 ‘Gallipoli Haka Writ–No Headline’, Radio New Zealand Newswire, 24 iom=&phrase=&proverb=&loan=&keywords=atua&search=). April 2005, accessed 7 September 2015, radio broadcast. Newztext Database 114 This is a form of multi-stage baptism in Māori culture. For more information (12:25PM) refer to Elsdon Best, The MaOri as He Was: A Brief Account of MaOri Life 122 ‘NZers Attending Gallipoli Anzac Day Commemorations Urged Not to as It Was in Pre-European Days (Wellington: New Zealand Electronic Text Haka’. Radio New Zealand Newswire, 24 April 2005, accessed 7 September Centre, 1934): 101; Best, ‘Ceremonial Performances Pertaining to Birth, as 2015, radio broadcast. Newztext Database (10:45AM)

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123 Ibid. Terrains: Aotearoa/New Zealand’s Changing Nationhood’ in Meaningful 124 ‘Turkey Bans Māori War Dance’, Radio New Zealand Newswire, 24 April Inconsistencies: Bicultural Nationahood, The Free Market, and Schooling 2005, accessed 7 September 2015, radio broadcast. Newztext Database in Aotearoa/New Zealand (New York, NY: Berghen Books, 2009), 25-39. (05:54AM); ‘Turkey Bans Haka at Gallipoli’, ABC Australia, 24 April 139 Mason Durie, ‘Race and Ethnicity in Public Policy: Does It Work?’ paper 2005, accessed 7 September 2015, http://www.abc.net.au/news/2005-04- presented at The Social Policy, Research & Evaluation Conference 2004, 24/turkey-bans-haka-at-gallipoli/1557076; AFP, ‘Greek, Turkish Navies Wellington, November 25 2004. http://www.massey.ac.nz/massey/fms/ in Brief Standoff near Disputed Islet’,Arab News, 24 April 2005, accessed Te Mata O Te Tau/Publications - Mason/M Durie Race and ethnicity in 7 September, 2015, http://www.arabnews.com/node/265872. Public Policy.pdf?A964D3BF093AFBFD46297B63E267678B. Durie also 125 ‘Turkey Bans Māori War Dance’, Radio New Zealand. comments that there was not a time where this was the case as no piece of legislation contradicted the needs of colonial New Zealand. 126 ‘Gallipoli Haka Writ—No Headline’, Radio New Zealand. 140 The author acknowledges that while colonisation is generally thought of as 127 ‘Sharples Says Haka Should Have Been Made Part of Official something that happend in the past the reality is that forms of colonisation Commemorations’, Radio New Zealand , 24 April 2005, accessed 7 are still ever present and happening in modern day times. September 2015, radio broadcast. Newztext Database. (16:00PM). 141 The author questions the placing of ‘E Muri Ahiahi’, a waiata tangi from 128 ‘Sir Jerry Leads Service on Chunuk Bair’, New Zealand Herald, 9 August Te Whakatōhea. He believes that a more a more appropriate placing of 2015. this item would have after the speech by the Governor-General in place of 129 ‘Hundreds Gather in Gallipoli for Chunuk Bair Commemorations’, 3 News the hymn, ‘Aue e Ihu’. The use of ‘Aue e Ihu’ as a hymn is very interesting, Online, 2015. as it supports the imported ideals and philosophies in what is deemed an 130 Ibid. To view The New Zealand Defence Forces haka at the Centenary appropriate way we as a country (Aotearoa New Zealand) commemorate Commemoration of Chunuk Bair refer to https://www.youtube.com/ our war dead. The way the ceremony was constructed privileges European results?search_query=chunuk+bair+haka knowledge and ways of thinking about the construction of commemoration 131 NZ Herald, ‘Sir Jerry Leads Service on Chunuk Bair’. ceremonies and what is ‘sacred’ or ‘appropriate’. Additionally, it is unusual that ‘E Muri Ahiahi’ was used during karanga in the form of a ‘whakaeke’ 132 Lloyd Jones, ‘Haka Explained to the Turks at Chunuk Bair’, Stuff.co.nz, 9 to usher and lead dignitaries to the memorial ground away from the lower August 2015. cemetery where the formal ceremony was to begin. According to the official 133 ‘Sir Jerry Leads Service on Chunuk Bair’, New Zealand Herald. programme, anything done prior to the karanga is technically ‘unofficial’, 134 Jones, ‘Haka Explained to the Turks at Chunuk Bair’. including the mihi to the battlefield and the dead. The annoucement that 135 ‘New Zealand Explains Haka to Turkey in Gesture of Goodwill at everyone should stand in the middle of the karanga should have happened Chunuk Bair’, Sydney Morning Herald, 2015. For a full explaination before it began. It is interesting to note that at this ceremony all Māori of this haka and its meaning including the so-called ‘throat-cutting’ cultural items apart from the haka were performed only by Māori. To watch action refer to ‘Derek Ladelli Explains Kapa o Pango,’ The Arts the full ceremony refer to New Zealand Defence Force, ‘Battle for Chunuk Foundation, accessed 15 September 2015, http://www.thearts.co.nz/ Bair 100th Anniversary Commemoration’, YouTube, 2015. https://www. artist_page.php&aid=46&type=video&video_id=162. youtube.com/watch?v=b1zMHW_jaVg. 136 New Zealand Defense Force, ‘The Battle for Chunuk Bair: Centenary 142 The advent of ‘flashmob haka’ during Rugby World Cups in 2011 and Service 1925–2015 Gallipoli Campaign Commerations (Order of Service 2015, generally cosidered a combination of the creation of social media, Programme)’. “adidasification” of haka, and a fever of nationalism surrounding the event, is one example. By utilising haka in a flashmob fashion there is a sense of 137 Leigh Marama McLachlan, ‘Justice Calls for Places Dedicated to Te Reo’, overkill as people become overly aware of the event. By doing so this overkill Radio New Zealand News, 14 September, 2015, accessed 16 September, normalises the co-option of haka by the multiple times they see flashmobs 2015. http://www.radionz.co.nz/news/te-manu-korihi/284207/justice-calls- perform rugby inspired haka. Additionally, how the performance of haka, for-places-dedicated-to-te-reo. in this context, came about is via a massive form of cultutral appropriation 138 For an example on these comments from Te Wānanga o Awanuiarangi that makes the act of haka in this case questionable. See: ‘The evolution of refer to Hirini Moko, Mead ‘Māori Studies Tomorrow: Te Wānanga i te the All Black Haka,’ New Zealand Herald, 22 September, 2015, accessed Mātauranga Māori,’ in Landmarks, Bridges and Visions: Aspects in Māori 24 November 2015, http://m.nzherald.co.nz/rugby/news/article.cfm?c_ Culture. (Wellington: VUP, 1997), 21-38; also see Neriko Doerr, ‘Shifting id=80&objectid=11517108. Another example was the use of haka at the end

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of the funeral for ex-All Black Jonah Lomu. The author questions the use of haka in these occasions and suggests that just because you can do haka Hymnbooks and Hell on Earth does not mean they should. 143 Hyland, ‘Beyoncé’s Response; ‘ Pattrick Smellie, ‘Ngati Toa – the Ka Mate haka iwi – wins $70.6m Treaty settlement’ National Business Review, LORRAINE MACKNIGHT 7 December, 2014, accessed 30 September, 2015, http://www.nbr.co.nz/ Independent Scholar article/ka-mate-haka-iwi-ngati-toa-wins-706-million-treaty-settlement- bd-133646. It is noted by the author that he believes further investigation into the use and place of haka tautoko or ‘impromptu haka’ (as quoted by the Abstract: Chaplaincy services to the Australian Imperial Force during media) is needed. Due to restrictions this was not covered here. From the World War I have been well documented, in particular by Michael media reports it is likely that haka tautoko were responsible for the banning McKernan (Padre, 1986) and Michael Gladwin (Captains of the of haka. Soul, 2013). In contrast, the hymnbooks used by the chaplains, by other 144 Hokowhitu, ‘Haka: Colonised Physicality, Body-Logic, and Embodied members of the Australian Imperial Force and by those of its auxiliary Sovereignty’. services, have not received the attention they deserve. The story goes 145 Gardiner, Te Mura O Te Ahi: The Story of the Māori Battalion. beyond Hymns Ancient & Modern, a stalwart hymnbook of the Church of England and familiar to many of its adherents in Britain’s 146 Gardiner, Te Mura O Te Ahi: The Story of the Māori Battalion. former colonies. A closer look at other hymnbooks is a starting point to Hyland, ‘Beyoncé’s Response ‘. gain better understanding of an overlooked aspect of imperial influence 147 Ani Mikaere, Colonising Myths–Māori Realities: He Rukuruku Whakaaro and why particular hymns have fleeting mention in the published record (Wellington: Huia Publishers and Te Wānanga-o-Raukawa, 2011). and others do not. It was more than hearing the carol ‘Silent night, holy 148 Merata Kawharu, ‘25 Indigenous Governance in Museums: A Case Study, night’ (‘Stille Nacht, heilige Nacht’) across the trenches, when the guns the Auckland War Memorial Museum’, in The Dead and Their Possessions: stilled on a snowy Christmas Eve on the Western Front, as romanticised Repatriation in Principle, Policy, and Practice, ed. Cressida Forde, ‎ Jane Hubert in the filmJoyeux Nöel (2005). This article argues that hymnbooks a‎nd Paul Turnbull (New York, NY: Psychology Press, 2002), 293. This is played an important role in uplifting and uniting those who sang the the basis and motivation of this article–to find ‘Te Ara Tika’ (The Right hymns in them, contributing to the way the war has been remembered. Path). In effect, it is the Māori equivalent for the concept of sovereignty. 149 Land. Keywords: hymnbooks, chaplaincy in WWI 150 Manuka Henare, ‘Te Tangata, Te Taonga, Te Hau: Māori Concepts of Property’, (paper presented at the Conference on Property and the Constitution, Wellington, 18 July, 1998), 3. 151 New Zealand Defence Force, ‘Battle for Chunuk Bair 100th Anniversary Commemoration’, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=b1zMHW_jaVg. Introduction 152 Refer to Walker, Ka Whawhai Tonu Matou. 153 Peter Londey, ‘Atatürk (Mustafa Kemal)’, in The Australia War Memorial Martin Luther’s famous hymn ‘Ein’ feste Burg’ was a favourite with Museum Encyclopedia Online (Canberra: The Australian War Memorial German soldiers marching into battle in World War I (Hoover v): true, Museum, n.d.), https://www.awm.gov.au/encyclopedia/ataturk/. false or somewhere in between? The hymn was certainly in their Lutheran 154 These countries should investigate the idea of a multilateral fund to achieve Feldgesangbuch für die evangelischen mannschaften des Heeres (Field hymnbook such ends. for Evangelical troops), a surprisingly small collection of only thirty hymns. 155 ‘Sir Jerry Leads Service on Chunuk Bair’, New Zealand Herald. This suggests that ‘Ein’ feste Burg’ was probably sung on numerous 156 New Zealand Defense Force, ‘The Battle for Chunuk Bair: Centenary occasions, but not necessarily by Catholic German soldiers. They had Service 1925–2015 Gallipoli Campaign Commerations (Order of Service their own, very different Feldgesangbuch für die katholischen mannschaften Programme)’. des Heeres (Field hymnbook for Catholic troops), with Luther’s text noticeably absent from its fifteen hymns.1 One should not be surprised, however, if

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