Human Dignity Between Kitsch and Deification1
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The Prevention of Unjust Wars
The Prevention of Unjust Wars 1 The Doctrine of the Permissibility of Participation War is a great moral evil. … The first great moral challenge of war, then, is: prevention. For most possible wars the best response is prevention. Occasionally, a war may be the least available evil among a bad lot of choices. Since war always involves the commission of so much wrongful killing and injuring, making war itself a supreme evil, a particular war can be the least available evil only if it prevents, or anyhow is likely to prevent, an alternative evil that is very great indeed.1 This passage from a recent paper by Henry Shue and Janina Dill articulates a view of war that is hard to challenge, even for those who are antipathetic to pacifism. It is echoed in the succinct claim of Michael Walzer and Avishai Margalit that “the point of just war theory is to regulate warfare, to limit its occasions.”2 These are, I take it, claims about war understood as a phenomenon comprising the belligerent acts of all the parties to a conflict. The Second World War was a war in this sense, one that was clearly a great evil, though if the only alternative to its occurrence was the unopposed conquest of Europe by the Nazis, it was an evil that Shue and Dill would presumably concede to have been the “least available evil” in the circumstances. Notice, however, that the Second World War was neither a just war nor an unjust war; rather, it comprised both just and unjust wars. -
As in Milan Kundera's the Unbearable Lightness of Being
Journal of Xi'an University of Architecture & Technology ISSN No : 1006-7930 Postmodernism and the Concept of Kitsch- As in Milan Kundera’s The Unbearable Lightness of Being Dr.Shanthichitra Associate Professor & Head, Dept. of English, College of Science and Humanities SRMIST, Chennai, India Abstract: The concept of Kitsch is one of the difficult concepts which has been so easily handles by Milan Kundera in his incredible work of art – The Unbearable Lightness of Being. Culturally accepted words and situations vs. the words which are labeled as grotesque points out that peculiar point which deviates the ordinary to sublimity. This paper studies that ordinary which is ignored in culture through Milan Kundera’s The Unbearable Lightness of Being. Keywords: Kitsch, Postmodernism, Phenomenology, Milan Kundera, Ideologies and Culture. When I came across the concept of Taipei modern Toilet diner, I was reminded of Milan Kundera’s Kitsch…This Modern Toilet diner is one of chain of themed eateries in Taiwan appealing to largely the youngsters of the city. This diner has greater relevance to the modern culture, culture in which youngsters call each other by bad words out of love…they have overcome all the grotesques!? Are they above all the human hurts?! Or is it an effort to deviate from kitsch?! Milan Kundera in his The Unbearable Lightness of Being talks about the concept of Kitsch. Kitsch is a German word that’s been adopted by a number of other languages, including English. It refers primarily to art that is overly sentimental or melodramatic, and so refers to aesthetics. What’s interesting is the way Kundera uses the concept in his novel, not to talk about art, but to talk about political ideology and about life. -
Walter Benjamin and Kitsch Politics in the Phantasmagorical Age by Ayşegül Ergül a Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Gradua
Walter Benjamin and Kitsch Politics in the Phantasmagorical Age by Ayşegül Ergül A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science Carleton University Ottawa, Ontario © 2016, Ayşegül Ergül Abstract In this dissertation I explore the relationship between politics, aesthetics, culture and technology by (re)thinking and (re)conceptualizing the concept of kitsch as a theoretical construct in order to investigate the dream-worlds of Europe which sprang at the intersection of liberalism, social democracy and capitalism. I argue that the unexplored potentialities of kitsch, as a concept, reside in the analysis of the dream-worlds, which have been occupying the social and political imaginaries of Western individuals, communities and institutions since the disenchantment of the world. My methodological approach is built on Benjamin’s notion of historical materialism. Thus, I engage with the historical object(s) (e.g., arcades, fashion, technological reproductions etc.) not as “object(s) of experience” but as a “participant(s) in historical experience” (Caygill 2004, 90). Challenging the progressive notion of history, I argue that within the objective impenetrability of commodity fetishism a “sur-real” world of fetishized images – that is, kitsch – emerges, alienated from the individual and the collective, yet constituting and shaping them. By mapping out the implications of this “sur-real” world on “the political,” the collective (un)conscious and action, I conclude that alternative politics could arise from the unsettling interpretations of the reified and symbolic expressions of this same “sur-real” world, paving a path for new political imaginaries. -
Editors' Interview with Michael Walzer
[50] JOURNAL OF POLITICAL THOUGHT INTERVIEW [with Michael Walzer] Michael Walzer is a prominent American political theorist and public intel- lectual. A professor emeritus at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princ- eton, New Jersey, he is co-editor of Dissent, an intellectual magazine that he has been affiliated with since his years as an undergraduate at Brandeis University. He has written about a wide variety of topics in political theory and moral philosophy, including political obligation, just and unjust war, nationalism and ethnicity, economic justice, and the welfare state. He has played a critical role in the revival of a practical, issue-focused ethics and in the development of a pluralist approach to political and moral life. Wal- zer’s books include Just and Unjust Wars (1977), On Toleration (1997), and Spheres of Justice (1983). We sat down with him in May for a wide- ranging conversation on the interplay between personal identity and po- litical thought, the state of political theory today, and the overlapping chal- lenges posed by religion and ethnicity for the contemporary nation-state. I. Identity and the Political interested in left-issue politics. Theory License My teachers at Brandeis told me I should apply to graduate school JPT: What first drew you to the in political science, because it field of political theory? wasn’t really a field and you could do whatever you wanted. Whereas MW: When I was a history major in history you would be commit- at Brandeis, I was first interested ted to archival research, in politi- in studying the history of ideas. -
Proportionality in Warfare Keith Pavlischek
Proportionality in Warfare Keith Pavlischek The last two times Israel went to war, international commentators crit- icized the country’s use of force as “disproportionate.” During the Israel- Hezbollah war in 2006, officials from the United Nations, the European Union, and several countries used that word to describe Israel’s mili- tary actions in Lebanon. Coverage in the press was similar—one news- paper columnist, for example, criticized the “utterly disproportionate... carnage.” Two and a half years later, during the Gaza War of 2008-09, the same charge was leveled against Israel by some of the same institu- tions and individuals; it also appeared throughout the controversial U.N. report about the conflict (the “Goldstone Report”). This criticism reveals an important moral misunderstanding. In everyday usage, the word “proportional” implies numerical comparability, and that seems to be what most of Israel’s critics have in mind: the ethics of war, they suggest, requires something like a tit-for-tat response. So if the number of losses suffered by Hezbollah or Hamas greatly exceeds the number of casualties among the Israel Defense Forces (IDF), then Israel is morally and perhaps legally culpable for the “disproportionate” casualties. But these critics seem largely unaware that “proportionality” has a technical meaning connected to the ethics of war. The long tradition of just war theory distinguishes between the principles governing the justice of going to war (jus ad bellum) and those governing just con- duct in warfare (jus in bello). There are two main jus in bello criteria. The criterion of discrimination prohibits direct and intentional attacks on noncombatants, although neither international law nor the just war tradition that has morally informed it requires that a legitimate military target must be spared from attack simply because its destruction may unintentionally injure or kill noncombatants or damage civilian property and infrastructure. -
Auditing Israeli Democracy – 2005 a Decade After the Assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin Asher Arian, Shlomit Barnea
Auditing Israeli Democracy – 2005 A Decade after the Assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin Asher Arian, Shlomit Barnea, Pazit Ben-Nun, Raphael Ventura, Michal Shamir The Israel Democracy Institute is an independent body that assists the Knesset and its committees, government offices and institutions, local government bodies, and political parties, through studies and proposals designed to bring about changes and reforms in their manner of operation. In addition, the Israel Democracy Institute fulfills its public charge through the presentation of comparative information on legislative topics and the various ways in which democratic regimes function. It also strives to enrich public discourse and encourage new ways of thinking through the initiation of discussion on topics of current political, social and economic interest, both by bringing together legislators, administrators and academics and through the publication of research findings. The Guttman Center was established at The Israel Democracy Institute in 1998 with the transfer of The Guttman Institute for Applied Social Research to the IDI. Formed in 1949 by Professor Louis Guttman, The Guttman Institute was the pioneer of public opinion research and advances in social science methodology in Israel. The goal of The Guttman Center is to enrich research projects at the IDI and discussions of public policy with data-based information and analyses. Editor-in-Chief Uri Dromi Publishing Director Edna Granit Library Editor Yael Mosheiff Content and Hebrew Language Editor Carmit Gai Linguistic Editor (Hebrew) Ronit Tapiero Translator Batya Stein English Editor Asher Weill Copy Editor Naomi Shmueli Production Coordinator Nadav Shtechman Design Ron Haran Printed in Jerusalem, by Art Plus, Ltd. -
Margalit Halbertal Liberalism and the Right to Culture.Pdf
Liberalism and the Right to Culture Authors(s): AVISHAI MARGALIT and MOSHE HALBERTAL Source: Social Research, Vol. 61, No. 3, Liberalism (FALL 1994), pp. 491-510 Published by: The New School Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40971045 Accessed: 24-03-2016 19:06 UTC REFERENCES Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40971045?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The New School is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Social Research http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 137.110.74.76 on Thu, 24 Mar 2016 19:06:54 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Liberalism and the Right to BY AVISHAI MARGALIT Culture /. AND MOSHE HALBERTAL Setting Up the Problem JlTuman beings have a right to culture- not just any culture, but their own. The right to culture has far-reaching implications for the liberal conception of the state. A culture essentially requires a group, and the right to culture may involve giving groups a status that contradicts the status of the individual in a liberal state. -
Beautiful and Sublime Kitsch: Framing the Prologue of Lars Von Trier's
Beautiful and Sublime Kitsch: Framing the Prologue of Lars von Trier’s Melancholia as Avant-Garde Video Art Aleksandr Andreas Wansbrough University of Sydney Lars von Trier’s film Melancholia (2011) begins with a memorable and enigmatic prologue.1 Distinct from the film’s diegesis and played before the title credits, the prologue seems out of sync with the rest of the film’s trajectory, and even indicates the narrative’s key features before the story commences. Yet, while Melancholia’s narrative is representationally presented in this prologue, the film’s scenes are allegorical rather than literal; they possess a premonitory, dreamlike quality, which is enhanced by slow motion. For the viewer, these slow-motion effects engender a kind of hypnosis, a feeling that is itself enriched by the film’s imagery, which recalls the imagery, poetry and paintings of German romanticism. However, the prologue also evokes a precarious ambivalence concerning the film’s aesthetic features. The power of visual images to evoke both pleasure and disdain has long been documented within the sensual and violent — and Philament 22: Precarity philamentjournal.com 87 88 Philament 22: Precarity indeed the carnal — realms.2 However, many of Melancholia’s viewers may also find the film’s grandiose imagery lacking in aesthetic cred- ibility, and the digital perfection attained by the film to be uncom- fortable or disaffecting. The prologue induces a range of experiences with imagery that is both sublime and beautiful, but also kitsch. By reading the prologue to Melancholia as a work of video art, one can see the how the film’s concerns cross over with those of avant-garde video and digital installations, as well as how it moves beyond these concerns. -
Legitimation of Political Violence: the Cases of Hamas and the Khmer Rouge
LEGITIMATION OF POLITICAL VIOLENCE: THE CASES OF HAMAS AND THE KHMER ROUGE Raisa Asikainen & Minna Saarnivaara INTRODUCTION This article discusses the legitimization of political violence in/by two different organizations, namely the Palestinian Hamas and the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia' Both Hamas and the Khmer Rouge fit the category of radical political orgaruza- tions which use violence. In order to analyze the legitimation of political violence, the authors will ponder on the question of what has changed in the use of political violence during the time discussed in this article and, most importantly, how this change has been possible. In this article, Hamas is discussed until spring 2004, when Hamas leader Ahmad Yasin was killed, and the Khmer Rouge is discussed until spring 1975, when it gained power in Cambodia. The reason for this time frame is the radicali- zation of the two organizations. With Hamas, radicalization refers to the increase in the amount of so called suicide attacks against civilians during the period in question. With the Khmer Rouge, radicalization refers to the increasing use of violence towards civilians towards the end of the period in question and the inclu- sion of violence in standard practices such as interrogations. The intemational situation played a key role in both organizations' action. However, due to the scope of this article, this aspect is not scrutinizedin great detail in this article. Violence can be defined as action causing injury to people. The violence discussed in this article is coordinated violence carried out by specific organiza- tions. By political violence the authors refer to violence, the purpose of which is to affect a change in people's actions. -
The Oslo Accords 525
THE OSLO ACCORDS 525 REVIEW ESSAY EXPLORING THE OSLO ACCORDS: RECIPE FOR PEACE OR FOOTNOTE TO HISTORY? JOSEPH W. DELLAPENNA• The Oslo Accords: International Law and the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Agreements by Geoffrey R. Watson (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000) The Middle East Peace Process opened in 1991 in the wake of the Gulf War. 1 The ensuing negotiations were divided into a series of bilateral talks between Israel and its neighbours, conducted in Washington, and several "multilateral tracks," meeting in various venues around the world, that were intended to address regional problems in a comprehensive manner. Initially, Israel entered into negotiations regarding the Occupied Territories with a delegation jointly representing the Palestinians and the Kingdom of Jordan. Then unexpectedly, in August 1993, it was announced that Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization had been engaged in secret, direct negotiations in Oslo, Norway. 2 A few weeks later, on 13 Septem her 1993, the two parties signed the Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements. 3 The Declaration of Principles sets out a framework for achieving peace between the Israelis and the Palestinians. The Declaration of Principles contemplated a five-year interim arrangement to be followed by a final "pennanent-status" arrangement between the two sides. During the interim period, unspecified portions of the Occupied Territories would be transferred to Palestinian administration, while the two sides undertook an array of other confidence-building measures across a broad range of issues. The Declaration of Principles was deliberately ambiguous about many issues and did not even address explicitly what were likely to be the most difficult questions - the fate of Jerusalem and of the Israeli settlements in the West Bank and Gaza. -
Vaughn Whitney Garland Final Paper Adorno and Greenberg 1933 to 1939
Adorno and Greenberg, 1933 to 1939 By Vaughn Whitney Garland Decenber 13, 2010 Modernism & the Dialectic Dr. Victoria Scott 2 “‘When you spend Saturday night in a illegal dance hall, there is no energy left for Sunday-morning mass.’”1 In the debates about aesthetics, culture, music and visual arts in postwar American Modernism, the names Clement Greenberg and Theodor W. Adorno appear frequently. Greenberg and Adorno championed a high modernist aesthetic that connected the avant- garde and the cultured elite. The simultaneous emergence of popular culture and new aesthetic philosophies, in terms of a national, social, and cultural identity, brought Adorno and Greenberg’s concepts to life. Despite what is typically thought about the origins of the arguments regarding avant-garde and kitsch argument in the art world and its theoretical reliance on Greenberg as the primary and original source, it was Adorno, not Greenberg, who began the discussion about the roles and responsibilities of the avant- garde. While the ideas put forward by both Greenberg in his essay “Avant-garde and Kitsch” and Adorno’s work “On Jazz” are the impetus for many of the arguments made regarding the role of the avant-garde, I will suggest that the modernist discourse concerning popular culture and its relationship to the avant-garde began instead with an article published by Theodor Adorno in 1936. Since the publication of “Avant-garde and Kitsch,” the aesthetic discourse in the United States has frequently focused on Greenberg. However, Adorno’s article “On Jazz,” which was published earlier, with its critique on the bourgeois and proletariat music jazz, may have actually been the foundation of modernist theory. -
Israel: Civilians & Combatants
Israel: Civilians & Combatants by Avishai Margalit and Michael Walzer | The New York ... Page 1 of 10 May 14, 2009 Issue Israel: Civilians & Combatants Avishai Margalit and Michael Walzer Warrick Page/Corbis Israeli soldiers returning from the war in Gaza, near the Israeli town of Sderot, January 18, 2009 In 2005, Asa Kasher and Amos Yadlin published in an American academic journal “Assassination and Preventive Killing,”1 an essay that explores the issue of “assassination within the framework of fighting terror.” There are good reasons to believe that the political and practical significance of this essay goes far beyond its academic interest. Asa Kasher is professor of professional ethics and philosophy of practice at Tel Aviv University and an academic adviser to the Israel Defense Forces (IDF). Amos Yadlin is a major general who at the time the article appeared was the military attaché of the embassy of Israel in Washington; he is currently the head of Israeli army intelligence. The writers are quick to point out that the “views expressed in the present paper are those of the authors and not necessarily those of the…IDF or the State of Israel.” But the issue is not whether their views are official, but whether they are in fact influential in the Israeli army. Soon after the recent Israeli intervention in Gaza, Amos Harel argued in Haaretz (February 6, 2009) that the guidelines suggested in the article are indeed the ones that http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2009/may/14/israel-civilians-combatants/ 2/10/2014 Israel: Civilians & Combatants by Avishai Margalit and Michael Walzer | The New York ..