Factors and Actors in the Kola Nut Trade in Adamawa in the Twentieth Century Hamza Tukur Ribadu, PhD Department of History, University of Maiduguri

Abstract This paper examines the factors and actors in Kola nut trade in the twentieth century Adamawa Emirate. Kola nut was very important in exchange in the market system of the Emirate during that time. In fact, Kola trade traversed various regions of with some acting as suppliers while others were consumers of the product. Adamawa, especially in the ninetieth century, was both a consumer and a supplier of a variant of a kola known as Ganjigaga. The factors that influenced/inhibited kola trade in Adamawa in the twentieth century included the imposition of colonial rule which introduced colonial currency and also partitioned the kola nut producing area of the emirate. Other factors are the rise in export earnings which encouraged the production of cash crops, improved transportation and affluence among the people. The actors in the trade are mainly wholesalers and retailers of the commodity and in the 20th century Adamawa there was the predominance of Wudirawa (people from Katagum) in the trade. Introduction The trade in kola nuts thrived well in the precolonial Adamawa emirate in which it was both an exporter and receiver of the commodity. Adamawa was the producer of the Kola variety known as Ganjigaga from its Bamenda region while it received other Kola varieties from Borno and Hausa land. However, with the imposition of colonial rule in the early decade of the 20th century, the nature of the trade changed drastically. This article, therefore, examines the factors that influenced Kola trade in the 20th century as well as those engaged in the trade. Imposition of Colonial Rule , who explored the Central Sudan on behalf of the British government, was the first European to visit Yola in 1852. His eyewitness accounts revealed that Adamawa has the potentials of being a big market. The next group of Europeans to come to Yola was a delegation of the Church Missionary Society, who came in 1880, but was refused entry into Yola(Abubakar,1984). In 1891, through the influence of William Wallace of the Royal Niger Company which later became the United Africa Company, was allowed to trade in Yola by the emir, Zubayru. The fate of the upper Benue region and the rest of Adamawa was, however, decided by the signing of the Anglo-German treaty by Wallace of RNC. The treaty partitioned Adamawa between the British and Germans, after he succeeded in uprooting French influence in Adamawa. The Charter given to the RNC was revoked at the end of 1899, and from the 1st January, 1900, Adamawa became part of the new protectorate of Northern Nigeria (NNAK). Lugard subsequently sent the proclamation to Zubayru informing him of this development. However, Zubayru remained hostile to the British and refused to acknowledge their superiority. In 1901, on the charges of slave-raiding, the British ordered an expedition against Adamawa in order to pacify it and de-throne Zubayru. Thus, an expeditionary force of the West Africa Frontier Force left Lokoja, on 26th August, 1901, under the command of Col. Morland. Yola was subsequently raided and occupied, and Zubayru forced to flee. The imposition of colonial rule on any subject people leads to the disruption of activities in all spheres of their lives. The British occupation of Adamawa was also not an exception. The hither to flourishing trade in the emirate came to a standstill, and subsequently began to decline coupled with general decline of the economy. In 1902, just nine months after the occupation of Yola, Barclays alleged that “Yola’s prosperity as a market centre in the older days, that is, before the imposition of colonial rule was due to the slave and ivory trade which the British stopped the former and the Germans, the latter”. In 1903, the British Resident in Yola, also complained that “no caravans came to Yola now as there is nothing to induce them to do so. The trade with the outside world is now represented by a few peddlers who come in singly or by twos and threes.” (Tukur, 1979, p.767). A plausible reason for the decline, according to Mahmud Tukur, is the fact that the British had already and swiftly started collecting tolls and custom duties on all categories of native products. Another plausible explanation was that traders have perfected ways of eluding British patrols and toll stations. A large caravan usually breakup on reaching the vicinity of tolls station and regroup later. The economic policy of the colonial authorities was the exploitation of the natural resources of the colony for the benefit of the mother country. The cardinal principles of the colonial economic relationship were to stimulate production and export of cash crops, to encourage consumption and expand the importation of European manufactured goods, and above all to ensure that as much as possible the trade of the colony, both imports and exports, was conducted with the metropolitan country. To facilitate these objectives, new currencies tied to the currencies of the metropolis were introduced which displaced barter system (Ajayi and Crowder, 1974). Thus, the colonial authorities re-directed the structure and pattern of trade to the effect that trade also served as the basis of unequal exchange, and therefore of exploitation. However, Mahmud Tukur noted that the decline in trade was not an uninterrupted one. Thus, some years after the imposition of colonial rule, Yola’s trade started to show some revival. The people were forced to resume trade both by sheer necessity and by a probable realization that the British were not likely to go away as quickly as the people had expected and that in the meantime, the economic life of the people had to be carried on in spite of the intruders’ harassments and imposition. It was in this regard that the Royal Niger Company recorded increase in trade between 1913 and 1914. Coupled with the imposition of colonial rule was the introduction of currency in exchange. Hitherto, that is, by 1900, there was no generally accepted currency. Most exchanges were conducted on barter system. The German Mark was introduced into Yola (Adamawa) Province by indigenous traders who were forced to accept it by the Germans in that portion of Adamawa occupied by them (Tukur, 1979). Gowers suggested the introduction of small coins i.e. pennies, half pennies and 1/10th of a penny, made in copper into the Adamawa market. This would hasten the establishment of the British currency. In 1907, there was a breakthrough when the British currency started to be accepted as a general currency and not just means of paying taxes as before(Tukur, 1979). The British coins were subsequently accepted as medium of exchange thus facilitating the growth of trade. The early part of colonial rule and up to the 1940s witnessed an increase in the volume of Kola coming from the Bamenda region. The Divisional Officer of Hun Division noted that a large number of Kola traders were passing through the Division from Bamenda on their way to Yola. They travelled in organized bands of twenty to a hundred (NNAK). It was perhaps because of the size of the trade and the authority’s attempt to generate revenue, that the Secretary of the Northern Provinces in 1946, proposed to introduce license for the sale of kola nuts (NNAK). The Ordinance proposed was targeted at itinerant hawkers and petty traders. Itinerant hawking in the Ordinance include hawking and peddling of Kola in any street or open space or travelling from market to market for the purpose of hawking. While petty trading means the selling or displaying for sale on any stall or table in any street or open space, but shall not include selling or displaying for sale in any shop or market. Among the articles carried by the Ordinance were: a) No person shall engage or be employed in itinerant hawking or petty trading in Kola nuts except under the authority of, and in accordance with the provision of a license issued by the Native Authority; b) A license shall not be granted to an applicant or class of applicants whom the Native Authority or any person authorized by it consider to be in any way unsuited to hold such license; c) The Native Authority, whenever it deems expedient may limit the number of licenses issued under these rules; d) Any person who contravenes or fails to comply with any of the provisions of these rules shall be liable to a fine not exceeding twenty-five pounds, or to imprisonment not exceeding six months or to both such fine and imprisonment and to have his license, if any forfeited. However, this proposal was opposed by the Divisional Officers in the Adamawa Province on the grounds that it would stifle trade and due to the nature of the porousness of the border, it will be difficult to track and impose these provisions on the traders. The matter was subsequently shelved. In the home front, imposition of colonial rule ensued peace, thus, encouraging traders to undertake long journeys without the fear of being waylaid or robbed. Also, the introduction of currency meant that if a trader wants to buy kola in any part of the emirate, he does not have to have items for barter as before. As money is portable and secure, the buyer will just go with his money to the market and buy whatever quantity of kola he wants. This no doubt increased the volume of the Kola trade. The imposition of colonial rule was however, not without its problems, for it created a lot of difficulties which even independent Nigeria could not resolve. This included rigid boundaries, international monetary policies, immigration laws and foreign exchange. The people who carried out this trade were predominantly non-literate and were naturally discouraged by these policies. By the end of the colonial period, last vestiges of long distance trade, especially as amplified by the Adamawa - Bamenda route, finally disappeared.

Improved Transportation Improved transportation and communication are fundamental to all types of development. There was no doubt that at the beginning of the 20th century, transport difficulties were among the most important and urgent problems facing Nigeria. As far as economic development of Nigeria was concerned, there was a great need to introduce better transport and communication systems in order to quicken the pace of the transition from a predominantly subsistence economy to a modern exchange economy (Ekundare, 1973). The principal mode of transport in Adamawa during the early part of the century was the inland waterways along the river Benue. The river was navigable most of the year, except during low waters that fall between February to May. It was navigable for shallow draft steamers to a point 40 miles above and for light launches as for as Rai Buba. Steamers were used by John Holt as far Lau (Abubakar,1984). At one time, the Marine Department run a regular service as far as Yola, but was later abandoned because of expediency. The only steamer services that continued were those of U.A.C and John Holt (Abubakar, 1984). There was no doubt that in addition to carrying fancy goods and European textile materials, the steamers also brought Kola to Yola. Steamers do leave Lagos every ten days between about second week of July and the first week of October. If a steamer was available, it was possible to reach Yola from Lagos in the height of rains. However, with time, road transport came to replace this mode of transportation. It was the need to build feeder roads for the newly constructed railways which ushered in the transformation of roads and road transport in Nigeria. The feeder roads were meant to provide enough passenger and cargo traffic for the new railways. The progress of their development, therefore, followed closely the gradual construction of railway lines. However, it should be borne in mind that the rail lines did not reach Adamawa, a reconnaissance survey for the laying of the lines was undertaken but subsequently shelved (Rhodes Library). The introduction of vehicles by the first half of the 20th century speeded the process of construction of motorable roads. Thus, the Yola Gombe- Jos road was made motorable during dry season as well as the Yola via Girei-Uba-Madagali-Dikwa was also made motorable. Likewise, the Yola - Wukari was also constructed in 1952. Most of the roads in Adamawa during the colonial period were only motorable during the dry season. When rains start the roads had to be abandoned. The attainment of independence further accelerated the construction of road network in Adamawa especially tarred roads. The period 1970-1980 marked the connection of Yola to the road network of the country. In this period, two big bridges were built over the River Benue at Numan and Jimeta. The building of these bridges helped in no small measure in promoting commercial activities. Mention must also be made in this regard to the road linking Yola- Jalingo -Wukari -Onitsha -Lagos through which route Kola is brought to Adamawa. It should be noted that every increase in the habit of travelling among the ordinary people, brings a definite increase in the Kola trade. A considerable extension of the use of motor lorries would have effect in the sale of the nuts because of its perishability. The nuts need constant tending and picking especially when on the route. Thus, with the improvement of transport and the introduction of lorry transport, Kola can be conveyed from the centre of production to the Adamawa emirate the consumption centre, in a day or two. This helped in no small way in boosting the trade. By and large, roads on account of their cheapness, ease and rapidity of construction, led to a greater expansion of trade than would have been possible if the means of overload communication had been limited to railways. Rise in Export Earnings The imposition of colonial rule invariably meant that the pre-colonial economy of the Nigerian area must also change. The economic policy of colonialism was geared towards the production of raw materials or cash crops. Lugard and many other colonial officials fervently believed that colonialism would introduce a period of unprecedented economic expansion for the of Northern Nigeria (McPhee, 1971). The colonial economy developed rapidly by the opening of a railway to Kano from Lagos in 1912. In great anticipation, the British commercial interests prepared to tap the vast materials of the emirates (Lovejoy and Hogerdorn, 1993). It was clear that there was substantial growth in the value and volume of overseas trade, and that the period of colonial rule gave a considerable boost to an economy which was already beginning to expand (Lovejoy and Hogerdorn, 1993). This process, therefore led to the emergence of production of cash crops and the commodities that featured prominently in this trade were groundnuts, palm oil, palm kernels, hides and skins, etc. The growth in the export sector was based on principally agricultural and forest products most of which were established staples. Groundnut was introduced to West Africa from the New world by the Portuguese and had long been grown as a food crop in many parts of Nigeria. The development of production for export is, however, more recent (Hopkins, 1973). With the cessation of exports from the Indian subcontinent to Britain, Nigeria has emerged as the world’s leading exporter of this commodity (Buchanan, 1971). Groundnuts could be grown on virtually any size of plot. They were also ideal for intercropping with millet and sorghum, although intercropping often reduced yields of grain when compared to single stands (Buchanan, 1971). Thus, groundnuts came to be grown on large scale in the Nigerian area during the period of colonial rule The principal groundnut producing area was the Kano district, but it was also grown substantially in the Adamawa area. Two expatriate firms, and especially Bargies, came to play a significant role in the buying and selling of groundnut in . From their station in Numan, they bought and shipped the groundnuts up the Bonus to the coast. According to Bappa Baji (Personal communication, 1996), the annual sales of the nuts had to be flagged off officially before it begins. The agents bought and stored the groundnuts in the villages for the company before its evacuation to Numan for onward transportation. By the 1910s and 1920s, groundnuts and palm oil accounted for a greater part of Nigeria exports (Hopkins,1973). In the second part of colonial period, the two products continued to make progress, that by the 1950s, they accounted for 2000 of Nigeria’s external export (Hopkins, 1973). Apart from the two expatriate firms authorized by the Marketing Board, there were Kakanda traders plying the river Benue who used to buy groundnuts. These traders brought goods from Onitsha to Yola by their canoes. On their return journey, they bought groundnuts and sold it to licensed buying agents on the lower reaches of the Benue or Niger. By 1942, these traders outbid the larger firms in the Adamawa region and they complained to the Resident of Adamawa Province (Bauer, 1954). The colonial authorities had to prohibit the Kakanda traders from buying groundnuts in the region thenceforth. Another export item worth noting is hides and skins. The Adamawa area is an area well noted for livestock production and animal husbandry. The trade in hides and skins flourished very much in Adamawa. Hides and skins are extensively exported from Northern Nigeria, and before the building of the railways found their way to Europe through the Sahara (McPhee, 1971). The trade in exports of hides alone in 1955 was worth ₤1,000,000 (Buchanan, 1971). The development of the export trade which new transport system promoted, helped to foster a highly monetized exchange economy hitherto operating on a low scale (Blij and Martin, 1979). What all this meant was that, it raised the purchasing power of both the traders and the consumers in their ability to buy Kola nuts. These afforded the people the opportunity to earn income and money. With this opportunity, people can afford to spend their money on luxuries like Kola. Affluence As demonstrated by Lovejoy, Kola was in the past regarded as a luxury and its consumption more restricted and regarded as the prerogative of the royalty (Lovejoy, 1980). As Kola was the most readily available stimulant sanctioned by Islam, any improvement in the standard of living of the people tend to affect the trade. With the imposition of colonial rule, there was the creation of a salaried class. People were engaged by the colonial authority as clerks, overseers, foremen and labourers. This employment provided them with certain fixed amount of money at the end of every month. This class can afford to spend in luxury items like Kola. It is worthy to note that the sale of Kola nuts reaches its peak after the harvest. This view is expressed by Idi Mai Goro, a Kola nut merchant. After harvest, the ordinary people became affluent as a result of the proceeds from the sale of their grains. It is at this period that the ordinary people usually decide to marry. Marriage in the Adamawa society cannot be regarded as complete without the involvement of Kola. The increasing propensity of marriage at this period increases the volume of sale of the nuts. The colonial economy restricted growth on the side of the Nigerians. However, with independence and especially with the discovery of oil and the subsequent oil boom that ensued, made many people to become affluent. This manifested itself in the rise of contractors and suppliers who became rich overnight and hence were in a position to spend their money on luxuries. Related to this was the Udoji awards which increased salaries of worker with retrospective effect. This boosted Kola trade, in that many can now afford to buy it. And this new rich class increased the quantity of Kola they used to buy for ceremonies. If hitherto, a rich man buys ten huhus (measures) of kola for a marriage ceremony, the more affluent he gets, he will tend to increase the quantity in subsequent ceremonies. In this regard, mention must be made of the important functions in which Kola is consumed. This include political rallies and meetings, especially during 1979-1983 political campaigns, where Kola was distributed among followers of political parties. Also, as people became affluent, more tend to seek for traditional titles. In the installation ceremonies of this people who are invested with the titles, Kola is bought in large quantities and distributed. All in all, the imposition of colonial rule saw to the monetarization of economy, improved transportation and the growth of the export sector. These factors, no doubt raised the living standards and the purchasing power of the people in Adamawa. This therefore, influenced the growth of the kola nut trade. Whole Sellers and Retailers of the Commodity In the Kola trade of the 19th century, there is the centrality of the role of the Madugu, who combines both military and administrative duties. He determines all major decisions, from date of departure to division of duties along the way (Lovejoy, 1980). A Madugu’s leadership ability depended upon a number of personal characteristics, management and commercial skills, and extraordinary knowledge crucial to the protection of expeditions (Lovejoy, 1980). Thus, in the caravan, there would be merchants with smaller number of donkeys under a madugu. If they reach their destination, they break up and when on the return journey, they reorganize into a group again. In a caravan of Kola therefore, would be found merchants and those who carry items on their heads -Yan garumfa. The merchants acted both as wholesalers and retailers when they return to their home. In the late 19th century there was the activity of Madugu Muhamman Mai Gashin Baki in the Adamawa area. He engaged in Kola, ivory and slave trades and undertook journey to and from Adamawa many times (Flegel, 1885). He acted as a wholesaler and had his servants who retail Kola on his behalf. It should be noted that these developments were pre-colonial developments. However, by the beginning of the 20th century, as a result of the consolidation of colonial rule and the resultant security that ensued, especially in the 1920s up to the 1940s, there was no need for large caravans. Any individual can undertake the journey to buy Kola and return safely. For instance, Hammawa Bage,a Fufore-based Kola trader, undertook the journey in the 1950s and 1960s for about eleven times. He could also recall a few madugus who undertook the journey to Pamso (Personal communication, 1996). Wakili Adamu, a Yola -based trader, is believed to have had about 20 donkeys and between twenty and thirty servants. However, he has stopped going to Pamso because of the hardship on the route and low profit margin as a result of the introduction of water transportation. There were also some other madugus from villages neighbouring Yola, like Dulo, Wuro Dole, Ribadu and Daware. There was the predominance of the Kanuri in the trade as most of the villages mentioned are Kanuri settlements. On their return, these traders who undertook the long journey sell the kola to wholesalers who had enough capital in bulk or to Yantererai. While in some cases, the traders retail the Kola themselves. Retailing the Kola themselves, according to Hammawa Bage, enable them to gain larger profit margin, but take longer time in disposing of the kola. This causes delay to someone who intends to embark on the journey in a short while. Furthermore, the development of road transportation killed the caravan trade and shifted emphasis from the madugu to Yanfatake. As from the 1950s all seasons roads were constructed and lorry transport introduced into the Adamawa area. Journeys to and from the centre of production can now be undertaken easily. There was, therefore, the growth of a new class of merchants unlike the madugu. If the madugu was the head of the caravan, now there is no need of the caravan. Emphasis is now placed more on the broker dillali at the centre of production with whom money for the purchase of Kola is kept. This refers to the South -Western end of the kola trade. As demonstrated by Lovejoy, in the 19th century, one need to come from a class or asali group before undertaking this trade. That is to say that, the trade is passed on from one generation to another. However, in Adamawa emirate in the twentieth century, anyone who has the capital can venture into the trade. Muhammad Dan Jauro, for instance, did not inherit the trade from anyone. He hails from Gombe, a Fulani, now a major wholesaler in the Jimeta main market and is even the chairman of the Kolanut Traders Union (Personal communication, 1996). There is also Isa Mai Goro another major wholesaler in Yola town. He is a Bawudire- that is a person from the Katagum area. In Adamawa in the 20th century, there is no large specialized group of wholesellers like the one that exist in Kano and Borno. Perhaps this may be as a result of the not so large quantities of Kola brought to Adamawa. There is no group like the Agalawa, Tokarawa or Kambarin Barebari towards whom one would point to as maintaining monopoly over the trade. Even those who inherited the trade, after gaining some considerable amount of capital, do venture into some more profitable business. However, as from the 1960s, there is the predominance of Hausa in the Kola trade in Adamawa. This might not be unconnected with the commercial skills of the Hausa and their ability to exploit marketing avenues. The wholesaler in Adamawa do not need to undertake the journey to Agege or any centre of production. What he need to do is just to give the money to his servant, trusted friend or send the money to his dillali in Agege or any other place from where he buys his kola. If the Kola become available, the dillali will just send the lorry load of Kola to the wholesaler through his servant. In the alternative, however, the wholesalers gather money for the quantity of Kola which anyone need and send one of them to buy the Kola. Retailers or Yantererai purchase Kola by the hundreds and then re-sell the nuts individually. The retailing of Kola does not always require great capital as the various wholesalers have servants to whom they give out the nuts for the purpose of retailing. A kind of clientage exists between the wholesaler and the retailers, some of them come to the retailer in order learn the skills of trading and after some time, the wholesaler can even give a trusted retailer enough capital to start his own trade. At the end of each week, the sum total of the sales is brought to the wholesaler who pays them their labour. However, there is the existence of Yanterere who engage in the trade independently as a result of the capital they acquired. They buy the nuts in tummude (F) or kwarya (H), i.e. - a measure of 200 nuts or fufu in order to retail. Furthermore, some of the yantererai are mobile moving around with their terere or some others with trays from one place to another selling the nuts. However, others display the nuts on their stalls and combines it with the selling of essential commodities. While others follow the cyclical markets around Yola and move from one market to the other in the towns and villages. There is the predominance of Wudirawa people from the Katagum emirate, like Itas Gadau and Zaki Local Governments of and people from Hadeja emirate of Jigawa State in the retail business. They usually come to Adamawa after the harvest and when there is less work to do at home. When the rains start, they usually abandon this business and go back home to farm. However, a considerable number of them have settled in and around Yola engaging in the retail business. Jimeta and Yola serve as distribution centres for the towns and villages neighbouring them. Kola traders come from these towns and villages to buy kola in wholesale, in order to retail it in their respective towns. Through this means, according to Isa Mai Goro, Kola is exported to Cameroun. Cameroonians themselves come to Yola to buy it or Kola traders from Yola take it to through Gurin and Turwa. Conclusion The Kola nut trade has been in existence in the Adamawa Emirate since pre-colonial times but in the twentieth century with the British conquest of the area the nature and operation of the trade changed. The imposition of colonial rule, creation of artificial boundaries and the introduction of colonial at the beginning of the twentieth century brought the trade to the lowest ebb. However, the realization by the people that the British had come to stay made them to re-engage in economic activities thus helping in the revival of trading activities. Other factors that helped in revitalizing trade were improved transportation and affluence among the people. References Abubakar, L.A. (1984). “The Impact of Colonialism on the Economy of the upper Benue valley,” Final Year Essay submitted to the Dept. of History, University of Maiduguri. Ajayi, J.F.A. and Crowder, M. (1974). History of West Africa Vol.II. London: Longman. Bauer, P.T. (1954). West African Trade- A Study of Competition, Oligopoly and Monopoly in a Changing Economy, London: Chambers University Press. Blij, H.D. and Martin, K.B. (1979). African Perspectives-The Economic Geography of Nine African States, New York: Methuen, Inc. Buchanan, K.M. (1971) Land and People in Nigeria- The Human Geography of Nigeria and Its Environmental Background, London: ULP. Ekundare, R.O. (1973). An Economic History of Nigeria 1860-1960, London: Methuen and Co Ltd. Flegel, F.R. (1885). The Biography of Madugu Mohamman Mai Gashin Baki Translated by M.B. Duffill, Los Angeles: University of California Press. Hopkins, A.G. (1973). An Economic History of West Africa, Essex: Longman. Lovejoy, P.E. (1980). Caravans of Kola- The Hausa Kola Trade, 1700-1900, Zaria: ABU Press. Lovejoy, P.E. and Hogerdorn, J.S. (1993). Slow Death for Slavery – The Course of Abolition of Slave Trade in Northern Nigeria 1897-1936, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Mcphee, A. (1971). Economic Revolution in British West Africa, London: Frank Cass. Tukur, M.M. (1979). “The Imposition of British Colonial Domination on Caliphate, Borno and Neighbouring Areas 1897-1914: A Re-interpretation of the Colonial Sources”, Ph.D. Thesis, ABU, Zaria. NNAK Yol.Prof. L5/S.II. NNAK Yol.Prof. 4483. Mss Afr. S. 1033(i): Lafia/ Railway Reconnaissance survey, 1928-9 by NiS. Cloostor, Survey Engineer; Major L Logan and Capt. L.N. Reed, Political officers, Rhodes House Library, Oxford. Bappa Baji, Oral Interview, 24th May, 1996, Fufore, . Hammawa Bage, Oral Interview, 17th Jan. 1996, Fufore, Adamawa State. Mohammad Dan Jauro, Oral Interview, 8th Sept. 1995, Jimeta Main Market, Adamawa State. HF Isa Mai Goro, Oral Interview, 8th October, 1995, Yola Town, Adamawa State.