IN THIS ISSUE

1. The Role of Nguru Emirate to The Political and Economic Development of Northern Nigeria, C.1630

Lawan Jafaru Tahir

2. Impact of Terrorism in Taraba State and the Creation of IDP Camps: Case Study of Jalingo LGA

Inalegwu Stephany Akipu, PhD & Habila Hassan

3. A Panoramic Analysis of Causes and Effects of Herdsmen Invasion of Communities In Nigeria Since

2015

Ngah, Louis Njodzeven Wirnkar, Audu, Tanko Garba & Maimolo, Talatu Emmanuel

4. Use of ICT For Effective Record Keeping In Grade-A Public Secondary Schools In Jalingo

Educational Zone of Taraba State

Oyeniyi Solomon Olayinka, Joseph Atumba & Oyeniyi Titilayo Mercy

5. The Modifications of African Culture In The Face of Technology: Jukun Culture In Perspective

Makai N. Daniel & Rinret Winniefred Lukden

6. Problems and Prospects of Commercial Motorcycle (Achaba) Transportation Enterprise: A Historical

Survey of Katsina Metropolis in Northern Nigeria, 1987 – 2012

Samuel Wycliff & Abba Aliyu Sararinkuka

7. Assessment of The Utilization of Instructional Electronic Media In Training of Rural Farmers For

Post-Harvest Handling As Perceived By Educational Technologists

Fidelis H. Bonjoru, PhD & Oyeniyi Solomon Olayinka

8. A Brief Account of The Manipulation of Ethno-Religious Factor In Politics In Southern Taraba

Bello ZakariyaAbubukar, PhD

9. A Re-Consideration of the History of Origin And Migration of The Chamba People of Ganye

Chiefdom, Adamawa State Akombo I. Elijah, PhD &Vincent Christiana A PUBLICATIONPUBLICATION OFOF 10. Domestic Violence: Types, Causes and Implications On The Child and Society INSTITUTEINSTITUTE OFOF PEACEPEACE STUDIESSTUDIES ANDAND Hosea Nakina Martins & Joy Isaiah Tonga

11. Nigeria in the Era of Globalization: Implications on the Nigerian society COCONFLICTNFLICT MANAGEMENTMANAGEMENT (IPSACM),(IPSACM),

Ayibatari Yeriworikongha Jonathan

12. The Role of Electoral Tribunals in Nigeria: A Case Study of Taraba State

Barr. Joseph D. Bagudu & Rev. Bako Yerima Gudubul, PhD

13. The Military and its Role in the Socio-economic Development of Taraba State of Nigeria, 1991-1998

Anuye, Steve Paul & Atando Dauda Agbu, PhD

Mr. Joseph, Bonglo Kingsley

14. Aspects of Pre-Colonial Urbanization in the Emirate of Fombina: A Case of Yola 1841 – 1901

Umar Zubairu

15. The Indigenship-Settler Question in Plateau State: A Study of Ethno-Religious Crises In Jos North

Local Government Area, 2000 – 2017 Abdulsalami M. Deji, PhD, Simon Bala Fwangyil & Alaba Babatunde Israel V o l u m e 2 , N u m b e r 1 , J a n u a r y 2 0 2 0 HPL HAMEED PRESS LIMITED No. 51 Garu Street, Sabon line Jalingo, Taraba State, Nigeria. TEL 08036255661, 07035668900. ISSN 2682- 6194 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

ISSN: 2682-6194

JOURNAL OF MULTI-DISCIPLINARY STUDIES A Publication of Institute of Peace Studies and Conflict Management (IPSACM),

Taraba State University, Jalingo, Nigeria

Volume 2, Number 1, January 2020 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Institute of Peace Studies and Conflict Management (IPSACM), Taraba State University, Jalingo, Volume 2, Number 1, January 2020 ISSN: 2682-6194

Editorial Board Editor-In-Chief Akombo I. Elijah, PhD

Secretary Abdulsalami M. Deji, PhD

Editorial Members Isa M. Adamu, PhD Aboki M. Sani, PhD Atando Dauda Agbu, PhD Haruna M. Suleimuri, PhD Article should be submitted online to the Secretary, Institute of Peace Studies and Conflict Management (IPSCAM), Taraba State University PMB 1167 Jalingo, Taraba State, Nigeria. Email: [email protected], [email protected], [email protected]

i Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies Editorial Consultants

Professor Talla Ngarka S., Director, Institute of Peace Studies and Conflict Management (IPSACM), Taraba State University, Jalingo, Nigeria. Professor Abolade Adeniji, Department of History and International Studies, Lagos State University, Ojo, Lagos, Nigeria Professor Oguntola-Laguda, Danoye, Department of African Traditional Religions, Lagos State University, Ojo, Lagos, Nigeria Professor Mike O. Odey, Department of History, Benue State University, Makurdi, Nigeria. Professor E. C. Emordi, Department of History and International Studies, Ambrose Alli University, Ekpoma, Edo State, Nigeria Professor Adagba Okpaga, Department of Political Science, Benue State University, Makurdi, Nigeria Prof. Umar Habila Dadem Danfulani, Department of Religious Studies, University of Jos, Plateau State, Nigeria. Prof. Olubunmi Akinsanya Alo, Department of Sociology, Federal University, Wukari, Taraba State, Nigeria Professor Saawua Gabriel Nyityo, Department of History, Benue State University, Makurdi, Nigeria. Dr. Gbemisola Abdul-Jelil Animasawun, Centre for Peace and Strategic Studies, University of Ilorin, Nigeria

ii Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies Mission Statement

The world system is increasingly passing through very disturbing phases. Almost every sphere of life is being subjected to unprecedented crises. Both the human and the physical environments have come to crossroads of crises. There are, for instance, unprecedented episodes of global warming; depreciating conditions of soil fertility caused by, mostly, unregulated human activities; overflowing of banks of oceans and rivers on one hand, and alarming rain failures in different parts of the world resulting in protracted droughts and famine; on the other hand unprecedented frictions in human relationships across the globe resulting in unprecedented inter- personal, inter-group, inter-regional and inter-continental confrontations, among others. The Nigerian society is caught up at a similar crossroad. This presupposes that what has become, or is becoming, of the Nigerian society is directly a reflection of the predicament of the international community. Indeed, the entire Nigerian system is increasingly becoming alarmingly chaotic, resulting in unprecedented episodes of conflicts and violent behaviours. For instance, relationship within, and between, families is increasingly becoming very confrontational; the echoes of intra and inter-communal or group conflicts and violence are assuming new disturbing dimensions; the educational system is fast proving highly incapable of producing variables for positive national growth and development; the two dominant religions, Christianity and Islam, are disturbingly proving to be avenues for the promotion of intra and inter-religious rivalries other than peace and unity which are supposedly their main tenets; the political system is fast becoming terrains of unprecedented violence, conflict, misrule on one hand, as the security agencies are increasingly

iii Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies proving to be suspiciously incapable of performing their constitutional roles on the other hand, among many other vices. Needless to assert at this juncture that conflict, violence and confrontation have become the dominant features of the Nigerian society. This development results from a network of causes. Apparently, therefore, for us to be able to adequately comprehend the adjoining variables responsible for this down trend in our society, much mental, physical and financial energies have to be exerted. This, of course, is the hallmark of Journal of Multi- Disciplinary Studies, A Publication of Institute of Peace Studies and Conflict Management (IPSACM), Taraba State University, Jalingo, Taraba State University, Jalingo. The Centre appreciates our renown academies who have identified with this mission, particularly, the maiden edition of its Journal through their very valuable articles. Our most reputable senior colleagues who have graciously accepted to be part of this mission as editorial consultants cannot be appreciated enough. The Centre has, indeed, put its hands on the plough and pledges to stick to the philosophy of “Forward Ever, Backward Never”. We remain resolute.

Akombo Elijah Ityavkase, PhD

iv Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies Notes on Contributors

1. Lawan Jafaru Tahir, Department of History, Yobe State University, Damaturu, Yobe State. 2. Inalegwu Stephany Akipu, PhD & Habila Hassan Department of Archaeology and Heritage Studies University of Jos, Plateau State Nigeria. 3. Ngah, Louis Njodzeven Wirnkar, Audu, Tanko Garba & Maimolo, Talatu Emmanuel Department of History, College of Education, zing, Taraba State, Nigeria. 4. Oyeniyi Solomon Olayinka, Joseph Atumba, Faculty of Education, Taraba State University, Jalingo & Oyeniyi Titilayo Mercy Post Primary School Management Board, Jalingo Taraba State. 5. Makai N. Daniel & Rinret Winniefred Lukden Department of History and Diplomatic Studies Federal University Wukari, Taraba State. 6. Samuel Wycliff, Department of History, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria-Nigeria & Abba Aliyu Sararinkuka, IJAMB Unit, Alqalam University, Katsina – Nigeria. 7. Fidelis H. Bonjoru, PhD, College of Education, Zing, Taraba State & Oyeniyi Solomon Olayinka, Faculty of Education, Taraba State University, Jalingo, Taraba State, 8. Bello ZakariyaAbubukar, PhD, Department of History and Diplomatic Studies, Federal University, Wukari, Taraba State. 9. Akombo I. Elijah, PhD &Vincent Christiana Department of History and Diplomatic Studies Faculty of Arts Taraba State University, Jalingo, Taraba State. 10. Hosea Nakina Martins & Joy Isaiah Tonga, Department of Christian Religious Studies, Faculty of Arts Taraba State University, Jalingo, Taraba State. v Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

11. Ayibatari Yeriworikongha Jonathan, Department of History and Diplomacy Niger Delta University, Wilberforce Island, Bayelsa State. 12. Barr. Joseph D. Bagudu, Department of Public Law, Faculty of Law Taraba State University, Jalingo & Rev. Bako Yerima Gudubul, PhD Department of History and Diplomatic Studies Federal University, Wukari Taraba State. 13. Anuye, Steve Paul & Atando Dauda Agbu, PhD Department of History and Diplomatic Studies, Taraba State University Jalingo, Taraba State & Joseph, Bonglo Kingsley, Department of History, College of Education, Zing, Taraba State. 14. Umar Zubairu, Department of History Federal College of Education, Yola Adamawa State. 15. Abdulsalami M. Deji, PhD Simon Bala Fwangyil Department of History and Diplomatic Studies Faculty of Arts Taraba State University, Jalingo Taraba State & Alaba Babatunde Israel Department of History and International Studies, Faculty of Arts, Lagos State University, Ojo, Lagos

vi Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Contents 1. The Role of Nguru Emirate to The Political and 1-11 Economic Development of Northern Nigeria, C.1630 Lawan Jafaru Tahir 2. Impact of Terrorism in Taraba State and the Creation of 12-23 IDP Camps: Case Study of Jalingo LGA Inalegwu Stephany Akipu, PhD & Habila Hassan 3. A Panoramic Analysis of Causes and Effects of 24-34 Herdsmen Invasion of Communities In Nigeria Since 2015 Ngah, Louis Njodzeven Wirnkar, Audu, Tanko Garba & Maimolo, Talatu Emmanuel 4. Use of ICT For Effective Record Keeping In Grade-A 35-44 Public Secondary Schools In Jalingo Educational Zone of Taraba State Oyeniyi Solomon Olayinka, Joseph Atumba & Oyeniyi Titilayo Mercy 5. The Modifications of African Culture In The Face of 45-59 Technology: Jukun Culture In Perspective Makai N. Daniel & Rinret Winniefred Lukden 6. Problems and Prospects of Commercial Motorcycle 60-71 (Achaba) Transportation Enterprise: A Historical Survey of Katsina Metropolis in Northern Nigeria, 1987 – 2012 Samuel Wycliff & Abba Aliyu Sararinkuka 7. Assessment of The Utilization of Instructional 72-79 Electronic Media In Training of Rural Farmers For Post-Harvest Handling As Perceived By Educational Technologists Fidelis H. Bonjoru, PhD & Oyeniyi Solomon Olayinka 8. A Brief Account of The Manipulation of Ethno- 80-89 Religious Factor In Politics In Southern Taraba Bello ZakariyaAbubukar, PhD 9. A Re-Consideration of the History of Origin And 90-100 Migration of The Chamba People of Ganye Chiefdom, Adamawa State Akombo I. Elijah, PhD &Vincent Christiana

vii Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

10. Domestic Violence: Types, Causes and Implications 101-113 On The Child and Society Hosea Nakina Martins & Joy Isaiah Tonga 11. Nigeria in the Era of Globalization: Implications on 114-123 the Nigerian society Ayibatari Yeriworikongha Jonathan 12. The Role of Electoral Tribunals in Nigeria: A Case 124-152 Study of Taraba State Barr. Joseph D. Bagudu & Rev. Bako Yerima Gudubul, PhD 13. The Military and its Role in the Socio-economic 153-164 Development of Taraba State of Nigeria, 1991-1998 Anuye, Steve Paul Atando Dauda Agbu, PhD & Joseph, Bonglo Kingsley 14. Aspects of Pre-Colonial Urbanization in the Emirate 165-176 of Fombina: A Case of Yola 1841 – 1901 Umar Zubairu 15. The Indigenship-Settler Question in Plateau State: A 177-193 Study of Ethno-Religious Crises In Jos North Local Government Area, 2000 – 2017 Abdulsalami M. Deji, PhD & Simon Bala Fwangyil & Alaba Babatunde Israel

viii Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

The Role of Nguru Emirate to The Political and Economic Development of Northern Nigeria, C.1630

Lawan Jafaru Tahir Department of History, Yobe State University, Damaturu Email: [email protected] Phone: 08065555527

Abstract Nguru was a District under the Sayfawa Dynasty since 1630. It was created when Kanem Borno Empire established four different principalities in the 17th century. Since then, the town, situated in the geographically advantage environment, has been one of the strategic economic locations in northern Nigeria. This paper aims to discuss the contributions of the town in terms of political and economic growth of Northern Nigeria. It is interesting to note that, Nguru was among the earliest strategic economic locations of both pre-colonial and colonial Nigeria. What appeared to have been a turning point in the history of the town became a District with a District Officer in the colonial period. The extension of railway line to the town in 1929 added impetus to its development, between 1930-1960, there were lots of commercial activities in the area, especially in commodities like groundnuts, Arabic Gum, Cotton, etc. The quantity and volume of the commodities produced made Nguru to become the most strategic commercial centre in the whole north-eastern states of Nigeria at that time. The primary source of this paper is derived from the oral source as well as monasteries documentations of the Old Borno Dynasty, especially some documents related to archival materials. Other sources include written materials like books and journals which directly discussed the history of the town. These documents revealed a lot of findings on the history of Nguru. Keywords: Nguru, Political, Economy, Colonialism, Northern region.

Introduction There is no doubt, Nguru District was one of the oldest pre-colonial political entities of the old Safewa Dynasty of Borno. It was one of the chiefdoms created in the early Seventeen Century (1630AD). The first ruler appointed for the chiefdom was Mai Muhammad Makintami in the year 1630AD, who then was the eldest son of Mai Hajj Umar Ibn Idriss (the then Mai of Borno under Sayfawa Dynasty, the founder of Borno Empire). The creation of Nguru came as a result of the various expeditions carried out with the view to expanding and protecting the empire from external aggressions, and several other series of night raids experienced in the

1 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Dynasty by scavengers and marauders. Since its establishment, Nguru District which was later upgraded to an Emirate had been contributing to the political and economic development of northern Nigeria. In the colonial period, for instance, the town became a melting pot of economic activities due to so many advantages, geographically and otherwise. This paper aims to discuss the political map of Nguru District, and above all its contributions to economic activities of the North since pre-colonial time. What further made Nguru quite relevant in the economic activities of northern Nigeria was the extension of railway line to the area which came along with many merchants and expatriate firms. Its commercial activities covered the north-eastern district's states during and after colonial period. The smooth running of the affairs both in political and economic aspects in the area was because of firm political authority of the ruling house which was controlled by the Galadima of Borno A.K. Benishiekh maintained, for instance; “The Galadima occupied a unique position in the imperial hierarchy of pre- nineteenth century Bornoan Government. As a politico-military official of the empire with mandatory authority over the Western Borno Empire, the Galadima also ranked next to the Mai in the imperial hierarchy. The Galadima was accorded a large measure of autonomy so much so that he appeared more of a sub-imperial ruler than a mere official of the Bornoan Government…” From the above explanation on the role of Nguru in the political organization of Saifawa dynasty, it is obvious that the town had played a siginificant role in the political and economic seheres of life of Borno and northern Nigeria as a whole. Thus, it is of great significance to substantiate this history so that clear contribution of the town would be analyzed and documented. Most of the literature relevant to the history of Saifawa Dynasty did not fully discuss in details the role played by Nguru both during pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial periods. No document on the history of northern Nigerian and its economic and political fortunes both in the colonial and post-colonial era will not be fully substantiated unless contributions of Nguru are carefully subjected to analysis. Establishment of Birnin Nguru (1630) Historically, the Sayfawa Dynasty or Kanem Borno Empire was one of the biggest political entities in Central Sudan. The Dynasty, with Mai as the political leader, was founded in the 9th or 10th century A.D. and existed for nearly 1000 years. The Empire was in control of vast territory in the Lake Chad region until towards the end of the 15th century when natural disaster and internal royal conflicts devastated it. This led to the emergence of “Man of the hour”, Mai Ali B. Dunama, popular known as “Ghaji” meaning “the 2 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Younger”. It was the appearance of Ghaji that brought peace to Sayfawa, which subsequently led to the establishment of a new state in western Lake Chad with its capital at Birnin Ngazargamu (Y.Mukhtar:1985). After more than one hundred years of political and economic survival, and having established a powerful authority over a vast territory, the need arose for effective defensive frontiers more competent than the previous principalities for the purpose of neutralizing possible threats from different angles. The possibility for such challenges compelled the Mai to establish offices of the Galtima and the Khalifa. While the Galadima was at Birnin Nguru and in charge of western Borno, the Khalifa was in control of the eastern frontier. The first Galtima (Galadima as the title was later popularly called) appointed was Mai Makintami in about 1630 A.D., a prince of the royal family, who soon established a strong political and military base at Birnin Nguru. Mai Musa Shehu Galadima told us a story of how the Mai went out and created the District of Nguru: The Mai in the company of his domestic forces of 14,000 mounted troopers made up of courtiers, Dukes, Barons, Counts, Nobles, Guards and royal military consisting of slaves and freemen stopped over in a place which later was made to be the capital of Nguru, very close to a river bank, which had a lots of hippopotamus within its surrounding. They stayed there for a week hunting the hippos around for their meals and stock as well using the river to drink from and feed the transport animals that comprised horses and camels. After then the Mai and his troops proceeding their journey up to the intended destination. Their arrival was highly royal and full of entourage. They succeeded in building befitting a palace, a mosque to perform prayers and what they called “the Fambalam”, that is, “Prison”, which was followed by all necessary buildings as permanent home. Thusm it was after overcoming all these challenges that the task to name the new settlement begun. After long consultations among the top ranking title holders, at the end, Mai Makintami named it Birni Ngurtuwa (city of the Hippos). History has it that, from there the name Nguru was deduced, meaning: “Nguru- hippopotamus” in Kanuri/Manga languages (B. Sanda: 1994) In no time, the Mai succeeded in recruiting a local standing army and established the offices of Zanna Nduwama (Head of Protocol), and Zanna Mai Dala (In-Charge of food store).Within the short period of establishing Birnin Nguru, the Galtima was able to exert the influence of his new kingdom on the entire region of western Borno. Some independent and small principalities of Muniyo, Auyo and Tashena were compelled to recognize the authority of the Galtima. The developments that followed this journey were series of appointments by the king makers of the dynasty headed by Mai Birnima, who was in 3 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies charge of the appointment of the Mai of Nguru. The new town received prime importance from the Mai because of its position and strategic location. This could be seen from how the Mai of Sayfawa divided his 14,000 domestic forces into two (2) and deployed the half to the new Mai of Nguru as his troops, with many slaves and concubines to make his new Kingdom strong and powerful (M.M. Shehu: 2015). From then on, the Nguru District operated as a District under the direct administrative control of Sayfawa Dynasty, and later as the, Dynasty of Shehus. This spanned through a period of more than three hundred years stretching across the rough periods of colonial and post-colonial economies. It is interesting to note that since the establishment of the town, it has been the house of Galadima Mai Makintami that has been ruling the District except on some few occasions where care takers were posted to serve as District Heads. One important landmark in the history of Nguru District is its potentialities in terms of economic fortunes. This single potential was said to have made the town a melting pot of colonial and post-colonial commercial activities that turned the area into the economic or commercial hub of North-Eastern District of Nigeria. However, History has it that the capital of Nguru survived for over 170 years before it was ravaged by the flood that destroyed farm crops and several houses. Within that period, it was learnt that about fourteen different Mai ruled the town. The graves of thirteen Mai in the royal cemetery of the old Birni Nguru are a clear certification of above historical fact. It was after that disaster that the capital was moved from Birni Nguru to Baosori, later called Burburwa both now situated in the Republic of Niger. However, during the reign of the 20th ruler that is, Mai Mommodu Kellumi, the capital was brought back to a place near Birni Nguru some six kilometres away from the capital – the present capital of Nguru Emirate (Nguru Ngelaiwa). `It is of great significance to note that this period was one of the critical times in the history of Bilad-Al Sudan because most of the then existing states, empires and kingdoms in present day northern Nigeria were either battling with state formation or on the verge of political and economic consolidation. This indeed had to do with either Borno itself or the states of Hausa land (S. Abubakar: 1980). With emergence of the British colonial government in the 18th Century, Nguru was recognized officially as a District due to the continuing intricate relationship with the El-Kanemi Dynasty of Borno. Since then, the office of the Galadima though next to the Shehu, has been reduced to a mere title holder up to the present period. However, despite all the changes in the structure of the political authority, as well as the intervention of colonial masters, it is the same royal family who founded the Kingdom that still 4 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies maintains the heritage to rule this historic settlement known as Nguru. Below is the list of the thirty six (36) Galadima that have ruled Nguru to date List of The Galadimas of Borno Hereditary Mais of Nguru From 1625 To Date S/N NAME YEARS ON THRONE 1. Galadima Mai Muh’d Makintami 30 years 2. Galadima Mai Mammadu Aminami 7 years 3. Galadima Mai Bukar Mommadumi 10 years and 11 months. 4. Galadima Mai Aisami Mai Makuntami 1 day; installed in the morning and deposed in the evening. 5. Galadima Mai Amar Aisatami 17 years Bukar Mommadumi 6. Galadima Mai Mammadu Kellum 5 years 7. Galadima Mai Ibrahim 1st 14 years and 3 months. 8. Galadima Mai Iriima Sanammi 1 year 9. Galadima Mai Dunoma Aisatami 3 years 10. Galadima Mai Nasr Irimami 33 years 11. Galadima Mai Mommadu Hatsatami 11 years 12. Galadima Mai Ibrahim 2nd 16 years 13. Galadima Mai Umar Kirma Farma Zarami 20 years 14. Galadima Mai Dunoma 27 years; killed in Fulani war, Birni Nguru deserted. 15. Galadima Mai Ganama 9 years at Baosari) Now in Niger Rep. 16. Galadima Mai Gumsum Ibn Mai Ganamami 3 years and ran away. 17. Galadima Mai Kyari Ibn Mai 7 years at Burburwa Mommodu Hapsatami 18. Galadima Mai Gumsum 4 years 19. Galadima Mai Umar Kura 7 years at Burburwa now in Niger Republic and 11 years at Bundi. 20. Galadima Mai Dunoma 2 years and imprisoned 21. Galadima Mai Umar (restored) 4 years at Bundi 1and 7 years at Ngelaiwa. 22. Galadima Mai Dunoma Again 11 years and deposed 23. Galadima Mai Mammadu Kellum 27 years. 24. Galadima Mai Kyari Kura 2 years and imprisoned. 25. Galadima Ibrahim (appointed in Damagaram) 3 years in Kachallari; broke with Damagaram and imprisoned in Kukawa. 26. Galadima Gambo (appointed in Damagaram) 11 months 27. Galadima Ibrahim Restored by Shehu 2 years 28. Galadima Bukar son of Ibrahim Usurped the position for 9 months 29. Galadima Mai Kyari Kura Again 5 years and deposed. 30. Galadima Mai Umar Kellumi As Wakil 3 years, as well as Galadima 1 year. 31. Galadima Mai Musa Karumi 11 yrs and deposed. 32. Galadima Mai Kyari Kwallami 5 years and died at Anamo his farm house and was buried there. 33. Galadima Mai Musa Karumi Again 9 years and Nguru reduced to the status of district Head. 34. Galadima Mai Musa Karumi Again 11 years, but this time as a title holder. 35. Galadima Mai Kyari Ibn Mai Musa 23 years, 12 years at Nguru, 9 years at Galadima and Waziri of Borno. 36. Galadima Mai Dunoma Ibn Mai Umar Kellumi 33 years as a traditional title holder and died 2011 on throne. TOTAL 386 years Source: Socio-Economic and Political History of Nguru (M. M Shehu: 2015). 5 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

The Economic Potentialities of Nguru During the Pre-colonial and Colonial Periods. Agriculture had been the dominant economic activity in the pre-colonial period. It was basically subsistence, that is, productions were generally made for household consumption. Millets, beans, guinea corn and groundnuts were the principal crops produced in the area. The implements generally used in the period were cutlasses, hoes, axes, etc, which were produced by black-smiths. The cultivation was compounded through irrigation farming. Irrigation culture was developed as a result of the surrounding lakes, which increased the volume of production of various crops that supplied the needs of both animal husbandry, as well as served as a means of exchange of goods through trade with the neighboring villages and towns (G.J. Lethem: 10:1919). Another economic potentiality of Nguru was animal husbandry, which was, and is still, practiced in the area. The presence of Kumadugu Yobe encouraged the raising of livestock such as cattle, sheep and goats in the area. Similarly, the Manga people of Nguru, were traditionally associated with fishing and hunting, which was developed due to the availability of streams and water ponds. The people were also involved in salt and neutron production. This development naturally brought people very close to the culture of local industrial growth that was nurtured based on plant and animal resources. The former aided in the making of items such as woodwork and mat-making, while the later led to the making of hides and skin products which facilitated the growth of local industries in Nguru. This contributed enormously in the socio-economic development of Northern region in general (A T. Abba: 1998). The economic activities and potentialities highlighted above were the factors that led to the development of trade routes linking Nguru with various economic centres, particularly Hausaland. Also the trade routes inevitably influenced the growth of local markets, where the exchange of local industrial goods and various agricultural products. A.G. Hobskin however maintains that, it was when the surpluses of these products were over and above subsistence level that exchange of goods became quite prominent in the area. Furthermore, colonial conquest and establishment of British rule in Nguru was similar to that of other parts of northern Nigeria both in theory, practice, objectives and exploitations. Nguru was thus conquered by the British with the desire to unite the various semi-independent units of the Shehu Dynasty for more effective exploitation of the whole region. According Y. Muktar and A. Bako, from the advent of British rule in 1902 to the attainment of Nigeria's independence in 1960, Borno Province had 6 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies recorded spectacular strides in land, water and air transport. Within this period, the Province was connected to motorized road network, which was initiated within the framework of Nigeria rail network. Later, it was linked to both domestic and international route, among which were Nguru air strip and subsequently the Maiduguri Airport. The development of transportation and communication networks led to the rapid growth in value and volume of agricultural exports in Nguru. This advantage made Nguru to witness economic transformation from pre- colonial subsistence farming and short trading activity to one of the highest location of cash crop economy that fed European industries, particularly Britain. The extension of railway line to Nguru in 1929 was a historic landmark in the history of the area, especially when British District Officer was sent to the town. This was done to facilitate effective administrative duty and to maintain law and order due to the influx of people, attracted by the commercial opportunities of the town. By 1911, the rail line had reach Kano from Lagos (a total of 711miles). It was from Kano that the line was extended to Nguru. The rail line became effective in serving the European purpose of using Nguru as the centre for accumulating raw materials. In fact, all the major exports from the northern and western part of Borno Province were transported through Nguru from where they were finally moved through Kano via Kaduna down to Lagos for its final exportation to Europe (L. Jafaru: 1998: 32). It is important to note that to link the railway with other subsidiary communication lines, a policy of constructing feeder roads to merge the important market centres in western Borno with the rail head at Nguru was put in place. One of those major roads that attracted British attention for linkage it with Nguru was Gashu'a road. By 1930, the construction had started, and by 1934, about 43 miles was reached all to facilitate economic activity (E.K Featherson: 1940). No matter the economic advantage Ngur enjoyed during the colonial period, colonial economy had in no time changed both the practice and production capacity of the agriculture as well as the livestock economy in the area. By 1929, E.K. Featherson maintained that the comparative figure for livestock were as follows: Cattle Camels Sheep Goats 3718 165 17357 37418 Source: NAK, Mainprof: 1945, The growth in the quantity of livestock was so vital to the colonial interest because, it served as an avenue for supplying meat, hides and skins which were very much needed to enable the European industries to function

7 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies beneficially. Measures taken to ensure their targets were met, including the introduction of improve yield, new seed such as American alien cotton seed in 1935. The annual report of that period indicates that about six tons of cotton seeds were distributed to farmers in Nguru (Y. B. Sanda: 1994: 43). One measure taken by the British to boast the volume of production by the farmers in Nguru was the introduction of both the use of currency and taxation system. Both means facilitated the smooth running of British administration. Currency was used to pay workers monthly salary and allowances, while tax collected were used to enable them execute administrative work as well as development of infrastructures, maintenance of security agency, etc. Nguru had therefore offered a good economic centre for the British. For instance, the tax collected kept rising year in year out. It increased from 908 pounds in 1911 to 1,557 in 1912, and by 1918 it had reached 2,064 despite the famine that ravaged the farmers in 1915 (L.J. Lethem: 1919). Two crops that received serious attention during the colonial economy in Nguru was Groundnuts and Arabic gum. This development started when British officials propagandized to the local farmers that groundnuts offered a new potentially lucrative commercial opportunity. They, therefore, extended financial assistance by persuading the farmers to grow more and gave guarantees regarding the purchase of the harvest. Thus, in 1933, about 8,323 tons of groundnuts and 459 tons of Arabic gum were railed from Nguru. Equally in 1935, the tonnage had reached about 7,716 (E.K. Featherson: 1930). The foregoing development gradually attracted attention far and near to Nguru and in no time Nguru became a melting pot of commercial centre in the then northern region of Nigeria. For instance, dried meat, dried fish and neutrons market became of great importance to the colonial authority. Its consumption indicated the rapid increase in the number of the cattle slaughtered at a time for that Particular purpose. For instance, in 1936, a camel market was started and about 350 camels were sold, and by the year 1948, about 500 to 700 cattle were slaughtered at a time for the dried meat market alone (ibid). One significant development that further revolutionized commercial activities in Nguru was the extension of railway line from its station to the abattoir. This facilitated the strategic location of loading dried meat, hides and skins including all the farm products. The table below shows the list of the tonnage railed from Nguru to Kano for onward exportation to Europe indicating the astronomical rise of the quantity in volume.

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Commodity Year (1946) Year (1947) Potash 4.76 tons 6160 tons Dried Meat 574 tons 712 tons Hides and skins 324 tons 532 tons Groundnuts 4, 881 tons 8, 956 tons Arabic gum 1, 789 tons 1, 091 tons Cotton 24 tons 24 tons Beans 2, 980 tons 2, 080 tons Total 15,314 tons 19,582 tons Source: Borno Province annual reports, 1947. The later development that followed this economic growth was a clash between farmers and colonial authority on the basis of price control. It was probably as a result of the disenchantment of the producers that in 1949, a Marketing Board was established aimed at giving fair price for the producers of commodities. This was a turning point in the economic history of Nguru and northern Nigeria in general, because soon the trade brought the involvement of expatriate firms around Nguru and the whole northern Nigeria. Even though as early as 1912 a firm called London Kano Trading Company had been in existence in Nguru, prior to the linkage of railway line, their activities were concentrated at Maja Kura, a very prominent commercial centre. For quite sometimes, this trading firm was in control of the production of raw materials. The above development was what led to the full participation of expatriate firms in the whole economic activities. Thus, by 1950 Euopean firms like the Niger Company, Perterson Zochonis and Company, G.B. Olivant and Company purchased about 320 to 500 tons of hides and skins from Nguru alone (L.J Lethem: 1940). Nguru from District to an Emirate The first move to create Nguru Emirate was made during the reign of the late Galadima Mai Kyari, who was then the ruler of Nguru in the early 1950s. This was during the period of Sir John MarcPherson, the then Governor- General of Nigeria. The move was initiated in the late 1952, when he was accompanied by Sir Bryan Shan Wood Smith, the then Governor for Northern Nigeria, and many other colonial officers to Nguru for a tour to economic commercial centres of northern region. Secondly, also between 1953 and 1963, attempt was made under nine-man committee, but because of some issues that arouse from the mother Emirate (Borno), things were not well for Nguru. That ambition was not fulfilled until 30 years later when Yobe State was curved out Borno State in August 1991. Another attempt was made when after the eight-man committee was assigned with the responsibility of spearheading the movement for the 9 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies creation of Nguru Emirate in 1993. It was this tireless struggle that finally paved way for Nguru to subsequently be granted the status of Emirate together with eight other Emirates in Yobe State. But not very long, the Emirate was dissolved because of some political intrigues. However as history shall properly place Nguru in its rightful place, another event turned the District into a first class Emirate with political and economic structure reflecting the by-gone days of the Sayfawa Dynasty. This was facilitated when the Federal Government established a National Reconciliation Committee to look into the matters. The committee recommended Nguru to become an Emirate in the year 2000, with Mustapha Ibn Galadima Mai Kyari as the first Emir. Conclusion From what has been discussed in this paper, the history of northern Nigeria cannot be fully substantiated without discussing the political and economic contribution of Nguru District. The formation of the town since 1630, its potentialities and opportunities, political and military strength had all contributed to the growth and development of the town from pre-colonial, through colonial and post-colonial periods respectively. The study reveals that the volume of economic activities in Nguru as outlined, was increased as a result of the extension of railway line which facilitated the influx of people into the area. Colonial economy had exploited the fortunes of the area for more than thirty years. Within the period, a lot of political and economic transformation had been realized which were mostly pro-colonial policies. Development of feeder roads, introduction of new seeds, construction of abattoir and ware houses, taxation system were all among the colonial policies and strategic economic exploitation applied in colonial Nguru. The subsequent growth in the volume of production had also paved way for expatriate firms to settle and establishe bases in the area. All these are factors that could be combined to justify the relevant and contributions of Nguru in the political and economic development of northern Nigeria.

References 1. Abubakar, S. (1980), “The northern province under colonial rule 1900-1959”, in O. Ikimi (ed) Groundwork of Nigerian History, Macmillan Ibadan, Nigeria. 2. Alkali, M.N. (1978), “The Kanem Borno under the Sayfawa: A study of Origin, Growth and Collapse of an Empire”. (Ph. D Thesis submitted to the department of history, ABU Zaria) 3. Al-Mahram, Journal of Trans Saharan Studies, University of Maiduguri,

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Nigeria. Maiden edition, November 2004. 4. A Adelina (1997) “Colonisation, Commerce and Entrepreneurship in Nigeria 1914-1960” Society and Politics in Africa, Vol 2 New York. 5. Abdulrahman A. M. and Canham O. P (1978) “The Ink of the Scholar” Macmillan Ibadan, Nigeria. 6. Bala, U.(1991), in “The Girgam's of the Galadima's of Borno.” ABU Zaria Press, Nigeria. 7. Benishiek, A.K.(1983), “The 19th century Galadimas of Borno,” in B. Usman and N. Alkali (ed) “Studies in the history of pre-colonial Borno.” N.N.P.C. Zaria Nigeria. 8.Butcher, P.G. (1935), “Annual report on the province,” N.A.K. 25730 Vol.1 9.Doi A. I. and Bakari A. (2009) “Land of the Black Muslims” Published by S.M.H. Akbar, in Hajj Publication. 10. Lawan, J.(1998), “Nguru Under Colonial rule: a case study of an economy of North-eastern District state.” (final project submitted to the department of history University of Maiduguri.) 11. Oyewola, E. O.(1987) Colonial Urbanization in Northern Nigeria: Kaduna 1913-1960. Ph.D Thesis A. B. U. Zaria. Nigeria. 12. Okediji, F. A. B, (1970 ) “An Economic history of Hausa-Fulani Emirate of Northern Nigeria 1900-1939.” Indiana University. 13. Shaw. F, (2010), Economic resources of Northern Nigeria. Cambridge University press.(Cambridge books Online). 14. Shehu, M. M.(2015) “Socio-Economic and Political perspectives of Nguru 1630-Date.” Published by Al-Mumtaz printers Keffi, Nigeria. 15. Tyron. F, (2013) “The process of agricultural modernization in Northern Nigeria: An Over-determined analysis.” U. K. Published by ProQuest UMI Dissertation.

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Impact of Terrorism in Taraba State and the Creation of IDP Camps: Case Study of Jalingo LGA

Inalegwu Stephany Akipu, PhD & Habila Hassan Department of Archaeology and Heritage Studies University of Jos [email protected]; [email protected] [email protected] Phone: 08036042234, 07030937779

Abstract Terrorism can be said to have stemmed from differences, leading to conflict of interests. Sadly, in Nigeria, terrorism can no longer be referred to as news. This menace seems to have come to stay, as all efforts to curb or eliminate it has proved futile. The aim of this study is to critically examine the effect of terrorism in Jalingo Local Government Area of Taraba State and the creation of IDPs camp between 1999-2015. The paper starts with an introduction to the onset of terrorism in Nigeria, causative factors responsible for terrorism, the impact of Terrorism resulting in the creation of IDP camps and the challenges being faced by the occupants of these IDP camps. The research adopts a multidisciplinary approach as it engages the use of interviews, questionnaires and written materials in form of texts, journals and reports from the National Archive, Kaduna. The paper concludes by suggesting tentative solutions on ways of curbing or totally eliminating this menace. Key Words: Impact, Terrorism, IDP Camps, Jalingo.

Introduction Terrorism, though very frequently used, can be relatively hard to define. It has been described variously based on the views of the person defining it. The United States Department of defense defines terrorism as the calculated use of unlawful violence or threat of unlawful violence to inculcate fear; intended to coerce or to intimidate government or society in the pursuit of goals that are generally political, religious, or ideological. The word terror has its political origin in the French revolution –in the sense of terror carried out by the state. With the enlightenment, the idea of popular sovereignty was born: it was in its name and in its defense that the revolution justified state terror. Political terrorism was later used in the second half of the nineteenth century, notably by the Russian Populists who were influenced by Romantic tradition. Okeke asserts that Terrorism shall be seen as organized violent attack on a 12 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies target with the aim of undermining a lawfully constituted authority and to cause fear among the populace in furtherance of some socio-political objectives. Furthermore, as stated by Aaron, Terrorism may be briefly defined as coercive intimidation. It is the systematic use of murder and destruction in other to terrorize individuals, groups, communities or governments into conceding to the terrorist political demands. Terrorism is one of the oldest techniques of psychological warfare. A primary target for terrorism is determined and credibility established by convincing the target that the threat can actually be carried out .The victim or victims of the actual terrorist violence may or may not be the primary target and the effects of relatively small amounts of violence will tend to be quite disproportionate in terms of the numbers of people terrorized. For instance, in the words of an ancient Chinese proverb,'' kill one, frighten thousands. Nowadays, terrorism beats out guerrilla warfare as the preferred and practically exclusive weapon of the weak against the strong. Its primary target is the mind. In that sense, terrorism is the most violent form of psychological warfare, and its psychological impact is commonly understood to be far greater than its physical effects. Brain Jenkins notes, the term “terrorism” has no precise or widely accepted definition. If it were a mere matter of description, establishing a definition would be simple; terrorism is violence or a threat of violence calculated to create an atmosphere of fear and alarm-in a word, to terrorize-and thereby bring about some social or political changes. History of Terrorism in Nigeria It is difficult to come to terms with the direction of terrorism in Nigeria as it is has extended and has become enmeshed into political, religious and ideological goals of the terrorists. Although tentatively, one can surmise that it was ideological from the onset, and later became religious, then now it has become political. But then again, the Chinese proverb can be said to succinctly describe the situation in Nigeria. Fred Femi et-al, in a Journal article titled; “Boko Haram and terrorism in northern Nigeria”, however, categorized Boko Haram into three. They are the religious one, the criminal, and the political. The religious one is the original one led by late Mohammed Yusuf. The criminal Boko Haram are those individuals harassing and extorting money from people, those that rob banks, etc. and kill Nigerians in the name of religion. While the one; the political Boko Haram, are the political rivals in the north who use arms to settle dispute between themselves. They came about when local politicians sponsored armed thugs to help disrupt the 2007 election and then abandoned them creating a fertile recruitment field.

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No doubt, one of the greatest challenges to Nigeria's national security is terrorism which has cascaded into other areas such as the economy, social and psychological aspects of the country. Though Nigeria has witnessed, in time past, isolated acts of violence and violent killings with the use of Improvised Explosive Device (IED's) and other terroristic apparatus, (Example of such is the killing of Mr. Dele Giwa, by letter bomb in October, 1986, the hijacking of Nigeria airways aircraft in October, 1993, following the annulment of Chief M.K.O Abiola's presidential election by Movement for the advancement of Democracy). several other incidents have occurred since then. For instance, between 1996 and 1998 there was bomb attack on the car of the then chief security officer of Federal Aviation Authority of Nigeria ,Dr. Omoshola, which was followed by the attack on the convoy of the former Military Administration of Lagos State, Brig Gen Marwa (Rtd). Acts amounting to terrorism have also been committed in the very many ethno-religious conflicts that plagued the nation, especially the northern part. There have been series of bombings and killings in the country, some of which can be traced to the Movement for the Emancipation of Niger Delta (MEND) and the 'Jama'atul Alhul Sunnah Lidda' Watiwal Jihad, which means people committed to the propagation of the Prophet's teachings and Jihad also known as Boko Haram (a term for western education is forbidden). Zubainat Abdulhameed Jalingo reports in Nigeria Sunrise that terrorist have now adopted new tactics. Taraba State police Public Relations Officer, PPRO, Joseph Kwaji, has stated that the common Intelligence Department revealed that terrorists have now adopted a new modus of operation to attack and destroy lives and property of innocent citizens through the application of a fire lighter to the exhaust of a parked vehicle to cause explosion. According to a press statement issued by the command's spokesman, another way of causing destruction by the suspected terrorists was by throwing remote control explosive device into a car, especially when parked far away from the owners. The statement further warned vehicle owners/users to always ensure that their cars were parked closely for easy monitoring. This plague seems to have waxed stronger over time and calls for serious concern by all and sundry. The Origin of Hoko Haram as a Terrorist Group In order to understand the prevalence of terrorism in Nigeria, a brief overview of the birth of Boko Haram is apt. The group was founded by as self-proclaimed Nigerian spiritual leader, late Mohammed Yusuf, in 2002 in the city of Maiduguri, with the aim of establishing a Sharia government in Borno state. Late Yusuf established an organization of youth, some of

14 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies whom were school dropouts and unemployed university graduates. They were indoctrinated to believe that their state of hopelessness was caused by the government which imposed western education on them and failed to manage the resources of the country to their benefits. The group soon believed that the only way out of their predicament was to attack the government and its institutions, and that whoever died in the process will go to heaven. Members of the sect always armed themselves with such sophisticated modern weapons as rocket propelled grenades, RPGs, and AK47 rifles; trained in guerrilla warfare and had support from rebels from neighboring states and very rich Nigerians within the country and abroad. In 2004, from its new location which was nick –named'' Afgha, the late Yusuf established a religious complex that included a mosque and a school where many poor families from across Nigeria and neighboring countries enrolled their children. The Centre had ulterior political goals and soon was also working as a recruiting ground for full Jihadists to fight the state.' More attention has been given to the Boko Haram group even though other groups such as MEND exist because this group seems to have caused more damage than all others and cannot be tamed since its birth in 2002 till date, despite all efforts made by the government. Causes of Terrorism As stated earlier, clash of interest is often times, the reasons behind conflict which inevitably leads to terrorism. Talla Ngarka states that, conflict is a universal phenomenon. It is not a preserve of one region, group, and religion or tribe. Such celebrated cases are the ethnic cleansing in Rwanda by the Hutu against the Tutsi, Dafur in Western Sudan, the Tiv/Azara conflict, Tiv/Jukun conflict, Jos (2001, 2004, 2008, 2010), Kafanchan/Kagaro conflict, etc. Conflict is defined simply as: “a struggle over values and claims to scarce status, power and resources in which the aim of the opponents are to neutralize injure, or eliminate their rivals”. Conflict has been divided into five main stages; namely, emerging stage, escalating stage, severe stage, de- escalating stage and rebuilding and reconciliation stage. Emerging Stage:- At this stage, sign and signals of all kind are being given closeness between two friends, for example, closeness gradually giving way to aloofness and disinterestedness. Frequent visitations are reduced considerably. Emotional expressions of warmth and familiarity slowly will be replaced by coldness and some elements of indifference. Escalating Stage:- The time frame for this stage can be very short and at this point all the parties to the conflict are quite aware that something is fundamentally wrong in the relationship and if nothing is done to check the situation, a point of no return will quickly surface leading to the third stage.

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The Severe Stage:- At the most severe stage, nothing is sacred again. Schools, hospitals, churches, mosques community property and so on may be destroyed. Any human person could be attacked and killed including those that are not members of the conflicting parties. When the conflicting parties are now tired or there is no external intervention, the fourth stage of the conflict begins to show its face. The De-escalating Stage:- At this level, the disputants now involve their elders, leaders, religious functionaries' and popular persons in the environment to mediate or intervene and suggest the way forward in the conflict. Rebuilding and Reconciliation Stage:- This stage is concerned with repairing relationships, institutions and social facilities and putting in place schemes that can help the disputing communities or individuals to be united once again. The question that comes to mind now is, where did the problem arise? A conflict between the originator of the Boko Haram group and the government? A psychological and emotional instability of the individual which manifested through the birth of Boko Haram? Impact of Terrorism As a result of conflict generated by Northern Nigeria is notorious for its refugee flows and forced population displacements. These in turn created national security problems for states in Nigeria. The capital city of operation for the Boko Haram sect in Nigeria began in Maiduguri before its spread to Yobe, Adamawa, and other states. Going by proximity to its capital city in the North eastern region of Nigeria, locations such as Jalingo in Taraba State is not spared from the influx of refugees. At this juncture, a brief overview of the geographical location of Jalingo would suffice in understanding the impact of terrorism in the aforementioned area of study, especially as a result of geographical proximity to Borno. Terrorism and Refugee Camps in Jalingo Taraba state, otherwise known as “Natures Gift to the Nation” was created on 27th August, 1991, by the administration of the then military president, General Ibrahim Babangida. It was carved out of the defunct Gongola state in fulfillment of the long nurtured aspiration of the different ethnic groups that inhabit the area. At creation, Taraba state was made up of nine (9) local government areas, namely, Bali, Gashaka, Jalingo, Karim-lamido, Lau, Sardauna, Takum, Wukari and Zing. This number was increased to twelve (12) in September, 1991, when three (3) additional local government areas; Yorro, Donga and Ibi were created. Following yet another local government creation exercise by the Abacha administration in 1996, the number of local government area

16 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies in the state increased to sixteen (16) as Ardokola, Gassol, Kurmi and Ussa local government area were added. Taraba state lies roughly between latitude 6.30o and 7.35o north and longitude 9.10o and 11.50o. It is bordered on the north-east by Adamawa and Gombe states and on the west and south east by Plateau and Benue states respectively. On its eastern border lies the Republic of Cameroun. Based on the release of the 2006 census figures by the National Population Commission and subsequent endorsement by the federal government, Taraba state has a provisional population figure of two million, three hundred thousand, seven hundred and thirty six (2,300,736). Jalingo Local Government Area of Taraba state lies between latitudes 8o11 to 8o50 north and longitudes 11o05 to 11o25 east. It is bounded to the north by Karim-Lamido and Lau Local Government Areas, to the east by Yorro Local Government Area, to the south and west by Ardo-Kola Local Government Area. It has a land mass of about 1380km square. In terms of relative location, Jalingo is accessible from Benue and plateau states through Wukari and Ibi Local Government Areas respectively and through Gassol and Ardo-kola Local Government Areas from the southern axis. It is also accessible from Adamawa state through Mayo-Belwa, Zing, Lau and Yorro Local Government Areas on one hand and through Demsa and Numan Local Government Areas on the other hand. Levinus Nwabughiogu reports (Vanguard Newspaper) that five days after Boko Haram terrorists seized Mubi, the second largest town in Adamawa, the insurgents help unto the town even as about 3,000 residents who managed to escape joined other internally displaced persons at an NYSC Camp in Yola. Some at the survivors of the invasion also recounted their ordeals. Most of them who ran for safety were student of the Federal Polytechnic, Mubi . The concern for the problems of terrorist groups has led to the breakdown of law and order, loss of thousands of lives, properties, and destruction of places of worship, churches, mosques, markets, Beer Parlors, recreation centers and schools. These properties are worth billions of naira. The activities of these terrorist groups have led to mass fleeing of people to neighboring states for safety and protection, and that led to the creation of IDPs camps in Jalingo and it environs. Refugees are persons who have fled their original homes due to one crisis or the other. They are popularly referred to as displaced people. Today, refugees make the most coherent and the systematic impact of forced migration on national security. Although the international refugees' regime has its roots in the 1920s, the current refugee norms, laws and institutions were created after World War II.

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The definition of a refugee adopted by the international community in the 1951 UN Convention Relating to the status of refugees centered on individual persecution rather than on a threat to life or freedom due to generalized violence and was limited to the events occurring before 1951. In a 1967 Protocol, the time limitation was dropped and the refugee regime, which was essentially European in nature, was expanded to all corners of the world. As more refugee emerged in the Developing World, often as a result of colonial independent struggles, it became clear that the 1951 definition of refugees was inadequate. Only some of the persons seeking asylum feared individual persecution. Many other fled simply to avoid death, injury and devastation. Their plight was equally intolerable. Hence, in 1969, the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), now African Union (AU), adopted its own convention. It defined a refugee as person fleeing from violence in his\her country. Similarly, the 1984 Cartagena Declaration of Refugees in Latin America recognized those threatened by violence. Definition of the analytical report of the Secretary-General of UN on Internally Displaced Persons of 14 February, 1992, sees IDPs as; “persons who have been forced to flee their homes suddenly or unexpectedly in large number, as a result of armed conflict, internal strife, systematic violation of human right or natural or manmade disasters; and who are within the territory of their own country”. By defining an internally displaced person as one who is forced from his home, the 1992 definition needlessly complicated the search for acceptable-not ideal-solution. The IDP definition, unlike the refugee definition, does not mention a government's willingness or ability to protect displaced persons. By making location, the essence of the IDP definition, and not the rights to be protected, it does not offer the restoration of one's rights in another location as a durable solution for internally displaced people. The advent of terrorism in Taraba State, Jalingo to be precise, can be traced back to 30th April, 2012, and subsequently, to other series of attacks and terrorist activities in the state. The advent of IDPS in Jalingo, on the other hand, can be traced back to 2013 when the terrorist activities engulfed the North Eastern region of the country. Following the attacks, many people from neighboring states ran to Taraba, Jalingo in particular, for safety. Find below a list of some of the IDP camps in Jalingo and their years of establishment. i. Malum IDP in 2014. ii. Kofai IDP in 2014. iii. Abuja Phase 2 IDP in 2014.

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iv. Mayo Dasa IDP in 2014. v. Sabon Gari IDP in 2015. From the above, it can be seen that within two years five IDP camps were established in Jalingo alone. The number kept increasing in these designated camps, in addition to other unofficial camps within Taraba State in search of safety. Today, Jalingo and, indeed, Taraba State at large, serve as place of refuge for numerous displaced people. Amidst the deteriorating security situation in north east Nigeria is also confronted with daunting developmental challenges such as endemic rural and urban poverty, high rate of unemployment, debilitating youth unemployment, low industrial output, unstable and deteriorating exchange rate in the state and the country, high inflation rate, inadequate physical and social infrastructure, very large domestic debt and rising stock of external debt. The areas affected by the Boko haram insurgency have been devoid of virtually all economic, political and social activities. Challenges of IDP Camps in Jalingo The foregoing scenarios are replicated in IDP camps in Jalingo and in other camps within Taraba State. The social effects in the camps stretch across educational, health, cultural and psychological spheres of life of the displaced people. i. In the area of education, many displaced children or people have their educational pursuit terminated or disrupted due to either lack of funds or distance; ii. Culturally, values, beliefs and tradition no longer matter to the refuges in their new environment thereby affecting producing psychological effects; iii. Politically, the dreams and aspirations of some the refugees are truncated. Ironically, while the presence of the migrants in a particular area increases the political strength of that area, the place they migrated from loses its political strength; iv. Economically, the refugees live in pitiable conditions resulting from the lost of property worth million of naira, in addition to their dislocation from their sources of livelihood. Their dependence on charity for survival does not give them satisfaction and happiness in life. v. On the part of government, a lot of money is expended in organizing the IDP camps and fixing the much needed

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infrastructure, no matter how temporary. vi. Going by the influx of persons into Jalingo, other factors come to play such as population increase, leading to traffic gridlock, scarcity of resources as a result of high demand, introduction of negative social vices such as kidnapping, criminality, prostitution, new values and culture which are alien to the host community, to mention a few. vii. Generally, after the initial attacks and emotions that follow, there is a lot of clamour for help for the displaced people. Unfortunately, after a while, this passion of the call for help dies down and they are left to their fate. Consequently, the IDP camps are faced with not only the challenges of space and basic amenities which are usually missing in these camps, but also even adequate food supply for their feeding. In addition, the camps are found wanting in areas of health and much needed attention of the social and psychological wellbeing of any human being. Terrorism is certainly a threat to economic prosperity and development .This is because until peace and order is restored in the society, viable economic activities cannot thrive successfully and both domestic and foreign investors will not feel confident or save to invest in such areas. For instance, re-occurring attacks by the Islamic terrorist group known as Boko Haram in Taraba State has eventually led to a standstill in economic activities of various communities in the state as a result of its attendant effects. Recommendations Nigeria's current security challenges, especially the one posed by Boko Haram insurgency, can be resolved if a pragmatic approach is used. This is connected to the fact that, in Nigeria, usually government approaches to national issues are defective due to wrong diagnosis of the real problems at hand. Though the cause of Boko Haram insurgence is contrary to the value of democracy, civilization and humanity, the Movement is being influenced by both internal and external factors, and largely concerned with the socio political order under which the members live and a struggle for change in line with their doctrinal assumption. The recurring problems of bad leadership at all levels of government and other related or attendant factors have contributed to the lingering of terrorism in north east Nigeria. The following recommendations are therefore proffered for the way forward. i. Good leadership as well as the use of counter ideology are believed

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to be the possible long lasting solution to Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria .Critical here is the role of religious leaders of both Christianity and Islam alike to educate their followers that the insurgency is not targeted at any religious groups, but a common threat to the peaceful corporate existence of Nigeria. To counter the Boko Haram insurgency, the government and other stakeholders must at all levels synergise together for the way forward. ii. It is imperative that everybody should know that the issue of security is not only the concern of security service and the government alone but all and sundry. It requires the efforts of everybody to effectively deal with it. Security is therefore no longer an arcane subject that must be left only in the domain of the security personnel. If Nigeria must remain safe and secure, its people must be involved in fighting Boko Haram and any other form of insurgency. iii. Related to the above is the need for re-training of the security agents not in terms of the use of military hard ware, but in intelligence gathering .The government needs to develop the intelligence gathering mechanism through adequate training of security agents. Efforts should be made to give more priority to security agencies, at least at this critical moment. iv. Government should also focus on factors responsible for insecurity in the country. Issues of poverty, unemployment, bad governance should be tackled seriously if the government wants to see the end to Boko Haram terrorism in Nigeria. Government should approach security through the development of infrastructure such as roads, health, housing, water, employment generation, economic empowerment and the education of the people, particularly the youth. If this is done, the level of insecurity imposed by Boko Haram in the country will be reduced to barest minimum. v. The government should adopt a more friendly people-centered approach to national issues rather than self –tendencies of the politicians. The government should provide basic welfare for the people in the forms of employment, housing, electricity and adequate food security. When this is done the activities of Boko

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Haram terrorists will remain tenuous and fragile in Nigeria. Alternatively, the federal government through its security agencies, should flush out within the agencies backers or supporters of Boko Haram sect. such security personnel should be made to face the law for appropriate disciplinary measures or actions. In conclusion, this paper has looked at the origin of Boko haram in Nigeria, causative factors responsible for the birth of terrorism, the ensuing impacts of terrorism such as the creation of IDP camps. It further attempted a cursory overview of the challenges faced by the occupants in the IDP camps within specific emphasis on Jalingo camps. It finally suggests ways of curbing or totally eliminating this menace that terrorism has become in Nigeria as a whole and in Jalingo in particular. It is hoped that if these recommendations are critically looked and implemented into by the stake holders, then, there can be hope for Nigeria in the fight against terrorism.

References Elizabeth IhughYecho.Historical Discourse of Terrorism. A Journal of the Department of History and Archaeology.Taraba State University.Vol 2,No.182.p.4 O.A.H Lar.Terrorism and Human Rights in Nigeria .A Journal of the Department of Political Science and International Relations.p.139 Daily Trust, Tuesday ,March 9,2010.p.4 Daily Trust, Tuesday ,March 9,2010.p.4 Gerard Ckilliand and ArmaudBlin .The History of Terrorism from Antiquity to Al-Qaeda University of California Press Berkeley Los Angelis London.p.16 . Advance Systems and concept office Defense Threat Reduction Agency.Terrorismconcepts,causes and conflicts Resolution .Virginia,January ,2003.p.22 Fred Femi Akinfola,GabrielAundeAkinbode ,Ibi-AgiobuKemmer.Boko Haram and Terrorism in Northern Nigeria .British Journal Publishing.2014.p.119 O.A.H Lar.Terrorism and Human Rights in Nigeria .p.139 Vanguard .Monday, November 3,2014.p.9 O.A.H Lar.Terrorism and Human Rights in Nigeria.p.139 TallaNgarkaSunday,Apara S.E.A, Aliyu Mohammed,DawoodOmolumenEgbefo.Peace Studies and Conflicts Resolutions.Smart Print Productions Bauchi Rd,Jos.p.16 Taraba State Government of Nigeria, Natures Gift to the Nation, Diary 22 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

2012.Designed by Ministry of Information, Culture and Tourism.p.5 Vanguard .Monday, November 3,2014.p.9 U.S Committee for Refugees (USCR),CF WWW.Refugees.org.p7 December 2016 AbiodunAfolabi. Terrorism and its effects on the Socio-Economic Development in Nigeria. A case Study of Boko Haram in Borno State. March 2012.p.15

23 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

A Panoramic Analysis of Causes and Effects of Herdsmen Invasion of Communities In Nigeria Since 2015

Ngah, Louis Njodzeven Wirnkar, Audu, Tanko Garba & Maimolo, Talatu Emmanuel Department of History, College of Education, zing, Taraba State, Nigeria. Email: [email protected], [email protected], [email protected] Phone No: 08037131250, 08033667107/ 08027980493

Abstract Since 2015, the phenomenon of armed Fulani Herdsmen invasion, especially their nature and the root causes have been a bone of contention. Too many interpretations or views have been expressed in attempts to explain cause of the phenomenon. The Fulani Herdsmen invasion of some communities in Nigeria, especially the Benue Valley, is an example that can be used to x-ray the influence of historic, social, political and economic aspects in the inoculation of the belligerency, as well as in analyzing intercourse of causes and aftermath of the perpetuation of Fulani Herdsmen Invasion. This Paper is therefore an attempt to analyze the antecedence that gave rise to the invasion and to proffer the way forward. To attain this, a multi dimension has been adopted to incorporate a wide range of sources in the data collection Key Words: Analysis, Causes, Effects, Herdsmen and Invasion

Introduction .Primordialist postulations have often emerged to try to explain armed Fulani herdsmen invasion of Nigeria. These analyses considered violence a mere internal issue, based on atavistic confrontations between and among ethnic groups. Contrary views have also emerged in favour of interpreting causes of upheavals as consequences of competing claims and counter claims over resources. This view has been widely accepted by mass media and even some sectors of the civil society and the academia. Consequently, an interpretation of armed Fulani herdsmen invasion of the Middle-Belt region or the Benue Valley of Nigeria, especially after the inauguration of Mohammadu Buhari as the elected democratic president on the 29th May 2015 must take into account the various spheres and dimensions, including local, regional, international and transnational levels. These levels are deeply rooted in the historical, social, economic 24 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies and political context of each conflict.

The Genesis of the incessant attacks on communities in the Middle Belt Region of Nigeria

Since after the 2015 general elections, attacks on Middle Belt communities by Fulani herdsmen intensified. These attacks have taken place in Nasarawa, Benue, Plateau, Kogi, Kwara, Adamawa, Taraba, Kaduna states, including the FCT, all in the Middle Belt. The media label them “attacks by Fulani herdsmen or armed bandits”. The regularity, discipline and weapons used in the attacks lead us to conclude that there is more attached to the causes of the attacks more than mere cattle rustling or vengeance. The Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association, the umbrella body of Fulani cattle rearers has openly drummed up support for the cattle breeders, attributing the actions of the dreaded herdsmen, also to incidents of cattle rustling and blockade of cattle routes by farmers.1

The questions that readily come to mind in connection with the unfortunate development are; When and why have the Fulani become blood thirsty vampires? And why is it that only Middle Belt blood is a solution to their lust? We have heard from leading Fulani politicians that the 'North' will not forgive the Middle Belt for siding with a Southerner (Goodluck Jonathan) to defeat a Northerner (Muhammadu Buhari) in the 2011 Presidential Election.2 Our deduction, therefore, is that these attacks on communities by the murderous gangs of the Fulani have much to do with the effects of the results of the 2011 elections during which the Middle Belt communities turned up enmass to vote for former President Goodluck Jonathan against Mohammadu Buhari, a Fulani kinsman. No matter justification the herdsmen may have for their organized attacks, the persistent attacks by herdsmen without doubt have become the most fearful threat to national security in the last couple of years. What makes the attacks by herdsmen very disturbing are, the frequency, the level of unimaginable destruction and brutality being exhibited. The development in almost all cases is characterized by high casualty rate and massive displacement of communities. One can say with certainty that never has the country experienced this level of destruction and social dislocation where cows are more cherished and valued than human beings. What however, is so disturbing about the development is how the attacks in some cases tare allegedly persecuted under the watchful eyes of security agencies and amidst this seeming supportive body language of the President. It is imperative to note that the incessant attacks by the herdsmen are

25 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies no doubt comparable to the insurgency in the North East region. This is the reason why fears are being expressed that the nation is seemingly trading on a very dangerous ground. As at date, there has being wanton killings by herdsmen in Benue, Niger, Taraba, Kaduna and Plateau States that have resulted in massive displacement of people and loss of lives. The attacks are unprecedented when assessed on the basis of the frequency, the casualty and sheer brutality. The fallout naturally is huge humanitarian crisis in almost all the states affected. The Theoretical Perspectives Even if the assertion to the debate on the root causes of the armed Fulani herdsmen invasion have been varied and numerous which can be segmented into one of the three is new barbarism, underdevelopment, and political economy of war and host of others. New Barbarism: - The first postulation and, in fact, the starting point in the debate, is what Paul Richards labeled the 'new barbarism', with regard to Robert Kaplan's thesis. Kaplan explains African armed conflict as chaotic and irrational confrontations, where demographic pressure, environmental collapse, and societal stress are critical. He empathetically states that: West Africa is becoming the symbol of Worldwide demographic, environmental, and societal stress, in which criminal anarchy emerges as the real 'strategic' danger. Disease, overpopulation, unprovoked crime, scarcity of resources, refugee migrations, the increasing erosion of nation states and international borders, and the empowerment of private armies, security firms, and international drug cartels are now most tellingly demonstrated through a West African prism.4 Kaplan underscores the fact that crisis emanates many factors among which include from racial discourse and cultural determinism to cultural and religious bias. Underdevelopment and Violence: -A second position regards underdevelopment as the main cause of Armed Fulani's 'new wars'. While one stream emphasizes internal factors, such as the increase of poverty, environmental degradation, the rise of social exclusion and marginality, elite corruption and the militarization of societies, a second stream focuses on external factors, such as the legacy of colonialism, external dependence, the impact of structural adjustment programmes (SAP) and the external debt, or the growing marginalization of Africa in the global economy. Both approaches, however, uphold the idea that enhanced modernization, improved literacy, and increase investment in basic services are all elements that diminish the occurrence of violence.

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Political Economy of War: -A third last narrative, called 'the political economy of war', supports the idea that African armed conflicts are the direct respond of certain elites to it unequal integration into the world's economy. According to this view, the neo-patrimonial state built up since independence started (after the end of the Civil War) to suffer a crisis of accumulation and governance that prompted a crisis of legitimacy.4 In this sense, elites started looking for new sources of authority, privileges and material benefits, whether through the processes of democratization or consolidating economy of war (exploitation of land, control of natural resources, arms dealing, manipulation of humanitarian aids, etc). The axis of this issue is located in the 'greed and grievance' debate, advertised mainly by World Bank theorists Collier and Hoeffler. This discussion tries to ascertain whether personal will of enrichment (greed) or historical, political and socio-economic injustice (grievances) have more importance in the origin of those contexts of violence in Nigeria.5 Although both approaches offer relevant contributions to understanding violence, Collier and Hoeffler, as well as Keen, and Renner, among others, sacralised economic agendas as the main (and sometimes unique) cause of war in Africa. According to them, and quoting Clausewitz, 'these civil wars could be better understood as the continuation of “economics” by other means'6 In Nigeria's national politics, Christian anxieties about Muslim domination of the national political space and the accompanying fear that politically dominated Muslims will use their privileged perch to Islamize national institutions and impose Islamic Sharia Laws on non Muslims date back to colonial times. Muslims, especially those from Northern Nigeria, for their part, have sought to fend off what they regard as unbridled Westernization and have sporadically sought refuge in parochial religious reforms. Subsequently, religion became a major topic of national political debates with each religious community pushing increasingly adversarial agendas. In Northern Nigeria, clashes between Muslim groups-mainly ethnic Hausa and Fulani and Christians and traditionalist communities have become a regular affair, with devastating consequences. In this charged environment where religion functions as the primary idiom of political identity, conflicts over resources, cattle, land and political offices have often taken on a religious coloration with Muslims pitted against Christians Actors and the raisin d'entre for the herdsmen invasion Some common features come to bare in the scrutiny of most Nigerian Armed conflicts, especially the herdsmen terrorism. First of all, they are mainly internal or intrastate (they take place within internationally

27 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies recognized borders); localized (violence does not affect the whole country); regionalized; and internationalized (causes as well as consequences must be duly comprehended within the greater regional and international context).7 Secondly, all kinds of actors, each with a different agenda and purpose, this 'net of actors' is made up of, primary, secondary and tertiary actors, as well as the political economy of the conflicts as highlighted below: Primary actors: Those who are directly engaged in armed violence (governments, armed groups or guerrillas, militias, paramilitary forces, warlords, organized criminal gangs, police forces, mercenaries, violent fundamentalist groups, regional armed groups, regional troops, etc). Secondary actors: Those who, although not directly participating in the confrontation, are widely interested in its continuation (criminal networks, regional governments, local and regional traders, international governments, private security companies, business with interest in natural resources, arms industry, etc). Tertiary actors: Those who try to intervene with or without a mandate to do so, in order to manage the confrontation (the Diaspora, civil society organizations, local and international mass media, regional and international organizations, regional and international governments, diplomatic organizations, international humanitarian organizations, multilateral organizations such as United Nations, Donor agencies etc).8 The Effects of the Armed Herdsmen Invasion The unending political tensions, wars, mayhems and conflicts of the armed Fulani herdsmen invasion in the Middle Belt have had lasting negative impact on the socio-economic development of Nigeria because socio-economic development cannot be sustained in an environment riddled with violence, instability. Some of these are briefly examined below. 1. The Human Tragedy Over the last three years, the Middle Belt Region has been the most conflict-affected region in Nigeria. The Fulani herdsmen menace has been responsible for more death and displacement than famine or flood. The scale and nature of warfare have directly affected the lives of many millions of Africans.9 The main elements of this tragedy are the millions of uprooted people who have lost their homes and livelihood, the increasing numbers of direct civilian casualties and increased levels of violence, abuse and mutilation suffered by defenseless noncombatants

Civilian casualties The incidents of Fulani Herdsmen invasion and war in Nigeria have caused increasing suffering for civilians. The people suffer death and 28 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies injuries and the indirect consequence of famine and epidemics that have followed in the wake of war. The Global Burden of Disease study established that since 1990, 6% of all death in the world was caused by physical violence. In sub Saharan Africa, the figure was 13% with one in six males dying from violence causes. Almost 1 in 20 of all death in Africa are clearly attributable to war.11 Epidemiological projection suggest that by 2020, injuries caused by war will have become the eighth most important factor (after tuberculosis) incurring a disease burden on society. In Nigeria, the number of civilian casualties has continued to increase year by year, unlike in other parts of the world. Violence The most disturbing aspect of the attacks is the increasing use of extreme violence, especially over the last three years. Violence is now deliberately targeted at civilians in their homes, churches, etc, rather than in the farms and individuals directly involved in the conflicts. In Nigeria, the violence has taken appalling forms such as killing, mutilation, torture of women and children, rape, ritual, etc. In some instances, rituals are believed to be the means of binding the militia groups together.12 Extreme violence in some cases is used as means of humiliation and morbid fear. There is a danger that extreme violence of this kind will erode the social fabric of the Nigerian societies and further state collapse. Child soldiers Children have become one of the main targets of violence and, in turn, are being used to perpetuate it. Children are deliberately indoctrinated into a culture of violence and used as a specific instrument of war. Militia groups and irregular armed forces such as the Boko-Haram and the Armed Fulani Herdsmen Militia have adopted the practice of forcefully recruiting children and initiating them through acts of violence against their own communities. The intention is to create a fighting force that is separate.13 2. The Economic Impact of Conflict Nigeria's development is threatened by conflict. The effects of the Fulani intrusions and attacks cut across all levels of the economy down to the level of the household. War has a direct and immediate economic impact through the physical disruption it causes, denying access to land, key resources or markets. Some of the effect of conflict is less tangible.14 Insecurity is the least conducive climates for domestic saving and internal or external investment. Nor are the impacts of war limited to the area of conflict. War damages regional infrastructure, market and investment confidence across a wider region. The regional spreads of conflict jeopardizes stable and successful inter-group relations.

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National impacts on production and livelihood Nigerian, the most direct impact of war is on production and household livelihood. War denies people access to their land at critical growing or planning period, increases the costs of agricultural inputs disrupts markets and restricts sales of produce. Agricultural produce and family livelihood have suffered dramatically as a result of herders' menace.15 Loss of infrastructure The Herdsmen attacks and unrelenting war has seriously damaged Nigeria's infrastructure, schools, churches, and telecommunication has all been affected. During and after the menace, there has been a dearth of investment in and maintenance of infrastructure. States affected by the herdsmen invasion also suffer from weak, fragmented and highly unstable 16 schools and markets which are often close. This in turn contributes to another characteristic of war-affected economies: hyperinflation and a volatile currency. 3. The Cost of War Refugees and Internal Displacement Internal displacement and refugee flows have a serious effect on the economy and the environment. The denial of access to the land by herdsmen has led displaced people to congregate in cities and surrounding area.17 Uprooted population have lost access to any means of production which has resulted in enormous pressure on government service. Effects on services Recent onslaughts have led to the destruction of the basic social infrastructures. Churches, Schools and health centers are increasingly the targets of Fulani military activities. For instance now, over 40% of health centers, churches, homes, farms and schools were destroyed. The situation is similar in most conflict-affected countries.18 The provision of Social amenities is also squeezed by increased military expenditure. A long term consequence is reduced access to education and health care. The displacement of large numbers of uneducated young men helped to create the circumstance to sustain the conflict. . Solution to the Menace of Armed Fulani Herdsmen Invasion As a way out of the predicament of wars and conflicts that have bedeviled Nigeria, it is apt to offer some valuable suggestions based on a thorough analysis of the causes of the problem. In this wise, two major broad solutions may be experimented to bail Nigeria out of recurrent conflicts and wars. These are committed and sincere leadership and eradication of poverty.

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(a) Committed and Sincere Leadership Nigerian state need committed and sincere leaders who will lead by example and act as good, responsible and responsive fathers to all the component sections and peoples of the nation so as to promote peace and harmony within the confines of their respective communities. This can be done in a number of ways: (i) Even distribution of resources Nigerian leaders must ensure an even distribution of resources among the various geopolitical zones in the country. Marginalization of one unit/group should not be allowed in order to win the support and cooperation of all and sundry and to avoid any feeling of alienation.20 (ii) Promotion of rule of law Nigerian leaders should also endeavour to promote the rule of law. This involves equal access to justice by all citizens irrespective of their status, respect for court decisions by the government and conduct of free and fair periodic elections among others. When and where leaders promote the rule of law as indicated above, it guarantees peaceful coexistence among people. 21 (iii) Protection of Fundamental Human rights Nigerian leaders should also promote, protect and guarantee the fundamental human rights of every citizen irrespective of ethno-religious and regional affiliations. Freedom of speech, association and religion should be guaranteed. People should be free to assess and criticize the performance of government without fear of persecution. Opposition must be tolerated while the fourth realm of government, the press, must not be censured, in this wise government would always be kept on her toes to provide qualitative and sincere leadership. (b) Eradication of Poverty Without much controversy, one may boldly declare that poverty is the root causes of all evils in Nigeria. A poor man, who has been economically humiliated and financially traumatized may not be said to be in his right senses. Hence, it may be apt to observe that a hungry man is a mad man. He can steal, kill, maim and destroy. Poverty can demean a man and affect his psychology negatively. Hence, a major policy instrument for peace and stability is the eradication, or at worst, a reduction of the monster, poverty. This can be achieved in a number of ways as suggested below: (i) Equal access to qualitative education Governments in Africa should give their citizens equal access to qualitative education. The importance of education to the socio- economic development of a nation has been well articulated in the Millennium Development Goal. Education, no doubt, is a lever to human and societal

31 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies development. Apart from imparting skill and knowledge in the citizens, it will also eliminate ignorance. Education will also empower citizens for employment in the future. It makes labour more mobile across the globe. Opportunities for survival are very much available to the educated people. (ii) Provision of gainful employment for the youths Governments in Nigeria should also strive to provide gainful employment for all their citizens especially the youths. Dormant Industries and factories should be resuscitated and new ones be established to absorb the teeming graduates of higher institutions of learning. Government should also encourage farming and grazing through mechanized agriculture. Modem farm and husbandry implements and technology should be provided for farmers and grazers at cheap prices. Apart from eradicating the problem of hunger, this will no doubt equally enhance the economic empowerment of youths and eradicate idleness. Conclusion Since independence in the late 20th century, Nigeria has been betting with the problem of civil wars and conflicts. This has taken its toll on Nigeria's development in a number of ways, especially in death of her illustrious sons and daughters and alienation of her peoples which, in turn, has been hindering the process of integration and cohesion in country. This paper set out to x-ray the Causes and Consequences of Herdsmen Invasion of communities in Nigeria since 2015, and to proffer solution how the menace of armed Fulani herdsmen invasion can be nib at the bud. Conclusively, all hands must be on deck to halt this negative development and chart a new course for peace in Nigeria. This will not only enhance adequate security of life and property in the country, it will also attract foreign investors to Nigeria for the adequate exploration of her numerous natural resources for growth and development.

References 1. Takeover the Hausa Fulani Islamic Agenda for Nigeria, (Middle Belt Dialogue, 2014), p.17 2. Takeover the Hausa Fulani Islamic Agenda for Nigeria, (Middle Belt Dialogue, 2014), p.17 3. M. Kaldor, New War and Old Wars: Organize Violence in a Global Era, (Cambridge, Polity, 1999), P.12 4. M. Duffied, Global governance and the new wars: The Merging of development and Security, (London, Zeb, 2001), Pp.190-193 5. M. Duffied, Global governance and the new wars: The merging of- --2001), Pp.190-193 6. R. D. Kaplan, The Coming anarchy, February 1994,

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http://www.the atlantic.com??doc/199902/anarchy 7. M. Duffied, Global governance and the new wars: The merging of -- -2001), Pp. 190-193 8. M. Berdal and Malone, Greed and grievance: Economic agenda in Civil Wars, (Boulder, Lynne Rienner, 2000) 9. D. Peter, “Breaking: why we attacked Agatu-Fulani herdsmen”, (March 6, 2016), Vanguard available at http://www.vanguard ngr.com/2016/03/breaking-why-we-attacked-agatu-Fulani- herdsmen 10. T. Sani and G. Abdullahi,”Fayemi, Pastors lauds selection of Osinbajo as running mate to Buhari”, 19 December 2014, Premium T i m e s , a v a i l a b l e a t http://www/premiumtimesng.com/news/topnews/173551-fayemi- pastors-lauds-selection-osinbajo-running-mate -buhari-html 11. F. Abayomi, “Buhari meets Northern Christian Leaders”, 2 F e b r u a r y 2 0 1 5 , T h e N a t i o n , a v a i l a b l e a t http//thenationonlineng.net/buhari-meets-northern-christian- leaders/ 12. V. Z. Samuel, a chant at College of Agriculture, Jalingo, Taraba State, 20th June, 2018 13. Obaioma NERDC boss”, 1 November 2012, Vanguard available at http:///www. Vanguardngr.com/2012/11/what-nigeria-stands-to- gain from-basic-education-curriculum-revision-obioma-nerdc- boss/ 14. “Saudi Arabia from Muslim to anti terrorism Coalition”, 15 D e c e m b e r 2 0 1 5 , A l j a z e e r a , a v a i l a b l e a t http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2015/12/saudi-arabia-from muslim-anti-terrorism-coalition-15121503914865 html 15. “CAN protest moves to list Nigeria among Arabs Nation to fight ISIS”, 17 December 2015, Vanguard available at http///www.vanguardngr.com/2015/12-can-protests-moves-to list- nigeria-among-arabia-nations to-fight-isis/ 16. L. N. W. Ngah, “One of the most significant problems facing Independent African States Consciousness”, (Being a Ph.D Seminar Presentation, Benue State University, Makurdi, 2018), Pp. 18-22 17. L.N. W. Ngah, “One of the most significant problems facing independent…, Pp.18-22. 18. L. N. W. Ngah, “Africa has come under intense conflict in recent times. Discuss the nature and effects of selected conflict in the different region of Africa”, (Being a Ph.D Seminar Paper 33 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Presentation, Benue State University, Makurdi, 15/3/ 2018), Pp.14- 20 19. L. N. W. Ngah, “Africa has come under intense conflict in recent times…Pp.14-20 20. L. N. W. Ngah, “Africa has come under intense conflict in recent times…Pp.14-20 21. A. I Elijah, A chant at the Taraba State University, Jalingo, on 5/7/2018 22. M. Wilson, A chant at College of Agriculture, Jalingo, on 7/4/2018 23. D. M. Stephen, Catholic Bishop of Yola Diocese Press Briefing, 10/7/2018 24. DEID, The Causes of Conflict in Africa: Constitutional Document, (London, Development for International Development, 2001), Pp.10-30 25. DIED, The Causes of Conflict in Africa: Constitutional…2001), Pp.10-30 26. DIED, The Causes of Conflict in Africa: Constitutional…2001), Pp.10-30 27. DIED, The Causes of Conflict in Africa: Constitutional…2001), Pp.10-30

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Use of ICT For Effective Record Keeping In Grade-A Public Secondary Schools In Jalingo Educational Zone of Taraba State

Oyeniyi Solomon Olayinka, Joseph Atumba Faculty of Education, Taraba State University, Jalingo Email: [email protected] [email protected] Phone: 08167833189, 08062208589 & Oyeniyi Titilayo Mercy Post Primary School Management Board, Taraba State Email: [email protected] Phone: 08068284089

Abstract This study aimed at finding out the use of ICT for effective record keeping in grade-A public secondary schools in Jalingo educational zone of Taraba state. The population of the study was hundred (100) administrative staff from Grade A public secondary schools within Jalingo educational zone of Taraba state, Nigeria. Thirty (30) staff were randomly selected from three Grade A secondary schools within Jalingo educational zoneof Taraba state, Nigeria based on purposeful sampling techniques. Two variables were considered in the study. These variables are: Availability of school records and Utilization of ICT for school record keeping. The data collected was analyzed using Decision Rule, Mean, Standard Deviation and Analysis of Variation (ANOVA) to enhance decision. Findings show that Grade A public secondary schools within Jalingo educational zone of Taraba state, Nigeria are averagely equipped with some necessary school records but limited in quantity, probably because of some obvious limitations like funding, skilled personnel, etc; and that they scarcely use ICT (computer) for school record keeping. The study suggests that government should devote more money, time, materials and human resources by providing sufficient computers for school record keeping in order to back up and regulate teaching and learning process in Grade A secondary schools in Jalingo educational zone of Taraba State. This will enhance better teaching and learning process. At the same time, different categories of learners ranging from fast learners to slow learners shall be able to learn at ease, when instruction is aided with appropriate electronic records.

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Introduction According to Ololube (2013), school records can be said to comprise all existing and accessible records, books, files and other documents containing useful information that relates to what goes on in the school system. Osakwe (2011) defines school records as official documents, books and files containing essential and crucial information of actions and events which are kept and preserved in the school office for utilization and retrieval as needed. Such records are kept by principals, teachers, counselors and administrative staff. Ibara (2010) asserts that without records, there can be no accountability. He further maintains that quality performance, task accomplishment, and measurable outcomes are increasingly important responsibilities, all of which depend on the accessibility of usable records. Without access to records, it is virtually impossible to determine responsibility for actions and to hold individuals accountable for their actions. Record management on the other hand, involves the effective, efficient and systematic control of the processes of creating, receiving, maintaining and disposing valuable information about the organization (Ifedili and Agbaire 2011). ` In the light of the foregoing, it is not arguable that records keeping play a significant role in effective school management. As such, if records are not well m anaged, the school management function suffers (Gama, 2010). Burden (2016) indicated that school records assist in determining the financial position of a school. Therefore, a secured processes and storage facilities are imperative, which necessitate the use of ICT (computer) for data processing and storage UNESCO (2003), in Ofoegbu (2011) defines Information Communication Technology (ICT) as the range of technologies that are applied in the process of collecting, storing, editing, retrieving and transferring information in various forms, it comprises organized system and can access, retrieve, store, organize, manipulate, produce, present and exchange information by electronic and other automated devices. This definition suggests that a wide range of telecommunication equipment and facilities including computer, mobile telephone, iPods, satellites and world wide web are used for the dissemination and exchange of information among people and organizations. The most important service to subscribe to, by the school management, is the electronic-mail (e-mail), for communicating parents or guardians. The basic characteristic of ICT is that it has the capacity to handle, manipulate and relay data or information at an unimaginable speed and accuracy at our convenience. Denis (2014) observes that most transformations in school

36 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies management are unsuccessful due to the inconsistent adoption of ICT technologies. Some administrators and educators see negligible achievements through the use of ICTs and therefore only emphasis the negatives that are anticipated with its use (Ekundayo, 2013). The benefits related to enabling the revolution towards the administrator's approaches, behavior and values become minimized and overlooked (Alenezi, 2015). Sarup (2017) suggests that change in the management of institutions means altering norms, values and opinions related to the school culture. The beliefs include collegiality, introspection and a common logic of vision combined to generate values that back innovations in school management (Earley & Greany, 2017). The lack of ICT management policies in schools leads to lack of accountabilities (Kale & Goh, 2014). Therefore, this might call for managers of the schools to be equipped with necessary training in ICT management. Mugo (2014) carried out a study to examine the factors that impact on data management using Management Information Systems by education administrators in public secondary schools in Thika West District, Kiambu County. The findings of the study indicate that 61% of the institutions never used computer software and 44% always used manual method to manage data. 29% indicate calculators were always used to manage data compared to only 6% indicate never. Mugo's study further revealed that there is low use of computers in data management as only 20% of the respondents indicate that computers were used. This implies low levels of computer literacy and limited use of computers in data management. The complexity in school administration, its constraints, contingencies, and other difficulties also make record keeping a necessity (Ololube, 2011). Ololube (2012) state that the rising cost of running school systems leaves some schools with low quality and inadequate human and material resources. Statement of the problem Retrieving or getting information or records on students, staff and people in secondary schools is time consuming because some of the files are still bulky files. Therefore, the use of computers for record keeping becomes imperative. Looking at the student population of about a thousand and above in individual public secondary schools in Jalingo educational zone of Taraba State, students will queue for several number of days to have their registration done per head on paper, if electronic record keeping means are not put in place. Results of students need to be processed as fast as possible. This

37 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies also presents the need for the use of ICT to speed up the process of retrieving files when needed. This problem of speed and accuracy of record keeping and retrieving need to be addressed before grade-A public secondary schools in Jalingo educational zone of Taraba state start losing their customers (students) to the private schools. This is because some private secondary schools have a well-planned record management systems and students records are retrieved on time. This study aimed at finding out the use of ICT for effective record keeping in grade-A public secondary schools in Jalingo educational zone of Taraba state. Purpose of the Study The aim of the study is to determine the use of information and communication technology for effective record keeping in grade-A secondary schools in Jalingo educational zone of Taraba state. Specifically, the objectives of the study are: 1. To determine the availability of school records in Grade A public secondary schools in Jalingo educational zone of Taraba state. 2. To determine whether the ICT is used in computing school records for administrative planning, decisions and implementations in Grade A public secondary schools in Jalingo educational zone of Taraba state. 3. To suggest strategies that will enhance the availability and utilization of ICT for school record keeping in Grade A public secondary school in Jalingo educational zone of Taraba state. Research Questions The study is structured to provide answers to the following research questions: 1. To what extent are there school records in Grade A public secondary schools in Jalingo educational zone of Taraba state? 2. To what extent is ICT used for records keeping in Grade A public secondary schools in Jalingo educational zone of Taraba state? 3. What are the strategies that will enhance the availability and utilization of ICT for school records keeping in Grade A public secondary schools in Jalingo educational zone of Taraba state Research Hypothesis The following hypotheses have been formulated to give proper understanding of the problem as well as to provide a framework for drawing conclusions.

1. H01- There is no significant difference in the mean score of the availability of adequate school records among the Grade A public

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secondary schools in Jalingo educational zone of Taraba state.

2. H02 -There is no significant difference in the mean score of the utilization of ICT for school records keeping in Grade A public secondary schools in Jalingo educational zone of Taraba state.

Methodology This study adopted descriptive survey research design. According to Mugenda (2011), descriptive survey design is useful in describing the characteristics of a large population, makes use of large samples, thus making the results statistically significant even when analyzing multiple variables, many questions can be asked about a given topic . Population The population covers one hundred (100) administrative staff of Grade A public secondary schools within Jalingo educational Zone, Taraba state Sample and Sampling Techniques Thirty (30) administrative staff were randomly selected from three Grade A public secondary schools within Jalingo educational Zone of Taraba state, Nigeria, using purposeful sampling techniques. Two variables were considered in the study. These variables are: Availability of school records and Utilization of ICT for record keeping. The sampled secondary schools are: 1. Government Science Secondary School, Jalingo. 2. Magami Government Day Secondary School, Magami, Jalingo. 3. Government Day Secondary School, Kofai, Instrumentation The instrument used for data collection was a well-structured questionnaire. The questionnaire was divided into two (2) sections. Section A sought for information pertaining to the demographic data of the respondents including gender, age brackets, school and educational qualification(s). Section B was structured directly based on the study and it consisted of twenty (20) questions, which were sub-divided into two sub-sections to assess the two variables. Four points Likert-type scale was used for easy classification. Results Research Question 1 - Availability of School Records To what extent are there school record keeping system in Grade A public secondary schools in Jalingo educational zone of Taraba state? From the table below, Government Science Secondary School, Jalingo, has a mean score of 3.23 and a standard deviation of 0.57; Magami Government

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Day Secondary School, Jalingo, has a mean score of 3.15, and a standard deviation of 1.24, while Government Day Secondary School, Kofai, has a mean score of 2.64 and a standard deviation of 1.49 showing that the deviation from their mean opinion is insignificant, and according to decision rule on four likert scale system, any opinion with a mean score above 2.5 is considered acceptable and below 2.5 is considered rejected by the school respondents. So, the school records are relatively available in Grade A public secondary schools in Jalingo Local Government Area of Taraba state. Table 1- Showing the mean and standard deviation among the sampled schools Schools Mean Score Standard Devaition Gsss Jalingo 3.23 0.57 Mgdss Jalingo 3.15 1.24 Gdss Kofai 2.64 1.49

Research Question 2. – Utilization of Ict For School Record Keeping To what extent is ICT used for school records keeping in Grade A public secondary schools in Jalingo educational zone of Taraba state? From the table below, the Government Science Secondary School, Jalingo has a mean score of 2.97 and a standard deviation of 3.08; Magami Government Day Secondary School, Jalingo has a mean score of 3.07 and a standard deviation of 0.48, while Government Day Secondary School, Kofai has a mean score of 2.94 and a standard deviation of 3.41 showing that the deviation from their mean opinion is relatively insignificant, and according to decision rule on four likert scale system, any opinion with a mean score above 2.5 is considered acceptable and below 2.5 is considered rejected by the school respondents. So, the school records are relatively utilized in Grade A public secondary school in Jalingo Local Government Area of Taraba state Table 2- Showing the mean and standard deviation among the sampled schools Schools Mean Score Standard Devaition Gsss Jalingo 2. 97 3.08 Mgdss Jalingo 3.07 0.48 Gdss Kofai 2.94 3.41 Resear ch Question 3 - Strategies to enhance the Use of Ict for School Record Keeping What are the strategies that will enhance the availability and utilization of ICT for school records keeping in Grade A public secondary schools in Jalingo educational zone of Taraba state According to decision rule on four likert scale system, any opinion with a 40 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies mean score above 2.5 is considered acceptable and below 2.5 is considered rejected by the school respondents. So, strategies to enhance the availability and utilization of ICT for school record keeping as stated with 2.5 and above are accepted while below are rejected in Grade A public secondary schools in Jalingo educational zone of Taraba state Table 3- Strategies to enhance the Use of Ict for School Record Keeping S/N Strategies To Enhance The Use Of Ict For School Record Mean Decision Rule Keeping Score 1 Deliberate effort to keep record. 3.8 Accept 2 Training on the use of modern technology for record keeping. 3.5 Accept 3 Raising fund to acquire modern technology for record keeping. 3.8 Accept 4 Making availability school record room/cabinet. 3.8 Accept 5 Frequent and adequate training on school recor.d keeping. 3.8 Accept 6 Regular supervision of record keeping by Educational 3.8 Accept secretaries. 7 Dependence on record keeping. 3.5 Accept 8 Different staff should be given different aspect of Record 3.5 Accept keeping. 9 Use the record for administrative purposes. 3.5 Accept

Test of Null Hypotheses

H01- There is no significant difference in the mean score of the availability of adequate school records among the Grade A public secondary schools in Jalingo educational zone of Taraba state. Decision: It is obvious from the table below that the factor ratio is greater than one (F>1) signifying that the Null Hypothesis which state that there is no significant difference in the mean score of the availability of adequate school records among the Grade A public secondary schools in Jalingo educational zone of Taraba state is REJECTED, the alternative Hypothesis is therefore considered. Table 4- Using ANOVA to test the hypothesis on availability of school records in sampled schools Source of Variation Sum of Squares df Mean of Square Factor ratio P Between Schools 1.203 2 0.6015 Within Schools 10.93779 60 0.1822965 3.2995 0.05 Total 12.14079 62

H02 -There is no significant difference in the mean score of the utilization of ICT for school records keeping in Grade A public secondary schools in Jalingo educational zone of Taraba state. 41 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Decision: It is obvious that from the table below, the factor ratio is greater than one (F>1) signifying that the Null Hypothesis which states that there is no significant difference in the mean score of the utilization of ICT for school record keeping in Grade A public secondary schools in Jalingo educational zone of Taraba state is REJECTED, the alternative Hypothesis is therefore considered. Table 5- Using ANOVA to test the hypothesis on utilization of school records in sampled schools Source of Variation Sum of Square df Mean of Square F p Between Schools 5.4156 2 2.7078 Within Schools 68.8771 60 1.14795 2.3588 0-05 Total 74.2927 62

Discussion on Findings Findings show that Grade A public secondary schools within Jalingo educational zone of Taraba state, Nigeria, are averagely equipped with some necessary school records but limited in quantity, probably because of some obvious limitations like funding, skilled personnel, etc; and also scarcely use ICT (computer) for school record keeping. The results of the hypotheses postulated state that hypothesis one which states that there is no significant difference in the mean score of the availability of adequate school records among the Grade A public secondary schools in Jalingo educational zone of Taraba state was significantly rejected. This implies that there is no significant difference in the availability of adequate school records among Grade A public secondary schools in Jalingo educational zone of Taraba State, meaning that Grade A public secondary schools in Jalingo educational zone have nearly same school records in their various schools. Similarly, hypothesis two which states that there is no significant difference in the mean score of the utilization of school records for administrative planning, decisions and implementations in Grade A public secondary school in Jalingo educational zone of Taraba state was also significantly rejected, meaning Grade A public secondary schools in Jalingo educational zone use school records for administrative planning and decisions making in schools. Recommendations and Conclusion On the basis of the findings of this study, the following recommendations are proposed to further improve the availability and utilization of ICT for school record keeping system in Grade A public secondary schools in Jalingo educational zone of Taraba state: (i) That each Local Government Authorities in Taraba State should establish

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Teachers' Resource Centre for the development of electronic school records keeping. (ii) That the State Government should establish properly funded Educational Resource Centres, where school records could be kept . (iii) That Teacher education in Taraba State should be reviewed to emphasize knowledge and skills related to electronic record keeping. (iv) That Teacher education institutions in the state should be provided with equipped modern electronic resources to facilitate record keeping. (v) That a computer laboratory for general use may help if it is not possible to have computers in all the staff/classroom for preparation of lesson plan. (vi) That regular computer literacy program for teachers should be organized. (vii) Staff Room/Auditorium should be connected to the internet, if possible. (viii) State Government should reward good school record keeper. (ix) The State Government should provide digital libraries. (xi) The State Government and philantropists can also help by subsiding or reducing the tariffs on importation of ICT facilities for schools so that teachers and others can afford the purchase of ICT facilities and accessories.

References Alenezi, A. (2015). 'Influences of the mandated presence of ICT in Saudi Arabia secondary schools' International Journal of Information and Education Technology, 5(2), pp. 638-658. Denis, N. F. (2014). 'E-learning for University Effectiveness in the Developing World', Global Journal of Human-Social Science Research,3(1), pp. 14-23. Earley, P. & Greany, T. (2017). School leadership and education system reform, Bloomsbury Publishing. Ekundayo, M. S. (2013). The use of activity theory to explain the complexities surrounding the use of ICT in overcrowded university classrooms: The case of Nigeria. Auckland University of Technology: Masters Thesis. Ibara, E. C. (2010). Perspectives in Educational Administration. Port Harcourt, Nigeria: Rodi Printing and Publishing. Ifedili, C.J & Agbaire, J.J (2011). Management of Educational Records for Better Results. Review of European Studsies, 3(2) pp.52-57 Kale, U. & Goh, D. (2014). 'Teaching style, ICT experience and teachers'

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attitudes toward teaching with Web 2.0', Education and Information Technologies, 19(2), pp. 41-60. Mugenda, A.G. (2011). Social Science Research. Theory and Principles. Nairobi:Applied Research & Training Services Press Mugo, P. M. (2014) Factors that Impact on Use of Education ManagemenInformation Systems:Case Study of Thika West District, Kiambu County, Kenya. Masters Thesis; Unpublished, Kenyatta University. Retrieved from ir.library.ku.ac.ke/handle/123456789/12272 on November 2016 Ofoegbu,F.I (2011). Relevance of Integrating ICT into programs of teacher formation in Nigeria Universities. Journal of educational foundation. Vol. (1)115-123. Ololube, N. P. (2011). Education and society: an interactive approach. Owerri: SpringField Publishers Ololube, N. P. (2012). Sociology of education and society: an interactive approach. Owerri, Nigeria: SpringField Publishers. Ololube, N. P. (2013). Educational Management, Planning and Supervision: Model for Effective Implementation. Owerri: SpringField Publishers. Osakwe, N. R. (2011). Management of School Records by Secondary School Principals in Delta State, Nigeria. The Social Sciences, 6(1), 40-44. DOI:10.3923/sscience.2011.40.44. Sarup, M. (2017). Education State and Crisis: A Marxist Perspective, Routledge

44 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

The Modifications of African Culture In The Face of Technology: Jukun Culture In Perspective

Makai N. Daniel & Rinret Winniefred Lukden Department of History and Diplomatic Studies Federal University Wukari, Email: [email protected], [email protected] Phone: 07039058739

Abstract Culture is the set of distinctive spiritual, material, intellectual and emotional features of a society or a social group. It encompasses, in addition to art and literature, lifestyles, ways of living together, value systems, traditions and beliefs. The Subject of African Culture and the advent of modernity or globalization is imperative in the understanding of the African people and African historiography. Things began to take different forms with the coming of civilization and the influence of external forces that began the process of depletion of African culture and the promotion of foreign culture. Africa's cultural regeneration in the face of technology has also been an integral aspect of post-independence nation-building on the continent, with a recognition of the need to harness the cultural resources of Africa to enrich the process of education, requiring the creation of an enabling environment in a number of ways. The call for a much greater emphasis on reviving indigenous Jukun cultural dimension in all aspects of development ranging from the effects of Social Media, Jukun culture and the diaspora influence and the progression of the culture through Social Media has become increasingly vocal, hence the significance of this study. Primary and secondary materials were major sources of data for this paper. Keywords: Africa, Culture, Evolution, Modernity, Technology

Introduction Culture is the way of life of a social group, the group's total man made environment including all the material and non-material products of group life that are transmitted from one generation to the next. One of the classic definitions of culture was given by Edward B. Tylor (1871) who perceives the concept as “That complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society. Similarly, UNESCO (1993) defines culture as the set of distinctive spiritual, material, intellectual and emotional features of a society or a 45 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies social group that it encompasses, in addition to art and literature, lifestyles, ways of living together, value systems, traditions and beliefs. Raymond Williams (1983:87), however, gives three broad definitions of culture as follows: First, it is 'a general process of intellectual, spiritual and aesthetic development'. Secondly, it is 'a particular way of life, whether of a people, a period or a group'. Finally, it is 'the works and practices of intellectual and especially artistic activity'. The concept of African culture, therefore, encompasses all cultures within the continent of Africa. African cultures are diverse and varied and not static. Like most of the other world cultures, African cultures have been impacted upon by both internal and external forces. Consequently, despite the importance of African culture, the advent of westernization and advancement of technology has almost overwhelmed its glory. Practices and tenets imbedded in indigenous African cultures seem to have faded remarkably in the face of the foregoing developments. Even though culture is dynamic, the modification overtime of culture has led to the modernization, development or devaluation of culture. This prompted the need for this study, which is an attempt to look at the rising influence of technology and modernity on the African cultures with particular emphasis to the Jukun people of Wukari. The Jukun People and Their Culture The Jukun people originated from Yemen in the Arabian Peninsula, where they migrated from in 350 AD. They first settled in Egypt in 380 AD before the advent of Islam in 570 AD (Adamu, 2016). According to Meek and reinforced by oral tradition, the Jukun came into Nigeria through the Mandara Hills and Lake Chad along with the Kanuri. After establishing a stronghold at a place called Ngazargamu, which later became the capital of the Kanem Borno Empire, they left the Kanuri and moved their base to the Upper Gongola Valley, before finally settling in the Middle Belt Valley in 596 AD (Meek,1931:22). It is believed that from there they established a powerful empire known as Kwararafa. Kwararafa Empire extended from the far North – i.e. Kano to the estuary of Cross River around Calabar in the South. The Kwararafa Empire, however, which had its headquarters at Api, or Bye-pie waned towards the end of the 16th century (Adamu, 2016). It is important to note, that Jukun ancestral fathers originated the Jukun culture, which blossomed to the admiration and envy of both their neigbours and foreigners. Even though, they have been bequeathed with a very rich cultural heritage, rich in various religious liturgies, incantations and festivals, some of them could not appreciate the rich heritage. It was the wealth of their culture which compelled a keen foreigner such as H. R Palmer, then Acting Lieutenant Governor of Northern Nigeria, to state in

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1921 that, apart from reasons of “sentiment and justice”, he considered Wukari (Jukun culture) “worth preserving because of its very richness.” From then, he set for himself the task of preserving the culture in a book form. He, indeed, made good his words when he commissioned the writing and publication of a monumental work on the Jukun people titled The Sudanese Kingdom (Meek, 1931). This has remained a major (ethnographical) historical documentation on the Jukun till present, not to mention some errors in the translation of the culture. According to Greenberg's classification (1966) the Jukun speak a language that belongs to the Benue-Congo sub-group of the Niger-Congo family of African languages. Available historical sources have revealed that the people that are referred today as the Jukun are made up of ten different but closely related groups who speak a common language whose parental root has been traced to Proto-Jukunoid, a branch of the Benue-Congo sub-family of the Niger- Kordofanian mega language family (Greenberg, 1966). Linguistic sources have named these groups as Jukun (which was initially a common reference to the Wapan group based presently in Wukari) Kporo, Ashuku, Kentu, Kpan, Kuteb, Yukuben, Bandawa/Minda, Chomo and Jiru. These subgroupings are based on the language names adopted in linguistic studies anchored initially by Joseph Greenberg in his Classification of African Languages published in 1963 and Kiyoshi Shimizu's 'Comparative Jukunoid: A Preliminary Survey', unpublished 1971 Thesis at the University of Ibadan. All the speakers of these languages are located in the Benue Valley. The Jukun descent mode of dressing put them upright as disciplined people. The men put on loin cloth Akyatse or Kyadzwe round their waist or tied above their chest. The title holders wear head-rest or what they call Apo while the other men and women use loin dress called Adire. They tie it around their breast with well plaited hair. The women wear beads around their neck. Ladies stay clear of men except when they are married. The Jukun are extremely conservative and are very proud of their historical past. The Jukun people are a conservative group who guard the institution of the Aku Uka jealously because it represents the core of their belief and culture. The Aku is seen as the centre of the Jukun culture and civilization; hence no external or internal factors can puncture this ideology. Therefore, any culture that does not submit to its authority faces stiff resistance and enmity. The Jukun exhibit a distinct family and settlement patterns. Meek (1931) states, for instance, that a typical Jukun compound for an extended family houses a man, his wives, his sons and unmarried daughters, and other relatives and their dependents. The compound, in addition to being the basic

47 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies unit of society, is also a small religious organization with the head of the family officiating as the chief priest. He controls several family cults and takes charge of all rituals pertaining to the family and its ancestors. The head of the compound communicates directly with the ancestors. As a result of these religious functions, a typical Jukun compound would contain a number of huts and spaces consecrated to ancestral cults. Every elementary family within the extended family occupies a section of the compound and is headed by the household head. The overall leadership of the compound rests on the eldest male member of the family (Abubakar, 1991).

Leadership of compounds, according to the Jukun culture is hereditary, and based on seniority. Meek states, for instance, that on the demise of an existing head, a new head or leader usually emerges and inherits all the religious paraphernalia of the deceased and assumes both the political and spiritual headship of the compound. A typical Jukun compound would have a male reception hut, sunkpa, near the entrance. Beyond the sunkpa are the sleeping huts belonging to male members of the compound. Deeper into the compound we find the female domain where huts for women and their daughters are located. Cooking huts are also found within this zone of the compound. A large compound would have a special hut where grown up male members of the compound take their main meals. The Jukun take one major meal in the day, which is accompanied by rituals. This is usually the supper which is preceded by prayers and libations to the ancestors conducted by the head of the compound (Abubakar, 1991).

One special feature of the traditional Jukun compound which is not found in the dwellings of their neighbours was the existence of a special section for women during their period popularly known among the Jukun as ataje. The ataje or quarantine huts where such women live are taboo to men, and so are the women that live in them. During her period, a woman does not prepare meals for the consumption of the members of the family; such meals are considered/would be impure. This feature of the culture is now getting out of circulation in most of the compounds, as a result of modernity. The Jukun construct round huts with conical thatch roofs like their neigbours. However, details of the construction of the huts vary with, Rukuba, Bachama or Tarok huts being distinct from each other and from others (Abubakar, 1991). For the conical roofs, as Abubakar (1991), points out, rafters are made of bamboo or wood and the spaces between are filled with sorghum stalks. Four main rafters may protrude beyond the apex of the cone to form an "X" which is then surmounted by a pot. The Jukun share this feature of roof construction with their neighbours, the Tiv and the Idoma.

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The head of the thatch of Jukun huts point downwards, unlike that of the Bachama and the Marghi or Burra. This technique is more efficient in the use of grass but gives the roof a rather shabby appearance. The traditional Jukun bed is a raised earthen platform with a fire- place beneath. An additional raised platform is often provided as shelves for storage. A mud screen erected within the hut between the door and the bed renders the latter more private. Women's huts contain water pots, pots for grains, pots for beer, and various sizes of calabash for drinking, eating and storage. A man's hut may contain horns for cupping and medicine storage. An antelope or cow horn stuck in the thatch is often used for hanging items (Sa'ad, 1991).

Jukun Culture and External Influence The Jukun culture in recent years has witnessed certain levels of new developments due to the advent of modernity and the Social Media. The perception of the Jukun culture by outsiders has become imperative in the face of globalization, modernization and the evolution of culture. The distinctive features of the Jukun culture are reflected in their traditional attire, dances, marriage system, language, occupation etc. Jukun Traditional Attire In the aspect of traditional attire, Danjuma Adamu, an informant, noted that, the adire, kyadzwe, etc. have recorded unprecedented acceptability both at home and in the diaspora. In recent times, especially in the last two years, it is common on Social Media to see both Jukun and non Jukun speakers and sometimes non Africans displaying these beautiful attires. Some couples even go to the extent of showcasing this material as a symbol of unifying cultural values in the area of marriage. The Jukun people are unique beings in the universe in the area of communication. They communicate in signs, symbols and with voice. One of such is the unique traditional regalia worn by the Aku Uka, the supreme head and representative of god on earth. The traditional outfit is designed and made of three colours – red, black and white. These are the most important colours in the life of the Jukun, though the most valuable is blue and white. RED is interpreted in Jukun as “abukhan”. The colour is a symbol that speaks and signifies danger. It shows the brave nature of the Jukun nation and also the symbol of authority of the Aku-Uka to terminate the life of any citizen that is convicted of murder in his kingdom. It also represents a symbol of war and the King's council responsible for declaring war. BLACK, as known by many and also interpreted in Jukun as “abu pe” or “apepe” signifies the dark or hey days in Jukun history. Black and blue are 49 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies equal or the same. Black is mostly used in connection with the ORDER of the mysticism in the installation of the AKU-UKA or the five traditional king makers or high chiefs in the kingdom. In the absence of blue, the colour black also represents the power to make rain fall or rain makers. WHITE is a colour that speaks for itself and is loved by very sincere and few people. The colour represents peace and it is interpreted in Jukun as “abufyen”. This colour is, strictly speaking, the true nature of a Jukun man. Since the creation till eternity, Jukun people remain peaceful in nature. BLUE colour makes things happen by listening to the ORDER of our forefathers. It is traditionally called in Jukun as “abu mayi” or “mayiyi”. This colour is a living colour that respects command and depicts the true power of the Jukun. It is with this colour that the Jukun nation can command rain to drop heavily notwithstanding the season. And this is the colour that speaks well of the Jukun in their traditional wrapper with white and blue stripes depicting the rain maker and the peace maker. SIGNS are also one of the major avenues that Jukun people communicate. The very common but special signs that need elaboration here are those which are mostly done before the public at any given special traditional function. These are on the regalia or traditional outfit worn by the Aku-Uka which is called “Nyipo” (See Appendix) in Jukun without any correspondent alternative interpretation; this is because it is only worn by the Aku-Uka. The way it is made and kept is also a mystery. The researcher shall attempt to briefly narrate in short stories the signs included in the outfit worn by Aku- Uka. The Bird, a special specie. This small riverine bird is describd and called in Jukun as “Nanabi” and interpreted in Hausa language as “Lading- Kogi”. This unique bird has an odd feeding behavior on the soil different from that of other birds. As other birds scratch the sand backwards, the Nanabi scratches the sand forward while looking for what to feed on. The place and importance attached to it is that the Aku-Uka is always forward- looking. “That means forward ever backward never”. The Aku-Uka never turns back whatever the circumstances. The Scorpion is common specie in the bush and it is also called “Aneh” in Jukun. It depicts the Aku-Uka as a scorpion which lurks inside the bark of a tree and becomes only harmful when you try to expose it by splitting the bark of the tree with your hands. Therefore, the AKU-UKA only stings when he is deliberately tormented. The Half-moon, when you talk about light, you cannot do without mentioning the shinning moon. This is interpreted in Jukun as “Ason”. The moon is attractive to everyone, so also the Aku-Uka who is the centre of attraction for the whole world.

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The Morning Star is one of the brighter and very creative attractions of God's handwork. It is called “Atswi” in Jukun. The Aku-Uka is equal to the morning star. The morning star is a very important star which appears during the early morning period. The definition here is that, it is the period the revered Aku-Uka receives reports and complaints from all his subjects about activities going on in his domain through the title holders. It is also the time the Aku Uka holds a special daily session called “a kyon ma”. The Tripod, the inseparable three stones that support each other particularly in the olden days, our foremothers used it in the kitchen to support their cooking pots. The name in Jukun is called “tisem”. It balances the pot while cooking. The interpretation of this sign is that it represents God's power on earth and that without the tripod many things will go wrong. The first stone represents God, the second Aku Uka and the third speaks of the religious elders. Without the three classes in the circle the world would have been without morality. The Compass – It is imperative to note that a kingdom cannot succeed without knowing its focus or direction. The compass depicts that Aku-Uka's authority and mantle permeates all round: the NORTH, the EAST, the SOUTH and the WEST. This is the beauty and nature of the Kingdom of Aku Uka. Sword – Jukun people call it “kahwa”. In history only three kings had the authority to terminate the life of a guilty citizen who committed manslaughter in their kingdom- the Aku Uka, the king of Kanem Borno and the Sultan of Sokoto. Out of these, the Aku Uka has a special sword that is kept for the purpose of execution. It is like the hangman's noose and it is only used during execution and it is immediately returned to its base. But with the coming of western type of justice administration, the judiciary manned by professional lawyers, this culture is almost extinct. The War Spear – This was used in fighting wars in the olden days. This spear is a special and unique type which is called “Atsoshi” in Jukun. It has some mysteries attached to it. it can be equated to any of the weapons of mass destruction in modern warfare. The Jukun used the Atsoshi in advancing and conquering many kingdoms during the early 15th, 16th and 17th centuries. Kano, Zaria, Katsina and Gobir were victims of this instrument. The special thing about the spear is that only the Aku-Uka has the authority to launch the “Atsoshi” either through an ORDER or personally being the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed forces of the Kwararafa civilization (Jukun Youth Day Magazine, 2012:18). Jukun Masquerades Masquerades are an important mode of cultural expression for several ethnic groups in Nigeria and Africa at large. They also perform some

51 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies special purposes in the life of an average traditional man or woman's ways of living. In Jukun religion there are special masquerades that feature and operate at different frequencies. Some of the purposes the masquerades serve range from entertainment, mourning of the dead, receiving of a new born baby to gracing of ceremonial occasions such as installation of title holders, wedding ceremonies and investigations. To this end, their elaborately created physical presence evokes a great range of classified feelings - from approbation and appreciation to fear and awe. Masquerades have admirable human and animal features, and are great dancers. Traditionally, Jukun people accord the highest level of freedom to masquerades in the kingdom. These masquerades are sacred and unchallengeable. In ancient Jukun religion, masquerades are adored and protected. Masquerades are classified into several categories in Jukun religion. There is the social, ceremonial and sacred. Masquerades that are within these categorizations are royal masquerades which are referred to as “Agbakeke”, “Adashan”, “Agashi” “Ashama”, “Nyadodo”, “Anuwashenki”, “Ashanga wazu”, “Akuwason”, “Anabwanki”, “Nariko”, “Akumaga”, “Akudi”, “Atunkun”, “Akuma”, “Yododo”, and “Akwahwan”. Amongst the royal masquerades, an attempt to expatiate a few will be made for a clearer understanding. AGASHI – “Agashi” is Aku's dear royal masquerade. The origin of Agashi dates back to creation according to Jukun history. This masquerade is accorded all the respect that befits culture. The purpose of Agashi ranges from the festivals of the royalty to the transition of the royalty. It has the flexibility of belonging to any senior family in the Jukun kingdom. ASHAMA – “Ashama” is one of the Aku's favourite masquerades because of its multifunctional roles during major ceremonies. It could perform in all occasions. “Ashama” is a mysterious and powerful masquerade that never travels in a vehicle or cross a river on a canoe or boat (Jukun Youth Day Magazine, 2012:21). Ethnomedicine in Jukun Culture In his paper titled “Ethnomedcine in Jukun Culture” Bako (2012) defined Ethno-medicine as a traditional form of medical practice, which evolved among cultures where orthodox medical facilities is not existing or is not acceptable. It involves the use of plant and animal parts by members of an indigenous culture and usually does not feature an organized medical system or formal training, though its practice may be passed on through generations by means of a closely guarded apprenticeship programme. World-wide, its practice has gained acceptance and its popularity 52 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies is growing. Particularly, spectacular episodes of its growth are the often- cited cases of Chinese and Indian Ethno-medicine. In Nigeria, (as is the case with many African cultures) there is a rapidly expanding market for traditional medicines, which claim a wide range of cure for diseases and ailments ranging from the common cold to HIV/AIDS. The Jukun people have a well-established and generally revered trado-medical culture, which shares similarities with those from other parts of the world, including some regions in the Middle East, the maintenance and propagation of this practice is usually closely guarded, just as it happens in other African cultures. According to Bako in Jukun culture, traditional medical practice is within the preview of the "medicine-man" the pa-sehe (sic) (literally “one who brews trees and wood”), who are the custodians of the recipes required for the various charms and medical remedies. These people are distinguishable from the witches (Pa-shiko), seers (pa-zo) (sic), and sorcerers (pa-shibu), although there could occur certain level of commonality in the premises and procedures they employ. A pa-sehe (sic) is essentially a doctor, who may use magic in addition to other means of direct therapeutic action, but does not employ his knowledge for the purposes of sorcery or witchcraft. He treats diseases and issue charms, which are purely protective in nature. Such protection is usually against the mischiefs of witches and sorcerers. Furthermore, Bako noted that like in many other African cultures, the Jukun believes that, diseases may involve human or non-human agent. Diseases involving human actions are mostly caused by witches and/or sorcerers, who are capable of injuring a man's soul by capturing it directly; or indirectly, through the use of parts of the victims body (e.g. nail clippings, hair, excrement), or articles associated with his body; or by projecting it into his soul with the help of some foreign bodies (e.g. needles, arrows, spears, piece of bone etc.). Diseases involving non-human action on the other hand, can be caused by deities who control the advent of special diseases (e.g. small pox), deities who are not object of regular worship, and deities who need regular worship, evil spirits and ancestors. Aetiology (a branch of knowledge concerned with causes; specifically a branch of medical science concerned with the causes and origin of diseases) are strong factors, which determine the nature of treatment applicable to a particular disease. Quite often, the doctor would have to employ some form of divination to determine the cause and nature of the disease according to Bako. This he may do directly by his own power, or he may employ the service of a diviner. Once this is ascertained, the doctor proceeds to cure his patient by removing from his body, the needle, the arrow or piece of bone which has been projected by the witch or 53 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies sorcerer. He mainly relies on his own magical powers for this. He may also cure his patient by some form of exorcism, where invading evil spirit are diagnosed. If some taboo has been refracted, treatment may not be by magical means, but purely by pacifying the offended deity and/or ancestors. There are also remedies, which are essentially medical in nature. These remedies are often employed in conjunction with religious rite. Religion here serves basically the same role as suggestion does in modern medicine. Most of these remedies involve the processing of a diverse assemblage of plant roots, leaves, barks, stems, fruits, juices, tissues of animal origin, including animal fats (commonly from python and chicken), blood and milk. These are concocted and orally administered or used as body washes and lotions. In many instances, the administration of these remedies comes along with a set of taboos and/or restriction, either on the patient, the doctor, or both. This is strictly observed for a prescribed period, which may last as long as the duration of the treatment. For the treatment of many common medical conditions, the remedies are so well known that their use need not involve a pa-sehe. For more serious diseases and conditions however, the services of an experienced doctor are required. There is usually an initial deposit payment or a gesture/promise of such, before treatment commences. After successful treatment, the patient is required to complete payment, or (as is believed) the doctor is capable of restoring the disease condition to the body of the defaulting patient. This system encourages both compliance by the patient, as well as, performance by the doctor (Bako, 2002:10). Jukun Traditional Dances Dance is an important aspect of African culture. It is for entertainment at both casual and special occasions. Usually, dance or music performance draws all participants into a unified atmosphere of action. There were different kinds of Jukun dances in the pre-colonial period accompanied with different songs and drumming. Examples included Akishe dance, the type of dance during marriage ceremonies, with different styles of drumming and songs; Ajo-Niku, a farming dance which was performed during communal farming. Other types of dances include: Ajo-Bwi, Agyogo, Garaza, Dungbanjin (Goge) and Ajo-Kovo among others. These dances can be compared to Swange and Ingyough dances in Tivland or Odaburu and Okpirigidi dances in Idomaland. Masquerades also served as dances which featured cultural festivals and different social occasions. For instance, masquerades such as Agashi, Akuma, Atukon, Aku-wa-shon, Agba-keke, Ashama, Adashan, Anariko, Akumaga, Nyadodo performed in different dance steps and drumming not

54 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies only to the pleasure of the people, but projected and propagated the culture of the Jukun through their displays, their costumes and utensils. In Igbo land they were called 'Mmanwu' while in Yoruba land they were called 'Egugu', for instance, the Eyo of Eko and Jendu of Egba land (Atando, 2017). Atando, further noted that, “dances were means of socialization in pre-colonial Jukun society. It had both aesthetic and communicative elements and thus, projected the norms and values of the community. It was a medium to express joys and pains, a tool to link the spiritual to the physical world and it was performed during special occasions or during leisure period”. Jukun traditional dances such as goge dance, masquerade dances and even anya processions have at one point or the other gone viral due to their eye- catching displays as noted by Beavens Ajiduku (2019). He stated that the beauty of the dances has always made our people in diaspora to feel at home and are always encouraged to assist in cultural activities whenever they are called upon. Our local delicacies and traditional dishes have been advertised on social media on several occasions. Dante Angyu (2019), however, stated that Goge and Akishe dances which are traditional Jukun dances has been removed from the mainstream media by our enemies”. Language Most of the Nigerian languages are going extinct because of the infliux of other factors. Language distortion is paramount among the factors. The Jukun language has experienced devaluation through the exchange of some words in its lexicon with either Hausa or English words. This has led to the loss of some expressions in Jukun language among Jukun youths. Language goes into extinction anytime it is not been spoken, taught or written. Most Jukun teenagers as observed by Dante Angyu have resorted to Hausa or English language and seem to take their language as primitive and so becoming inferior compared with other languages. This phenomenon is grave and a backlash on Jukun culture because language is the primary vehicle through which culture is shared. This development however, has prompted some Jukun elders to evolve measures of reviving the culture so that what has handed down by the ancestors does not completely go extinct. One of the great success recorded is the permission granted by the Federal Government of Nigeria for the Jukun language to be included in school curriculum up to the tertiary institutions. As my informant Dante Angyu, the president of the Jukun Development Association (JDA) Wukari chapter, highlighted that at the language is already been taught in primary schools and textbooks are in the making and groups saddled with the responsibility of developing and showcasing the Jukun language and culture are already making giant progress.

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Food The 21st century has been an interesting one. With the introduction of several fast foods and technology driven equipment some locally made cuisines are becoming a thing of the past. In the Jukun culture, for instance, culturally made food are no longer the norm as modern girls are neither taught how to make them nor choose not to learn. Soups made with pure groundnuts or beni-seed can only be made by a few. This shows the effect of modernization on traditional cuisines among Jukun youths, in particular. Christianity/Islam The coming of Christianity to Jukun land has generated changes in the mode of worship practiced by the Jukun-speaking people. Traditional instruments which were used in traditional dances or the worship of idols are now been used in churches to sing praises to Almighty God. Culture is now seen as idol worship, which is a deviation from the traditional practices to the worship of the Almighty God. It is however important to note that, some cultural practices are not necessarily anti-God. Among such practices include the wearing of traditional dresses, observance of some norms and values such as respect for elders, eating, pleasantries and so on. Many of such practices do not hinder the Christian religious tenets as misconstrued by some people. The introduction of Christianity has resulted in the introduction of the Christian or western ways of life among the Jukun. Prominent among such are the use of western dress pattern, adoption of monogamy, especially among Jukun Christian converts. Generally, the worship of traditional religion has seriously diminished. The introduction of Christianity has equally introduced the idea of Sunday as a special day of worship and rest. This was nonexistent before the introduction of Christianity. Consequently, on Sundays, while the Christian converts go to church to worship, even some traditional worshippers prefer to rest at home. This resulted to some measure of conflict between converted children and parents who remained traditionalists. For instance, children who refused to go to the farm on Sunday when forced by their parents were punished. Some who refused errands from their parents such as buying of locally brewed beer (Achen) or buurkutu. Notwithstanding, the response of some Jukun to Christianity, the missionaries faced difficulty in converting most of the Jukun. The few early converts included Agyo Likita, Iliya Awe, Kefas Atenwunu, Malam Bako, Solomon Gambo Ahima (Joseph, 2017). Consequence upon the slow response, the missionaries left for Donga. Before they left, Angyu Kefas and Malam Useni requested for the church to be handed over to them, a request they complied. The Church in Wukari was eventually revamped under the early converts. Subsequently, Rev Dekker and Evenhouse, all missionaries in Wukari, worked together with Habila

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Ada whom they trained and ordained him as the first indigenous pastor of the Wukari Church (Joseph, 2017). Farming System One of the main economic pre-occupation of the Jukun people is farming, perhaps as a result of the rich Benue Valley and the Niger-Benue influence. Because of the richness of the soil in this zone, the people are encouraged to cultivate cereals, tubers and plant crops. In the process of crop cultivation, the people made use of hoes (both big and small) and cutlasses that are locally produced. The farmers often work on a cooperative basis in preparing pieces of land for cultivation. This exercise involves cutting down the bush, allowing it to dry after which it is set ablaze. This is followed by mounding which is a laborious aspect of farming. Consequently, a lot of food is prepared for the hoeing party by the wife or wives of the owner of the new farm. Women apart from providing food for the work party are usually responsible for subsequent weeding in order to ensure good harvests. Apart from farming and rearing of domestic animals for consumption, fishing and hunting also forms a good part of the people's social organization for the purpose of obtaining protein. Much of this game meat is also sold at the local markets. Hunting can be done on an individual or group basis. Some of the locally available game includes cane rats, monkeys, antelopes and porcupines. Other animals found in this region include tigers, elephants, lions and buffalos especially in the pre-colonial times. However, over-killing or indiscriminate hunting methods using bows and arrows and spears have led to the near total disappearance of these endangered animals. Local traps are fabricated by blacksmiths and are used to catch cane rats and antelopes among others. Animals were not only use for food but were also used in conjunction with other plant resources for medicinal purposes. Other livelihoods of the peoples of Central Nigeria and indeed the Jukun people include blacksmithing, pottery making and wood carving done especially at leisure times. Ane Ku (farming for the king): This was a special time or forum when all people and villages within the Kingdom gather to farm for the king. However, this practice is no longer in vogue. Every village has “nwu ne”, group of farmers or farming squad. For proper representation every nwu ne brings its squad whenever there is corporate farming for the king. It is like a competition, so expertise in farming becomes the key factor in determining the winner and young girls always flock around such a winner. This system has equally been overtaken by other alternatives such as Gaya (group farming) which is a method of farming where a farmer invites everyone in the community to work in his farm. The host, however, will make available local drinks or beer and porage for the teaming farmers. But this too has

57 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies stopped.

Conclusion Culture has been a defining feature of most African societies. With the world becoming a global village through the influence of technology, cultural impulses must not be left to rust. This study has made an attempt to checkmate African culture in the face of technology with particular emphasis on the Jukun people. This study reveals that ways of life associated with the Jukun went through modifications, such as marriage, arts, language, dances, etc. It is to be noted; also that music, dance and song are inherent part of African culture and daily lifestyle. The study further reveals that many African societies today no longer practice their original unique cultures. They have adopted many aspects of western culture through western influences; media, Facebook, Instagram, etc. Nonetheless, they still retain an inherent love for aspects of their cultures.

References Abubakar, S. (1999). "Peoples of the Upper Benue Basin and the Bauchi Plateau before 1800". In O. Ikime, Groundwork of Nigerian History (pp. 169-170). Ibadan: Historical Society of Nigeria. Adamu, D. A., Shekarau Angyu Masa-Ibi: An Autobiography of the 24th Aku Uka. Able Productions 2016. Atando, D. A., “A History of Leisure and Entertainment among the Jukun People of The Lower Benue Valley of Nigeria, C.1850-2000”. February, 2017. PhD Thesis, Dept of History, Benue State University, Makurdi. Bako, S. P. (2002, May). Ethnomedicine in Jukun Culture. Relics of Kwararafa, 1(1), 10. C.K Meek, Sudanese Kingdom: An Ethnographical Study of Jukun-Speaking Peoples of Nigeria, London: Kegan Paul 1931, p.1. Fremantle, J. M. (1920). Gazetteer of the Muri Province. London: Frank Cass. Greenberg, J. The Languages of Africa, Indiana, 1966. http://ocpa.irmo.hr/resources/docs/COMEDAFII_Unesco_EdCultRole- en.pdf “EDUCATION AND CULTURE IN AFRICA'S QUEST FOR DEVELOPMENT” Joseph, N. C., “A History of Christianity in Wukari Area, 1905 – 2005”. July, 2017. Undergraduate Project, Dept. of History and Diplomatic Studies, Federal University Wukari. 58 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Jukun Youth Day Magazine, 2012, Pp. 21. R. Williams, Keywords, London 1983, 87. Sa'ad, H. T. Folk Culture and Architecture in Northeastern Nigeria. Frobenius Institute, 1991. Tylor, B. Edward Primitive Culture, (1871) UNESCO General History of Africa Vol. VIII: Africa since. 1945, California: UNESCO, (1993).

59 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Problems and Prospects of Commercial Motorcycle (Achaba) Transportation Enterprise: A Historical Survey of Katsina Metropolis in Northern Nigeria, 1987 – 2012

Samuel Wycliff Department of History, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria-Nigeria [email protected] +2348060510055, +2348053430606 & Abba Aliyu Sararinkuka IJAMB Unit, Alqalam University, Katsina – Nigeria [email protected] +2348039525112

Abstract The creation of Katsina State and the siting of Katsina city as the administrative headquarters marked an important development in enhancing its position politically, socially and economically. Among the developments is the emergence of commercial motorcycle transport system as one of the major sources of employment for a number of Katsinawa and non-Katsinawa. Its economic contribution towards increase in the mobility of the factor of production from one place to another, notably labour, facilitates the movement of people from their homes to their business places or places of work. This paper, using historical methodology, analyses the prospects and challenges associated with commercial motorcycle (Achaba) transport system from 1987 to 2012. The paper undoubtedly concludes that, this enterprise was instrument in the increase of road accidents, population explosion, violation of traffic regulations, patronage of brothels, human abduction and armed robbery. This is despite the fact that the enterprise had created self-employments for many distressed people whose hopes were dashed and adequately assisted the jobless graduates, youths and others to have constant source of income. Keywords: Problems, Prospects, Commercial Motorcycle, Katsina Metropolis, Transportation

Introduction Transportation in the Katsina metropolis is one of the most popular economic activities which is enhanced by the development and expansion of the road networks. Olanrewaju argues: “Over three decades, the Federal and State Governments investments in roads development have been substantial; in addition, road transport of both passengers and freight traffic has been on

60 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies an upward trend.”1 Besides, roads serves as a collection and distribution system, accommodating a large number of vehicles with diverse origins and destinations. Easy accessibility as well as flexibility of movement are some of the important advantages of roads transport. It is much easier to pick up and drop off than is possible with other means of transportation, locked into specific routes and schedules. The fact that road transportation can thus provide door-to-door services enhances the demand for it. In addition to its values as means of trunk movement, road transport is largely essential for feeder purposes, for - rail, air and water transport.2 This shows that transportation plays a significant role in the economic growth of any country in the world. Consequently, the economic growth and the manner in which it occurs depend largely on the availability of an efficient transport network. Therefore, the provision of efficient transport facilities is a vital precondition for economic take-off.3 The economic growth and development of Katsina metropolis largely depends on the existence and provision of a modern form of transportation with a regular network of roads. Ekundare argues that the road transport system provides employment for a number of Nigerians.4 It is pertinent to note that, in Katsina metropolis, the Achaba enterprise has helped in the emergence, growth and development of quite a number of small and medium scale enterprises ranging from motorcycle dealers, spare-part dealers, engine oil dealers and retailers, petroleum hawkers, road-side mechanics workshop, seat cover markers, 'yanleda, motorcycle washers, to mini-markets like local food selling centres or restaurant. Commercial motorcycle syste, has replaced the previous modes of transportation (taxi) in Katsina due to its accessibility, minimal cost and speedy service, among other advantages. Worthy of note is to state here that, Achaba enterprise was one of the key sources of revenue to the state government through payment for registration fee number plates and by revenue collected by the Commercial Motorcycle Union which runs in millions of naira. Despite the socio-economic contributions of commercial motorcycle in Katsina metropolis, it is associated with series of challenges, especially road accidents. Moreover, motor vehicle accidents are common features of road transportation in Nigeria. Carnage arising from road accidents has become the country's bane of socio-economic development. Hardly any day passes without news of loss of lives and properties on the Nigerian highways as a result of road crashes in Nigeria. Findings by researchers have categorized the major causes of road crashes in Nigeria into three (3): Human, Mechanical and Environmental factors.5 However, close study of the causes of accidents in Nigeria reveals that 61 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies human factor occupies a very high rate in the causative index of road crashes in Nigeria. There are four categories of road accidents which are, Fatal, Serious, Minor and Hit and run accidents. A fatal accident means an accident in which the victims either died on the spot or on the way to hospital or died later on admission. While serious accidents is an accident in which one or all of the victims sustained injury but no death. Minor accident is an accident in which there is no death, no injury to any victims. Hit and run is that accident in which any type of motor vehicle knocks down someone on foot, on motorcycle, bicycle, etc., and the driver of the vehicle fails to stop. It can be fatal, serious or minor. It is not an overstatement to say that Achaba, operators (commercial motorcycle transport system) in Katina metropolis appears to be the most dangerous form of transportation. More so, the Achaba business has constituted nuisance in the area of study in terms of criminal activities. The main thrust of this paper is therefore to examine the prospects and the ills associated with the commercial motorcycle business in the Katsina Metropolis. Problems of Commercial Motorcycle Transportation System in Katsina Metropolis One of the problems of commercial motorcycle business in Katsina metropolis is that of road accidents. These results from the fact that the population of commercial motorcycle operators has increase geometrically. Many factors account for the causes of accident in Katsina city, prominent among which rapid growth in motorization, population explosion and urbanization, quest for alternative jobs, lawlessness, bad roads, lack of adequate public means of transportation, poor government policies, poor enforcement of traffic laws, as well as high level of illiteracy.6 The link between population growth and vehicle accidents is more obvious when we look at population growth and accidents cases in Katsina metropolis during the period between 2000 and 2012. Since 1990s, there has been significant increase in the state's population and the country at large. Records from Nigeria National Bureau of Statistic (NBS) indicated that, Katsina state had a population of 3,753,133 by the year 1991. The population increased to 5,801,584 by the year 2006. In Katsina metropolis alone, the population increased from 223,644 in 1991 to 318,132 in the year 2006. Population growth of the metropolis by the year 2012 is projected at to about 380,866.7 The behavioural pattern of the operators of Achaba in Katsina metropolis, like in any other town in Nigeria, more often than not causes most accidents. Their behaviours are characterized by over zealousness to make money

62 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies within short period of time. More so, many are under-aged; (youthful age), especially below the age of 18 and with no formal education. The fact that many of them have no formal education had adverse implication for the observance of the Highway Code and traffic regulations. Yet another cause of accidents is the fact that the motorcyclists 'Yan Achaba' are notorious for conducting themselves like outlaws.8 They are full of disdain for law enforcement agents (i.e. Nigeria Police Force (NPF), Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC)). They are in the habit of resisting any effort to curb their excesses, sometimes even with violence. They have also earned a reputation for malevolent solidarity even in violating traffic laws. In Katsina metropolis, they are notorious for attacking any unfortunate motorist who gets involved in a traffic accident with one of their members. In fact, since 2000, they became so much attended to political violence and thuggery in Katsina metropolis, especially during political rallies where accidents are very rampant.9 Similarly, insufficiency of officers of Road Safety Corps in the study area posed another cause of road accidents in the area. This resulted in little or no efforts at enforcing road traffic rules and regulations in Katsina metropolis. The only offences fined by law enforcement agents were only refusal to use seatbelts, etc.10 But the real problems were on the roads in the metropolis. A very bad habit developed was called in Hausa language 'aro hannu'. This meant that automobile owners, especially motorcyclists claimed to borrow the other lane (opposite direction of a lane that did not belong to a user) which they were not supposed to use by law or traffic regulations. Unfortunately, this became habitual attitude among the commercial motorcycle operators. This meant that they consciously chose to break traffic regulations. More so, some of the motorcyclist were even ignorant of traffic regulations, since they could not read or write. In most cases, they did not even know the offences they committed. Since many of the motorcyclists in most cases did not know simple like regarding overtaking or even the proper way and place to stop. Overloading by commercial motorcyclist also contributed to accidents in Katsina metropolis. Others developed the habit of taking three (3), four (4) or even five persons (passengers) on one motorcycle, sometimes even with infant. Unfortunately, all these accident prone habits could not be checked or monitored by law enforcement agents responsible for that. Many achaba operators even complained that some law enforcement agents even at times forced them on their motorcycles more than the number required in order to avoid being, late to office.11 This attitude contributed significantly in increasing motorcycle accidents in the Katsina metropolis. 63 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Bad roads equally contributed significantly in the cases of accidents on our roads within the period under review. It is not arguable that the condition of Nigerian roads is horrible. Nigerian roads are ranked among the worst in the world. This is evident in the harrowing experiences and agonizing tales associated with road travels across the country. It was reported that only 15% of the Nigeria's road networks are in good condition. Data from FRSC state that as at 1998, there were over seven million vehicles operating on the Nigerian roads daily and road transport accounts for 75% of mobility in the country.12 In the case of the study area, there has however been a significant improvement in view of the fact that in the last 16 years (1999 – 2015) the government of Katsina State has tried to improve the road situation in the Katsina metropolis. Increase in poverty index in Katsina State and Nigeria at large accounted also for increase in cases of motorcycle accidents in the Katsina metropolis and other parts of Nigeria. Increase in poverty index not only increased rural-urban drift but also contributed to the growing number of Achaba operators on Katsina stressts. But there is something peculiar to Katsina metropolis. Dozens of the youths from the villages surrounding the Katsina metropolis come to Katsina every day for the Achaba business. Some even remained in the town till night when they returned to their villages. Consequently, apart from congesting the Katsina streets, night journeys involved more accidents due to reckless. Riding, especially at night. Government policies were also factors that contributed to the increase in cases of accidents by commercial motorcycle operators in Katsina metropolis. The return of democracy in the year 1999 where various programmes and projects were implemented mainly for poverty alleviation increased cases of accidents in Katsina metropolis. For instance, through the state's program of poverty reduction, buses and motorcycles were distributed in large scale on loan basis. Consequently, thousands of motorcycles were given to thousands of youths and adults in the state for the purpose of commercial motorcycle operation to enable them be self- employed and generate income for their survival and increase in standard of living.13 It will interest you to note that, from 1999 to 2012, over 1,000 motorcycles were given as loan14 to teachers of public schools at the cost of N 120,000.00K.15 This significantly increased the number of motorcycles in the state. Many of the teachers sold out the motorcycles they obtained or gave it out to some youth for commercial purpose in return for daily agreed months of payment ranging from N 700 – 1,500.00K on daily basis. In fact, by 2000, motorcycles became the main transportation means in Katsina metropolis. The increase in the number of commercial motorcycle operators in turn increased the number of motorcycle accidents on Katsina

64 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies streets due to some of the aforementioned factors. Political activities during the period under review also contributed to the increase in commercial motorcycle accidents. The youths were the largest group involved in the accidents some they were the ones who dominated most who participated in political rallies. Cases of accidents increased because most of those used in such political rallies involved in reckless driving as a result of certain influences like drugs. This explained why many politicians rallies and campaign tours ended with dead bodies due to reckless driving and other related factors. It is relevant to note that many of the motorcycles were given gave out to the youths as incentives by politicians in order for them to vote for them on election days.16 Areas in Katsina metropolis that witnessed frequent motorcycle accidents included Kwanar Dan Buakari, Waziri Zayyana Avenue and Kwanar Galadanchi General Hospital. Other areas included Kofar Yandaka – Marnar gangare road, cikin-Birni and Kofar Marusa road.17 The attitudes of some officers of the NPF and FRSC also contributed in cases of motorcycle accidents. Among the factors included the mounting of check points at sharp bends where motorcycle operators could not sight time at reasonable distance. Therefore, in attempts by the operators to dodge in order to escape arrest, many ended up colliding with ancoming vehicles or machines, while others missed road into the bush. Of equal importance is to affirm here that, other major causes of the commercial motorcycle accidents in the Katsina metropolis included the activities of Yan Kura (Water Vendors). They usually loaded their Kura (hand-cart) with a maximum of 10 to 12 big water Jerry cans all over the places.18 Apart from crossing roads carelessly they usually blocked substantial space on the roads thereby leading to constant collusion with the reckless commercial motorcycle riders. Most of such accidents or collusion reportedly occurred mostly in the early hours of mornings and evenings as they commercial motorcyclists engaged in busy schedules. Thus, these Achaba accidents morning carrying students to schools, civil and public servants, as well as business men and women to their places of work. Table 1 below presents the statistics of commercial motorcycle accidents in Katsina metropolis from the year 1998 to 2012 with high number of deaths and injuries of varying degrees. These was made possible as result of the drastic measures taken by the law enforcement agency in punishment of the defaulters as an example to cirmial activities perpetrated by the use of commercial motorcycle operators.

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Table 1: Statistics of Achaba Commercial Operators Accidents in Katsina Metropolis, 1998 – 2012 Year Number of Number of Fatal Number Injured Number Killed Accidents Accident 1998 – 1999 69 30 176 51 2000 – 2001 297 188 754 32 2002 – 2003 456 301 155 475 2004 – 2005 171 144 323 237 2005 – 2006 207 154 581 260 2007 – 2008 239 167 234 282 2009 – 2010 270 195 230 200 2011 – 2012 180 95 107 64 Total 1,889 1,274 2,560 1,601 Source: Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC) Katsina Command, 1998 – 2012 Besides cases of accidents associated with commercial motorcycle operators are criminal activities perpetrated by same within the period under review in Katsina metropolis. There has been several reports on Achaba operators involved in different kinds of crimes19 ranging from theft of purses and mobile phones to abduction, grand larceny and even politically motivated murder.20 it was strongly believed particularly among law enforcement agents and law abiding residents of Katsina metropolis, that most crimes in the metropolis were encouraged by criminals who employed the services of Achaba operators to carry out their nefarious activities. There were reported cases of killings, abduction and snatching of money and phones from hawkers at various roads sides by the hoodlums who used motorcycles.21 for instance, a number of top criminal reports made to the Katsina metropolis Central Police Station (CPS) which involved Achaba operators included abduction of people, running away with people's properties (i.e. motorcycle given on rent and some sensitive goods of a customer), theft, robbery and other social vices such as molestation , sudden application of brake, especially while carrying female passengers, so that their breasts would touch the Achaba rider's body.22 The more serious crime associated with commercial motorcycle operators is armed robbery. It is common knowledge that, in Nigeria, robbery involving commercial motorcycle is very common in cities such as Lagos and Port-Harcourt.23 The criminals' would loiter around cars in traffic while other members stand nearby waiting for an opportunity to steal. Often they snatch bags, laptops and briefcases left on car seats and sometimes through half wound windows of vehicle.24 Sometimes, the robbers would approach

66 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies motorists in traffic on foot and calmly knock on their window to gain attention. Once the startled motorists are been shown a gun, the robbers would then proceed to rob their victims and walk away to a waiting accomplice on a motorcycle.25 Robbery cases perpetrated by commercial motorcycle operators were also common in Katsina metropolis during the period under consideration. However, the cases in Katsina metropolis involving commercial motorcycles took different form from that of Lagos or Port-Harcourt. The criminals usually approached shops or individuals with a gun or a knife and would ask the victims to bring his money, wallets, purses and or handsets. Immediately after collecting the items, the robbers would walk away to a waiting co-conspirators on a motorcycle.26 Such cases were numerous. For instance, reports compiled by the Katsina metropolis - Sabon Gari Police Station Crime and Traffic Management Authority reveals that between January 2004 and December 2004 there were 11 robbery incidents perpetrated by motorcycle riders in the metropolis.27 Other cases of robbery were perpetrated by the motorcycle operators who used the machines to rob unsuspecting passengers. These were criminally minded achaba riders who would carry passengers to joints where they would rob them of their belongings and thereafter forcefully drop them in unknown destination. However, in some cases, the achaba operators could also be victims of robbery by the passengers they carried. Some robbers would pose as genuine passengers and would be taken as passengers during which they would direct the operator a spot where they would rob him or even seize his machine, and at times kill him after robbing him of his money and machine. Such cases were common along Kano, Dustinma, Batagarawa and Kaita roads between the years 1999 – 2012.28 Drug abuse and trafficking were other social criminal activities associated with commercial motorcycle operators in area under review. Most of the Achaba operators were involved not only in drug abuse but in trafficking same. Many of them usually took the drugs to keep awake, suppress fatigue, peer pressure, and mood elevation as a result of the psychoactive effects of these substances.29 It was not, and it is still not, surprising therefore that majority of these Ýan Achaba (commercial motorcyclist) in Katsina metropolis worked for more than 10 hours per day mainly for economic reasons. Some of the commonly abused psychoactive drugs by the Achaba operators were Marijuana, Daga, Tramol, Karfin Doki, high concentrated Caffeine and Lipton, and Sudre Coffee.30 The rapid smoking of Marijuana for instance, had adverse effects on the health and mental functions of smokers in diverse ways. Such as increase in the users' heartbeat, impairment of mental function such the ability to make accurate judgement, among others. These conditions contributed to rampant cases of accidents 67 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies within Katsina metropolis. Another criminal activities associated with commercial motorcyclists in Katsina metropolis was kidnapping or abduction of people. For instance, the abduction of people, especially during the political era in 1999 and 2003, stood at over 15 cases reported to the Katsina Central Police Station involving Achaba operators who conspired with unknown people to abduct their passengers for ransom of certain amount of money paid to them. These incidents were also experienced in the year 2007, where 13 people were reported missing including a new born baby who was kidnapping in the General Hospital, Katsina, by a female involving Achaba operator.31 Another criminal activities associated with commercial motorcycle operators was drug abuse among within Katsina metropolis. These criminal activities were usually carried out in the early hours of the mornings, evenings and nights. This was the reason why in 2003 and 2011, authorities in Katsina metropolis restricted the operations of the commercial motorcycles between 6:00am to 9:00pm, and anyone found between 10:00pm and 5:00am was arrested and charged to court of law for appropriate sentence.32

Conclusion This paper has established that commercial motorcycle operators contributed both positively and negatively in socio-economic life of Katsina metropolis. The major findings of the paper reveal that employment problems and general fall in standard of living were the major factors that led to the astronomic increase in the number of commercial motorcycle operators in Katsina metropolis as alternative enterprise as source of livelihood. The study however reveal that the increase in the number of commercial motorcycle operators in Katsina metropolis accounted majorly in the increase of crime rate and accidents in the area. As affirmed by the sector command of the FRSC, Katsina State, one of the causes of accidents was non-compliance of most of the cyclists to traffic rules and regulations. Other factors included drug use and reckless driving. Criminal activities were also associated with some commercial motorcycle operators. Some were either used as accomplices for criminal activities either to rob or abduct people, while others were real criminals who went under the guise of commercial motorcycle operators. In order to ameliorate the identified problems associated with Achaba operators; 1. The government and businessmen and women should create more employment opportunities for people, particularly for the youth of the state in general who are the major work force of the state.

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2. More so, well-coordinated efforts that should involve all stakeholders, such as government, law enforcement agencies, media as well as the association of Achaba should review the activities of these enterprise with the view of coming up with implementable and sustainable strategies that will enhance road safety and passengers. 3. Special medium for awareness campaign should also be created, that is, workshops and seminars as part of the training and enlightenment strategies. 4. Registration of all motorcycle operators and ensuring riders undertake tests and licenses before they can be permitted to ride on roads. 5. Law enforcement agencies should ensure strict compliance to traffic rules and regulations that is, compulsory use of safety materials, such as protective head helmets, goggles and hand cloves. There should be sensitization on the benefit of the usage of protective helmets. 6. Above all, the law enforcement agencies should always lead as example.

References 1. S. A. Olarewaju, “The Nigerian Road Transport System.” In T. Falola and S. A. Olarewaju (eds.), Transport System in Nigeria. New York: Maxwell School of Citizenship & Public Affairs, Syracuse University, 1986. p. 51. See Also Y. U. Madugu, “Commercial Buses and Economic Growth in the Kano Metropolis, 1967 – 2000: An Assessment.” In S. B. Ahmad and I. K. Abdussalam (eds.). Resurgent Nigeria Issues in Nigerian Intellectual History. A Festschrift in Honour of Dahiru Yahya. Ibadan: University Press Plc, 2011. Pp. 213 – 225 and A. U. Dan Asabe, “Kano Labour and the Kano Poor, 1930 – 1990.” Unpublished PhD Thesis, Bayero University, Kano – Nigeria, 1996. Pp. 382 – 383 2. Olarewaju, p. 50 3. D. O. Iweze, “A History of Transport System between Asaba in Delta State and Onitsha in Anambra State from 1954 – 1996.” Unpublished M.A Dissertation, Bayero University, Kano, Kano – Nigeria, 2004. Pp. 326 – 327. See also D. O. Iweze, “The History of Igbo Transportation Business in Kano: A Case Study of Luxurious Buses from 1967 – 2000.” Unpublished B. A Project, Bayero University, Kano, Kano – Nigeria, 2004. Pp. 167 – 169.

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4. R. O. Ekundare, An Economic History of Nigeria, 1860 – 1960. Britain: Methuen & Co ltd, 1973. Pp. 268 – 269. 5. A. I. Yandaki and S. Abubakar, “Vehicles Commuting, Accidents and Victims: A Historical Survey on Sokoto City, 2000 – 2013.” International Journal of Arts and Combined Science, Volume 3, 2014. Pp. 54 – 55 and Y. Abari, “The Origin of the word Achaba.” Retrieved on July, 2011 from www.newstower.org 6. A. A. Sararinkuka, “The Role Achaba (Commercial Transportation) in the Economic Development of Katsina Town, 1987 – 2012.” Unpublished M. A Dissertation, Bayero University Kano, Kano – Nigeria, 2015. Pp. 72 – 73 7. See National Bureau of Statistic Annual Abstract of Statistic, 2011. Abuja: Federal Republic of Nigeria, June 2013 and National Population Commission 2006: Data for National Development. Retrieved Tuesday, 29 November, 2011. From http//www.population.gov.ng/htm 8. Field work from 2011 – 2014 at Katsina metropolis followed by information obtained from oral interviews with Insp. Y. Sani, Age 50. NPF Officer. Interviewed at Crime Division CPS Katsina, Katsina – Nigeria on March 13, 2012; Alhajin Kauye, Age 37. A Motorcycle Mechanic. Interviewed at CPS Kofar Soro, Katsina – Nigeria on January 10, 2013 and L. Mage, Age 30. A Motorcycle Mechanic. Interviewed near late Hamza Usman's House, opposite Katsina Central Mosque on January 12, 2013; S. Yakubu, Age 45. Former Achaba Operator. Interviewed at Adoro, Katsina – Nigeria on May 25, 2012; I. Dikko, Age 48. Achaba Operator and Chairman Amalgamated Commercial Motorcycle Riders Association of Nigeria (ACOMORAN) Katsina State. Interviewed at his shop, Adoro, Katsina Town on June 17, 2008 and K. Armaya'u, Age 55. An Early Achaba Operator. Interviewed at his shop place opposite Old Katsina Motor Park IBB Way on October 22, 2012 9. Sararinkuka, “The Role Achaba (Commercial Transportation)…” Pp. 79 – 80 10. Sararinkuka, Pp. 79 – 80 11. Oral interviews with Kauye, Yakubu, Dikko and Armaya'u. 12. Yandaki and Abubakar, “Vehicles Commuting, Accidents and Victims..” Pp. 54 – 56 13. National Population Commission, 2006. Population and Housing Census: Population Distribution by Age, Sex and Literacy Status. Priority Table Volume XII, 2006. Pp. 250 – 251 14. The money was deducted from the salary of the teachers for a

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period of time. 15. H. Muhammed, Age 39. FRSC Officer, Rescue Division, Katsina State Command. Interviewed at his office on March 10, 2013 and K. Olagunju, Road Sense. Abuja: VERAGAP Nig. Ltd, 2011. Pp. 134 – 135 16. Interview with Muhammed. 17. Muhammed. 18. Ogwunde, Driver Behavour in Nigeria… Pp. 152 – 153 19. Most of them came from Babbar Ruga, Sabon Garin Alhaji Yahuza, Shinkafi, Kwado, Jan Gehe, etc 20. M. Alti, “Prevalence of Psychoactive Substance among Commercial Motorcycle and its Health and Social Consequences i n Z a r i a . ” R e t r i e v e d o n A p r i l 1 6 , 2 0 1 2 f r o m www.ncbi.nim.gov/pubment/19143162 21. Sgt. H. Hamisu, Age 41. NPF Traffic Accident Division Officer, Central Police Station (CPS) Katsina. Interviewed at CPS on March 13, 2013 22. Sgt. Hamisu and Insp. Sani. 23. Sgt. Hamisu and Insp. Sani. 24. M. Salihu, “The Spate of Kidnapping in Nigeria.” Pp. 113 – 114 Retrieved on June 15, 2015 from www.academia.edu/9578448 25. Sararinkuka, “The Role Achaba (Commercial Transportation)…” Pp. 91 – 92 26. Nigerian Police Force (NPF): Katsina metropolis – Sabon Gari Police Station Crime and Traffic Management Authority Report on Robbery between January 2004 and December 2004. 27. Sararinkuka, Pp. 91 – 92 28. Asp. S. Ahmed, Age 46. NPF Divisional Crime Officer. Interview at Sabon Gari Police Office, Katsina Metropolis on September, 2015. 29. Yandaki and Abubakar, “Vehicles Commuting, Accidents and Victims..” p. 60 30. B. A. Eniojukan, “Drug Abuse and Self Medication Scenario in Nigeria.” The Journal of Hospital Medicine, 2005. Pp. 11 – 57 31. Alti, “Prevalence of Psychoactive Substance among Commercial Motorcycle and its Health and Social Consequences in Zaria.” 32. Okoli, C. et al, “Kidnapping and National Security in Nigeria.” Retrieved on June 18, 2015 from www.liste.org/journals/index/12311/

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Assessment of The Utilization of Instructional Electronic Media In Training of Rural Farmers For Post-Harvest Handling As Perceived By Educational Technologists

Fidelis H. Bonjoru, PhD College of Education, Zing, Taraba State Email: [email protected] & Oyeniyi Solomon Olayinka Faculty of Education, Taraba State University, Jalingo, Taraba State Email: [email protected]

Abstract Most of our rural dwellers are captivated by visual instructional materials. That is, what they can see have more impact on them than audio processes. This study is meant to assess the use of instructional electronic media in training of farmers for post-harvest handling in rural setting as perceived by educational technologists. The population comprises of about 150 Lecturers lecturing educational courses in the tertiary institutions in Northern Taraba State. A sample of 50 lecturers was purposefully selected for the study. Data were analyzed using percentage and mean statistics after eliciting responses from the respondents using well structured questionnaire. The findings of the study have revealed that educational technology curriculum has not emphasized the use of electronic media in training rural farmers in post-harvest handling. However, the study has revealed that there is linkage between educational technologist and agric educators (? = 3.80), extension services (? = 3.96), farmers associations (? = 3.74). Based on the findings, this study makes the following recommendations: Planners and developers of curriculum in educational technology should lay more emphasis on practical and applicable electronic media/ procedure that can exert relevance in training of rural farmer in post-harvest handling. Farmers will benefit better from the use of instructional electronic media as It leverages the gap between the gifted farmers and the slow learner farmers; makes innovations more relevant to farmer activities; enhances the predictive capability of farmers in post- harvest handlings; concretizes learning; and aids Farmers' assimilation; and promotes cooperate learning among farmers. Hence educational technologists should be involved in training rural farmers using electronic media in post harvest handling.

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Introduction Post-harvest handling is the stage in crop production which follows harvest and includes cooling, cleaning, sorting and parking. Farmers in rural areas may not be literate enough in post-harvest handling system. Therefore, there is need for an appropriate means of communication, which will best enlighten them on what to do and what not to do to keep them productive. Educational technology can be explained by looking at the two major components of the concept “technology in education” and “technology of education”. The term “technology in education”, which is an aspect considered for this study, is the application of machines, gadgets or equipment to improve the quality of education. This aspect is described as the “hardware” approach to educational technology. It involves the use of pieces of instructional materials (media) such as audio media, visual media, projected media, graphics, computers and other teaching machines. Social Networking Sites (SNS) have been increasingly implemented in educational arena (Rap & Blonder, 2017). In Thailand, YouTube was the top SNS used of 97.1%, followed by Facebook (96.6%), LINE (95.8%), Instagram (56%), twitter (27.6%), and Whatsapp (12.1%) from 25,101 respondents of the survey by Electronic Transactions Development Agency (Public Organization) in 2017 (ETDA, 2017). These communication tools, especially Line application, have been intentionally and unintentionally used by experts for educational purposes (Košir, Horvat, Aram, Jurinec, & Tement, 2016; Rap & Blonder, 2017; Van De Bogart & Wichadee, 2015; G. Veletsianos, 2012). Learners (Farmers) see the application as a more efficient and motivating system (Novo-Corti, Varela-Candamio, & Ramil-Díaz, 2013; Van De Bogart & Wichadee, 2015). The past researches revealed that self-efficacy has a positive impact and significant relationship on learners (farmers) performance. Then, computer self-efficacy defined as an individual's perceptions of one's own ability to use electronic device like computer to accomplish a task (Lu et al., 2016; Sánchez & Hueros, 2010). The massive resources of digital information can be easily accessed through the use of computer digital devices. In the recent past, there have been a lot of technological break-through and current revolution in the field of technology. This has made teaching and learning process to be more interesting and highly interactive. Electronic media are channels of communication. Educational or instructional electronic media are media which carry messages with instructional purposes, that is, they are communication materials, tools and equipment that are used in teaching and learning process. Instructional

73 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies electronic media actually encompass all the electronic materials an instructor might use to implement instruction and facilitate farmers' achievement of instructional objectives Information Communication Technology (ICT) as an instructional electronic media to display mechanical equipment where they are not available has the potential to contribute to substantial improvements in the educational system of rural farmers (Moursund, 2005). However to date, relatively little of this potential has been achieved in spite of ICT having significant impact on traditional training system. They have provided innovation for teaching and learning, and have engendered advances in research about how people learn, thereby bringing about rethinking the structure of farmers education (Lopez, 2003). These electronic media are Audio Media, for example: radio, recordings, record player, e.t.c., and Audio-visual media, for example: voiced slide, film, Television, Video Tape Recorder, CDs Projected videos. This approach to training of farmers will enhance farmer-Centre learning. The following are the benefits of the electronic media: 1. It leverages the gap between the gifted farmers and the slow learners. 2. It makes innovations more relevant to farmer activities. 3. It enhances the predictive capability of farmer in post-harvest handlings. 4. It concretizes learning and aids Farmers' assimilation. 5. It promotes cooperate learning among farmers. Considering the roles the electronic media plays and the impact it can exert on the training of rural farmers in building post harvest produce, the study is a timely one. Hence, the assessment of an Educational Technologist on the utilization of instructional electronic media in training of rural farmers for post-harvest handling becomes a necessity. Statement of the Problem Many farmers in Nigeria have not been able to maximize profit; there are many reasons for this, but one pertinent among them is the training processes they go through on post-harvest handling. A faulted training will definitely produce a half-baked farmer, who though has high farm produce but insufficient post-harvest training facilities may not be able to generate enough money that can commensurate his/her inputs invested in the farm. Furthermore it is obvious that the extension workers are trying to pass innovations on post-harvest handling to rural farmers but little or nothing has been achieved compared to the aggregate input. It is therefore pertinent to note that there is a missing link between the extension workers and the farmers. 74 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

This missing link is the mode of communication. The rural farmer will only understand the information perfectly when an instructional electronic media is used to communicate in the training process of post-harvest handling. This study is therefore intended to provide the missing link in the proper training of the rural farmers on post-harvest handling of his/her produce to minimize the rate of loss of produce after harvest.

Purpose of the Study The main purpose of the study is to assess the use of instructional electronic media in training of rural farmers for post-harvest handling as perceived by educational technologists. Specifically, the study was designed to: 1. Assess the perception of educational technologists on the training of rural farmers for post-harvest handling using electronic media. 2. Examine the linkages between the educational technologists and the stakeholders in rural farming. 3. Examine the role of educational technology in training rural farmers for post harvest handling. Research Questions 1. What is the perception of educational technologists on the training of rural farmers in post-harvest handling using electronic media? 2. Do educational technologists have link with rural farming stakeholders? 3. What is the role of educational technology in training rural farmers in post-harvest handling? Research Methodology The study was conducted in the tertiary institutions in Northern part of Taraba State comprising of Taraba State University, Jalingo; Taraba State Polytechnic, Suntai, Jalingo Campus; College of Education, Zing. The Northern Taraba is situated on approximate Latitude of 90541 North of the Equator and Longitude 110221 East of the Greenwich Meridian. The sample population comprises of about 150 Lecturers lecturing educational courses in the aforementioned tertiary institutions. A sample of 50 lecturers was purposefully selected for the study. That is, thirty (30) respondents were selected from College of education, Zing; ten (10) respondents from Taraba State Polytechnic and ten (10) from respondents from Taraba State University, Jalingo The main instrument used to elicit response from the respondents was the questionnaire. The instrument was divided into three sections A to C. Section A elicited responses on socio-economic characteristics of the

75 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies respondents. Section B sought to determine the respondents' perception on farmers' training on post-harvest handling. Section C was meant to establish the link between educational technologists and rural farming stakeholders. The likert type scale was used to measure the variables. The data collected was analyzed using mean and standard deviation statistics. Results and Discussion Research Question 1. What is the perception of educational technologists on the Training of rural farmers in post-harvest handling using electronic media. Table 1 depicts perception of educational technologists on the Training of rural farmers in post- harvest handling. Respondents either disagreed or were generally undecided on the items that sought to establish whether the tools procedures, methods and principles used by educational technologist were relevant to farmers training in post-harvest handling. All the mean score fell below the cut-off of point of 3.50 Table 1: Mean score of the distribution of the perception of educational technologist and rural farming stakeholders. Item Mean (? ) Remarks Educational Technology does not include procedures for farmer training in its 2.82 Disagreed curriculum. Design and Method of construction of storage structure for farm produce is not 2.82 Disagreed taught in educational technology. Method of processing farm produce is not taught in educational technology. 2.80 Disagreed Educational Technologist do not illustrate their lessons using relevant post-harvest 3.02 Disagreed techniques. Resear ch Question 2. Do educational technologists have link with farmer/ farmers' organization/ Agric. Agencies? The study reveals that there some links between educational technology and farmers/farmers organizations. Table 2 shows that a strong link exist between educational technology and agricultural educators (? = 3.80), extension agency (? = 3.96) and farmers' associations (? =3.76). However, the link between educational technology and field farmers (? =2.76), organizers of workshops on Farmers training (? = 2.90), friends/relatives of farmer (? =3.02) is moderately weak. Table 2: Mean score of distribution of the Linkages between educational technology and farmers/farmers' organization/ agric. Agencies Educational technology and farmers/farmers’ organization/agric. Mean (? ) Remarks Agencies Field Farmers 2.76 Weak Agric educators 3.80 Strong Organizers of farmers’ workshops 2.90 Weak Friends and relatives of farmer 3.24 Weak Extension services 3.96 Strong Farmers association 3.74 Strong 76 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Research Question 3. What is the role of educational technology in post-harvest handling? On the role of Educational technology in post-harvest handling, respondents agreed with seven out of eight items indicated as role as shown in table 3 below. Respondents could not agree but however agreed with the item on assessment of farm produce and utilization (X= 3.40). It therefore means that educational technology does not assess farm produce and its uses.

Roles Mean (? ) Remarks Training of Agricultural educators who in turn train farmers in post-harvest 4.18 Agreed handling. Involve in educating farmers in the designing of storage structure for farm 3.98 Agreed produce. Disseminating technology to farmers through informal interaction on daily 3.56 Agreed basis. Structuring processes, selecting or producing well-articulated materials for 3.76 Agreed farmers training in post-harvest technology. Designing the mode of communication for good learning environment for 3.76 Agreed farmers in the handling post-harvest technology. Strategic training for optimal utilization of human and non-human resources to 3.60 Agreed improve farmer efficiency and effectiveness in handling post-harvest technology. Systematic application of readjusted feedback information efficiency and 3.68 Agreed effectiveness in handling post-harvest technology. Assessment of farm produce and utilization. 3.40 Disagreed

Discussions on Findings It is obvious from the responses from the respondents that educational technology plays vital role in training of farmers for Post-harvest handlings as follows: 1. Training of Agricultural educators who in turn train farmers in post- harvest handling. 2. Involve in educating farmers in the designing of storage structure for farm produce. 3. Disseminating technology to farmers through informal interaction on daily basis . 4. Structuring processes, selecting or producing well-articulated materials for farmers' training in post-harvest technology. 5. Designing the mode of communication for good learning environment for farmers in the handling of post-harvest technology. 6. Strategic training for optimal utilization of human and non-human resources to improve farmers efficiency and effectiveness in handling post-harvest technology.

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7. Systematic application of readjusted feedback information efficiency and effectiveness in handling post-harvest technology. Conclusion and Recommendation The study has attempted to assess the utilization of instructional electronic media in training of rural farmers for post-harvest handling: an educational technologist perception. It has however been established that educational technology as an academic field has some definite roles to play in training of rural farmers for post-harvest handling using instructional electronic media. These roles can be said to be played indirectly most of the time. Educational technology enshrines in its curriculum, tools, procedures and methods that have relevance in training of rural farmers for post-harvest handling. This can be seen in the result of the study which has established linkage between the farmers /farmers' organization and educational technologists. Based on the findings, this study makes the following recommendations Planners and developers of curriculum in educational technology should lay more emphasis on practical and applicable electronic media/ procedure that can exert relevance in training of rural farmers in post-harvest handling. Farmers will benefit better from the use of instructional electronic media as it leverages the gap between the gifted farmers and the slow learners farmers, makes innovations more relevant to farmers' activities, enhances the predictive capability of farmers in post-harvest handlings, concretizes learning and aids Farmers' assimilation and promotes cooperate learning among farmers.

References ETDA. (2017). Thailand Internet User Profile 2017. Retrieved 1 November, 2017, from https://www.etda.or.th/publishing-detail/thailand- internet-user-profile-2017.html Košir, Katja, Horvat, Marina, Aram, Urška, Jurinec, Nina, & Tement, Sara. (2016). Does being on Facebook make me (feel) accepted in the classroom? The relationships between early adolescents' Facebook usage, classroom peer acceptance and self-concept. Computers in Human Behavior, 62, 375-384. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2016.04.013. Lopez, V. (2003). An exploration of the use of information technology in college classroom, College veritable tool for national Educational Growth, Journal of Academics, 2(3) (2007), 234 – 246. Lu, Hong, Hu, Yi-ping, Gao, Jia-jia, & Kinshuk. (2016). The effects of computer self-efficacy, training satisfaction and test anxiety on attitude and performance in computerized adaptive testing. Computers & Education, 100, 45-55. doi: 78 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.compedu.2016.04.012. Moursund, D. G. (2005) Introduction to Information and Communication Technology in Education, ICT Book.pdf. (2005), University of Oregon, Eugene, http:// uoregon.edu/% 7emoursund /Books /ICT Novo-Corti, Isabel, Varela-Candamio, Laura, & Ramil-Díaz, María. (2013). E-learning and face to face mixed methodology: Evaluating effectiveness of e-learning and perceived satisfaction for a microeconomic course using the Moodle platform. Computers in Human Behavior, 29(2), 410-415. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2012.06.006. Rap, S., & Blonder, R. (2017). Thou shall not try to speak in the Facebook language: Students' perspectives regarding using Facebook for chemistry learning. Computers &Education, 114(Supplement C), 69-78. doi: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.compedu.2017.06.014. Sánchez, R. Arteaga, & Hueros, A. Duarte. (2010). Motivational factors that influence the acceptance of Moodle using TAM. Computers in Human Behavior, 26(6), 1632-1640. d o i : http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2010.06.011. Van De Bogart, Willard, & Wichadee, Saovapa. (2015). Exploring Students' Intention to Use LINE for Academic Purposes Based on Technology Acceptance Model. International Review of Research in Open and Distributed Learning, 16(3), 65-85. Veletsianos, G. (2012). Higher education scholars' participation and practices on Twitter. Journal of Computer Assisted Learning, 28(4), 336–349.View publication stats.

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A Brief Account of The Manipulation of Ethno-Religious Factor In Politics In Southern Taraba

Bello ZakariyaAbubukar, PhD Department of History and Diplomatic Studies, Federal University, Wukari, P.M.B. 1020 Katsina-Ala Road, Wukari, Taraba State. Email: [email protected] Phone No: 08138778969

Abstract The study examines the political rivalries and competitions among the heterogeneous ethnic groups in Southern Taraba State of Nigeria since the return of western democracy in 1999 to date. Taraba State, particularly Southern part which comprises defunct Wukari Division now made up of five local government areas, is a conglomeration of diverse minority groups with different religious affiliations. Some of these ethnic minority groups are Jukun (Wapan and Kpanzon clans), Kuteb, Ichen, Chamba, Abakwariga, Ndoro, Wurbo, Fulani, Tiv and Hausa, to mention just a few. These groups seem to live in constant suspicion for one another in relation to political domination and marginalization in the civil service and even claim of encroachment on one another's land. What is, however, worth noting is that suspicion and conflict are as old as human society and is also a global phenomenon. This implies that inter group hostility is not peculiar to Southern Taraba State alone. At present, the religious dimension of conflict is fast becoming a very worrisome dimension. Consequently, there is no doubt that ethno-religious politics has eaten deep into the fabric of Southern Taraba society. The rationale of this paper is therefore to highlight the relationship between the problem of ethno-religious politics to the unity and development of Taraba State. The paper contends that without political compromise and religious tolerance, there can be no meaningful socio- economic and political development to the state. Some recommendations have been made to address the problem. This is because the paper is of the opinion that ethno-religious politics is an evil, which is not reformable but must be removed by all means. Keywords: Willink Commission, ethno-religious politics.

Introduction It is common knowledge that politics in Nigeria is full of rivalries and competitions, especially among the heterogeneous societies like those of the Southern Taraba State. The clinching factor for these rivalries is to avoid dominations by one ethnic group. From historical point of view, minorities

80 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies have continued to complain of domination and unequal treatment in governmental appointments since in the colonial period. The history of minority's fear of domination and unequal treatment can be traced back to the 1953 Constitutional Conference. In that Conference, minority groups from Middle Belt, Mid-West, Niger-Delta and Calabar-Ogoja Rivers expressed their fears of domination by the three powerful ethnic groups of Nigeria, namely Hausa/Fulani, Yoruba and Igbo.1 It was in response to the minority agitation for fair treatment that, in 1957 the British Colonial Secretary appointed the Harry Willink commission, with Phil Mason, a director of Race Relations Institute, Chatan, Gorden Hadew, Deputy Governor of the Gold Coast and Mr. J.B. Sheater as members, to look into the fears of the minority groups.2 The following terms of reference guided the commission: (a) To ascertain the facts of the fear of minorities in Nigeria and propose means to allay those fears whether well or ill funded. (b) To advice what safeguards should be included for this purpose in the constitution. (c) If, but only if no solution seems to the Commission to solve the case, then as a last resort to make case for the creation of states. (d) To report its findings to the Secretary of State for the Colonies. In my analysis of the title of this paper, I shall later refer to the terms of reference of this Commission to the existing conflicting situation in Southern Taraba. However, much detail needs to be said about the Willink Commission to show the rationale of its relevance to the heterogeneous minority communities of Southern Taraba. According to H. Ronald; The Willink Commission named after Harry Willink, former Vice Chencellor of Cambridge University and head of a panel commissioned in September, 1957, to look into fears expressed by minority ethnic groups that the colonial imposed political structure would lead to the domination of the minority groups by the majority ethnic groups in the three regions of the federation. The Commission was also charged with means of allaying those fears. A major contribution of the Commission was the inclusion of much of the clauses of the European Human Rights Convention making Nigeria the first African county to have a brand human right clause enshrined in its constitution.3 As captured by the title of this paper and its abstract, Southern Taraba State is a heterogeneous society with a people of different ethnic and religious affiliations, each afraid of being dominated by the other. Consequently, when it comes to politics, these fears usually lead led to rivalries and competitions and at times the later result in the outbreak of violent conflicts as we had witnessed in 1991/1992, 2001 and 2013.

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Ethnicity and Religious Politics Ethnicity is a political concept and denotes the expression of ethnic sentiments or ethnic nationalism. It involves the practice of ethnic ideology which enables a group to exploit natural differences in nationality for specific purpose. According to T. Akinyele: It is an outward-looking chauvinistic attitude towards one's nationality and cultural group with a correspondingly suspicious attitude towards others, especially those held to be in competition with one's own ethnic group.4 Since a year after the creation of Taraba State on August, 27th 1991, Southern Taraba has never been in peace for over a full decade. This is due to diverse, heterogeneous and multi-ethnic nature of the people who exhibit conflicting selfish interests and lack of political compromise. Among other effects, the development serves as serious challenges to unity and development.5 To adequately understand the gravity and magnitude of ethnicity Southern Taraba, it expedient to have an idea about ethnic composition in the area. The area is predominantly occupied by the Jukun speaking people and their sub-groups, the Hausa/Fulani or Abakwariga and the Tiv, who are believed to have settled in the area since time immemorial. The Jukun sub-groups comprise the Wapan, Kpanzon, Kumbo, Kentu, Wurbo, Jukun Mavo, Jibawa, Ichen, Tiggun, Jibu or Jukun Dampar, Kuteb and Itulo, to mention just a few.6 A careful study of Shmizu Kinyoshi's work reveals that, there are about twenty or more ethnic groups and languages in what is today referred to as Southern Taraba. One interesting fact… One interesting fact to note about the various heterogeneous ethnic groups mentioned above is that all of them regard themselves as long-established indigenous communities and none of them considers itself as recent 'settler' group.7 Southern Taraba is home to numerous ethno-religious groups. Largely rural, it also includes historically important but partly urban centres such as Wukari, Takum and Donga, Ibi and Ussa. Now let's turn to religion. Ayaku (a Jukun traditional religion) was in practice before the advent of Islam and Christianity into Jukunland.8 However, with advent of Islam and Christianity in the 19th and 20th centuries respectively, the Abakwariga who were descendants of Hausa traders and a significant percentage of Jukuns accepted Islam whereas a large percentage of the Jukun speaking people accepted Christianity.9 Further detail on the influences of Islam and Christianity in the land shall be thoroughly discussed in this paper. Religion has remained one of the major feature of man since creation. This has equally been the nature of numerous ethnic groups in Southern Taraba.

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Religion, either traditional or modern, plays an indispensable role in the development of man, the society and the nation as a whole. There is no single society on earth, no matter how primitive or developed, that does not have element of religion in its transition.10 In its true sense, religion revolutionizes man's character, behavior and conducts – spiritually and morally. Prior to the introduction of Islam and Christianity in what become Southern Taraba, the various groups in the area practiced what was commonly referred to as traditional or African Traditional Religion (ATR). In the case of the Jukun, Ayu constituted their religion. Ayaku refers to the religious, cultural or spiritual manifestation indigenous to the inhabitants of the land. This religious belief serves as the structure around which all other activities, such as cultural, economic, political and social organization, are built.11 Other groups like the Tiv also practiced some forms of traditional religions. One interesting thing about the traditional religious was the similarly in their practices which commanded some appreciable degree of unity among the groups. This was the major reason why religion did not present any threat to inter-group harmony until when Islam and Christianity were introduced. The Advent of Islam and Christianity into Southern Taraba State The advent of Islam in Southern Taraba started with commercial contacts between the Jukun and the Abakwariga. However, nobody can tell exactly when the contacts started. It is assumed that such contacts between the Hausa and Kanuri traders in Kwararafa started since time immemorial. It was through such links that Islam was introduced among the Jukun, and in what become Southern Taraba as stated by Abubakar, (2007) thus: The Abakwariga are the torchbearers of Islam. Among the Abakwariga merchants were learned Muslims and itinerant scholars who propagated Islam among the Jukun community and also engaged themselves in their commercial activities. Although, there have been Abakwariga scholars as well as merchants, however, our main focus in this study centres around the learned leaders of the Abakwariga, namely Malams Sambo and Dikko and their followers to whom we credited the introduction Islam into Wukari. There were also some significant members of Kanuri and Fulani learned men and scholars who also contributed greatly to the introduction of Islam.12 The history of the introduction of Christianity into the defunct Wukari Division started by the Sudan United Mission (SUM), a London based Christian Missionary Organization with its headquarters at follows; Fakon Conet, 32 Fleet Street, London, ECH. Its Nigerian headquarters was at Ibi.13 On its formation in 1904, the SUM was an inter-denominational organization, comprising several independent national branches that were non-denominational which Boer described as “filling a challenging 83 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies vacuum”.14 The Mission was incorporated in 1907 with a written constitution in the same year. One of its principal objectives was spelt out in the constitution as follows; … to carry the Gospel to those regions of the Sudan that are at the time unoccupied by the other protestant Missionary and by evangelization of pagan tribes to counteract the Muslim advance.15 Apart from the Sudan United Mission, the Roman Catholic Mission (RCM) played pivotal role in the introduction of Christianity in what became Southern Taraba and Nigeria at large. Like the SUM, the Mission opened churches across what became Southern Taraba. Consequently, through these Mission, most especially, Christianity was introduced in the area. It is very fascinating to note that even though more than one Christian Mission were involved in the introduction and spread of Christianity in what became Southern Taraba, the denominational difference was not translated into an object of hostility. Similarly, the presence of Islam and Christianity in the area did not introduce hostility at the initial stage because religion was used as an object of politics, as it later became the case. The Manipulation of Religion and Ethnicity in Polities First and foremost, what is religious and ethnic manipulation? In whatever normative context it is placed, manipulation means essentially controlling action of a person or group of people without that person or group knowing the goals, purposes and methods of that control and without even being aware what form of control is being exercised over them at all.16 Ethno- religious manipulation therefore implies the use of religious and ethnicity to achieve any goal. In variably, the manipulation of religion and ethnicity in politics implies the use of the two variables to achieve political objectives. Generally, religion and ethnicity are usually manipulated to ensure that a particular candidate under a certain religion or ethnic groups emerge victorious without minding the credibility and integrity of the candidate. Credibility and integrity in the political process in southern Taraba is gradually being defined in terms of ethnic or religious affiliations as opposed to merit and the candidate's qualification and exposure. There are certain factors that contributed greatly in ethno-religious polities in heterogeneous societies such as Southern Taraba. First, there is a fear of domination and injustice in the allocation and distribution of infrastructural facilities like health care services, pipe borne water, schools, transportation networks and even security, to mention just a few. As mentioned in the introduction, minority groups all over Nigeria have continued to complain of domination and unequal treatment in governmental appointments since the colonial period to date. Three major factors have been identified as the causes of the manipulation of

84 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies religion and ethnicity in politics. Prominent among such factors are lack of trust and hatred for one another which has resulted in ethno-religious conflicts and crises all over Southern Taraba. The major examples of such conflicts are Jukun-Tiv conflict in 1991/1992, 2001 to date.17 Kuteb- Chamba/Jukun conflicts in Takum and Ussa Local Government Areas.18The Jukun/Abakwariga-Jukun conflicts which occurred twice within Wukari metropolis in the first and second quarters of 2013 and up 2015.19 Even though it is outside the scope of this paper to discuss in details the causes and nature of the aforementioned crises, it should be borne in mind that, they resulted from the effects of ethno-religious rivalries in politics. Among the examples of ethnic injustice and unequal treatment in Southern Taraba include the manipulation of ethnic factor in the demarcation of Ussa and Takum Local Government Areas boundary since the creation of Ussa Local Government Area out of former Takum Local Government Area in 1997. Since then, the Kuteb have continued to cry of lack of well-defined boundary between the two Local Government Areas. More so, for over two decades, the seat of the Ukwe Takum, the supposedly Kuteb paramount ruler, has been vacant without a new king installed. Apparently, the continued refusal to re-install the Ukwe Takum and controversial creation of Yangtu Special Development Area have contributed immensely in heightening Kuteb-Jukun/Chamba hostility in Takum Local Government Area. Low level of education and illiteracy is another contributory factor in ethno- religious politics in Southern Taraba. It is imperative to note that education is the process of arming people with knowledge, and information to know about and tolerate one another. Generally, the literate are assumed to possess better knowledge for mutual co-existence. In other words, education is the process of equipping human beings to effectively adapt to their environment. Unfortunately, eve though appreciable proportion of the minority groups possess western education they have allowed ethnic chauvinism and religious bigotry to cloud their minds. This is the major reason why unity has continued to elude the major ethno-religious groups in Southern Taraba. Even among the Jukun and their sub-groups, serious division still exists. Corruption has also being playing negative roles in ethnic-religion politics in Southern Taraba. Corruption simply means the reversion of integrity, or state of affairs through official bribery, favour or mode of depravity. In other words, corruption is asking, giving or taking gift or favour in exchange for the performance of such a task and other illegitimate tasks or activities like hording, collusion, price fixing, election rigging, abuse and/or misuse of office.20 Corruption is an ethical and moral problem and as well as a global

85 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies phenomenon not just in Southern Taraba. Corruption has become a common denominator in Southern Taraba Indeed, the corruption of the mind and morality which has eroded the spirit of unity that had existed among the major ethno-religious groups in the area. It is the astronomical like in this phenomenon which has been the major cause of the bloody clashes that have occurred in the area over the years. The ongoing Tiv-Jukun bloody hostility is equally the manipulation of the result of the same phenomenon. Apart from corruption, poverty too has also contributed to the ethno- religious politics in Southern Taraba. It is not arguable that a hungry person can easily compromise hi/her integrity with a free gift of even a plate of food. The same goes to one in abject poverty, a condition the youth in Southern Taraba found themselves. The poverty among the youth therefore made them to be ready tools to be bought over by money to serve as either political thugs or ethnic militia. Political thuggery or violence has become widespread in Southern Taraba, and across the nation in general because of the youth who are always ready to offer themselves for money to be used whatever manner and level of political violence. Conclusion The phenomenon of political rivalry based on ethno-religious interests in the heterogeneous Southern Taraba society State poses serious challenge to unity and meaningful development. Unfortunately, as retrogressive as the phenomenon is, this study reveals that it has been on astronomical increase in Southern Taraba over the years. A number of factors have been identified as the variables accountable for the trend ranging from ethno-religious chauvinism and bigotry to political tolerance and poverty. Recommendation From a cursory glance of the multi-ethnic and multi-religious society of Southern Taraba and nature of pervasiveness of ethno-religious politics in the area, it is obvious that no meaningful economic development, political stability and unity can be achieved. Therefore, the only way forward to achieving unity and meaningful economic development is the observance of justice and equity in the allocation and distribution of infrastructural facilities, the assurance of security to all, religious tolerance, political tolerance as well as educational orientation for self-reliance and self- discipline. References 1. R. Hyam, Britain's Declining Empire 1918-1968: The Road to Decolonization, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2007, PP 274-275.

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2. R. Hyam, Britain's Declining Empire 1918-1968: The Road to … PP. 274-275. 3. T. Akinyele, “State Creation in Nigeria: The Willink Report in Retrospect”, African Studies Reviews, Vol. 39, No. 2, Sept. 1996, P P. 7 1 - 9 4 . T h i s q u o t a t i o n i s r e t r i e v e d f r o m : htiplnigeriawiki.com/index.php? Title-Willink Commission and adid-388”. 4. T. Akinyele, “State Creation in Nigeria: The Willink Report in Retrospect” … P. 98 5. B.Z. Abubakar, History and the Challenges to the Institution of Aku-Uka in the 21st Century, Jos: PPC Ltd, 2007, PP. 137-156. 6. B.Z. Abubakar, “History of Islam in the Middle Benue Region: A Case Study of Wukari since 1848-1960”, M.A. Thesis Bayero University Kano, 2000, PP. 22-30. 7. B.Z. Abubakar, “History of Islam in the Middle Benue Region: A Case … P. 23. 8. For details on the map attached to this paper see: K. Shimizu, “Comparative Jukunoid: An Introductory Survey”, PhD Thesis, Department of Linguistic and Nigerian Languages, University of Ibadan, 1971. Though the author is linguist, his work contributed immensely to my understanding of the various Jukun sub-groups and the other ethnic groups in the region. 9. C.K. Meek, A Sudanese Kingdom: An Ethnographical Study of the Jukun Speaking People of Nigeria, London, Oxford University Press, 1931, P. 404. 10. B.Z. Abubakar, “The Role of Jukun Traditional Religion (Ayaku) in the Development of Kwararafa Kingdom since Independence”, a paper presented at the Fifth Congress of the Association of African Historians, PP. 1-3. 11. J.S. Gbenda, The Impact of Colonialism on African Indigenous Religion, in J. Mangut and T. Wuna (eds.) Colonialism and the Transition to Modernity in Africa, Ibadan: Sam-Ada and Printer Sanya, 2012, P. 483 12. B.Z. Abubakar, History and the Challenges to the Institution of Aku-Uka… PP. 118-128. 13. L.D. Oguntela, Religions, Man and Society, Lagos: Intense

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Training and Educational Services, 2001, P. 10. 14. E. Toyo, “Boko Haram and Western Education: A Comment” in O.A. Sylvester (ed), The Constitution: A Journal of Constitutional Development, Lagos: Panaf Press, 2011, P. 52. 15. E. Toyo, “Boko Haram and Western Education: A Comment” in O.A. Sylvester … PP. 53-54 16. B.Z. Abubakar, History and Challenges … P. 118. 17. NAK/118/22nd, November, 1932: Report on the work of the Sudan United Mission in Wukari Division. This mission, as we are all aware, used schools and hospitals as weapons of getting converts in Wukari and its neighbouring villages like Donga, Takum and Lupwe. 18. J.H. Boer, Missionary Messengers of Liberation in Colonial Context: A Case Study of the Sudan United Mission, Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1979, P. 114. 19. E.H. Smith, Nigerian Harvest, Michigan: Baker Book House, Grand Rapids, 1962, P. 18. 20. Y.B. Usman, “The Manipulation of Religion in Nigeria Today: Its Social and Political Basic” in For the Liberation of Nigeria, London: New Beacon Books Ltd, 1979, Pp. 78-79. 21. B.Z. Abubakar, “The MDGs and the Role of Jukun Youth in Ethno-Religious Conflicts in Taraba State” a paper presented the National Multi-Disciplinary Conference on the Global Crisis and MDGs organized by Plateau State Polytechnic, 6th – 9th October, 2009, Pp. 2-9. 22. For further details on Kuteb-Chamba/Jukun conflicts, see the following: (i) G.M. Ika, “A History of ethnic Conflict between the Kuteb and the Chamba/Jukun Groups on Takum Area of Taraba State 1910-2008”, a Ph.D. proposal submitted to History Department, Faculty of Arts, Benue State University, Makurdi, 2013, Pp. 2-8, (ii) E.L. Hassan, “The Poverty of Peace-building Initiatives in Conflict Resolution in Nigeria: A Case Study of Jukun-Tiv and Kuteb-Chamba/Jukun Conflicts in Southern Taraba”, a paper presented at the Centre for Conflict Management and Peace Studies, University of Jos, 18th – 21st February, 2013, Pp. 1-11.

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23. On the issue of Jukun/Abakwariga/Jukun crises, see: B.Z. Abubakar, “Jukun Community in Crisis: An Appraisal of Ethno- Religious Issues in Contemporary Nigeria”, a paper presented at the 4th National Conference on Contemporary Issues in Nigeria's National Development, organized by Faculty of Social Sciences, Usman Dan-Fodio University Sokoto, Nigeria, 13th – 16th May, 2013, Pp. 1-10. 24. E. Toyo, “Boko Haram and Western Education: A Comment” … P. 53 25. W.T. Uji, “Corruption and National Development in Nigeria”, a paper presented at the 57th Annual Congress of the Historical Society of Nigeria, Ibrahim Badamasi University Lapai, Niger State, 28th – 31st October, 2012, P. 3.

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A Re-Consideration of the History of Origin And Migration of The Chamba People of Ganye Chiefdom, Adamawa State

Akombo I. Elijah, PhD Vincent Christiana Department of History and Diplomatic Studies Faculty of Arts Taraba State University, Jalingo Email: [email protected] Phone: 08030403902, 07032549840

Abstract Chamba constitute an ethnic group which spreads across mostly in the Modern Republic of Nigeria and Cameroun. Majority of the people living in the present day Jada, Ganye and Toungo Local Government Areas in Adamawa State are Chamba by identity or origin. All these groups claim origin from the Republic of Cameroun. Generally, the Chamba in Nigeria are subdivided into two dialectical groups, namely, Chamba Leko and Chamba Daka. This paper discusses the history of origin and migration of the Chamba people found in the Ganye Chiefdom of Adamawa State. The paper equally examines the nature of settlements pattern of the Chamba based on dialectical and political considerations. The paper explores primary and secondary sources for data collection and analysis. Primary sources include oral interviews while secondary sources comprise textbooks, journals, magazines etc. The paper concludes that despite dialectical differences, the Chamba people all over still consider Dayella or Yelli as their spiritual headquarter and Gang-Dayella as their spiritual leader.

Introduction Generally in Africa every ethnic group has its history or tradition of origin and migration. Some claim origin and migration from very far distances outside Africa while others within Africa. The Chamba people are among the groups that claim origin and migration within Africa, precisely in what is present Republic of Cameroun in a place called Dayella. It was from Dayella that they migrated to establish settlements in the Ganye Cheifdom such as Yebbi, Gurum, Sugu, Valkossa, Sapeo, Bangla, Nyemdelou etc. Linguistically, there are two groups of the Chamba, namely, Leko and Daka which belong to the Niger-Congo language family. They also live in distinct settlements from one another. The Daka speakers live to the west and around an extensive range of the hills, the Shebshi Mountains, while

90 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies the Leko speakers live in the eastern region with concentration around the confluence of the two major rivers, the Faro and Deo. Politically, the Chamba people are organized according to their dialectical differences. Generally, both lack a central authority but, however, acknowledge the priest of Yelli as the most influential person. History of Origin of the Chamba People There are different accounts and claims by several scholars and schools of thoughts about the origin of the Chamba people. Some claim that the original abode of the Chamba was Japan, where they migrated through Indonesia to Bali1. This version is incompatible and does not have fact that will further substantiate the claim therefore. It can therefore, not be considered in this study as a serious source of information about the Chamba Origin. Another version is that which claims that the Chamba people are originally from Cameroun. This version maintains that they were later driven by the Bata and fled across Faro River to the Atlantic Hills. They later split into groups, one section spread along the hill to Mapeo, another south to coalesce with Daka of the Mumuye Massif, while the third group remained on the eastern site of the Plateau and were fused with the Leko2. It can fairly be said that this version contain some facts about the Chamba people since Cameroon still contain a number of Chamba communities such as Bali Gham, Bali Kumbad, Bali Gashu, Bali Nyonga and Bali Gangsin. All these communities still preserve Chamba traditions. However, the Chamba Chiefdom confirms that there has never been any evidence that the Bata and Chamba had ever gone to war against one another. It implies, therefore, that this version still needs more investigation in order to be historically authenticated. Another version of the Chamba origin, which is the popular version among the Chamba people, asserts that the original abode of the chamba people is in the Middle East, precisely in Asia Minor in a place called Sham where the name Shamba is believed to have been derived from. They might have been driven out of Sham by the Hittites who occupied the region in the earlier ages of Pre-Roman Empire3. This version further explain that the Chamba people moved out during the turbulent years with the Hittites and wondered about so many thousands of years in many parts of Central Africa through Egypt and the to Sudan before they finally came to their present position4. The foregoing tradition further states that the Chamba people crossed the Red Sea into Africa. This claim has been captured in a mythological tale song among the Chamba to further substantiate its authenticity. According to this version, the Chamba moved through various places in Eastern and Central Africa during which they came in contact with

91 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies some Central African groups such as Bagirmi/Sarau, Laka, now in the Republic of Chad. Because of their acclaimed contact with Laka and Kanuri, they established a good relationship. For example, Laka and Chamba refer to each other as “Kawu” meaning uncle, while to the Kanuri as “Kaka”5 and not playmates. The tradition further states that the Chamba people crossed Lake Chad and settled near Kukawa in what used to be the Capital of Kanem Brono Empire. This claim is seemingly substantiated with names of some existing towns in Borno such as Bama, Baga, Kunduga, etc, which are claimed by the Chamba to have been founded by them. For example, while Baga means “I will not say”, Bama is the Chamba word for “Father”. From Kanem, they moved to Madagali around Mandara Mountains, from where they moved to Gbee- Kusum (“Mountain of Leopards”) or Lamurde Jongum where they came in contact with the Bata6. Another oral account claims that the Chamba people were from Canaan where they migrated to Egypt and finally to their present abode. There is little information about this source of origin. This tradition of origin states that the Chamba people were tall people having Negroid features before their intermarriages with other races during and after immigration to Benue Region7. It is argued that, it was the incident of intermarriages which affected their original stature. No matter the numerous accounts about Chamba Traditions of Origin, none of the versions has been perfectly historically authenticated. Each tradition carries along with it some grey areas which need further interrogation in order to confirm or refute their authenticity. However, for now, the commonest version(s) among the Chamba is the version of the origin of the Chamba from the Asia Minor. History of Chamba Migration Movement of people in the early phase of societies were at times influenced by the search for favourable land for agricultural activities, food or security, etc. This explains why most riverine and mountainous areas were more populated. Just like every tribe or ethnic group in Nigeria has that tradition of origin and migration, the Chamba people too have their source of origin and migration to their present locations in Nigeria. Sa'ad Abubakar, in the Ground Work of Nigerian History (1980), states that, the Chamba claim to have migrated from the East to the Chad Basin where they settled up to the 18th century before they migrated southwards along the Yedseram valley down to the Benue plains8. However, another version states that, the Chamba people migrated from Asia Minor to Egypt where they stayed for several years after which they moved to Baga, in Borno state, through the Chad Basin under the 92 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies leadership of Gangwoknin or Gangoknyee. Baga is called “Mubaga” in Chamba language, meaning, “I will not talk”. After the death of Gangwoknin, his successor, Gangkeatcin, with his two sons, Kibo and Desen, led the people to Madagali and stayed around the Mandara Mountain at Bagale area in present Adamawa State. Gangkeatcin later led the people southward to settle at Gurin (in Fofure Local Government Area of present Adamawa State). According to tradition, Gurin was derived from Chamba word, “Nguri,” meaning, “I have held”9. The tradition went further to state that after the death of Gangkeatcin, he was succeeded by his eldest son, Kibo, who in his wisdom, initiated the idea of establishing a Chiefdom that would serve as the general headquarter of the Chamba people. This idea was welcomed by the people and aheadquarter was established at Sambe, now in the Cameroon Republic, and was headed by Gangbarub, the son of Kibo10. Gangbarub therefore became the first officially installed Chief of the Chamba, who also became the first spiritual head of the Chamba people. He used the power within his reign to transfer the headquarters of the Chamba Chiefdom to Dayella, presently located between Cameroon and Nigeria. Till today, the place has remained the spiritual headquarters of the Chamba people11. Dayella is believed to have witnessed a dynastic conflict that led to the splitting and dispersal of the Chamba into groups with each taking along supporters to settle and establish different chiefdom. Each of these become autonomous, thereby lacking a paramount Chief12. All Chamba groups found in Nigeria migrated from Cameroon Republic, however, there are still Chamba communities in Cameroon which will be briefly discussed. Their waves of migration into different part of Nigeria particularly to the area of Ganye chiefdom followed two main streams, namely, Chamba Daka and Chamba Leko. Chamba Daka Among the Chiefdoms of Chamba Daka, Yebbi was said to be the first Chieftaincy established13 by Gangkinkin who took his group and moved westward from Yelli to Mayo-Kalai through a route south to the foot of Yebbi Mountain where he moved to Danaba and settled. According to tradition, the group came in contact with the Jangani and Kpenyienbu who were the original inhabitants of the region. They were said to be assimilated by the Chamba14. They are believed to have taught the Chamba the art of blacksmith, which was their craft. This is why the Chamba call blacksmiths “Kpe”. Several years later, the war lords of the Lamido of Yola fought the Yebbi people during which some moved north to Daka through Tiba Mountains15.

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Another tradition maintains that the younger brother of Gangkinkin, Gangbonji-Gangko, who, together with his brother, founded Yebbi refused his brother lordship and moved his family southward and settled at Dimyend where he also became village head with the tittle of Samyengjimi. Gangkinkin was displeased by his brother's action and planned to kill him. The plan was however exposed and so he had to run for his life. Having escaped, he is said to have drummed up for war against his brother, declaring in Chamba language that “to nye a nekan lerum miga a geren aba gurum,” which directly translated means, “if you think you are up to a man come and catch me”. That was where Gurum was derived, and he was turbaned Gang Gurum, the second Chieftaincy after Yebbi16. The third Chamba Chieftaincy was established by another faction that dispersed from Yelli. According to tradition, this group, under the leadership of Gangluetseu moved westwards to Jangani Mountain through the Atlantika where they first settled and later expanded their territory and established their maternal Chieftaincy known as Sugu. The first two groups that dispersed from Yelli founded Yebbi, Gurum and Sugu with a dialect known as Nakenyere. According to the same tradition, the third group founded Toungo, Dakka, Gashaka, Kogingbada and Mayo Ndaga in the present Taraba State17. The last Chamba group established the Chieftaincies of Binyeri. According to tradition, a group, led by Damasi who was described as a great warrior18, moved to Dirdu and to Tola Binyeri where they settled. In Binyeri, he met the natives, the Mumuye, whom he conquered and established his hegemony. While he was busy conquering, a group split and moved to Dinding in present Zing Local Government Area of Taraba State. Chamba Leko Migration The Chamba Leko moved from the South and West of their old home (Dayella) to the north-west Cameroon where they established five chiefdoms, namely; Bali Gham, Bali Gashu, Bali Gangsin, Bali Kumbad and Bali Nyonga. These chiefdoms were said to have been founded by Bani of Gawolbe19. The first Chiefdom established by the Chamba Leko in Ganye Chiedom was Valkossa (Balkossa). According to tradition, Goykeke's son, Zig Ding Ya, married two wives, Zera (Year, i.e. leave me to live another year) and Na- vala (mother of death). Na-vala, who was the second wife, was accused by the children of the first wife Zera for showing favoritism towards the children of Na-vala. To avoid conflict between the children of the two wives, he decided to show Na-vala's children a place on the neighboring hill called Wumkola to settle, Wuma eventually became their name and Valkossa

94 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies became the chief20 of the chiefdom they established. The second settlement after Valkossa was Sapeo, which, according to tradition, was said to have been established by Gat Tchimdekila and his sister. Other Leko settlements were Bangla, Kollu, Nyemdelou, Vogba etc21. Another section of Chamba Leko moved southwards to Ibi and finally to Donga where it established a Chieftaincy headed by Do'o shimbura Garkiya, the first Gara of Donga22. Part of the group moved and settled at Takum and Kassimbila., Attacked by the natives called Zumperi, the Chamba people did not only fight back but defeated and enslaved the Zumperi tribe and ordered them to return to their hill. And on recognising the supremacy of the Chamba, they paid tribute to them at Takum. The supremacy over the Zumperi tribe might have probably been one of the major reasons why the Chamba people ruled Takum for many years until the Zumperi (Kuteb) finally ascended the throne of Takum in 191423. It is imperative to note that, at the beginning, all the Chamba spoke Leko dialect. However, after their dispersal at Yelli, environmental influence and contact with other tribes brought dialectical variations in Chamba language such as Chamba Daka and Chamba Leko. However, both are still recognised as Chamba and still consider Dayella or Yelli as their spiritual headquarters and Gang Dayella as the spiritual leader24. Linguistic Classification and Settlement Pattern of the Chamba People The Chamba people are classified into two main groups speaking different, but related dialects known as Chamba Leko and Chamba Daka. The two dialectical groups belong to the Niger-Congo group of languages25. They speak various dialects that differ from place to place. Fardon states that the majority of the Chamba people who settled within central Chamba area are speakers of Daka dialect while Leko speakers are restricted to the eastern most part of the central area, for the most part on the Cameroon side of the modern border between the Atlantika Mountains and the River Deo26. The Chamba Leko dialect is categorised into the Northern and Southen Chamba Leko while Chamba Daka dialect include the Nakenyare, Mapeo, Peripheral and Central dialects27. The Chambas settlement pattern is even based on dialectical variations. Chamba Leko dialect appear in two clusters; Northern Chamba Leko and Southern Chamba Leko. These groups constitute what is referred to as the Wangai dialects28 The Southern dialects of Leko refer to the Northern Leko speakers collectively as Janga, while the Central Daka call the whole Leko as Jang.

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Chamba Leko Dialects The southern Chamba Leko have minor dialectical variations among all the communities. These include the Balkossa (Valkossa), Yeli and the Bangla dialects. These subgroups are distributed as follows: i. Balkossa Dialect: This is spoken in and around Balkossa, Sapeo and is the most closely related with the Donga Chamba. ii. Yeli Dialect: This is spoken only in Yeli and its surrounding villages. iii. Bangla Dialect: Its main speakers are members of the community that was established after the Chamba dispersal from Bangla hill. It is spoken around Bangla, Jampeu and Simkola29. iv. Wom Dialect: It is spoken by the Chamba living in the area known by its name,Wom. v. Mumbake Dialect: It is spoken by some villages of Leko speakers who are at the Northern edge of the Chamba land. vi. Kolbila Dialects: This dialect is spoken in the environs of Bantadje South of mount Vokre in Bali Local government of Taraba State30. In fact, the Wom, Mumbake and Kolbila are said to be recently discovered dialects of Chamba Leko to the South31. Chamba Daka Dialect The Chamba Daka is subdivided into the various dialectical clusters follows: Nakenyere, Mapeo, Peripheral Daka, and Central Daka. i. Nakenyere Dialect: This is spoken throughout the Chiefdoms of the Shebshi Mountains and the western Nassarawo plain. ii. Mapeo Dialect: This is a distinctive speech of Chamba around Mapeo32. iii. Peripheral Daka Dialect: There are two peripherical Daka groups which are Tarum and Dirum. Tarum is spoken around the South of Central Chamba land, while Dirum around Southwest of chamba area. iv. Central Daka Dialects: These are the Chamba dialects spoken among Jangani, Sugu, Mangla, Mbolo and the neighbouring Chiefdoms in all of the Northern Shebshi Mountain as well as Lamja north of the Central Chiefdoms33.

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Organogram of the Chamba Dialectical Variations in Ganye Chiefdom

Chamba in Ganye Chiefdom

Chamba Leko Dialects Chamba Daka Dialects

Northern Leko Southern Leko Nakenyere Central Balkossa/Valkossa Mapeo Kollu Yeli Peripheral Saptou Daka Bangla Vogba Dirim Taram Wom Nyemdelou Mumbake Kachalla Kolbila Chamba Settlement Pattern The Chamba settlement pattern is based on their dialectical variations as earlier mentioned. However, closely related Chiefdom appear to speak related dialects. Generally, their settlement pattern reflects the two main Chamba groups, namely, Chamba and Chamba Daka as presented below: 1. The Chamba Leko Settlement: This constitute Chiefdoms of North-western Cameroon namely Bali Nyonga, Bali Kumbad, Bali Ghan, Bali Gashan and Bali Gangsin 3 4 .Other leko settlements are Balkossa(Valkossa),Donga,Sapeo as located below: Balkossa/Valkossa Settlement: Southern residual Chamba Leko Chiefdom located in Atlantika Mountain35. i. Donga Settlement: Chamba Leko speakers of Benue plains. ii. Sapeo Settlement: Chamba Leko speakers of the Southern Atlantika Mountains36. iii. Northern Residual Leko: Speakers of the Northern dialects of Chamba Leko living in the Northern Atlantika Mountains e.g. Kollu, Kachalla Voma, Lowol and, Saptou found in Northern Attlantica Mauntain. iv. Yeli or Dayela Chamba Leko Speakers living in Central Atlantika Mountains. In two hamlets of Yeli I, Yeli II is in the Nigerian side of the border37. v. Central subgroups: These comprises Yeli I, Yeli II, etc.

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2. Chamba Daka Nakenyere Dialects: This dialectical cluster comprises the following groups; i. Binyeri-Tola: The speakers of Chamba Nakenyere dialects live in the Northern Shebshi Mountains. ii. Chamba Nakenyere speaking Chiefdom in the Centre of the Nassarawo plains are made up of Dalami, Kubi and Chitta.38. iii. Chamba Nakenyere of the Central Shebshi Mountains are made up of Gurum, Sammeri and Jusan. iv. Mbolo: Nakenyere speakers of the Northern Shebshi Mountains are made up of Mbolo, Tola, Binyeri, Mangla,etc.39 v. Chamba Nakenyere of the Southern Shebshi Mountains is made up of Sugu (Ga su bi), Gamu, Batal, Wadure, etc.4

Chamba

Leko Daka

Northern Southern Central Northern Binyeri Sug Kachalla Voma u Centre of the Tola Nassarawo Plains Central Gurum Saptou Mbolo Dalami Yeli I Mangla Batal Lowol Chitt Wadun a Yeli II Kollu e Kub

Southern Central Shebshi Mountain

Balkossa/Valkossa Sammeri Gurum Namperu Jusam Gbogu (Bello Petel) Sapeo

Conclusion This paper mainly reconsiders the history of origin and migration of the Chamba people. They believe to have migrated from the present Republic of Cameroun to establish various communities in Ganye chiefdom of Adamawa state. The Chamba are classified into two main groups, namely, Chamba Leko and Chamba Daka. Their settlement pattern is also according to their dialectical differences. All the Chamba groups believe to have Dayella as their spiritual headquarter and Gang (Chief) Dayella as spiritual leader. This points to the fact that they are of common origin, notwithstanding their two main dialectical differences, which are also influence their settlements pattern. 98 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

References 1. Emmanuel Tanko, 63yrs, Ganye Local Government Area on 12-12- 2018 Oral interview 2. Bitrus Victoria, “Symbolic Significance of Bead (Bii) and Its Implication for Socio-economic Development of Chamba People of Adamawa State (MA Dissertation, Benue State University 2016) P39 3. Mal. Isa Mohammed, 80yrs, Ganye Local Government, On 15-12- 2018 and JacobY Jatau 75yrs, Ganye0n 13-12-2018 Oral interview 4. Sebastian Patrick et al, The Chamba Chiefdoms. P20 5. Sebastian Patrick et al, The Chamba Chiefdoms. P21-22 6. Sebastian Patrick et al, The Chamba Chiefdoms. P22-23 7. JacobY Jatau 75yrs, Ganye0n 13-12-2018 Oral interview 8. Sa'a Abubakar “People of the Upper Benue Basin and Bauchi Plateau before 1800in Groundwork of Nigerian History, Obaro Ikime edt) (HEBN Publishers PLC Ibadan 1980) P165 9. Capt. Habu Umar, Chamba Race in Historical Perspective (Hairu Business Ventures 080334368, 2012) P6-7 10. Abdulrazak S. Namdas, Aspect of the History and Tradition of Chamba Nakenyere (Adex Printers, Sabon Gari Kano 1993) P3 11. Abdulrazak S. Namdas, Aspect of the History and Tradition… P4 12. Bulus Kisinomi, 57, Ganye Local Government, 08-2-2019, oral interview 13. Misa Mohammed 80yrs, Ganye Local Government 15-2-2019, oral interview 14. Sa'a Abubakar “People of the Upper Benue Basin and Bauchi Plateau before 1800in Groundwork of Nigerian History, Obaro Ikime leds) (HEBN Publishers PLC Ibadan 1980) P167 15. Abdulrazak S. Namdas, Aspect of the History and Tradition… P5 16. Abdulrazak S. Namdas, Aspect of the History and Tradition… P6-7 17. Abdulrazak S. Namdas, Aspect of the History and Tradition… P7-8 18. Kirk – Green, Adamawa past and present. P17 19. Sabastian Patrick et all, “The Chamba Cheifdoms, Past, Present and Future)”.Unpublished. P 40-41 20. Richard Fardon (1988) “Raiders and Refugees; Trends in Chamba Political Development 1750-1950”. Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington, London. PP 123-124 21. Richard Fardon (1988) “Raiders and Refugees; Trends in Chamba Political Development 1750-1950”. Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington, London. PP 123-125 22. Abdulrazak S. Namdas, Aspect of the History and Tradition… P8-9

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23. Abubakar S. Namdas, Aspect of the History and Tradition…. P10 24. Abubakar S. Namdas, Aspect of the History and Tradition …P11 25. Richard Fardon, Raiders and Refugees … PP 70 26. Richard Fardon, Raiders and Refugees … PP 71 27. Richard Fardon, Raiders and Refugees … PP 327-329 28. Richard Fardon, Raiders and Refugees….. PP 333 29. Richard Fardon, Raiders and Refugees … PP 326-327 and Oral interview with Mr. A Kachalla, 65yrs on 15-6-2019 30. Richard Fardon, Raiders and Refugees … PP 327-328 31. Isaiah Lerum 67yrs, Oral Interview 21-06-2019 at Ganye Local Government Area 32. Richard Fardon, Raiders and Refugees …. PP 328-329 and Oral interview with Branford Sukigari, 75yrs, on 22-6-2019 at Ganye Local Government 33. Richard Fardon, Raiders and Refugees …. PP 329-330 34. Richard Fardon, Raiders and Refugees …. PP 333-334 35. Richard Fardon, Raiders and Refugees …. PP 334-335 36. Richard Fardon, Raiders and Refugees …PP 337-338 and Oral interview with Mr A Kachalla 65Yrs at Jada Local Government. 37. Richard Fardon, Raiders and Refugees …PP 338 38. Richard Fardon, Raiders and Refugees … PP 335 39. Richard Fardon, Raiders and Refugees … PP 336-337 40. Richard Fardon, Raiders and Refugees … PP 338 and Oral Interview with Mr. B.K Sukigari Ganye local government.

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Domestic Violence: Types, Causes and Implications On The Child and Society

Hosea Nakina Martins Joy Isaiah Tonga Department of Christian Religious Studies, Faculty of Arts Taraba State University, Jalingo Email: [email protected] [email protected]

Abstract This paper “Domestic Violence: Types, Causes and Implications on the child and society” seeks to examine domestic violence in its entirety. Violence has harbored its dreadful impacts on the child and society; Domestic violence is a by product of bad moral character exhibited by parents, like anger, aggression, cruelty, brutality, which the child is the end receiver, and later transmits them among his peers, and which also endangers the society. The study outlined types of domestic violence, which include: physical abuse, sexual abuse, verbal and economic abuse. It also outlined some of the causes of such violence like promiscuous behavior of parents, drug and alcoholic abuse of substances, poverty and poor economic power. The study made use of physical observation and secondary sources of data collection such as books, journals, and magazines. The study also discovers some moral implications of domestic violence on the child and society to include: It batters the good image of the child and society in general. It also introduces the child into criminal groups like rapists, drug barons and bully subjects band. The paper recommended that spouses and their family members should imbibe the spirit of patience, love, tolerance in relating to one another in all circumstance. There should also be step up measures to contribute in the fight against domestic violence. They should therefore be adequately motivated by the government towards effective performance of their rightful functions at home and society at large. Keywords: Moral(s), violence, Domestic violence, peace. Introduction Domestic violence has been one of those demoralizing experiences that have a lot of implications on the child and society. It can not be said to exist on its own, but rather it is been perpetrated on daily basis, whose damaging impacts are indeed melancholic to the child and society. Domestic violence battered the potentials of the child, whose actions also affect the society as they are perpetrated. In Nigeria, according to Barga, there is 81 percent of married women reported being verbally abused by their husbands. Forty six

101 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies percent report being abused in the presence of their children (2012:63). This is a clear instance of how violence can be transmitted to the child and in turn, the child to his peers, which they later wrecked havoc in the society as they put it into action. Domestic violence is of various types such as physical abuse, sexual abuse, economic abuse and verbal abuse. These abuses are interwoven as they are being carried out every day by parents and their resultant causes are due to high promiscuous behaviors being exhibited by parents, which instigate and leave negative impressions on the innocent child and society. Drug/alcoholic abuse are always on the increase, whose effects instigate in the rise of violence, harassment, intimidation, insult, stress, loss of respect and conflict leading also to character deformation (Aliba, 2003/2009:38). These violence engaged by parents, directly affects the child and society. Another cause of domestic violence is poverty/poor economic power, which is the state of one who lacks usual or socially accepted amount of money or material possession (Kass, 2009:1). Poverty and poor economic power are ravishing properties that escalate to rise of domestic violence in most homes today. When a person is poor and lacks economic power, he/she cannot even afford to eat, dress, educate their children and even sleep in good house. The poverty and poor economic power of most families often instigates them to behave very badly as if they are mentally derailed (Abiem, 2007:107). A lot of families tend to exhibit or become very violent because of hunger and poverty on slightest provocations from person. The child learns to be violent as he/she sees or copies what his/her parents often exhibit at home and society. He/she learns these violent behaviors, which threaten the moral stability and admiration of the child and society because there is a total moral derailment of standard of parental upbringing of the child, which the society suffers, set back. Illiteracy which is refers to any one ten years of age over who is unable to read and write in any language (Fairchild, 1966:149) high level of illiteracy among peasant parents often constitute an obstacle to the child educational advancement, whose potentials if fully supported to obtained education, it will go along way in serving as pillars of the family violent emancipation (Barga, 2012:60). Illiteracy has contributed immensely in the phenomenon of domestic violence on the child and society. The actions that emanate from an illiterate parents or individuals are often very devastating in the search for peaceful domestic harmony. Another cause of domestic violence is the hereditary factor, which has to do with the process by which mental and physical characteristics are passed by parents to their children (Hornby, 2001:561). A child sometimes

102 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies inherits certain violent behaviors from either the maternal or paternal parents. Some domestic abusers inherit traits of violence from their parents which are gradually being imbibed by the children. The implication of domestic violence on the child and society tends to jeopardize the moral sanity and integrity for peace and development to be attained. The child, who is supposed, be agent of positive change, now becomes agent of social unrest which dangers the society to which he/she belonged. The child and society are at risk because of the retarded implications of domestic violence been experienced. Clarification of Terms Moral(s): Concerned with principles of right and wrong behavior (Hornby, 2010:959). The term is some times used as equivalent to “ethics”. It is used to designate the codes of conduct and customs of individuals or of groups (Runes, 1983:218). According to Maduabuchi, morals are the fundamental principle concerning right and wrong, good or bad behavior (2001:91). Domestic Violence: Domestic violence has been defined as the physical abuse directed towards one's spouse or domestic partner, usually violence by men against women or children (Agbali, 2010:2). In a related manner, domestic violence is also said to be a pattern of abusive behavior by one or both partners in an intimate relationship such as marriage, dating, family, friends or cohabitation (Agbali, 2010: 2). Domestic violence is a pattern of assaultive and coercive behavior an adult uses against another adult, especially in the presence of a child. This violence can take the form of physical, sexual, psychological and even economic coercion. Violence: Violence is a behavior that is intended to hurt people physically, mentally, and emotionally. Violence may be caused also by an angry speech reaction (Gadsby, 1995:1594). While for Harper (2007:97), violence is an exercise or an instance of physical force, usually affecting pains and injury to people. Similarly, Dzurgba (2010:14) also defines it to be associated with the attitude of aggression, hostility, cruelty, brutality, harassment, coercion, compulsion, duress, threat and force. Ioryue and Musa also define violence therefore as compulsive influence brought to bear upon one against his will by some extrinsic agents (2008:102). Types of Domestic Violence Domestic violence occurs among spouses, children, relatives, sisters' in- law, brothers' in-law and families over property and host of other related issues. It is relevant to examine some types of domestic violence as they relate to this paper. Prominent among such of violence are the followings: Physical Abuse: This abuse involves a partner shaking, walloping, choking, shoving, knocking a fellow partner or using knife, gun, stick, rods

103 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies or staff to inflict physical harm on the other party. In physical abuse, the application of force, weapons are used (Dzurgba, 2010:47). There are also the destructions of property, making threatening gestures, throwing away things, among others. An abuser frequently will keep the victim (his wife) isolated from others, and will react jealously towards any outside interest that the abused partner may attempt to pursue (Agbali, 2010:3). A clear instance of physical abuse was when a woman beat her co (wife) to death in Toungo, (2018). Rape is social malaises that conveniently find its place among the list of undesirable discrepant social behaviors that is ravishing the moral code of African cultures (Kpadoo, 2001: 3). Children, whose parents engaged in rape cases, often become victims of such an act. Sexual Abuse: Women have sexually been abused by men and men too have been sexually abused by women. This act is also known as sexual molestation. They are forced by undesired sexual action by one person upon another, usually by the men. Most of these sexual abusers have no informed conscience to understand that they do not need to threaten one another sexually. Generally, sexual abuse on the women has lasting impact on which they are (Finn and Donna, 1993:17). The woman is made to act like a sex machine, anytime the man feels sexually active. Some times, sexually pressure is being mounted on the man by the woman. In a typical Mumuye society, what some men do is this kind of assault; they no longer regard the women as persons that require to be treated with respect. Even after they might have come back from the farm very tied, the women are sexually being forced by their husband to sleep with them even on refusal. Such an act creates a notion or mindset on the opposite, which they regret often of having sex as partners. The men justify such an act as a custom and right, the woman is placed in suppressive, restricted and exploitative position of sexual violence by the men (Tsendzuul, 2011:2). Economic/Financial Abuse:- Financial control is one of the tools of an abusive partner used by some men. Most of the abusers exercised dominant economic and financial control over their wives' assets like; goats, sheep, yam farm or beer houses or stalls. These abusers often ensured that they economically and financially downtrodden their partners. Generally, some abusers are lazy, unproductive and autocratic in nature. They use undue power over the economic and financial resources of their wives. The needs of these families are been catered by some of these women, and they are faced with poor economic and financial emancipation due burden left on them to shoulder as wives by their husbands. Most domestic abusers are men, whose economic and financial powers are weakened either due to laziness or misfortune by nature. The livelihoods and prospects of their women are sexually abused drastically by ensuring

104 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies total control over their resources with an emphatic stress that “I am the boss”. However, due to the hard work of such Mumuye women on agricultural activities, who are mostly agrian in nature and the economic power of their resources are being dominated and controlled by the men. The women brew the wine (saa/sis) in Mumuye culture, collect firewood, fetch water and offer helping hands on some economic shores which they men claim dominant authority over them (Dong et al, 2001:93). Verbal Abuse:- Verbal abuse and humiliation may vary to a wide range, as it involves insulting words such as: shouting, unfair and constant criticisms and making the victims feel they are not worth what they are. Abusers in this frame of discourse engage in issuing threats so as to gain power in humiliating, blaming and hurting the opposite sex. The child who is innocent is been subjected to these kind of abuse as he/her sees the parents engaged in it, he/she also imbibed and exhibit such a mentality outside the home and thereby threatening attainment of peace at home and in society generally. Very often, what we hear children do these days is to engage in insultive words or verbal exchange of words their peers and even elders, who they are supposed to respect but failed. However, parents are often the basic spring boards of such immoral behaviors. The father insult the mother before the child, or the mother insults the father before the child. And as such, the child grows up and become insulting to his peers, seniors and even members of his own family. Verbal insults is a bad trend that children copy from parents at homes and carried them out to the society which damage the image of such society. Derogatory comments, verbal abuse, and showing insulting fingers at people are features of domestic violence that the child and society faced; which endangers their reputations (Tsendzuul, 2011:3). The Causes of Domestic Violence in Contemporary Nigerian Society Some of the remote causes of domestic violence in contemporary Nigerian society are thus examined: Promiscuous Behavior: One of the resultant causes of domestic violence is the active involvement of partners in promiscuous behaviors, which instigate the abuser to carry out an abusive action on the other party. Promiscuity is the acceptance of indiscriminate of sexual intercourse (Fairchild, 1996:237). Some men or women are sexually promiscuous due to how they portrayed themselves at home and society. This practice results from a number of factors among which lack control over sexual appetite which is demoralizing. If a woman is promiscuous, certainly she will be domestically abused by the abuser, she will definitely influence her children. Men who are supposed to show good examples of moral living have really become perpetrators of

105 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies sexual violence (Ezeoba, 2007:73). Promiscuous behaviors are learnt from home and taken or transmitted into the society, which is an impediment to peace and character building among members and society. This ugly trend however, has continued among promiscuous parents leaving no moral repute for their children to learn and contribute meaningfully to the society. Promiscuous behaviors of parents often have dreadful demoralizing impacts on the child and society. In a situation whereby a women is found to be very promiscuous, her own children indirectly imbibed such a way of life, and later transmit it to the society, where its is moral code affected with immorality. Promiscuous behaviors for instance among the Mumuye is treated with fines, if the woman or man are married, the man pays some fines of (goats, money, pots of local wine), while if it is the woman that was caught, fines too are required to be paid. Sometimes, she is been beaten, humiliated in the eyes of the village. Promiscuous behaviors among some parents have indeed even encouraged its prevalence among their wards or children. For instance, if the man is accusing the woman of such an act like infidelity, his bride price would be refunded him by her, her parents or the former suitor on ground pleasing to both parties. It has been reiterated similarly on this thus: Ladies are free to go about their normal lives without caring to control themselves to indiscriminate sexual practices among them and children. At a period of misunderstanding, even if you paid money; traditional iron bar (tsasureng) on a woman as bride price, the wife will run away and get money from her boy friend and refund the dowry to the husband (Nyabun, 2014:23). This has been a reoccurring culture among the Mumuye, despite different sub clans, families and communities. Pathetically, it is regretting with such an ugly and immoral way of life, the child is innocent but later his/her innocence is been rubbished or abused by an immoral actions coming from the either sides of (father or mother). For example, if a man is convicted of adultery in Mumuye culture, he is forced to pay seven goats and also beaten by the whole village (Bonzena, 1992:7) so as to serve as deterrent for others. Parents, who are supposed be beacon of hope and good character example for moral formation to their wards and society often engaged in promiscuous activity, by sleeping with either an under aged or aged parents. However, some of these parents in most African homes are perpetrators of sexual aberrations (Ezeoba, 2007:73). It is highly lamentable that, very often at times, peer groups mock some members of their group on slighted provocation that, your mother or father are wayward parents, who sleep with teenagers around. If such parents are 106 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies promiscuous, certainly, they will be domestically be inculcating such bad habit on the children as their right of ownership which in turn affects them and society at large (Barga, 2012:63). Drug/Alcoholic Abuse: - Mumuye are lovers of saa/sis (local wine) which is part of their material culture. It is apparently clear when you visit villages on market days, you will see how alcohol is being consumed and abused at greater proportion. Even the missionaries who came to Mumuye land testify the impacts of alcohol among the people. Similarly, among the Koma of Jada Local Government Area, Adamawa State, “the greatest problem found among them is drinks. However, these habits posit difficulty to even missionaries who cane to Mumuye land to evangelize. Thus, alcohol is issues which is more complex in their custom and remain regrettable (Nass, 1996:29). In most Mumuye homes, parents often leave their children to fend for themselves, while they sell farm produces and go to beer palour known as doo-laa/bariki saa to drink, and later come back home irresponsibly drunk. On the slightest provocation, they react with brawls to even innocent victims of such a circumstance. This habit is a frequent reoccurring habit among the Mumuye and their neighbors Kona, Bachama and Chamba, whose social life is characterized by consuming the local wine and other alcoholic substances. The child's future is not well taken of but he learns what his/her parents used to do, and also cultivate by imbibing the habit of drinking and coming back home late at night; fomenting troubles and harassing every body around. Alcohol and drug consumption has seriously impacted negatively on the Nigerian child and society at large. Among the Mumuye, the child is taught how to drink right when he or she is small either with parents or grand parents. In some homes, the mother brews the wine, sells it or even give the child right at an infant stage to drink, and as he/she grows up, such habit is imbibed and later on transmitted by the child to his/her peers, which also affects the entire society. Drugs and alcoholic abuse are two same substances of intoxicated nature and content. When people take drugs and alcohol in abusive manner, such substances instigate them to carry domestic violence on their women and even children which indirectly affects the child and peace building in the society. Women and children who engage in substance abuse usually molest, harass, intimidate and even insult people on any slightest provocation and also suffer from amnesia, stress, loss of respect, conflict and divorce leading also to domestic violence (Aliba, 2003/2009:38). The effects of domestic violence on the child are demoralizing and they impede the attainment of peaceful co-existence in society. The Nigerian

107 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies child, whose parents are alcoholic or substance abusers often learn and become an abusers tomorrow, leading to anti-social crimes like rape, burglary, theft, incest, molestation and moral display of loss of reputation. When these factors are summed up, they build catalysts for total failure in the attainment of peaceful co-existence both at home and society. Hickey Qtd. Cotter to have remarked that: “the greatest problem among the Mumuye was drink (saa/sis). Mumuye are very different when they are fairly drunk…” (2005: 17). Mumuye women were originally set aside to be in the kitchen cooking food and brewing the local wine. The women, according to custom stereotype given ample favors and consideration to the women were in charge of the local wine brewing indeed (Dong et al, 2001:93) which has today become a problem in the proliferation and rise of drunks, social nuisance, whose actions are detrimental to the children's future and integrity of the society. Harvest season is a time of money making for farmers among the Mumuye, whose sources of income comes as a result of disposing their farm products. However, many of these farmers spent huge of their money in beer parlors on drinks and meat and even on women who later become poorer than they were before. Poverty/Economic Power: Poverty is the state of one who lacks a usual or socially accepted amount of money or material possession (Kass, 2009:1). Poverty and poor economic power are ravishing properties that escalate rise of domestic violence in most homes and society today. When a person is poor and lacks economic power, he cannot afford to eat well, dress well, educate his children, and sleep in good house; definitely, he/she transfers such an aggression to the child, who is a victim of violence in the society. However, poverty and poor economic power of most families often instigate them to behave very aggressively to their wards, relations and even members of the society as if they are mentally derailed (Abiem, 2007:107). A lot of families or individuals tend to be very violent because of the instincts due to hunger and poverty which are two sides of a coin of violence. In this regards, the child learns to be violent as he sees his or his parents act in violent manners, he/she sometimes threaten national peace by exhibiting such violent behaviors (Agbali, 2010:4). Local basic human needs in most African homes especially among the Mumuye, whose means of livelihood depends on subsistence agriculture and the size of economic activity as income per capital or Gross Domestic Products (GDP) per person are not sufficient. However, poverty and economic power are threats to full attainment of a better and free violent society. However, the few heaps of yams Mumuye

108 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies farmed are lavished on food and drinks especially at wine joints. Interestingly, this is not enough to elevate the economic power of subsistent farming by those families who spent their income on food and drinks poorly. Illiteracy: Illiteracy refers to any one ten years of age or over who is unable to read and write in any language (Fairchild, 1966:149). Most parents who suffered from illiteracy, it affects their perception of life and their worldviews. Their perception of the phenomenon of domestic violence endangers the child and society in search for peaceful domestic harmony. The child whose parents are illiterate often at times fall victims of their ignorant actions which delude his/her thinking and child seems not to reason well but do what his/her parents perpetrate ignorantly. Illiteracy has never advanced any form of solution or condemnation to the rise and spread of domestic violence and its implications on the child and society in any objective manner. Illiteracy has contributed immensely in the phenomenon of domestic violence. Sometimes the child is refused being supported to go to school, which affects his or her educational attainment and liberation from illiteracy. The actions that emanate from an illiterate parents or individuals are very devastating in the search for peaceful domestic harmony at home and society. Some sub cultures because of high level of illiteracy, they do not see the objective approach to examine the implications of violence on the family and society at large, whose prospective solutions could not be preferred with the attainment of education, and this brought results in bringing about lack of total rejection or condemn of domestic violence, its types, causes and ravenous implications on the child and society. Heredity Factor: This has to do with the process by which mental and physical characteristics are passed by parents to their children (Hornby, 2001:561). A child sometimes inherits certain violent behaviors from either the maternal or paternal parent(s). Such parent(s) later transmit such a trait of immoral behavior to his or her sown children which affects them later in life. A child whose parents are sex maniacs, drunkards, drug barons, kidnappers, assassins if care is not taken, the child inherits such a trait and also become like them or worst than them. The same thing applies to a drunken parents, whose habit is to drink and foments troubles, womanize, and their children also inherit such habits and later transmit it to the society. Related genes of violence are inherited by children from parents and the society is affected entirely by them. The Moral Implications of Domestic Violence on the Nigerian Child: A threat to National Peace Domestic violence has a lot of moral implications on the Nigerian child and

109 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies society. It is a threat to achieving appreciable peace in the society. It affects the child who later exhibits such negative attributes to the society they belong. These negative developments constitute a threat to the attainment of national peace. Some of these moral implications are thus enlisted; i. It endangers the child and subjects him/her to anti-social behaviors that impede the attainment of peace, harmony and progress of the society. ii. It pollutes the moral life of the child thereby impeding the attainment of morality in the society. This in turn, produces a morally bankrupt society bedeviled with myriad of anti-social conduct. iii. It batters the good image of the child and the society in general. It introduces the child into crime groups like; kidnapping, drug baroning, thuggery, armed robbery and host of other related violence. iv. It produces a violent society in which violence is celebrated; which threatens the attainment of peace and socio-political and economic development of the nation. v. It creates very bad image for the members of those families whose children exhibit such violent behaviors. vi. It retards emotional, intellectual, and physical development of the child, and hence that of the society at large. Generally, however, families under stress produce children under stress (Vernon, 1991:54). Recommendations Since domestic violence has a lot of moral implications on the Nigerian child, which is a threat to the attainment of national peace, the following are considered to be means for mitigating the menace: i. There should be proper enforcement of law by the government on those involved in domestic violence in order to serve as deterrent to potential violators. ii. Traditional and customary laws should be promoted in order to enhance the dignity of marital institution and the image of women and children who are mostly victims of domestic abuse or violence. iii. Spouses and their family members should imbibe the spirit of patience, love and tolerance in relating to one another in all circumstances. iv. There should be better parental upbringing of the child by parents, so as to have better children that will promote domestic harmony and general peace in the society. 110 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

v. Traditional rulers step up measures to contribute in the fight against domestic violence. They should therefore be adequately motivated by the government towards effective performance of their functions (Dagin, 2005:194). vi. Religious institutions should step up action to help in restoring the dignity of family life where acts of domestic violence are checked. This can be done by laying much emphasis on the divine provision for couples to love one another, as well as their children and vice versa. vii. Seminars, symposiums, debates, quiz and other related enlightening programs should be organized in schools so as to nip in the bud such acts that are capable of triggering domestic violence. Institutions of learning can as well help to discipline children who have violent tendencies by counseling them so as to grow to be peace ambassadors. viii.The search for peace is a collective bargain and must be sought by all and sundry in the society. Domestic abusers must therefore engage in deliberate effort(s) to discourage themselves from involving in further acts of domestic violence. This has to do with imbibing the spirit of love, patience and tolerance in relating to one another. ix. Media agencies through sponsored programmes on domestic violence should kick start so as to enlighten the society against act of violence in the family and the society at large. This can be done through publishing of articles, talk shots and films to promote domestic harmony and peace in the society at large. x. Parents must live up to the expectation of ideal moral codex by instilling proper parental discipline into their children, so as to be ambassadors of peace and development in their society. Conclusion Domestic violence: types, causes and implications on the child and society are threats to the attainment of national peace and development. Violence in all its ramifications has eaten deep into the fabric of our dear families and societies today. It is being carried out by parents against parents, parents against children, and even children against parents and themselves and later translated to others (their peers) in the society. In the foregoing point to the fact that the negative or violent behaviors exhibited by members of families in their relationship to one another causes the entire society to experience intra and inter personal and group hostility which in turn impede the attainment of harmony in the society. Regrettably, violent behaviors are basic hall marks for underdevelopment of any family

111 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies and nation. Unfortunately, domestic violence has its root from the family due to the hostility being exhibited among members of such families. All necessary effort must be put in place to see that domestic violence is discouraged totally. Hence, parents must live up to expectations as moral beings (agents) by ensuring that they promote and preach peace, love and patience as cardinal virtues in the family so as to aid the children to grow with such virtues for a better harmonious society. It is imperative to conclude that, violence retards peace, and without peace there will be neither progress nor development. Violence is indeed, counter productive catalyst towards the attainment of peaceful coexistence in the society. A society that has immoral members exhibiting domestic violence tends to be at the eve of a morally collapsing society, where standard of right actions fall a part there by giving violence topmost priority to thrive.

References Agbali, Mary Ajuma. “Lesson Notes to Living Faith Church” Mid-Week Service – Makurdi, November, 2010. Aliba, Samuel I. “The Menace of Drug Abuse (Alcoholism) Among the Youths: Any Hope? The Gadfly, Vol, 5, No. 10. 2008/2009. Abiem, Terfa et al. “The Church and Human Suffering” In NACATHS Journal of African Theology, Vol. 17, March, 2009. Bonzena, Justine. “Baptism and Initiation Among the Mumuye People of Nigeria” Bachelor of Sacred Theology Long Essay. Jos: St. Augustine's Major Seminary, 1992. Dagin, Slyvester. Bring Back the Lost Daughters. Jos: Fab Anieh Nigeria Ltd, 2004. Dong, et al. Mumuye Contemporary History and Culture 2nd ed. Jos: Nigeria Bible Translation Trust, Jos, 2001. Dzurgba, Akpenpuun. Prevention and Resolution of Conflict Local and Local International Perspectives. Ibadan: John Achers Publishers Ltd, 2010. Ezeoba, Emeka Aloysius. “The Relevance of Consolation Theology in Contemporary Africa” In NACATHS Journal of African Theology, Vol. 17, March, 2007. Finn, Thomas and Finn Donna. Love sex and the Catholic Church. Bandra: St. Paul Press, 1993. Fairchild, Henry Pratt (ed). Dictionary of Sociology. Totowa, New Jersey: Adams and Co, 1966. Gadsby, A et al (eds). Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English, Third Edition. Edinburgh. Person Education Ltd, 1995. Hickey, Raymond Qtd. Cotter In Jalingo Diocese At Ten 1995-2005. Jos:

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Fab Anieh Nig. Ltd., 2005. Hornby, A.S. (ed). Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary 8ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010. Harper, Collins. Easy Learning English Study. Glasgow: Collins Publishers, 2007. Ioryue, Julius and Musa, John Kannu. “Violence and the Morality of Religion in Nigeria”. NACATHS Journal of African Theology, Vol. 18, March, 2008. Kpadoo, Linda. “Women and Violence in the Nigerian Society: Myth or Reality? Being A Paper Presented To the Department of Religion and Philosophy, Postgraduate School, Benue State University, Makurdi, 2011. Maduabuchi, Romanus and Pila Joseph. “African Morality: Reconstructing our Distorted Society” In NAPSSEC Journal of African Philosophy, Vol. 1, 2001. Nass, Francis Jauro. Missionary Enterprise Among the Koma People of Adamawa State 1963 – 1996. Jos: Anet Production, Busa-Buji, 1996. Nyabun, Mathias. Hidden Treasures of the Mumuye People: Mika Clan Perspective. Jalingo: Matty Press, 2014. Runes, Dogerbert (ed). Dictionary of Philosophy. Totowa, New Jersey: A Helix Books, 1983. Tsendzuul, Gideon. “Wife Battering: The Roles of Women” Being A Paper Presented in the Department of Religion and Philosophy, Benue State University, Makurdi in fulfillment of Rel. 704: Women in African Traditional Religion and Christianity, 2011. Vernon, Salter. Challenging Children To Chastity. USA: Westminster Place, 1991.

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Nigeria in the Era of Globalization: Implications on the Nigerian society

Ayibatari Yeriworikongha Jonathan Department of History and Diplomacy Niger Delta University, Wilberforce Island, Bayelsa State Email: [email protected] Phone: 08137687570

Abstract This work is an overview of Nigeria as a developing nation in the context of the global international economy from independent to date. In doing this, focus is given to Nigerian's role in the global economy, as well as her politics which, indeed, is also dependent on the operationality of her political economy. Over the past fifty years there has been a general increase in global economic integration, often described as globalization. The paper, therefore, focuses on the following features on Nigeria's place in the global economy: trade, foreign direct investments, financial flows, and as well as the general flows of ideas enabled by the global process. These features are examined on the basis of thereby discussing their significance to Nigeria. The methodology adopted in this paper is basically on secondary sources as well as the use of the internet. The conclusion of this paper discusses the significance of the various developments in the global environment and its impact on Nigeria as a developing country.

Introduction Conceptualizing Globalization Globalization is a term used in contemporary social sciences. Some suggest that it might justifiably be claimed to be the defining feature of human society at the start of the twenty first century (Beynon and Dunkerley 2000:3). However, it is a deeply problematic term because there is no universally accepted definition, nor little agreement about how to measure the process or even whether the term provides a useful way of accessing contemporary global definition. Some early definitions of globalization (Robertson, 1992, Giddens 1990. Aina 1997. Ayaji, 2000), among others convey the critical signpost immediacy availability and visibility. Ordinarily, globalization is used to refer to the universalization of concepts, movement, technology, market, etc, in the content of a compressed world. This makes everything worldwide in scope or application. However, to the layman, globalization is still a complex terminology that implies the reduction or contraction of our expansive world into a small 114 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies unified community or village where the members receive information fast: thanks to the networking done by information technology such that peoples are brought together (not necessarily physically), even when climes and cultures are involved. A graphic representation of the cultural, national spatial and ideological complexity is shown in the relationship that exists among nations of the global community. According to an independent report on global ship networking, Graddol (1997) gave an analogy of globalization by citing the example of a ship built in Spain, owned by a Norwegian, registered in Cyprus, chattered by the French, Crude by Russians flying a Liberian flag, carrying an American cargoe and pouring oil onto the Welsh Coast. This implies the interconnectivity of peoples of the global community whereby products produced in other regions can easily be accessed in other parts where they are not available and become beneficial to such people. The social scientists, however, perceives globalization as processes of connectivities. As Castelts (1998:367) points out, three processes are essential, independent and coincide. These are information technology regulation, restructuring arising from the economic crisis of capitalism and statism and, finally, the upsurge of social movement like feminism, human rights, etc. Aina (2002) describes what constitute the key components of the globalization process as follows: 1. The emergence of time space compressed interdependent world. 2. The emergence of a new international division of labour in the context of the polarized global economy seeking to integrate all local economy through trade liberalization and deregulation, etc. 3. The emergence of a new world order, i.e, a shift from bi-polar to a unipolar world. 4. The emergence of new flow of persons, cultures, ideas and funds (finances). 5. The emergence and spread of new technologies, particularly IT and their trans-nationalization and integrative capacities on markets, etc, and 6. The increasing significance of knowledge and information for production, culture and the economy. It is thus clear that globalization as a world phenomenon is essentially a process of transformation or the remarking of our world (a constructionist notion at various levels: political, economic, military, labour orders, etc, through flows that enhance inter-dependencies. In this sense, globalization may be seen as flows of (cultural, linguistic, social, economic, etc) in the form of penetrations (usually from stronger to weaker nations and counter- penetrations from influential as well as weaker nations and countries to

115 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies strong ones. It may therefore be unidirectional (where there is no counter- penetration or there is weak response) or bi-directional. As Helleiner, in Segun (2004), remarks, globalization is not just an interface of processes, it is also their conflation. Influence of Globalization on the Economy of Nigeria Having considered the concept of globalization generally, we now turn our attention to the influence of globalization on Nigeria, and in doing so we shall look at the economy of Nigeria. Baye (2000) and Salimono (1999) observed that globalization offers developing countries like Nigeria the opportunities to create wealth through the export-led growth, to expand international trade in goods and services and to gain access to new ideas, technologies and institutional designs. This therefore means that globalization affects all aspects of Nigeria's development, including her economy. In essence, globalization offers many opportunities to Nigeria and other developing countries as well as other actors in the global economy. According to Salimono (1999), globalization has reduced barriers existing in international trade. The reduction in those barriers has opened the door for export- led growth. For instance, Philips (1991) notes that Nigerian economy has been mono-cultural since independence and has so much depended on the Western countries for its survival. Bayo (2000) and Evbuomiran (1996) observed that in the 1960s, Nigeria depended on agriculture for her revenue, which, in turn, was used to provide life sustaining goods for the citizens. Then Nigeria and other less developed economies exported raw-materials in the form of cash crops such as cocoa, coffee, palm-produce, groundnut, to mention but a few. The discovery of petroleum by Nigeria in 1958 marked the turning point of Nigeria and these developments culminated to the country turning continually to the exportation of crude oil and in the 1970s, agriculture which was the main stay of the country was pushed to a distant background. Thus, since then the bulk of Nigeria's revenue and foreign reserves has always accrued from foreign reserves from the sale of oil. Since then, Nigeria has depended heavily on crude oil and this has caused instability in the economy due to fluctuations in the price of crude oil in the world market. Oputa (1996) and Salimono (1999) state that since globalization entails trade liberalization, it is therefore imperative that there is free unrestricted movement of trade, finance and investment across the international borders. The advantage here is that, globalization allows Nigeria to export and import goods, capital and investment across national borders without restrictions. Globalization, according to Awake (2002), has enriched the world 116 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies economically, scientifically, and culturally. This is because globalization opens the economy to a wide variety of consumption of goods, new technology and knowledge. Salimono (1999) opines that globalization offers economies with potentials of eradicating poverty. The reason for this belief may not be unconnected with the dramatic increase in prosperity that globalization has brought in its wake, especially in South Korea, India, and South Africa and especially among the Asian Tigers whose growth has been termed as a miraculous growth among scholars in the past four decades. To buttress this point, Awake (2002) notes that family's income has increased three times more than it did fifty (50) years ago among these countries. However, this is evident in some Asian countries, but the situation is quite different where real income is decreasing even among civil servants, like the case of Bayelsa State where salaries are being slashed by the administration for one reason or the other. Globalization is a process of intensified and broadened inter-dependence among nations. According to Peter (2002), globalization creates global market place which, with the developments in communication technology, information can be accessed by virtually anyone from any location on planet earth. Thus, it opens up a world of opportunities for businesses and also links them to markets which were hitherto unknown to them. In this process, there is decrease in possibilities of wars among nations. Awake (2002) notes that some human rights organization have been able to tap the resources of other people to promote their effectiveness. For instance, in 1997, the international treaties banning landmines was achieved through mobilization of the people of the world through a sensitization movement by the use of the instrumentality of the internet. The Negative Impact of Globalization on Income Distribution in Nigeria Despite the positive effect that globalization has bestowed on humanity, many people are still afraid that globalization poses tension and dilemma to some countries integrated to the global economy. The greatest concern about globalization expressed by Awake (2002) is the ever – increasing gap between the haves and the have-nots. It is observed that while the global wealth has increased, it has become concentrated in the hands of the few privileged individuals and few countries. According to Awake (2002), the net worth of the 200 richest people on wealth on earth now exceeds the combined income of 40% of the people who live on the planet 2-4 billion of people. He continues further that, while wages continue to rise in wealthy countries, 80 impoverished countries have actually seen a decline in average income over the past one and half (1/2) decades. No doubt, Nigeria is among these eighty (80) countries.

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The distribution of global wealth has never been fair even before globalization. But economic globalization has widened the gap between the rich and poor nations. However, some developing countries as observed by Salimono (1999) have benefited from their integration into the global economy. For example, India and the whole of Asia have seen improvement. He noted that, only fifteen (15%) percent of the east Asian population lives on $1 a day compared with twenty seven percent (27%) ten (10) years earlier. However, experience showed that the story is different in Africa, and Nigeria in particular, where income has actually decreased. In an inter-dependent world economy, any adverse global shock affects other countries. For example, the oil glut of 1982 and 1998, according to Salimono (1999), is more rapidly propagated. The propagation mechanism at work can be a decline in the import volume and change in the real price of commodities which is crude oil. Nigeria depends heavily on crude oil as the main source of income or foreign exchange earning. Her revenue is always hit hard by these shocks (Doguwa and Englana, 2002). Furthermore, highly integrated financial markets tends to transmit global, regional, national or local shock much more rapidly than in the past decades when financial markets were less integrated. It has been observed by CBN (2002) that port-folio shifts affect the exchange and interest rates including other economic activities. As a consequence, the volume of financial inter- mediation and currency transactions are enormous nowadays. The shocks are greatly amplified in more or less synchronized fashion with destabilizing effect on Nigerian economy. This financial volatility was largely unknown in the 1950s, 1960s and early 1970s when multi-lateral lending aids and foreign direct investments dominated capital investment (CBN, 2000). However, the major effect of globalization is the fear of the uncertainty and volatility or capital formation and productivity growth with its negative consequences on economic growth. CBN (2000) viewed the instability on the economy as tax on growth and prosperity. It is pertinent to note that the anticipated problem of uncertainty is not from within Nigeria, but externally generated by the super powers of the global system. Nigeria as a developing country has not evolved a mechanism that can absorb the shocks generated by the effects of globalization. The types of domestic policy response put in place by the government has increased the negative impacts of these shocks in Nigeria, and the people are worse off. The income of Nigerians is low and they are living below poverty line. Social Effects of Globalization on Nigeria The social effect of globalization is another fear entertained by many critical thinkers of our age. Dani (1997) is of the opinion that, since 118 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies globalization is associated with instability of output and employment, it effects, among other things, job security. Majority of the people in Nigeria derive their income from labour hence anything that affects their jobs is socially disrupted and thus brings tension to the fabric of the society. Furthermore, it is observed that the unskilled and un-educated workers as well as the marginalized agrarian population benefits less than the people with sophisticated skills and high level of education. As noted by David (1997), the highly educated people and people with sophisticated skills are better and more equipped to meet challenges of the competitive world. One other negative aspect of globalization is that it tends to transmit the cultural pattern of developed nations to the rest of the world. For instance, Nigerian youth have been culturally colonized. This is obvious basically because they now imitate the Western consumption patterns in almost all facet of life, modes of transportation, methods of communication, including their music, without regard for the local cultures. Though it is noticed that this problem does not affect Nigeria alone. It is, indeed, a worldwide phenomenon. This trend would eventually, lead to homogenization of economic values, thereby eliminating or reducing Nigerian economy to nothing. Globalization And Its Developmental Implication For Nigeria. If we have to pose the question, is globalization a new phenomenon to Nigeria? The answer would be simple No. This is true because colonialism integrated the economies of the colonies into the world capitalist system. In other words, post-colonial economies are no stranger to globalization and its negative consequences. Indeed, the current wave of globalization can be seen as no more than an intensification of the global extension of the capitalist mode of production with its underlying logic and value systems and its wealth-generating and inequality producing potentiality. The pertinent questions then are, how prepared Nigeria is for the challenges of globalization? and what are the likely consequences of globalization for inequality and social conflict? The answers to these questions again take us back to the colonial past and the political economy of our development since independence. Colonialism took African countries out of their pre-capitalist stage of development but failed to develop them in to full fledged capitalist economies and societies. Colonialism failed to develop horizontal integration between the various political economy and social systems within each country because of its insistence on the principle of financial parsimony. It, indeed, failed to develop the necessary political, economic and social infrastructures necessary for the take-off toward self sustaining development.

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Nigeria has continued with the strategy of development bequeathed to her by the colonialists. The major features of this pattern of development have been the emphasis on growth without regard to distribution, the dependence on one export, commodity and a few trading partners, the subjection to the crisis of capitalism generated elsewhere, the lack of good governance and the consequent political and social instability. The new wave of globalization promises more of the same, as Nigeria, like other African countries, is unprepared economically, socially and politically for the challenges of globalization. For Nigeria and most African countries, the tools for proactive participation in the global political economic arena are solely lacking. According to Dani (1999), while world exports have increased, Africa's and most especially Nigeria's share of the world trade has never been more than 2 percent for raw materials and almost zero for manufactured goods. Indeed, its small share of world trade is further declining due to reliance on backward technology, inappropriate development policies particularly in relation to agriculture and, above all, the barriers imposed by the developed countries, especially the United States, whose farms are protected from the unpredictable vagaries of the market through direct emergency aid, export premium and guarantees against falling prices of commodities (Kiikpoye, 2001). More foreign direct investment has gone to mineral extraction than to primary commodities. Because of the deteriorating conditions of living at home, many highly skilled professionals have migrated to the developed countries while most of those left behind are unmotivated while the unskilled are in most cases out of employment. Generally, in addition to the spread of HIV/AIDS as well as global crimes, globalization has increased horizontal inequalities between social, ethnic and religious groups as well as vertical inequalities between classes. This is best illustrated with Nigerian's experience with the Structural Adjustment Program (SAP). During the SAP era, the government sought to implement these very measures which the apostles of globalization prescribe as the panacea for economic growth and the eventual reduction of inequality. However, the implementation of SAP had a large negative impact on the living condition of the generality of Nigerians. It resulted in wide spread retrenchment of public and private sector workers (including those who had been forced to migrate to the Urban areas in search of jobs), and as well as general wage cuts. Withdrawal of subsidies, as well as reduction of government expenditure on social services, high level of inflation and increased poverty and inequality between the “Haves and the Have-nots.” Thus, over the years, Nigeria has continued to suffer the manipulations of

120 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies world global maneuvering and this has caused her to remain in a state of poverty compared to her counterparts in the global political economy. Conclusion So far, in our discussion on Nigeria in the era of globalization, it has shown that globalization as a world phenomenon is not altogether a new phenomenon to Nigeria. This is because globalization is as old as the capitalist modes of production; hence Nigeria's incorporation to the capitalist's world economy of colonialism was indeed when Nigeria started her full participation in the global political economy in the era of globalization. Her participation became more intensified with the discovery of crude oil and its subsequent exploration and exploitation. No doubt globalization has brought so much benefit to majority of Nigerians. It is also arguable that Nigeria's place in world globalization has also come with so much disadvantages which has affected the Nigerian society. In summary, the unbridled globalization in Nigeria has not only led to capital flight and drain in Nigeria but also unemployment, deteriorating terms of trade, de-industrialization, increased horizontal and vertical inequalities and ethno-political and religious divisions and conflict, which has, over the years, stand as a limiting factor in the efforts by leaders to unite the country and bring about meaningful growth and development.

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Financial Review 38 No 3 pp. 1-32. Dani, R. (1999), Has Globalisation gone too far? Washington, D.C. Institute for International Economics. Dicken, P. (2003), Global Shift: Reshaping the Global Economic Map in the 21st Century. (London Sorge). Oputa, N.C (1996). Cho Tae-Hyon: Foreign Direct Investment in Korea: Recent Trends and Challenges to improve the investment. Economic and Financial Review 34 No 1, pp 541-542. Kiipoye, K. Aaron (2001). Playing Without Kits: Towards a Beneficial Participation of Africa in a Globalised World. Annuals of the Social Science Academy of Nigeria, 13, (Jan-Dec.) 2001: 19-35. Mandel J. R. (2003), Globalisation and the Poor. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). O'Brien-R.,andWilliams M. (2004), Global Political Economy: Evolution and Dynamics. (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmilliam). Paula, R.P. (1998), Information Technology: Panacea or Peril UNU Work in Progress vol. 15 No 1. Peter, O.N. Restriction Economic Through Privatisation. The Economist 4.pp. 32-34. Salimono, A. (1999) Globalisation and Challenges. A paper presented at the International summit on Globalisation as problems of development in Haraa cuba. Jan. 18-22. Scholte, J.A. (2005), Globalisation: A critical Introduction. Basings toke: Palgrave. The Third World Beyond the Cold War (Oxford: University Press). Valdez S. (2003), An Introduction to Global Financial Markets, 4th edn. (Basingstoke palgrave). Van Marrewijk, C. (2002). International Trade and the Economy (Oxford: Oxford University press). Wade, A. , (1997). Globalisation and its Limits: Washington D.C. Brooking Institution Press. Yakubu, N. (1999) Millenium and Globalisation: what is in it for us? Crystal International News Magazine 1 No 6 Abuja Heritage pp. 35.

Web Links ·www.freetrade.org. The Site of the centre for trade policy studies, Washington DC, whose mission is to increase public understanding of the benefits of free trade and costs of protectionism. 122 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

·www.twnsite.org.sg/trade.htm. Third World Network page on trade issues, provides research critical of current global economic policies. ·www.unctad.org. United Nations Conference of Trade and Development, containing voluminous data on trade and investment and reports on the latest developments in the global economy. ·www.oxfam.org. The site of the non-governmental Organization Oxfam (UK), containing many of its reports on trade and protectionism. ·www.undp.org. United Nations Development Programme- the United Nations body that focuses on development issues and produces annually, a human development report.

123 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

The Role of Electoral Tribunals in Nigeria: A Case Study of Taraba State

Barr. Joseph D. Bagudu Department of Public Law Faculty of Law Taraba State University, Jalingo Email: [email protected] Phone: 08067655573 & Rev. Bako Yerima Gudubul, PhD Department of History and Diplomatic Studies Federal University, Wukari [email protected] Phone: 08034898139

Abstract In this work, the writers analyze the role of Electoral Tribunals in Nigeria with particular reference to Taraba State. They attempt to analyze the concept of Democracy and its relationship with political process. A detailed and critical analysis is made on political process in a democratic dispensation, the role of Electoral Tribunals in Taraba State, the sanctimonious powers of the court as the last hope of the common man in resolving disputes that finally gives birth to an acclaimed truthful winner in an Election.

Historical Background of Electoral Tribunals And Political Process In Nigeria

a. A Brief Summary of Nigeria's History What is today Nigeria was a creation of 1914. The name Nigeria was taken from the Niger River running through the country. This name was allegedly coined in the late 19th century by a British journalist, Flora Shaw, who later married Lord Frederick Lugard, a British colonial administrator. The origin of the name Niger, which originally applied only to the middle reaches of the Niger River, is uncertain. The word is likely an alteration of the Tuareg name egerew n-igerewen used by inhabitants along the middle reaches of the river around Timbuktu prior to 19th-century European colonialism1. Nigeria today is marked by the emergence in various epochs of civilizations, kingdoms, states and empires, as well as a caliphate and colonial rule, before

124 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies the founding of the Nigeria Nation-State in 1914 and its subsequent independence in 1960. Archaeological evidence from various parts of Nigeria suggests that parts of the country were occupied by man since the Palaeolithic or Old Stone Age period (500,000-9000 B.C.) and that such populations seem to have been physically and culturally contiguous with the present-day inhabitants. In the north, the most populous groups comprised the Hausa, the Kanuri, the Bolawa, the Ngizim, the Menga, the Margi, the Buduma, the Kotoko, and the Fulani who joined in the 19th Century through trade, Jihad and conquest.2 The Hausa people are by far the most numerous and occupy the greater part of northern Nigerian territory. They were made up of two major groups of seven states each. The first group of states included Biram, Daura, Katsina, Zaria, Kano, Rano, and Gobir, while the second group included Kebbi, Zamfara, Nupe, Gwari, Yauri, Ilorin and Kwararafa. Political and religious themes constituted the development of Hausa states up to the beginning of the 19th Century3. To the south of Hausa land and Borno, the number of ethnic groups was legion. Ethnic heterogeneity reached its peak in the region of Bauchi Plateau and Adamawa Provinces. The vast majority of the ethnic groups south of Hausa land and Borno seem not to have organized themselves into closely integrated states. In this politically fragmented region, the Jukun (Kwararafa) of the Gongola Benue valleys, the Igala, the Igbira-Panda, Nupe, the Oyo Yoruba of the savanna belt, as well as the Borgawa and the Edo were organized into comparatively powerful kingdoms and empires. 4 The Yoruba kingdoms started in about the eleventh century. The various kingdoms shared the belief that their several founders originated from Ife. The kingdom was the unit of political power. But cultural identity went beyond the kingdom to include sub-ethnic groups speaking the same dialect5. The heartlands of the Benin Kingdom belong to the Edo group. The kingdom has almost certainly been in existence for less than a millennium. The traditions preserved by the monarchy itself traced with a fair degree of conviction to an origin around the 13th Century. Some thirty rulers are reckoned to have reigned in that span of time. To the south of the Edo and the Yoruba are the people of the Delta region and the Igbo in the east of the Niger. Several types of social and political institutions are found among the peoples of the Delta region. They include

125 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies the kingdoms of Aboh and Itsekiri, and the fragmented societies of the Ukwuani, Urhobo, Isoko and Ijo. The Itsekiri kingdom appears to have already been developed by the middle of the 16th century.6 a. The Nigerian Nation-state in Gestation: Conquests, Treaties and Amalgamations, 1861-1914 Chronologically, the conquest of Nigeria through military campaign was inaugurated by the annexation of Lagos in 1861. In 1878, Onitsha was sacked and Asaba bombarded. Similarly, by 1884, the National African Company had concluded about thirty seven treaties at the Niger territories including Atani, Onitsha, Abo, Osomala, Ndoni, Oko, Odekpe. Internal wars among the Yoruba, caused mainly by the decline of Oyo Empire and rivalry over the control of trade, gave the British the opportunities to gain political control further inside.7 In 1892, the United African Company fought Aguleri. On 18 January 1893, the Governor of Lagos, Gilbert Thomas Carter, signed, at Abeokuta, a “Treaty of Friendship and Commerce” with Oba Osokalu, the Alake of Egbaland. Again, on 3 February 1893, Carter concluded a similar treaty with Oba Adeyemi, the Alafin of Oyo. These treaties opened up the Yoruba country to European penetration. In 1894, Ebrohimi, the strong- hold of Nana of the Itsekiri was bombarded and Nana was exiled on the accusation of slave trade and interference with free market. In 1896, an expedition was sent against Brass and the community was sacked8. The British discovery of the use of rubber for the production of pneumatic tyre made entry into Benin forest imperative. In a major expedition mounted against Benin in 1897, the city was sacked and its treasury looted. Shortly after the revocation of the Charter of the United African Company, and shortly after his appointment as a British High Commissioner to establish British control over Northern Nigeria, Lugard, at an impressive ceremony in Lokoja, 1st January 1900, hoisted the union Jack and declared the Sokoto Caliphate a British Protectorate. Although this declaration was greeted with fierce battle, by 1906, most of the North had fallen to the British imperial forces. Resistance to alien rule gradually receded as one moved from coastal areas and the banks of major inland waterways to less easily accessible areas. Hence, new political arrangements were sought by those in control of affairs. The Salbourn Committee on amalgamation recommended in August, 1898, that the British “Niger Territories” be ultimately Amalgamated. In May, 1906, the Lagos Colony and Protectorate

126 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies were amalgamated with the Protectorate of Southern Nigeria to form the new Colony and Protectorate of Southern Nigeria.10 The second installment took place in 1914 when these territories (in the South) were administratively combined with the Protectorate of Northern Nigeria, giving birth to the geo-political entity that was to be named "Nigeria" (in evocation of "River Niger" and the "Area" it flows through). b. Pre-Colonial Political Systems of some Major Tribes in Nigeria In order to have a good understanding of the topic under discussion, a comparative analysis of the Hausa/Fulani, Yoruba and Igbo pre-colonial political systems shall be discussed to give an in-depth knowledge of the political process in Nigeria and how it got transformed from a mere political traditional system through colonialism to a democratically established state in the world. Pre-colonial Nigeria varied from one region to the other because of the ethnic and ethno-linguistic differences. For instance, while some political systems were centralized or chiefly society (e.g Hausa/Fulani and Yoruba pre-colonial system), others were decentralized societies (like the Igbo clan system which was acephalous in nature). Interestingly, indirect rule (a system used by British Colonial Government where colonial territories were governed through their traditional institutions) would not have been possible without the already established pre-colonial system, particularly the Hausa/Fulani and Yoruba political systems. i. Hausa/Fulani The said holy war (jihad) led by Uthman Danfodio in 1804 destroyed the existing Hausa States and replaced them with the existing Fulani Emirates otherwise known as Hausa/Fulani pre-colonial political system.11 The Hausas are mainly found in the Northern part of Nigeria covering areas like Kaduna, Sokoto, Kano, Zaria, etc. The system of government that was adopted during the pre-colonial times was purely monarchical in nature and highly centralized method of administration. There were two headquarters, in Sokoto and Gwandu headed by Emirs of Sokoto and Gwandu respectively. Islamic law was adopted as the guiding principle of the administration. The Emir was an absolute ruler because there was no principle of checks and balances as epitomized by pre-colonial Yoruba administration. However, the main political institutions in pre-colonial Hausa/Fulani include the paramount ruler (Emir), Emir's ministers, District Head (Hakimi), the village heads and the Alkali court. Emir was the head of

127 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies an emirate, vested with legislative, executive and judicial power. The emir under this system could best be described as an absolute ruler.12 ii. Yoruba The Oba was the highest authority in the Yoruba kingdom though not an absolute ruler. He was both political and spiritual head of the Oyo Kingdom popularly known as Alaafin of Oyo. Also, the Oba must be the eldest son of deceased king and a member of the royal family. That was why the Oba was well respected by the subject and this explains why some regarded him as the 'working companion of gods' (Alase Igbakeji Orisa). Not only that, Oba could be addressed as 'Kabiyesi- Ka bi o ko si' (Nobody to challenge your authority), yet, there was the principle of checks and balances. Oba could be checked by other institutions like Oyomesi, Ogboni cult, warlords, etc. The argument was that the Oba must always respect the views of the people in the society. This perhaps made the Yoruba kingdom to be more democratic as compared to the Hausa/Fulani system where the emir was an absolute paramount ruler. The Oba ruled with the assistance of chiefs called Ijoye like Otun, Iyalode, etc. With these chiefs, the Oba could exercise judicial, legislative and executive power particularly over serious cases like land dispute, crimes, etc13. iii. The Igbo Pre-Colonial Political System The Igbo occupied the Eastern part of Nigeria. The administrative system was decentralized and characterized by the principle of acephalous (absence of a centralized government). It could better be described as society without a paramount ruler as was the case in the Hausa/Fulani and the Yoruba Pre- Colonial Political systems respectively. It was segmented and egalitarian in nature. However, each village in Igbo society was normally administered l i k e a R e p u b l i c , i n d e p e n d e n t o r , s o v e r e i g n s t a t e . Be that as it may, there existed many institutions in the pre-colonial Igbo society, charged with the responsibility of judicial, legislative and executive functions like: the family group, village council, Ozo title holders, age grades and the Ala. The Family Group was one of the most recognized institutions in pre- colonial Igbo society as the basic unit of every political institution. It comprised people of the same family. Not only that, each family group was autonomously headed by the title holder called 'OKPARA'. The Okpara controls the family and judged any family disputes. The most senior head of the family from among families that constituted the Village presided over the Village meetings as the Community head or the Okpara14. From the above analysis, it is glaringly clear that what is today Nigeria was 128 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies before the colonial period a traditional society whose political process was rooted in the African Traditional or Islamic emirate system (Hausa/Fulani) with a hereditary based form of transition of powers and the people lived as separate nations with different cultural backgrounds which, as earlier discussed, metamorphosed into a Nation-State following the amalgamation of 1914 and, later the Independence Constitution of 1960, followed by the Republican Constitution of 1963 which earmarked total freedom from British Government with a new political process based on Democratic principles and Philosophies. c. Local Government Reforms in Nigeria Local Government administration and development in Nigeria has, historically, undergone a number of phases: i. Native Authority or Indirect Rule system; ii. Local Administration system; iii. Democratization of the system and the separation of traditional/ emirate council from democratic Local government system (the most spectacular phase as it deepened and still deeps democracy at local government level).15 The concern at this stage is the third and most important phase which introduced the modern day political process of elections at the grassroots. To date, this last phase has had not less than nine reforms: The 1976 Guidelines for Local Government Reform; The 1979 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria; The 1984 Dasuki Report on the Nigerian Local Government system; The 1988 Civil Service Reforms in the Local Government system; The 1989 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria; The 1992 Handbook on Local Government Administration; The 1989 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria; The 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and the 2003 Review of Local Government Councils in Nigeria.16 After the Nigerian Council of 1914, the 1922 Clifford's Constitution introduced elective principle for the first time in Nigeria. Though there were conditions for those to vote and be voted for, the constitution introduced elective principle for the first time in Africa. It is submitted to this extent that the history of modern political system in Nigeria was established and it developed to the modern day political era.17 d. Democracy and Political Process in Nigeria Compared to dictatorships, oligarchies, monarchies and aristocracies, in

129 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies which the people have little or no say in who is elected and how the government is run, a democracy is often said to be the most challenging form of government, as input from those representing citizens determines the direction of the country. The basic definition of democracy in its purest form comes from the Greek language: The term means “rule by the people.” But democracy is defined in many ways — a fact that has caused much disagreement among those leading various democracies as to how best to run one. Precisely, democracy is seen as a political system that is characterized of periodic and free elections in which politicians arranged into political parties that engage themselves in a competitive polls to ensure a standing government, where the political right will enable all adult citizens (18 years and above as it applied in Nigeria) to vote and be voted for.18 It has been argued that democracy as a political system is considered democratic because the most popular candidates are chosen through fair, honest, and periodic elections in which candidates freely compete for votes and in which virtually all the adult population are qualified to vote. This promotes political participation of all adult members.19 The full participation of the people during electioneering gives the new government a legitimate foundation to govern. Any government against this background will not enjoy legitimacy which gives every government a political support from the people because it is deemed rightful since the support emanates from the people. However, if democracy is all about to choose who should govern the people, then election is one paramount way to select. Democracy is a system of government where the people dictate the pace with the general consent of the governed through elections. It is generally aimed at ensuring political stability and promotion of fundamental human rights. Unfortunately, the experience in Nigeria has shown that elections have so far thwarted the foundation upon which democracy is built due to massive rigging. Nigeria is in the category where election management is less successful. The rules guiding elections are ambiguous, ever changing or easily maneuvered; the electoral regulations and rules are institutionally less effective; the political bigwigs are the gladiators in their conduct; hence the electorates are often powerless as they live in the mercy of the political stalwarts and political outcomes. The political barons, who have special interest, impose unpopular candidates and employ every form of political gimmick to influence the election in their favours against the general will of the people. Election riggings in Nigeria were evident in 1964/1965, 1979, 1983,1993,1999,2003, 2007, 2011, and 2015. Even in the just concluded

130 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies national elections there are numerous accusations and counter accusations by both the leading opposition party, Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the ruling All Progressives Alliance (APC) about election rigging. Apart from the action by the leading opposition presidential candidate, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, to challenge the result of the presidential election at the tribunal, many other contestants have also filed cases with the electoral tribunals over cases of alarming rigging.

One of the allegations being made by the opposition party is the crude process of suspension of the Chief Justice of Nigeria Honourable Justice Walter Onnoghen, immediate appointment of Election Tribunal Chairmen and members by the Acting Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Adamu Mohammed, the appointment of new Inspector General of Police (AIG), Adamu Mohammed, amidst a lot of controversies and the recent reshufflement of State Commissioners of Police and the appointment of some new ones are indications that the contemporary political barons in Nigeria impose gullible electoral officers who employ various tricks to win election for their employers to the detriment of the masses and popular candidates.16 Elections in Nigeria which should have been a prelude for achieving a stabilize government accompanied with people's consent have contradicted these standards because of election rigging20. In view of the aforementioned anomalies there is no gain saying that Electoral Tribunals in Nigeria are quite essential and they play a significant role in the post-election disputes caused by rigging/malpractices that are merely the hand work of the ruling parties in Nigeria. 1. Electoral Tribunals In Nigeria and their Significance a. Definition and History A Tribunal is a special court vested with the responsibility of hearing or adjudicating a special matter. Tribunals usually sit as a panel, incorporating a legally qualified tribunal chairman, as well as panel members with specific areas of expertise. They hear evidence from witnesses but decide the case themselves. Tribunals have limited powers (depending on the jurisdiction of the case) to impose fines and penalties or to award compensation and costs.21

Election Tribunals in Nigeria are the direct creation of Section 285 of the Constitution of Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999, (as amended) which provides for the establishment of the National Assembly, Governorship and Legislative Houses Election Tribunal. The Constitution also gives original jurisdiction to the Court of Appeal over certain categories of election petitions. The Electoral Act made pursuant to the Constitution furnishes

131 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies details pertaining to the establishment, membership, jurisdiction and proceedings of each Election Tribunal. Election Tribunals have original jurisdiction to hear and determine petitions as to whether a person has been validly elected into non-appointive offices under the government of Nigeria at the Federal and State levels. The offices which elections are subject to the tribunals include Senators, Members of House of Representatives, Governor and Deputy Governor of each of the 36 States of the Federation, and Members of the 36 State Houses of Assembly. Each Election Tribunal is established for the purposes of hearing and determining petitions as to whether any person through an undue election or return has been elected to an office/position and other related issue. The 1999 Constitution recognises three Election Tribunals: 1. National and State House of Assembly Election Tribunals for disputes arising from elections into legislative offices at the federal and state levels. Appeals from its decision lie to and terminate at the Court of Appeal; 2. Governorship Election Tribunals for disputes arising from elections into the Office of the Governor or Deputy Governor of any of the 36 States. Appeals from its decision lie to the Court of Appeal but may still extend to the Supreme Court as final judicial authority; 3. Court of Appeal conferred with original jurisdiction to hear petitions arising from election into the Office of the President and Vice President of the Republic. Appeals from here lie to and terminate at the apex court: the Supreme Court. The Electoral Act, 2010 (as amended), also creates an Area Council Election Tribunal for the Federal Capital Territory. The decision of the Area Council Election Tribunals on Area Council Elections is final. The Electoral Act does not create the Election Tribunals to entertain disputes arising from Local Government Council Elections in any of the 36 states in recognition of Nigeria's federal structure. However, there are Local Government Election Tribunals established by the Law of States for this purpose. Procedurally, the Election Tribunals are neither criminal nor civil Courts. Though essentially civil in nature, they are usually described as “sui generis” which means in a class of its own. According to Nwagboso, Chris and Iwejuo16 in their Paper, 'Elections and Electoral Tribunals in Nigeria,' Election is the process of choosing a person or a group of people for a political position through the instrumentality of voting. It is an indispensable attribute of democracy in every well-intentioned society. This, they postulate, explains why Vanguard, February 13, 2009, states that:

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' 'Free and fair elections are the cornerstone of every democracy and primary mechanism for exercising the principles of sovereignty of the people. Through such elections, citizens participate in the governance of their country, by choosing those who govern in the quest for development. b. The relevance of electoral tribunals in Nigeria's political process It has been argued that the above comment in Vanguard has raised yet another critical question in the Nigeria's electoral history since its corporate existence as a sovereign state. Thus, to what extent has Nigeria conducted elections devoid of consternations, fraud and agitation since independence? To what extent has the country's electoral system permitted the citizens to participate and freely choose those to represent them at various levels; ward, local, state and national? To what extent has this process ushered in the desired socio-economic and political development to the Nigerian state? The foregoing questions are raised against the background of the fact that Nigeria's experience with democratic elections since independence has been rather mixed. Available evidence shows that no election conducted in Nigeria since independence has been completely free of charges of irregularities, electoral malpractices, violence and various degrees of disruption. This ugly scenario has continued to cascade the country's effort- cum drive to development. It is therefore, unrealistic to think that the above view is popular among members of the elite class in Nigeria who are the beneficiaries of the prevailing deformed democracy. This is because, other countries in South East Asia who started the democratic process at the same time with us have left us far behind. Thus, the 1979, 1983 and 1993 federal elections were alleged to be characterized by various forms of malpractices. It was alleged that the citizens were not only denied of their constitutional rights to vote, but were also imposed with candidates who could hardly win elections in their families not to talk of exalted positions they found themselves. Also, the 1999, 2003, 2007, 2011 and 2015 general elections were replica of previous elections in the annals of the electoral history of Nigeria.(Ibid) The 2003 and 2007 general elections were classic cases of electoral malpractices and in spite of the numerous reversal of the declared results, INEC'S boss, Prof. Maurice Iwu, comically told us that USA needed to learn from him how to conduct elections after senator Barack Obama was elected. This suggests that the Nigeria's electoral woes cannot be blamed on a single party. The electoral body, the political parties, the politicians, security agents and the civil society contribute in one way or the other to the electoral quagmires of Nigeria. The need to right the wrong of the country's electoral process necessitated the establishment of electoral tribunals. Electoral tribunal as earlier stated

133 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies may be defined as a type of court with the authority to deal with problems arising from the conduct of elections. Such tribunal is expected both in principle and in practice to be comprised of impeccable judges with the responsibility of investigating what actually transpired during the elections. Such tribunal comprises of five (5) members. However, the Justice Uwais-led Electoral Reform Committee reduced it to three (3). This is to enable the members take sound decisions in case of disagreement among them. Section 140 (1) of Electoral Act, 2010 (as amended), underscores the imperative for election tribunal and the procedure for questioning the return of a candidate as duly elected after election. This section states as follows: No election and return at an election under this Act shall be questioned in any manner other than by a petition complaining of an undue election or undue return (in this Act referred to as an “election petition”) presented to the competent tribunal or court in accordance with the provisions of the constitution of this Act... Accordingly, section 140 (2a, and b), of this Act clarifies what a tribunal or court means, its meaning in the case of presidential elections as well as other elections in Nigeria. It further states in section 140 (3) that such tribunal shall be constituted not later than 14 days after the election. This explains why the then president, Chief Olusgun Obasanjo, shortly after the announcement of the 2007 presidential election in favour of Alhaji Umaru Yar'Adua by INEC declared that the burden of the claims that may arise from the conduct of the Elections and Electoral Tribunal in Nigeria rests squarely on Judiciary. Below are some landmark cases decided by Electoral Tribunals in Nigeria to elucidate the importance of its functions and role: 1. AWOLOWO v. SHAGARI [1979] 12 NSCC 87 In the above case, Shagari had secured 5,688,857 votes as against Awolowo's 4,916,651 votes. The issue then became whether in addition to securing the highest number of votes in the presidential elections, Shagari had secured at least one quarter of the votes cast in 2/3rds of the states of the federation? Shagari had secured 25% of the votes cast in 12 states. That was still less than 2/3rds of 19. The Supreme Court adopted the reasoning of the elections tribunal and reasoned that 2/3rds of 19 states could be arrived at by dividing the votes cast in the 13th state, in this case, Kano, rejecting Awolowo's contention that the Electoral Decree of 1977 as amended in 1978 did not admit of fractionalization of a state. Whatever the feeling of the appellant, the Tribunal helped in no small measure in resolving a crucial electoral issue in the political history of Nigeria. This became a referral document to be used in reviewing similar

134 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies cases arising from the electoral process in Nigeria. 2. A-G FEDERATION v. ABUBAKAR [2007] 10 NWLR (Pt. 1041) 1 The Supreme Court protected the right of then Vice-President, Abubakar Atiku to remain in office, despite his decamping to a different political party from that of then President Obasanjo by emphasizing that the vacation of office as a result of cross-carpeting provision of section 68 (i) (g) of the Constitution applied to National Assembly members alone. It did not apply to the Vice-President upon a construction of sections 135, 143, 145 and 146 (3) (a) and (c) of the Constitution which dealt with removal of the President and his Vice. The Supreme Court reasoned that it was not stated in those provisions that the Vice-President could be removed for decamping to another party. It has been argued that the common thread that runs through all of the cases cited above is the valiant efforts of the Nigerian Courts in trying to create a level playing field and entrench fair play and equity in our interaction with each other in the Political space. 3. OBI v. INEC [2007] 11 NWLR (Pt. 1046) 565 Obi who had spent the better part of period after the elections fighting in the courts to realize the mandate of the Anambra people that he govern them found that he had little time to spend in the office of governor eventually. The ousted Ngige had spent almost all of the four year period. What was Obi to do? INEC had indeed conducted fresh elections for the gubernatorial seat in Anambra and a new governor eventually sworn in. This was another instance where the courts could have been rendered impotent. Here again, the courts rose to the occasion, not only to do justice but to jealously guard its powers and relevance. It interpreted section 180 (2) (a) of the Constitution in such a way as to reinforce Obi's right to the gubernatorial seat for an unbroken period of four years from the date he was sworn in. The Supreme Court reasoned that: a.There was no rule of law that provided for elections at both the federal and state levels to be at the same time as that negates principles of federalism; b.The issue of tenure of office was a constitutional interpretation matter and not an election petition matter for the electoral tribunal which in any case had already declared Obi to be winner of the gubernatorial elections; c.Succession to the office of governor can only be through an election conducted in compliance with the provisions of the Constitution (at p. 671- 672) [note in relation to the argument that Jonathan is doing a 3rd term if he contests. Jonathan has only contested once]; d.Since where as in section 180 (3) of the Constitution as a result of impracticality of conducting elections the predecessor outstays his four year term, this would not stop the successor governor from having a full four

135 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies year term, subsequently, this should also be extended to a governor who starts an elected term much later after the election as a result of exigency; e.Ngige's swearing in having been declared null and void by the Court of Appeal who found he did not win the election, his oath taking could not be extended to Obi in order to consider the tenure of office to have started running. The Anambara case equally helped in no small measure in strengthening the record in Nigeria's electoral process. The decision to conduct fresh election to give the winner the benefit of ruling for four years as enshrined in the constitution became one of the major reference point in deciding on similar electoral situations. 4. Action Congress of Nigeria & Anor. v. INEC Action Congress v. INEC [2007] NWLR (Pt. 1048) 26 The issue in this case was whether INEC could disqualify a party's sponsored candidate from contesting elections without recourse to the courts. The Supreme Court held that INEC could not usurp the role of the courts by becoming the determinants of which candidate was guilty of offences as mere indictment by an administrative panel of enquiry did not detract from the person's presumption of innocence. For INEC to disqualify candidates on the basis of allegations therefore, there ought to be a trial and conviction. 5. AMAECHI v. INEC [2008] 5 NWLR (Pt. 1080) 227 In the above case, Amaechi had contested the nomination of Celestine Omehia as candidate of the PDP for the Rivers gubernatorial elections, claiming to be the authentic candidate as he had won the PDP primaries. While the judicial process was ongoing, Celestine Omehia had not only contested the elections, but had emerged victorious and had been sworn in as governor. The Supreme Court not only declared Amaechi to be the proper candidate of the PDP for that election, but went ahead to order that since PDP had won the elections, Amaechi be sworn in as governor, replacing Celestine Omehia who was ordered to vacate the position. The Court reasoned that: a.INEC was empowered by law to monitor primaries meaning that only candidates that won at primaries monitored by INEC are eligible to contest and in this case, it was Amaechi; b. As there was no room for independent candidacy, votes are cast for parties and not the individuals. If the Court orders a re-election a dangerous precedent would be set that whenever a party improperly substitutes a candidate for elections a reelection must be ordered even if the candidate's party did not win the elections. The PDP having undermined the Supreme Court's decision in the 136 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies earlier case of UGWU v. ARARUME [2007] 12 NWLR (Pt. 1048) 368 which was similar to Amaechi's by refusing to field a candidate for elections upon being ordered to field Ararume, the candidate who won the PDP primaries in Imo State, they could not be trusted not to undermine the Supreme Court again if a re-election was ordered. The role of the electoral tribunal in Rivers State was equally very imperative in addressing emerging issues in Nigeria's electoral process. The decision taken by the Tribunal helped in putting records straight for the purpose of removing some glaring grey areas in the electoral process in the country. 6. HOPE DEMOCRATIC PARTY v. JONATHAN AND ORS. (APPEAL NO. 263/2010, DELIVERED ON 14/11/2011). The issue herein was the validity of election tribunal judgments delivered after the mandatory limitation period of 180 days from the date of filing as provided in section 285 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended). The Supreme Court found that the provision was clear enough, and gave effect to the provision, dismissing the appeal as the time within which judgment could be validly given had passed. Points to note include: a.The petition must be filed within 21 days of the election; b.Tribunal delivers judgment within 180 days; c.Appeal must be heard and judgment delivered by the Court of Appeal within 60 days of the tribunal's decision; d.The Supreme Court would then give its decision and reserve reasons for the decision at a later date if the appeal gets to it. All the above were clear and unambiguous provisions and the Supreme Court in keeping with the hallowed principle that its role was not to make laws adhered strictly to the provision of section 285 with a view to pursuing certainty in the law. Other cases that came up for determination on the point include: 1. ANPP v. GONI, Appeal No. SC.1/2012 delivered on 17/02/2012; 2. ACTION ALLIANCE v. INEC & ORS Appeal No. SC. 23/2012 delivered on 14/02/2012; 3. PDP v. CHIEF ANAYO ROCHAS OKOROCHA & ORS Appeal No. SC.17/2012, delivered on 2/3/2012; 4. CHIEF GREAT OGBORU v. EMMANUEL EWETAN UDUAGHAN Appeal No. SC.18/2012 delivered on 2/3/2012; 5. CPC v. INEC & ORS Appeal No. SC 33/2012, delivered on 5/3/2012 and 6. PDP v. CPC & ORS Appeal No. SC. 272/2011 delivered on 31/10/2011. The decision in the above cases impacted positively on the electoral process as it made clear the position of section 285 of the Constitution of the Federal 137 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended) with a view to pursuing certainty in the law. 7. BUBA MARWA & ORS. v. ADMIRAL MURTALA NYAKO & ORS (2012) LPELR-SC 141 Popularly known as the tenure elongation case, this was a consolidation of appeals involving governors Nyako (Adamawa), Silva (Bayelsa), Imoke (Crossriver), Wamako (Sokoto) and Idris of Kogi State. They had participated in previous elections and their victories annulled by the courts which ordered reruns. Again they emerged winners and were sworn in again as governors of their respective states. They claimed that the period they had spent in office prior to the reruns be discounted for the purpose of determining the end of their tenure and that a new tenure should be deemed to have commenced after they took the 2nd oaths of office. It fell on the Supreme Court to again consider section 180(1) (2) & (3) of the Constitution which it had already done in Peter Obi's case. This time it arrived at a different conclusion. The Supreme Court reasoned that – a. The taking of Oaths of Office and Allegiance by a Governor marked the commencement of his tenure. It is immaterial that there was a rerun election. The first oath of office continued to count; c. .The second oath of office taken after the rerun election was said to be superfluous; Upon a construction of section 180 (2) (a) of the Constitution a person elected during the rerun election cannot be said to be elected for the first time under this Constitution if he was declared winner in the previous election that was cancelled. (QUARE: what happens where the rerun election is for a 2nd term election?); d. The governors would have taken advantage of their misdeeds which made the courts annul the previous elections if they were allowed to elongate their tenures. The decision of the Supreme Court to take an upturn in this case shows that Imoke and Wamako, as opposed to its decision in the case of Obi unveiled the controversy that could also emerge in the judicial process in resolving election matters. However, no matter the case, the decision averted what would have become a complex issue in the electoral process in Nigeria. 8. BARR. ORKER JEV v. SEKAV DZUA IYORTYOM [SC. 164/2012; delivered on 30 May 2014] The issue was who between the 1st Appellant and the 1st Respondent won the ACN primaries of 12 January, 2011, for Buruku Federal Constituency of Benue State. The Supreme Court found that it was indeed the 1st Respondent that was the authentic candidate for the elections, his having won the primaries. Sadly, unlike in Amaechi's case above, the apex court could not

138 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies order that the 1st Appellant be made to vacate the Buruku National Assembly seat for the victorious 1st Respondent despite the fact that the ACN had in contempt of clear orders of the courts below forwarded the 1st Appellant's name as candidate for the election, given the clear provisions of section 141 of the Electoral Act 2010 (as amended) that any person who has not participated in all stages of the elections cannot be declared winner of the elections. Nevertheless, the 1st Appellant was ordered to vacate the Buruku National Assembly seat and fresh elections were ordered. No matter the issues raised in relation to the Supreme Court verdict about the Buruku Federal Constituency, the intervention of the Electoral Tribunal which took the matter to the Supreme Court for final arbitration helped also to resolve a major emerging issue in the electoral process. It became a significant caution for the avoidance of actions that would lead to some similar situations. Taraba State Electoral Tribunal Nigeria is a federal state, and the doctrine of federalism entails the sharing of powers between the central (known as federal government) and the federating units (known as states or regional governments). This system accounts for why the powers of government in Nigeria are not highly centralized particularly when we consider devolution of powers into:

I. Exclusive legislative powers relates to matters that are dealt with exclusively by the central or federal government (currency, mining, defence, and foreign relations to mention but a few)

ii. Concurrent legislative list relates to matters that are dealt with by both the central or federal government and the states or the federating units (Education, Health care delivery, Aviation, Judicial matters and so on)

iii. Residual list relates to matters that are exclusively dealt with by the state (Chieftaincy, Local government affairs and so on) This devolution of powers accounts for why Election Tribunals in Nigeria are created at different levels. Section 285 (1) and (2) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 as (amended) provides for: 1. National and State House of Assembly Election Tribunals for disputes arising from elections into legislative offices at the federal and state levels. Appeals from its decision lie to and

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terminate at the Court of Appeal; 2. Governorship Election Tribunals for disputes arising from elections into the Office of the Governor or Deputy Governor of any of the 36 States. Appeals from its decision lie to the Court of Appeal, but may still extend to the Supreme Court as final judicial authority.

However, the said section did not provide for the Local Government Election Petition Tribunal. This is not withstanding that the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended) creates an Area Council Election Tribunal for the Federal Capital Territory. The decision of the Area Council Election Tribunals on Area Council Elections is final23.

It follows therefore that Local Government Election Tribunals whose decisions can finally lie to the Local Government Appeal Tribunal are a creation of the State governments. In Taraba State the Local Government Election Tribunal was established by virtue of the Taraba State Electoral Law, 2002. Our Case study and emphasis shall be laid on the celebrated case of Hajiya Aisha Jummai Alhassan of the All Progressive Congress (APC) and Architect Darius Dickson Ishaku of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the 2015 elections and some recent cases handled by the Taraba State Local Government Election Petition Tribunal and the Taraba State Local Government Appeal Tribunal for the sake of peculiarity. The case of: AISHA JUMMAI ALAHASSAN & ANOR v. MR. DARIUS DICKSON ISHAKU & ORS In The Supreme Court of Nigeria On Monday, the 22nd day of February, 2016 SC.46/2016 (CONSOLIDATED) Before Their Lordships SULEIMAN GALADIMA Justice of The Supreme Court of Nigeria OLABODE RHODES-VIVOUR Justice of The Supreme Court of Nigeria MARY UKAEGO PETER-ODILI Justice of The Supreme Court of Nigeria MUSA DATTIJO MUHAMMAD Justice of The Supreme Court of Nigeria CLARA BATA OGUNBIYI Justice of The Supreme Court of Nigeria JOHN INYANG OKORO Justice of The Supreme Court of Nigeria AMIRU SANUSI Justice of The Supreme Court of Nigeria The aforementioned case before their Lordships emanated from the

140 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies decision of the Governorship Election Tribunal in Taraba State. On the 11th and 25th April 2015 elections were conducted for the post of Governorship in Taraba State and both the Appellant/Applicant and the Respondent/Applicant contested. The three-member tribunal held that Mr Ishaku was not validly nominated as candidate of the PDP and therefore did not qualify, from start, to contest the governorship election24. Specifically, the tribunal held that the governorship primaries purportedly conducted by the PDP in the state was done in violation of section 78 (b) (1) (2) of the Electoral Act which guides parties nomination to the position of governorship candidate. It held that contrary to the provision of the section, PDP conducted the purported primaries at its national secretariat, Wadata Plaza, in Abuja with no clear delegation from the local government areas in the state” “Section 78 (b) (1) (2) of the Electoral Act states: In the case of nomination to the position of Governorship candidate, a political party shall where they intend to sponsor candidates: (i) hold special congress in each of the Local Government Areas of the States with delegates voting for each of the aspirants at the congress to be held in designated centres on specified dates. (ii) the aspirant with the highest number ofvote at the end of the voting shall be declared the winner of the primaries of the party and aspirant's name shall be forwarded to the commission as the candidate of the party, for the particular state. The tribunal said the defence by the PDP that the primaries were shifted to Abuja because of security challenges in the state was rejected by the tribunal.It sustained the evidence of the INEC official that there was no primaries election in the state and the emergence of Mr Ishaku through the purported election in Abuja was after the statutory stipulated time for party primaries had elapsed.It held that since Mr Ishaku was not duly sponsored by the PDP, the party had no candidate in the governorship election in the eyes of the law. The tribunal therefore voided the votes of the PDP and Mr Ishaku in the election saying “it is a waste'' and declared the APC and its candidate, who came second, as the valid winner of the April 11 election. By way of analysis of the above decision as argued by Ayo Turton24 in his Paper titled: 'A Legal Touring of Taraba State Gubernatorial Electoral Petition Judgment' The first question that comes to mind was 'on what ground(s) was Darius election nullified and the second runner-up declared the winner”? There are four grounds of Election Petition as stipulated by the Electoral Act 141 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies at Section 138 (1) An election may be questioned on any of the following grounds, that is to say: (a) that a person whose election is questioned was, at the time of the election, not qualified to contest the election; (b) that the election was invalid by reason of corrupt practices or non- compliance with the provisions of this Act; (c) that the respondent was not duly elected by majority of lawful votes cast at the election; or (d) that the petitioner or its candidate was validly nominated but was unlawfully excluded from the election. (d) that the petitioner or its candidate was validly nominated but was unlawfully excluded from the election Going by the ratio decidendi in this case, one can easily throw out grounds a, c, and d leaving us with ground b, non-compliance with Electoral Laws for nomination and conduct of primaries. The law specifically states non-compliance and qualification as different grounds with different consequences for each. Qualification is ground 1 (a) of section 138 while non-compliance is section 1 (b) of the same section, qualification is a matter of substantive law in essence, non- compliance is a violation of procedure. It is clear from this provisions that the drafters of our laws intended to make failure to comply with the provision of the Act a pre-election issue. The provision stated that” the candidate shall not be included in the election” The erring party is not expected to participate in the election at all. The question must then be asked, “what happens where INEC fails to comply with this provision and includes such candidate in the election?” Sub-section 10 of section 138 took care of that, an aspirant whose interest is affected may apply to the Federal High Court or the State High Court to have the name removed. Both INEC and APC failed in this regard, INEC acquiesce by including Darius Ishaku on the ballot and APC failed to challenge it in court before the election. Since equity will only aid the vigilant, APC slept on its right and as Justice Chukwudifu Oputa of blessed memory would say, it “should be allowed to continue peacefully in its slumber deep”25 Turton submitted and I agree with him that it amount to judicial rascality and tyranny to introduce a “doctrine of wasted votes” when there is no lacunae in law and especially where the law has provided a remedy. Did PDP participate in the election yes, they certainly did and was declared the winner. It is incongruous as stated by Turton, for the court to have held that PDP did not participate in the election in the eyes of the law because the law

142 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies actually envisaged non-compliance with the procedure before the election and provided a remedy, where there was an election without compliance with the procedure a remedy is provided as well, but with a different standard. Belgore JSC stated in Buhari v Obasanjo [2005] 50 WRN 1 at p.178, that: “The burden on petitioners to prove that non-compliance has not only taken place but has also substantially affected the result must be fulfilled. There must be clear evidence of non-compliance, then that non- compliance has substantially affected the election.” It is important to state at this point, that such substantial analysis backed by authorities as x-rayed Turton's argument, it is not far-fetched for one to conclude that the Supreme Court sitting on Monday 22nd day of February, 2016 was right to have thrown out the appeal brought by Hajiya Jummai Alhassan the APC Candidate against Darius Ishaku Dickson of the (PDP) on the 2015 Gubernatorial Elections held on the 11th and 25th of April 2015. Some Important Features of the above Case I. The case doused down the tension that was mounted in Jalingo owing to the Judgment of the Election Tribunal that purported to have sacked Darius Ishaku Dickson the winner of the 2015, elections. ii. It strengthened and brought to lime light the important role of election tribunals in our democratic process iii. It educated and enlightened many Tarabans on the importance of democratic processes and helped built confidence in the Judiciary as an arm of government and the hope of the common. iv. Many got to know for the first time that the decision of the Governorship Tribunal is not final and can be appealed against to the Court of Appeal and by extension to the Supreme v. It impacted positively on the Taraba State political process and created awareness to the electorates vi. It restored hope for democracy A further analysis on the decisions of the Local Government Election Tribunal and the Local Government Appeal Tribunal is of essence. The law regulating the Taraba State Local Government Election Petition Tribunal and its Appeal body is an establishment of 2002 and, by extension a case study of the cases considered by the tribunals at both first instance and at the appeal level respectively shall give a lime light into the topic of discussion. The case of24 Appeal No. LGEAT/CL/5/2017 with Motion numbers LGEAT/17M/2017 and LGEAT/1M/2017 (judgment delivered on the 10th 143 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies and 17th of July, 2017 respectively) - ABDULRAHAMAN HABU & 1 OTHER VS SHARUDDEN SHUAIBU AND 2 OTHERS21 (Unreported) before their Lordships: i. Hon. Justice J. F. Agya Chairman ii. Hon. Justice Nuhu S. Adi Member iii. Hon. Justice Alfred Yakubu Member iv. Hon. Kadi Musa Babajo Member v. Barr. I. M. Tyonongo Member The facts of the case were that, on the 25th of February, 2017elections were conducted into the 16 Local Government Councils of Taraba State. The first Appellant/Respondent who lost an election of ward Councillorship of GYATTA AURE Ward of Donga Local Government Area of Taraba State held on the 25th day of February, 2017 filed a petition before Taraba State Local Government Election Petition Tribunal holden at Wukari along with the 2nd Respondent. On the 8th day of May, 2017 the trial Tribunal upheld an objection to the competency of the said petition which was raised during the pre-trial conference conducted by the trial tribunal and accordingly dismissed the petition of the Appellants/Respondents for being statute barred. Being dissatisfied with the decision of the trial tribunal, the Appellants/Respondents filed a Notice of Appeal against same to the Appellate Tribunal vide their Notice of Appeal dated 17/05/2017 and filed on the 19/05/17 in Appeal No. LGEAT/CL/5/17. It was that Notice of Appeal that prompted the 2nd Respondent/Applicant to file a motion on notice praying the Appeal Tribunal to, among other things, grant the following orders: i. An order of the Honourable Appeal Tribunal dismissing the Appellants/Respondents Appeal for being a mere academic exercise and bereft of any utilitarian value; or alternatively, ii. An order of the Honourable Appeal Tribunal striking out the Appellants/Respondents appeal for lack of locus standi by the 2nd Appellant/Respondent. iii. An order of the Honourable Appeal Tribunal setting aside and/or striking out the Appellants/Respondents' Notice of Appeal dated 17th day of May, 2017, and filed on the 19th day of May, 2017, for want of diligent prosecution. Consequent upon the above, two main issues were raised before the Honourable Appeal Tribunal which were: a. Whether the substantive appeal of the Appellants/Respondents was not liable to be dismissed by the Honourable Appeal Tribunal, regards being had to the facts that same has become a mere academic exercise in view of the fact that the life span of 144 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

the petition and the trial Tribunal would have elapsed on the 19th day of June, 2017? b. Whether the substantive appeal which is jointly filed by the 1st and 2nd Appellants/Respondents is not liable to be struck out by the Honourable Appeal Tribunal, regards being had to the lack of locus standi by the 2nd Appellant/Respondent and the willful failure by the Appellants/Respondents to diligently prosecute same? Delivering its judgment, the Honourable Appeal Tribunal held that on the merit of the application, the Appellants/Respondents petition at the trial Tribunal in Wukari was first mentioned on the 20th day of April, 2017 and that the Taraba State Independent Electoral Commission Law, 2002 paragraph 2(1) schedule 3 thereof prescribes: “2(1) An election petition shall be heard and determined within 60 days from the date of which the petition is mentioned in the Tribunal”. Sixty days from 20/4/17 lapsed on 19/06/2017. As argued by the Applicant's counsel, the likely order to be made in the event of the Appellants/Respondents appeal succeeding is an order for a retrial at the expiration of the lifespan of the trial Tribunal will be an exercise in futility.25 On locus standi, the Honourable Appeal Tribunal held that section 71(1)(a) and (b) of the Taraba State Electoral Law (supra) provides for persons who can present a Local Government election petition to include only: “(a) person claiming to have a right to be elected or returned at the election or; (b) a candidate at an election.” The Appellant/Respondent was neither a person claiming to have a right to be elected nor a candidate at the election held on the 25th day of February, 2017 in Taraba State. His inclusion in the Appeal renders same incompetent and liable to be struck out.26 Piqued by the decision of the Tribunal the Appellants/Respondents filed a Notice of Appeal before the Appeal Tribunal containing one ground of Appeal thus: i. The decision of the Local Government Election Tribunal is unreasonable, unwarranted and does not have support having regards to the evidence adduced before it. Upon being served with the Notice of Appeal, the 1st Respondent/Applicant filed a Motion on Notice which is the subject of the Ruling of the court. The motion dated 15th June, 2017, had the following relief among, other things: a. An order of the Honourable Appeal Tribunal setting aside and/or 145 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

striking out the Notice of Appeal filed by the Appellants/Respondents against the decision of the Local Government Election Tribunal of Taraba State sitting in Wukari delivered on the 8th day of May, 2017, for being incompetent null and void in law. The Honourable Appeal Tribunal held that a Notice of Appeal is the originating process, which sets the ball rolling for the proper, valid and lawful commencement of an Appeal. It is said to be the spinal cord more like the foundation upon which an appeal is based. Where, therefore, the Notice of Appeal is defective, no proper Appeal can stand.24 Based on the above authorities, Appeal LGEAT/CL/5/2017 was struck out. As agreed, the decision reached in the above motion applied to nine (9) other motions filed along with this one based on the same sets of facts. The motions are: i. Motion No. LGEAT/2M/2017 between Ahia Eric and 1 Other v Terzungwe Mbatsanyan & 2 Others ii. Motion No. LGEAT/3M/2017 between Rukayya Haruna & 1 Other v Imrana Bawauman & 2 Others iii. Motion No. LGEAT/4M/2017 between Mustapha Ahmed v Abdulazeez Garba & 2 Others iv. Motion No. LGEAT/5M/2017 between Gambo Usman Karim & 1 Other v Idi Danfulani & 2 Others v. Motion No. LGEAT/7M/2017 between All Progressives Congress (APC) v Nasiru Zakari & 3 Others vi. Motion No. LGEAT/8M/2017 between Yohanna Simon & 1 Other v Joseph Sanware vii. Motion No. LGEAT/11M/2017 between Rhab Eno Tukura v & 1 Other v Nashuka Musa Ipenyen & 2 Others viii.Motion No. LGEAT/15M/2017 between Adi Zando & 1 Other v Adi Daniel and 2 Others. ix. Motion No. LGEAT/16M/2017 between Sunday Augustine & 1 Other v Suva Barau & 2 Others. The Notices of Appeal in respect of the above nine (9) motions were also struck out for being incompetent.

A careful analysis of the decisions of the Appeal Tribunal shows among other things, that the Electoral Tribunal in Taraba State has contributed immensely and positively to the development of judicial process and processes to the judicial system in the state in particular and the Nation at large. Citation of Court of Appeal and Supreme Court cases in the course of reaching its decisions speaks volumes in that regards, and shows that the

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Judiciary as an arm of government in Nigeria notwithstanding Nigeria's federal structure, work in synergy, and operates in unison in terms of processes, which, by extension strengthens the unity of the country. Challenges and Way Forward Despite the bountiful provisions of the Taraba State Electoral Law, 2002 and the commitment, patience and perseverance of the Tribunal members and staff, there appears to be some challenges the Electoral Tribunal faces, which are as follows:

a. Many of the people contesting are not conversant with the provisions of the law and therefore become handicapped after the elections, even where they may have good cases. b. The State Government has not done much as the copies of the Electoral law are limited in supply. c. The limited copies of the Electoral law are as well not easily accessible. d. Most Tarabans at the grass root level are yet to be litigation conscious. e. The qualification for vying for membership of local council election is a minimum of secondary school certificate and therefore most of the contestants are not well exposed. f. Orientations carried out at the grass root levels before, during, and after elections do not emphasize much on the rights of contestants.

In view of the above, the following suggestions may go a long way in enhancing and improving the efficiency of the Tribunal if implemented:

a. There is need for mass enlightenment of the contestants on their rights and provisions of the law and the remedies and reliefs available to them when there is an election anomaly. b. The State Government needs to make available and accessible all Taraba State Laws to its indigenes to create awareness and enlightenment among the indigenes, as knowing the law is knowing your right, and knowing your right makes you know where yours stops and where other people's right begin. This will reduce the level of crises in the society and create harmony. c. Transition to civil rule (4th Republic) is well over twenty (20) years and the world is becoming a global village and

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therefore an increase in educational qualification for those contesting at grass root level is not out of place. d. There is need for the creation of more grass root level governments as Nigeria's population has doubled what it used to be, and also give room for the creation of more tribunals. e. The State needs to train and recruit more judges to meet up with required standards as obtainable in other places. conclusion The foregoing is a brief summary of Nigeria's political history, the background of electoral tribunals and political processes in Nigeria, democracy and political process in Nigeria, the significance of Nigeria's electoral tribunals, some land mark cases decided by electoral tribunals in Nigeria (their prospects and positive impacts), and making analysis with particular reference to Taraba State Electoral Tribunals on the one hand and the Local Government Election Tribunal and its Appeal body which is only established by the state law (considering some cases with problems and prospects of the tribunals). It is pertinent to state that, the role of Electoral Tribunals in Nigeria is highly imminent, important, and colossal to the development of democratic processes in Nigeria in making it meet up with the global democratic standards, notwithstanding its numerous challenges as compared to the strength it adds to the foundation of Nigeria's democracy. Needless to add is the fact that, the role of the tribunals and their connection to the foundation and development of democratic processes in the country cannot be over emphasized.

References

1. http://www.nigeria.gov.ng/index.php/2016-04-06-08-38- 30/history-of-nigeria 2. Ibid 3. Molefi, K. A: History of Africa 2007, Published in US and Canada Pps 144-174 4. Ibid 144-174 5. Patrick I.U, Emmanuel, O.A, Ayaushe, I. O, 2016, 6. Ibid 7. Ibid 8. Ibid 9. Ibid

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10. Ibid 11.(https://profseunoyediji.wordpress.com/2014/03/30/hausafulani- pre-colonial-political-system-in-nigeria/) 12. Organization Security and Development Issues 2016, ABU Press Ltd 13. Ibid 14. Ibid 15. Ibid 16. Ibid 17. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/267415880_The_Elect oral_Process_and_Democratic_Consolidation_in_Nigeria 18. Ibid 19. https:/www.Role of Election Tribunal in Nigeria 20.https://www.judiciary.uk/about-the-judiciary/the-justice- system/jurisdictions/tribunal-jurisdiction 21. Section 285 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended). 22. Ibid 23. Ibid 24.Appeal No. LGEAT/CL/5/2017 with Motion numbers LGEAT/17M/2017 and LGEAT/1M/2017 (judgment delivered on the 10th and 17th of July, 2017 respectively) - ABDULRAHAMAN HABU & 1 OTHER VS SHARUDDEN SHUAIBU AND 2 OTHERS21 (Unreported) 25. MASA V IBRAHIM (1999) 4 NWLR PT599 AT 415 to 417 RATIO 1 26.TIAMIYUV OLAOGUN (2008) 17 PT 1115 P 66 AT 81 27. ADERIGBE V ABIDOYE (2009) 10 NWLR PT1105 592, FAYEMI V ONI (2011) ALL FWLR 1 AT 66-67, DAVID SABO KENTE V DARIUS DICKSONISHAKU (2016) LPELR - 40277(CA).

. K, Dewar, “Takum District, Wukari Division, Benue Province-

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Intelligent report on Takum District 1935” pp 18- 19 . Taraba State Government of Nigeria, Diary 2012, Designed by Ministry of Information, Culture and Tourism. . M. I, Irambaya, The Epitome of peace: Life and times of Ukwe Ali Ibrahim Kuffang Zarto II, 15th Ukwe Takum(1963-1996),(Midland Press Ltd,Nigeria, 2002) . W. A., Ahmed-Gamgum, “Kuchicheb Festival: The Challenges of Cultural Genocide in Nigeria's Takum Chiefdom Studies in Social Sciences and Humanities, 2(4),(2015), p 194 . K, Dewar, “Intelligent report on Takum District of Wukari Division, 1936”, p, 127 . H, Emma-Lawson, The Kteb Ethnic Group in Talla Ngarka S,(ed) Topical Issues in the Study of Early History of some Ethnic Groups and the Mambilla Plateau in Taraba State of Nigeria 1, p, 98 . M. I, Irambaya, The Epitome of peace: Life and times of Ukwe Ali Ibrahim Kuffang Zarto II, 15th Ukwe Takum(1963-1996),(Midland Press Ltd,Nigeria, 2002), 41-42 . W. A., Ahmed-Gamgum, “Kuchicheb Festival: The Challenges of Cultural Genocide in Nigeria's Takum Chiefdom Studies in Social Sciences and Humanities, 2(4),(2015), p 194 . K, Dewar, “Intelligent report on Takum District of Wukari Division, 1936”, p, 128 . Oral interview A, B, Dangarkwe, b 1968, Jalingo, 9th January, 2018. . Oral interview with R. A. A, Ukwen, at Jalingo, 10th January, 2009, see also Programme for the Kuchcicheb celebration to be held at the Ukwe's palacefrontage on 27th-30th March, 1975. . W. A., Ahmed-Gamgum, “Kuchicheb Festival: The Challenges of Cultural Genocide in Nigeria's Takum Chiefdom Studies in Social Sciences and Humanities, 2(4),(2015), p 193 . K, Dewar, “Takum District, Wukari Division, Benue Province- Intelligent report on Takum District 1935” p 19 . M. I, Irambaya, The Epitome of peace: Life and times of Ukwe Ali Ibrahim Kuffang Zarto II, 15th Ukwe Takum(1963-1996),(Midland Press Ltd,Nigeria, 2002), 40 . W. A. Ahmed-Gamgum, “Kuchicheb Festival: The Challenges of Cultural Genocide in Nigeria's Takum Chiefdom' Studies in Social Sciences and Humanities, 2(4),(2015): 182-213. . W. A. Ahmed-Gamgum, “Kuchicheb Festival: The Challenges of Cultural Genocide in Nigeria's Takum Chiefdom' Studies in Social Sciences and Humanities, 2(4),(2015): 193 . M. I, Irambaya, The Epitome of peace: Life and times of Ukwe Ali

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Ibrahim Kuffang Zarto II, 15th Ukwe Takum(1963-1996),(Midland Press Ltd,Nigeria, 2002), 144 . W. A. Ahmed-Gamgum, “Kuchicheb Festival: The Challenges of Cultural Genocide in Nigeria's Takum Chiefdom' Studies in Social Sciences and Humanities, 2(4),(2015): 191 . M, Ibrahim, Passage and initiation rites among the Kuteb in Southern Gongola in Bulletin of African Religion and Culture (B.A.R.C), Vol. 3 No. 1 (April, 1991)p 32 . Oral interview withAdamu Andeshare, 70, Jalingo, 11th, 2018 . W. A. Ahmed-Gamgum, “Kuchicheb Festival: The Challenges of Cultural Genocide in Nigeria's Takum Chiefdom' Studies in Social Sciences and Humanities, 2(4),(2015): 191 . Programme for the Kuchicheb celebration to be held at the Ukwe's palace frontage on 27th-30 March, 1975 . http://kuteb.tripod.com/festivals.html Accessed 4th January, 2018 . M, Ibrahim, Passage and initiation rites among the Kuteb in Southern Gongola in Bulletin of African Religion a n d C u l t u r e (B.A.R.C), Vol. 3 No. 1 (April, 1991) . M, Ibrahim, Passage and initiation rites among the Kuteb in Southern Gongola in Bulletin of African Religion a n d C u l t u r e (B.A.R.C), Vol. 3 No. 1 (April, 1991) Oral interview with R.A.A Ukwen, at Jalingo: 10th January, 2009 . K. R, Ukwen. Social Perception of The Role Of Women and Changing Practices In Kuteb Ndashe, Iki and Kuchicheb Festival Theatre. Doctoral Thesis in the Department of Theatre Arts, Benue State University, Makurdi, 2016. 120-125. . M, Ibrahim, Passage and initiation rites among the Kuteb in Southern Gongola in Bulletin of African Religion a n d C u l t u r e (B.A.R.C), Vol. 3 No. 1 (April, 1991) . K. R, Ukwen, “Social Perception of The Role Of Women and Changing Practices In KutebNdashe, Iki and Kuchicheb Festival Theatre”… P 120-125. . Interview with Adamu Andeshare, b 70. Jalingo, 11th January, 2018 . K. R, Ukwen, “Social Perception of The Role Of Women and Changing Practices In KutebNdashe, Iki and Kuchicheb Festival Theatre”…. P 120-125. . Interview with Adamu Andeshare. . Interview with Annafa Rimamdeyati,b 65years Takum, 25th March, 2018 . Andekin A. Mamkyaten, 70years, Takum, 11th January, 2018 . Interview with R. A. A, Ukwen, at Jalingo, 67years: 10th January, 2009 . Interview with A. B, Dangarkwe, 50years, Jalingo, 9th January, 2018

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. Interview with Punarimam Atenji, 50years, Business Woman, Takum, 11th January, 2018 . The Impact of Culture on Tourism, Organisation for Economic Co- operation and Development, 2009,Australia, P 19 . Interview with A., Andeshare, 11th January, 2018 . Interview with Bala A, Dangarkwe, 9th January, 2018 . Interview with Emmanuel Ukwen, 11th February, 2018 . Interview with Emmaunel Ukwen, 11th February, 2018 . W. A., Ahmed-Gamgum, “Kuchicheb Festival: The Challenges of Cultural Genocide in Nigeria's Takum Chiefdom Studies in Social Sciences and Humanities, 2(4),(2015): 193-194 . Interview with Adamu Andeshare, 11th January, 2018 . Interview with Emmanuel Ukwen, b 68, Takum, 11th Febuary, 2018 . Interview with A., Andeshare. . Interview with A. B, Dangarkwe. . Interview with R, Annafa,b 65 Takum, 9th January, 2018 . Interview with A. B, Dangarkwe. . Memorandum Submitted by Kuteb Yatso of Nigeria (KYN) to the Administrative Commission on Inquiry into Newly created Chiefdoms/Emirates and Districts in Taraba State, May 2003, pp. 2-3

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The Military and its Role in the Socio-economic Development of Taraba State of Nigeria, 1991-1998 Anuye, Steve Paul Atando Dauda Agbu, PhD Department of History and Diplomatic Studies Taraba State University Jalingo, Taraba State. Email: [email protected], [email protected] & Joseph, Bonglo Kingsley Department of History, College of Education, Zing, Taraba State

Abstract This paper aims at exploring the influence of the Nigerian military and their role in governance in Nigeria with reference to Taraba State. It attempts a brief analysis of the different military administrations in Taraba State. Using structural functionalism theory, it discusses how the successive military regimes engaged in strategic and tactical management of some sectors of the state, and how their beliefs influenced the development of different types of managerial elite in the Taraba economy at different eras in its history. Furthermore, it illustrates some of the leadership successes and failures of the military institution in Taraba State. Finally, the work appraise the role of the military in the socio-economic development of Taraba State, and observes that within the period of military regimes in Taraba State, several policies and programmes were initiated and implemented towards the socio-economic development of the State. The study uses the secondary and primary sources for data generation. Documented historical records, oral interviews, and information are complemented by available records from media: Newspapers, internet retrievals, and so on. Data analysis is via content and historical analysis. Key words: Military, Socio-economic, Development, Taraba State. Introduction Nigeria, like other African countries, has experienced a larger part of her governance under military regimes. Shortly after her independence in 1960, the military seized power and then truncated civilian regimes at their vagary up to 1999, the year that heralded the end of military rule in Nigeria. With this in mind, the history and present state of Nigeria revolves around the military, and Nigeria as an entity is not arrantly separated from the military, part of which explains why it is alleged in some quarters that, Nigeria is still governed by “generals” even in the civilian era. Military regimes in Nigeria left lasting impacts that still define certain patterns and ways of doing things. 153 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Thus, to comprehend why human rights violation is common, why corruption is endemic, why backwardness is visible in the midst of abundant resources and why the thirst for power is so high in Nigeria, traces must be made to the military. The study of the military history in Nigeria as a whole, and Taraba State in particular, will help us to appreciate why former military officers are still very powerful in Nigeria and dictate for the country. Be that as it may, the successive military administrations in the history of Taraba State have contributed to the socio-economic growth and development of the State, though not without challenges. Taraba State, which is located at the north-eastern region of Nigeria, was created on the 27th August, 1991, by the Genaral Ibrahim Babangida Military Administration. It was carved out from the south- western half of the defunt Gongola State. The State derives its name from one of the major rivers in the State, River Taraba, which discharges into the Benue. Taraba State lies roughly between latitudes 6030 and 9036 north and longitude 9010 and 11050 east. It is bounded on the north and north-east by Bauchi, Gombe and Adamawa States; on the north-west by Plateau State; on the west by Benue and Nasarawa States, while it shares an international boundary with the Republic of Cameroon to the south and south-east.1 The first Military administrator appointed to administer Taraba State was Navy Captain Ambrose Adeyemi Afolahan, and that appointment was dated 28th August, 1991 to January 1992.The collapse of the Third Republic gave birth to three military administrators in the State who were: Col. Yohana Mamman Dickson, 9th December to 22nd August 1996, 1993, Mr. Amen Adore Oyakhire, 22nd August, 1996 to August 1998. Col. Aina Joseph Owoniyi, August 1998 to May 1999.2 Their period lasted for about five years and five months. Their regimes laid solid foundation in putting all necessary machineries to fast track rapid socio-economic development of the state. Conceptual Issues The Military: The military is generally and popularly conceived as the “totality of the armed forces found in the world over, which include the army, navy, air force and to some extent the police”3. Military Regime: Eshikena,4 defines military regime as a government led by military leaders. But it is generally regarded as an aberration of governance and a negation of political development. Eminue5 sees military regime as governance dominated by military leaders. According to Joseph,6 military regime is when the military expand their

154 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies barracks' boundaries to the governance boundaries. Elaigwu,7 on the other hand, argues that the military has become a political power contestant in Nigeria's power equation, which must be “de-politicized”. This is to say that the military is a politicized institution, indulging more in governance than their conventional role in Nigeria. Socio-Economic Development Ekele8 defines socio-economic development as an inter-face of social and economic development of people, with emphasis on human capital development, poverty alleviation, employment generation and general economic development. Wise Geek9 conceptualizes socio-economic development as a process that seeks to highlight the social and economic needs of the people, in more practical and utilitarian terms, as well as on a long run. Wise Geek argues further that the general idea of socio-economic development is on improved standard of living, healthy economy capable of sustaining the population. Theoretical Framework The use of theory as an analytical tool is important in this research work. For proper conceptualization of the Military and its role in the socio- economic development of Taraba State, 1991-1998, taking a critical analysis, the researchers employ the use of the structural functionalism Theory. Structural functionalism, or simply functionalism, sees society as a complex system whose parts work together to promote solidarity and stability.10 This approach looks at society through a macro-level orientation, which is a broad focus on the social structures that shape society as a whole,11 and believes that society has evolved like organisms.12 This approach looks at both social structure and social functions. Functionalism addresses society as a whole in terms of the function of its constituent elements; namely norms, customs, traditions, and institutions. A common analogy, popularized by Herbert Spencer, presents these parts of society as "organs" that work toward the proper functioning of the "body" as a whole.13In the most basic terms, it simply emphasizes "the effort to impute, as rigorously as possible, to each feature, custom, or practice, its effect on the functioning of a supposedly stable, cohesive system". For Talcott Parsons, "structural-functionalism" came to describe a particular stage in the methodological development of social science, rather than a specific school of thought.14 It is important to note that Classical theories are defined by a tendency towards biological analogy and notions of social evolutionism: Functionalist thought, from Comte onwards, has looks particularly towards 155 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies biology as the science providing the closest and most compatible model for social science. Biology has been taken to provide a guide to conceptualizing the structure and the function of social systems and to analysing processes of evolution via mechanisms of adaptation. Functionalism strongly emphasises the pre-eminence of the social world over its individual parts that is its constituent actors, human subjects. ?(Anthony Giddens, 1984)15 While one may regard functionalism as a logical extension of the organic analogies for societies presented by political philosophers such as Rousseau, Sociology draws firmer attention to those institutions unique to industrialized capitalist society (or modernity). Functionalism also has an anthropological basis in the work of theorists such as Marcel Mauss, Bronis³aw Malinowski and Radcliffe-Brown. It is in Radcliffe-Brown's specific usage that the prefix 'structural' emerged.16 Radcliffe-Brown proposed that most stateless, "primitive" societies, lacking strong centralized institutions, are based on an association of corporate-descent groups.17 Structural functionalism also took on Malinowski's argument that the basic building block of society is the nuclear family,18 and that the clan is an outgrowth, not vice versa. The choice of this theory goes with the argument of Émile Durkheim which was concerned with the question of how certain societies maintain internal stability and survive over time. He proposes that such societies tend to be segmented, with equivalent parts held together by shared values, common symbols or, as his nephew, Marcel Mauss, held systems of exchanges. Durkheim used the term 'mechanical solidarity' to refer to these types of "social bonds”, based on common sentiments and shared moral values, which are strong among members of pre-industrial societies". In modern, complex societies, members perform very different tasks, resulting in a strong interdependence. Based on the metaphor above of an organism in which many parts function together to sustain the whole, Durkheim argue that, complex societies are held together by organic solidarity, that is "social bonds, based on specialization and interdependence, that are strong among members of industrial societies".19 The theory of structural functionalism is important to this study because it describes the bonds that bring people together in a society. In order for groups to be cohesive in a social context, positive membership attitudes and behaviours have to be produced and maintained. Social cohesion can be looked at on both an individual and group level. Individual- levels include: an individual's desire or intention to remain a part of a group, her attitudes and beliefs about the group, the individuals' intention to sever, 156 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies weaken, maintain, or strengthen her membership or participation in a groups, and her susceptibility to group influence. Social cohesion at a group level is directly affected by the individual members. Socio-Economic Contributions of the Military in Taraba State (1991-1998) Eminue,20 Ekele and Ake21 observe that the socio-economic improvement of nations is often the yardstick for measuring the performance of any government. Hence, when people aspire for or assume power, they often state their policies and programmes that are aimed at transforming the socio-economic prospects of their countries. The same can be said of military regimes in Nigeria and the various military regimes in Taraba State. Successive regimes have often used the prevailing state of socio- economic development as one of their justifications for intervening in politics. As usual, the regimes often pledge to improve the socio-economic development of the country. It should, however, be noted that the strategies employed to achieve such objectives vary from regime to regime. The basic contributions of the various military regimes in Taraba State covered, among other areas, Security, Infrastructure, Education, and Socio- Economic Development Security and the maintenance of law and order The various Military regimes in Taraba State had achieved fairly good in the aspect of providing security and orderliness in the state. It is well known that during the times when the State was under military rule, security was tight and never politicized as compared to the civil rule. The middle 1990s witnessed the rise of criminal activities in Taraba State, some of these included thugery, armed robbery, scam (419), etc. These, however, were brought under control by the military through arrest, imprisonment, and, at times, the execution of those caught. Criminals, and thugs were decisively dealt with and subdued. The public execution of criminals like Sylvester, Ali Blanto, Panke, etc, was a signal to criminals that the administration was not ready to tolerate them. According to Mr. Kefas, a retired banker22 who worked with the Union Bank during the military regime in Taraba State, one among the benefits of the military regime was that it provided adequate security and maintained order, which provided a good atmosphere for businesses across the State to thrive without fear of intimidation by thieves, armed robbers or thugs. Also, due to tight patrol by soldiers at night, cases of robbery or burglary at night were rarely heard within the State.

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Infrastructure: George Fai23, who worked with the Taraba State Ministry of Works and retired in the year 2016, stated that, when the State was created, Captain Ambrose Adeyemi Afolahan was appointed the first military Administrator to administer the State under Military Rule. He ruled the state from 20th August, 1991 to January 1992. His contributions to the growth and development of the State in areas like education, security, infrastructure, and maintenance of order in the State are commendable, despite the fact that his administration lasted for only 5 months. His contributions in infrastructure include: the building of the old Magami Quarters, (in order to help provide the people of state with housing), the “Afolahan Square”, which was the first major centre for recreational purposes, Children's Day Celebration venue, ground for training security personnel's, religious gatherings, and other grand celebrations like swearing in of incoming governors into office, independence celebrations, among others. This created a platform for good social relationship. Most of the take-off office structures of the State were constructed during the military regime. Some of them are: The Government House, Ministry of Works, Ministry of Finance, etc. The administration of Col. Yohanna Mamman Dickson also play a huge role in this aspect. Even though the administration lasted for the period of eighteen months, it brought appreciable structural and physical changes. The administration established the ministry of Information, Youth, Sport, and Culture in the year 1995, a ministry which was saddled with the responsibility of information dissemination on the state government, through its publications, press briefings, field publicity, and public relations, graphic and photographing. The ministry was able to establish the Taraba State Broadcasting Service (TSBS). This body has, over time, been able to play a major role in disseminating information across the State.24 When Colonel Yohanna Mamman Dickson took over the leadership of Taraba State in December, 1993, he executed certain projects in the State, prominent which include the Magami road. Under his administration, the source of power supply in the State was changed from the Rural Electrification Board (R.E.B.) to NEPA, which stepped up and improved the power supply in the State. Aina Joseph Owoniyi took over office in August 1998. His contributions in infrastructural development of the State are quite commendable. He built the Owoniyi Quarters, six Cotage Hospitals across the State, Salihu Dogo Primary School, Family Day Care for children, Government House Mosque and Chapel, Jalingo Main Motor Park, popularly known as Owoniyi Park, etc. 158 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Economy: The History of the various Military Regimes in Taraba State shows that the Military was more into managing the economic situation and not really making the necessary step of improving or growing the economy. The regimes have no record of any giant step taken to improve the economy in terms of businesses. However, this is not to say that the various military administrations scored “zero”percent in the economic sector of the State. According to Mr Kefas (a former banker) 25, it was evident that before the introduction of the e-banking system, Taraba State, during that period of the military, practiced what was then known as the “table payment” of salaries, which means that there was physical circulation of cash during periods of payment. However, very rare reports were heard about workers being robbed of their salaries. The level of security surveillance in the state made the Banks and other financial institutions to succeed in their operations. This brought/generated a lot of profits for the banks and other financial institutions thereby giving the banks an opportunity to loan out money to people, mostly traders and real estate agents, who, in turn, paid back with interest. The real estate agents and investors invested their money in building infrastructures and estates which provided job opportunities to engineers, labourers, architects, etc. Also, that period saw a rise in demand for blocks, thus, the establishment of many block industries in the State. The end result was job creation and provision of more accommodation for the indigenes of the state. Education: The performance of the various military regimes in the aspect of education in Taraba State is commendable. This is true, considering the fact that many schools (both primary and secondary) were established during the military regimes. For example, the Afolahan's administration built Model Primary School, currently located behind Quantity and Land Survey office. Apart from this, they also improved the standard of public schools. The administration of Col. Mamman Dickson contributed a lot in the area of education. The administration was able to establish the under listed educational institutions: S/N Names of Schools Local Government Areas of Locations 1 GDSS Didago-Muri Karim Lamido 2 GDSS Munga-lelau Karim Lamido 3 GDSS Suntai Bali 4 GDSS Gindin-Dorowa Wukari 5 GDSS Akate Donga 6 GDSS Jibu Wukari 7 GDSS Kpombo- Puri Takum 8 GDSS Sansanni Bali

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The table above shows the distributions of schools established by the administration of Col. Dickson.26 To further buttress the development of education, the administration of Dickson made significant achievements in the medical line through: 1. The establishment of College of Nursing/Midwifery and the College of Health Technology in Jalingo and Takum respectively. 2. The approval of welfare package for the state indigenes pursing courses in Human Medicine and Pharmacy in different Nigerian Universities by placing them on allowances as follows: a. Medical Students i. Part 1-2 GL. 05 ii. Part 3 GL. 07 b. Pharmacy Students i. Part 1-2 GL 05 ii. Part 3 GL. 0627 With the aforementioned contributions by the various military regimes in Taraba State on the area of education, it can be said that the administration has achieved fairly good. The various Military regimes in Taraba State, in fact, have achieved more in terms of laying the educational foundation of the State. Fighting Corruption and Indiscipline in the Public Sector: An interview with Mr Shehu Ayuba28, a retired civil servant, revealed that “there was surely corruption during the various military regimes in Taraba State” He said, there was corruption in the system during the regimes but it was not so pronounced like during the civilian regime. He stated that cases of bribery were minimal as compared to during democratic regimes in the State. The military checked misappropriation in the public service. According to Mr Shehu, during the military regimes, government workers in the State were punctual, and carried out their duties effectively. The military is known to be a disciplined organization, and so, where a military personnel manages a system, discipline becomes necessarily inculcated; obedience to established laws becomes compulsory. He said, during the military era in Taraba State, workers went to work and closed from work at the time designated (8:00 a.m. – 4:00 p.m.). The military administrators were fond of visiting offices at any time to oversee the activities going on. Through strict supervision, they ensured that all contracts approved under it were carried out. There was that “fear of the Khaki” in everyone (both workers and non-workers), as everyone feared 160 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies getting caught by the “wrath of the military”. Decision Making during the Military Regime On decision making during the various military regimes, Yakubu Bulus,29 another respondent and a retired accountant with the Taraba State Ministry of Finance, noted that, the military are known with decrees (i.e. discipline among the personnel, both senior and junior officers), therefore it is unlike the democratic rule which is composed of different arms of government, with room for checks and balances. Under the military regime, decision making was a one man thing, but in a situation where the administrator chose to use a committee, it meant he was just giving the committee a great privilege and a rare opportunity. It is important to note that a decision arrived at in the military administration is in form of order or command. The military sees as dose what is commanded to be done, it gives no room for questioning or challenge. This can be said to come with its own disadvantages, but in situations where there is need for an urgent response to a matter that was of State importance, decisions were taken in time, there were no bottlenecks, as there was no need for consultation with other arms of government like in democratic regime. Decision making was speedy and did not have to go through a long process of deliberation. COMPARATIVE OVERVIEW ACHIEVEMENT OF THE MILITARY AND CIVILIAN ADMINISTRATION IN TARABA STATE S/N CONTRIBUTIONS MILITARY ADMINSTRATION CIVILIAN ADMINSTRATION 1. Security and the The various administrations did fairly Occasional breakdown of law maintenance of law good in guaranteeing security and and order without quick and order Maintaining order in the State. There response from the government. were night patrols by the military, Resolving conflict takes time conflicts were tamed by the “might of because of the long procedure the military”. of decision making. 2. Infrastructure The building of Taraba State Taraba State Stadium, Government House, House of Specialist Hospital, Jolly Assembly, Taraba State Secretariat, Nyame Housing Estate, Taraba Ministry of Works and Housing, State University, Taraba State Ministry of Finance, Afolahan Square, College of Nursing and Taraba State Broadcasting Service, Midwifery, College of Magami Quarters, Owiniyi Quarters, Education, Zing, ATC Bye Pass Owoniyi Motor Park, Magami Road, Road, Jalingo Main Market, etc. Bali-Gashaka Road, Taraba State Corpers Orientation Camp, Myo-Gwoi Bridge, Donga Road Bye-Pass, Taraba State Green House etc. 3. Economy The military were more into managing Promotion of Agriculture, the situation. setting up recreational centres that generate revenue. They were able to boost and improve the State’s taxing system which saved money for the State for important projects and human development.

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4. Education Established most of the government They established most of the primary and secondary schools in the tertiary institutions in the State. State and improved the standard of They include: Taraba State education. University, College of Education, Zing, College of Nursing permanent Site, Taraba State Polytechnic, Suntai, 5. Fighting corruption Corruption was not pronounced Corruption was endemic. The and indiscipline in (though it existed). Government State witnessed the prosecution the Public sector workers were punctual as discipline of corrupt leaders and public was introduced to the system. servants. 6. Decision Making Decision was a one man thing, and There are three arms of decision making was speedy. Much government who check on the was achieved in a short period powers of each other. Decisions are not taken unilaterally but have to go through procedures of deliberation and approval.

The table above shows a comparative overview of the various military and civilian administrations, pointing out their contributions in various sectors across the State. It shows that both the military and civilian regimes in Taraba State have made contributions towards the development of various sectors across the State. Conclusion The contributions of the various military administrations in Taraba State cannot be over emphasised. It is, however, worthy of note that the various military administrations in Taraba State had their weaknesses, especially in the areas of violating fundamental human rights, the rule of law, and press freedom. Not the less, they were able to achieve fairly good in various areas and laying the foundation that today the State stands on; the fingerprints of the military administrators can still be seen in most of the take-off projects in the State. Notable ones among them include: Infrastructural projects, educational upliftment, security, the introduction of discipline in the public sector, and maintenance of law and order in the society. At this juncture, ascertaining the height of the contributions of the various military administrations in Taraba State is not the top-most priority, but stating of the fact that the regimes have set up a system and laid the foundation that should be built on and developed by subsequent administrations.

References 1. Atando Dauda Agbu in is work A Brief History of Taraba State University 2008-2016, Jema printers and publishers, 2016, p. 1. 2. Retrieved from

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Governors_of_Taraba_Stat e, 12/04/2018. 3. Oyediran, Oyeleye (ed), Governance and Development in Nigeria: Essays in Honour of professor Bily J. Dudley, Ibadan: Oyediran consult international1996. 4. Eshikena, J.,Nigerian Government and Politics, Lagos: Fortran Press Ltd 2012. 5. Eminue, O.,Military in PoliticsUyo,Soulmate Press and Publishers, 2006. 6. Joseph, R., Democracy and Prebendal Politics in Nigeria: the Rise and Fall of the Second Republic, Ibadan: Spectrum Books Ltd, 1991. 7. Elaigwu, J. I., “The Military and State Building: Federal State Relations in Nigeria's Military Federalism” (1996 – 1976) in Akinyemi, A. B. et al (eds). Readings on Federalism. Lagos: NIIA, 1979. 8. Ekele, S., Issues and Problems of Military and Politics in Africa, Nairobi: Musuve Publishing Company, 2011. 9. WiseGeek, “Socio-economic Development” in www.wisegeek.com, 2018. 10. Macionis, Gerber, Sociology 7th Canadian Ed. (Pearson Canada Inc., 2010), pg. 14 11. Macionis, Gerber, Sociology 7th Canadian Ed. (Pearson Canada Inc., 2010)pg.19 12. DeRosso, Deb The Structural Functional Theoretical Approach, 2003. (Accessed February 24, 2012. 13. Urry, John, "Metaphors". Sociology beyond societies: mobility's for the twenty-first century. Routledge, 2000, p. 23. ISBN 978-0- 415-19089-3. 14. Talcott Parsons, "The Present Status of "Structural-Functional" Theory in Sociology." In Talcott Parsons, Social Systems and the Evolution of Action Theory New York: The Free Press, 1975. 15. Giddens, Anthony "The Constitution of Society" in The Giddens Reader Philip Cassell (eds.) MacMillan Press pp.88 16. Department of Anthropology College of Arts and Sciences The University of Alabama: Anthropological theories 17. Rice Keith,"Structural Functionalism". Retrieved 23 February 2012. 18. Macionis, John J. "Sociology". (Toronto: Pearson, 2011), 97. 19. Fish, Jonathan S. Defending the Durkheimian Tradition. Religion, Emotion and Morality Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing,

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2005. 20. Eminue, O., Military in Politics. Uyo: Soulmate Press and Publishers, 2006. 21. Ekele, S., Issues and Problems of Military and Politics in Africa. Nairobi: Musuve Publishing Company, 2011. 22. Interview with, Kefas, 50+, retired banker, 10/02/2018. 23. Interview with, George Fai, 60+, Retired Civil Servant, 17/02/2018. 24. “Eighteen Months of Peace, Physical Transformation and Social Justice of Col. Yohana Mamman Dickson”, A production of the Directorate of Press Affairs, Military Administrator's Office Government House, Jalingo, Taraba State. November 1995, Gidgid Nig. Ltd., Jos, Pp. 1-5. 25. Interview with, Kefas, 50+, retired banker, 10/02/2018. 26. Interview with Mr. Shehu Ayuba, a retired Civil Servant. 14/06/2018 27. “Eighteen Months of Peace, Physical Transformation and Social Justice of Col. Yohana Mamman Dickson”, A production of the Directorate of Press Affairs, Military Administrator's Office Government House, Jalingo, Taraba State. November 1995, Gidgid Nig. Ltd., Jos, Pp. 1-5. 28. Interview with Shehu Ayuba, 60+, Retired Civil Servant, 17/02/18. 29. Interview with, Yakubu Bulus, 60+, Retired Civil Servant, 17/02/18.

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Aspects of Pre-Colonial Urbanization in the Emirate of Fombina: A Case of Yola 1841 – 1901

Umar Zubairu Department of History Federal College of Education, Yola Adamawa State. Phone: 07037385617

Abstract Every community has its nature and pattern of human settlement based on its socio-economic and political systems. Before the outbreak of Jihad in the region that later became Emirate of Fombina, the region was characterized by multiplicity of numerous autonomous politico-cultural groupings, too small and isolated from one another. In each of the groups, common genealogical origin, language, habitat, occupation and political association created bonds out of which a settlement emerged. The jihad and the establishment of Fombina Emirate transformed the region's socio- economic and political systems, thereby generating rapid urbanization. The capitals of the Emirate, Yola, as well as the headquarters of over thirty sub-emirates were the most affected by these processes. This paper focuses on the urbanization that followed the process of the establishment of the emirates with special reference to the growth of Yola, within a period of sixty years (1841 – 1901). The paper shows that urbanization in Fombina owed a lot to a deliberate and planned policy of socio-economic development initiated by Modibbo Adama, perfected by Lamido Lawal, and strictly adhered to by their successors. Both primary and secondary sources were explored for data collection Keywords: Fombina, Emirate, Urbanization, Yola, Moddibo Adama

Introduction Every community has its nature and pattern of human settlement based on its socio-economic and political systems. Before the outbreak of Jihad in the region that later became Emirate of Fombina, the region was characterized by multiplicity of numerous autonomous politico-cultural groupings, too small and isolated from one another. In each of the groups, common genealogical origin, language, habitat, occupation and political association created bonds out of which a settlement emerged. The jihad and the establishment of Fombina Emirate transformed the region's socio-economic and political systems, thereby generating rapid urbanization. The capitals of the Emirate, Yola, as well as the headquarters of over thirty sub-emirates were the most affected by these processes. This paper focuses on the urbanization that followed the process of the establishment of the emirates 165 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies with special reference to the growth of Yola, within a period of sixty years (1841 – 1901). The paper shows that urbanization in Fombina owed a lot to a deliberate and planned policy of socio-economic development initiated by Modibbo Adama, perfected by Lamido Lawal, and strictly adhered to by their successors. This policy which was the restoration of peace and security over wide area encouraged immigration, forged links which resulted in the integration of small economies and facilitated greater flow of labour, capital and the extension of networks over wider areas. It is the socio-economic system of every community that determines its pattern and nature of human settlement. In the upper Benue region, Usman Danfodio's Jihad and the subsequent establishment of the Sokoto Caliphate transformed the socio- economic system of the region, thereby generating and sustaining rapid urbanization. The capital of the newly created Emirate of Fombina – Yola, as well as the headquarters of the over forty sub-Emirates developed and became not just centers of administration but also areas where agriculture, industries and commercial activities flourished owing, partly, to the inflow of new immigrants.

In this paper, urbanization is seen as a continuous process of increasing functional or structural social differentiation and specialization in human society. It is a social process involving people in social relationships within a new physical environment. It involves agglomeration, increasing transformation of the economy from agricultural to specialized non- agricultural activities. This paper examines the urbanization process that followed the jihad in the Emirate of Fombina, with special reference to the emergence and growth of Yola between 1841 and 1901. In order to conduct this examination, with a clear starting – point, we shall set out the geographical and historical background to the region, going back into the period before jihad.

Background

One of the most important determinants of the nature and pattern of urbanization in any society is its physical geography. For, it is the geographical features and the economic activity as well as the relationship man enters with other areas which create the fundamental conditions within which the nature and pattern of urban growth is determined. However, this is not one-way relationship because the changing nature and pattern of human settlements in an area also affect economic activity and relationship with other.

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The River Benue is the predominant physical feature of the region. The river, together with its tributaries and distributions such as Gongola, Mayo Ine, Tiel, Kilange Faro, etc, provide an abundance of fertile alluvial soil in its basin. The region is also blessed with sheer bulk of mountain ranges. The Mandara Mountains, Lala plateau, Kilba highlands, Song three sister rocks, and Bagele were found in the northern part of River Benue. To the south and south – west of the region lies the Atantika Mountains, the Highlands, crowned on most maps by an elusive vogel peak (dimlag) in the wilderness between Dakka and Gurum Pawo. Further to the south are the Shebshi hills and the Mambilla Plateau (Known in Fulani as Hosere). The region thus, has favourable geographical conditions for the growth of human settlements. This is particularly so with regards to its climate, its topography, its vegetation pattern, and its hydrology and even in its general demographic pattern.

These factors, however, made the growth of urban centers difficult in the period before 19th century. The region, being characterised by more wooded and dissected plateau with numerous water channels, made it relatively difficult for movement of men, animals and armies than the continuous plains of Hausaland and Borno.

Prior to the outbreak of the Jihad in the region, secondary sources indicate that the region was inhabited by diverse ethnic groups living in small kindred units. Several attempts were made at political centralization on a large scale. The first was Kwararafa Empire which exerted enormous influence on surrounding groups. Due to its military prowess, it controlled the land up to the frontier of Borno and was strong enough to attack Kano and Zaria. The glory of Kwararafa faded and replaced by the Chamba, who were, in turn, defeated and driven by Bwatiye. However, the Bwatiye were unable to create a large socio-economic system that will sustain other groups in the region.

In the light of the foregoing, by the end of 18th century, the various groups lived in varying scales of political organizations. Each group came to be identified with where it was based. Each community almost lived on its own, avoiding contact with its neighbors. Some of the settlements that featured very prominently were Leko, Demsa-pwa, Sukur, Hong, Mukole, Bagale, Holma, Muriya, Wuro-Chekke, Gurin, among others. Common genealogical origin, habitat, occupation and political association created bond out of which these settlements emerged. Farming, hunting and fishing implements were locally produced. The peoples lived in huts made from

167 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies materials found locally, either mud or stone walls and thatched roofs with corn stalks and grasses. Once we clearly grasp the geographical and historical realities pertaining to the Emirate of Fombina, we can move to the examination of the historical processes that led to the emergence and development of Yola as an urban centre.

The Emergence and Growth of Yola

One remarkable development that transformed the settlement pattern of the people of Upper Benue region was the jihad. The causes of the jihad in the region were a subject of debate among scholars. Sa'ad Abubakar was of the view that the causes of jihad centered on the relationship between the pastoral Fulbe and non-Fulbe over the question of land as well as the practice of jus primal noctis. However, this assumption was rejected by Isa A. Abba. He asserts that the zeal and interest to spread Islam was the main reason for the jihad. But this reason was not grounded within the reality of existence in the region. For, to advance the frontiers of our knowledge of the region, we need to go beyond mere exposition of the Islamic tradition and object of the jihad and inject wholism into our conception and analysis. In fact, Islam as an ideology had its basis in the social and economic realities of the societies. In his famous work, Kitab al-farq, Shehu Uthman Danfodio specifically enumerated about twenty five grievances against the kingdoms of Hausa land, out of which only three can be regarded as ritually ordained. All the remaining grievances touched on the social and economic injustice of the societies of Hausa States. In essence, most of the explanations given by the jihad leaders to justify the movement were social and economic issues.

In the light of these, the special grudges which the Fulbe group had against the non-Fulbe rulers such as cattle raid, confiscations, high taxes as well as the practice of jus primal noctis had created a volatile situation in which they seized the opportunity of the outbreak of jihad in Hausa land to end what they regarded as hard and difficult conditions (bone). The notable figure who spearheaded and fought the jihad in the region was Modibbo Adama Ibn Hassana (1809 – 1846). The success of the jihad led to the creation of the Emirate of Fombina, with capital first at Gurin. Other local jihad leaders in the region received their flags from Adama at Gurin. In 1831, the capital was moved to Ribadu. Eight years later, the capital was moved to Njoboli, then finally to Yola in 1841.

Resentment against the leadership of Modibbo Adama by some Ardo'en

168 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies was the main reason for moving out of Gurin. Closely connected with this was also the need for secure settlement. The constant shifting of bases that characterized the movement out of Gurin was an expression of vulnerability. Thus, one major factor responsible for the definite decision to establish Yola as the capital was the consideration for defense and security. The defense factor was the major reason that had attracted Modibbo Adama to the place. Hence the name 'Yola which was a descriptive one, meaning a high ground bounded by valley with marsh and swamps. The place was impenetrable to hostile neighbours due to the difficulty involved in crossing the marshes either on foot or on horse. The place is also ideal as a spot from which the surroundings could be watched. Beside the security consideration, the economic advantage which Yola offered was also an important factor. The area was fertile and well watered for farming and grazing of Animals. Thus, it was not by chance that Yola was chosen as capital.

The establishment of Yola in 1841 involved protracted wars both for defensive and offensive purposes. The area on which Yola was established was first claimed by Batta under the leadership of Zaro Dugye. Zaro Dugye was defeated and moved west ward and settled in unaffected area of Mayo Ine and named the place Mangali. Another serious challenge faced by the leadership of the jihad at Yola was Bagale threat, located 30 kilometres away from Yola. The Bata of Bagale were defeated in 1853. With Bata on their knees, the jihadist moved to Mangali 20 kilometres away from Yola. The inhabitants completely deserted the settlement and the place was renamed Ngurore, meaning deserted town. Gabalwa was the next target. The people were expelled and the name of the settlement was changed to Mayo Belwa. With these successes, a unique position which made it possible for Yola to be used as a base for the socio-economic transformation of the nascent Emirate of Fombina was created.

The Political Position of Yola

The role of the ruling class is very crucial to the process of urbanization. It is this group that provides the necessary protection both from outside attack and from internal disorders, thereby creating a peaceful atmosphere under which a society operates. The establishment of the Emirate administration therefore aided the growth of Yola. In fashioning out a new government, Modibbo Adama made Yola his headquarters. Yola, thus, was the base of the Lamido, the head of the aristocracy, who derived his authority from the Caliph at Sokoto. It was also a base of the ruling council, the army and

169 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies courtiers. The authority in Yola created a common leadership not just among independent and semi-independent groups of Fulbe but even among non–Fulbe groups. The structure of government at Yola and, indeed, the whole of the Emirate was a replica of the Caliphate government in Sokoto. The administration witnessed the coming into prominence of a plethora of advisers on Islamic religion; officials, poets, musicians, praise singers, and palace historians. Each in its own way consolidated the Emirate administration by placing the essentials of imported as well as local knowledge at the service of the new administration.

The newly established administration created the peace necessary for socio- economic activities. There was an effective political organization which could deal with those issues that could threaten peace. With the new leadership at Yola, insecurity brought about by cattle raids ceased. One of the most important policies embarked by Emirate government was the building of ribats (frontier posts). In an attempt to stabilize the borders and insure security of Yola after the defeat of Bagale, a new settlement known as Girei was established; other ribats established in the western frontier of Yola were Namtari, Ngurore, Mayine, Mayo Belwa, Chukkol and Mayo Farrang. From the east of Yola, towns like Ribadu, Gurin and Njoboli served as ribats. As a result of these settlements and resettlement policies which were vigorously pursued by Lamido Lawal Yola came to be surrounded by many towns and villages that were socially, economically and politically linked to it.

The rapid growth and development of Yola as the leading center of the jihadists, and a symbol and expression of its triumph, increased with Modibbo Adama's policy of encouraging immigration into the town. From Sokoto, Modibbo Adama invited his aides and supporters to settle in his new capital. Migrants from Hausaland and Borno as well as neighbouring areas arrived to settle permanently in Yola within a short time after the establishment of the town. These migrants brought considerable amount of capital, useful skills and knowledge which increased the productive capacity of Yola.

Economic Factor

One factor at work in the emergence of the economic system was the state system. The system was hinged on the control and appropriation of complex urban forms of Agriculture, trade, manufacturing, craft productions and taxation. Land system witnessed modification as Lamido was the custodian

170 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies of all the land in Yola. He leased the land to his war commanders who were responsible for allocation of plots, farmlands and grazing land. In this predominantly agricultural society, the prime mover of urbanization was the fertility and agricultural prosperity. Set in a highly productive agricultural region, the ruling classes expanded agriculture and industrial production. The ruling elite introduced new techniques in both industrial and agricultural productions.

In the agricultural sector, the most remarkable achievement was the introduction of large scale agricultural estates (dumde) as opposed to peasant production. The rulers combined cattle rearing with farming. Through the establishment of plantations or slave agricultural settlements (dumde), intensive cultivation, the opening up of new farms and the expansion of existing ones, were vigorously pursued. Numerous dumde were established. The major occupation in the dumde was farming, where Yola drew foodstuffs to feed its urban population.

Since the jihad and punitive raids continued throughout the 19th century, there were more slaves in the Emirate, making possible the expansion in the number and size of the slave agricultural settlements. Captives were either sold or retained for agricultural and other domestic purposes. The institution of the slave agricultural settlements (Dumde) accelerated the process of agricultural production, by enabling many families to bring under cultivation larger tracts of land, and to diversify their agricultural production to a greater extent than was otherwise possible.

The elimination of petty chiefdoms and the establishment of a single authority over heterogeneous groups who were independent and in conflict with one another provided a better atmosphere for growth and expansion of commerce. Yola, as the hub of the Emirate, soon became the focus of regional and inter-regional trade in agricultural products, livestock and manufactured goods. Supported by urban – rural, and inter – regional networks converging at Yola, different goods from rural areas, Borno and Hausaland were exchanged at Yola. Traders from Kano and other parts of Hausa land and Borno travelled to Yola in order to buy and sell. As a result different occupational groups such as craftsman, trader, brokers, blacksmiths and butchers were found in the town. Craft products like war equipments, metal wares, leather goods and clothing were produced in Yola.

According to Abba, the branches of manufacturing in which Yola specialized on were textile in its different stages like spinning (mottuge), 171 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies weaving (sanyugo) tailoring (nyotugo) and dyeing (balwingo), as well as pottery, woodcarving and leather work. Each occupational group had its titled head, appointed by the Lamido. The guild leaders were responsible for collection of taxes for onward submission to the state treasury. There were six channels of collecting tax, land tax (Hakke Lesdi) Poll tax (jomorgol) booty (ganima), tribute, levy and Zakkat. Through the various forms of taxation, the ruling class exploited the resources of the countryside channeling it to Yola for use by non-agricultural craft specialists and other urban dwellers.

The trade routes that developed became the most important means of communication. The River Benue which passed through the Emirate from east to west divided the area into two. The river served as a major artery of communication in the East – West direction while the road linked the northern and southern extremities of the Emirate. Goods were either loaded on donkeys or carried by porters, who were mostly of slave origin. The leaders provided escort to the caravan. The standard currencies used, beside trade by barter, were strips of cloth (leppi) and cowries. Yola, by virtue of not only its politico-administrative position, but also that of its economic importance, was thereby enabled to make a wide area look towards it.

Social Factor

Islam provided ideological basis for the new political economy of Yola. It made it possible for people of diverse origin, most of whom were Muslims, to be incorporated and integrated into cohesive community over and above all other differences. This stimulated cultural expansion following the establishment of mosques, schools and many other centres of Islamic practices and festivities.

In order to create an Emirate government that was in line with the tenets of Islam, the leadership encouraged many learned scholars (Modibbe) to settle in Yola, so as to provide a helping hand in managing the affairs of the Emirate. Consequently, renowned Islamic scholars worthy of note like Tungude, Hassan, Abdullahi, Raji and his children, Usmanu and Murtala Tanu Mo'illilel, Nakashi, Hamman Joda settled in Yola. Accordingly, students also converged in Yola in high numbers from far and near to receive tuition. Koranic schools became central in the whole exercise of Islamic acculturation and training of valuable manpower for bureaucracies of the Emirate. As a result, Islamic education was deeply rooted among the people of Yola. The medium of learning and teaching in schools (Jangirde)

172 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies was Fulfulde but the language of record keeping in government was done in Arabic. Name of individuals, mode of dressing, manner of speech, way of greeting and nature and structure of administration showed Yola's cultural proximity to the Arab world. Thus, Islam as a creed came to serve as a fulcrum for uniting the various people that had been converted in a way that transcended the ethnocentric confines of pre-jihad relations in the Emirate of Fombina.

One of the unique characteristics of the Emirate of Fombina was that it had the most heterogeneous and diverse groups of people. Due to the dominance of Fulbe culture in the jihad leadership and the Emirate government that was subsequently established, the urbanization process of Yola was greatly influenced by Fulbe code of conduct (Pulaaku). The different people of diverse background who migrated and settled at Yola were assimilated and integrated into Fulbe culture. For instance, the Bata group who occupied Kokumire ward in Yola was fulbenized. The same applied to the Hausa, who formed their settlement, a suburb of Yola on the east – Wuro – Hausa (Hausa settlement). Damare ward in Yola was another settlement of non–Fulbe that was integrated. Also, the numerous Kanuri, Shuwa Arabs and other groups of Chad basin that moved into Yola after the Rabe uprising and settled in Rabe ward were equally assimilated into Fulbe culture. Indeed, the high degree of social mobility in Yola was reflected in the appointment of the non–Fulbe into the Lamido council as Lamdo Katsina, Lamdo Katagum, Lamdo Adar, Lamdo Hadejia and Mai Borno.

Physical Characteristics

With an expanding economy, characterized by a high degree of specialization, Yola rapidly grew into a big urban centre with an estimate population of 12,000 at the beginning of colonial period. Towards the end of 19th century, Yola was made up of and surrounded by wards, hamlet agricultural estates filled with artisans, peasants, slaves of diverse origin, drawn from all ethnic groups of the neighboring areas. The society in Yola Metropolis was sharply divided into rural and urban settlers, each depending on the other.

In terms of physical characteristics which marked Yola out as urban centre, was the existence of a central leader with his palace. The palace covered an extensive are of land and was walled round with two main gates; Eastern and Western gates. In front of the gates were large spaces of empty land used for ceremonial thorough fares for annual festivities (Daba and Kilisa). Close to

173 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies the palace was a central mosque, a centre of religious activities. Apart from the central mosque, there were numerous other mosques in different parts of the city.

Again, a market was located close to the palace. The market was a wide open space with scattered trees. The market days were fixed on Fridays to enable people from the surrounding villages who converged on the market to perform jumma'at prayer. The market not only served the economic needs of the people but also served as an avenue for exchanging ideas, massages, news and social relationships.

Generally, palace, mosque and the market were the three salient elements which emphasized the administrative, social and economic importance of the urbanization of Yola for the surrounding rural areas. One of the implications of having the palace, mosque and market within the same place was that they provided the framework around which the residential compounds were built. Compounds were built to look towards the direction of the palace. Clay was used for building houses. This served as one of the distinction between urban and rural areas, where thatch buildings were the most common. The build-up area was largely residential and was made up of compound each of which was defined by compounds walls with a single entrance for the purpose of obtaining the possible privacy for domestic life.

The town was laid out on a rectangular pattern and conformed to basic common street plans that were oriented to a set direction. The two principal road networks intersected near the palace and were joined by a network of small roads from different wards. The roads were wide enough to allow passage of at least three beasts of burden moving side by side. Industrial activities like blacksmith were carried out in front of a compound, hovwever, obnoxious activities such as dyeing and tanning were visibly separated and located on the outskirt of Wuro-Hausa.

Yola had over ten wards. They included Doudore, Fattude Girei, Damare, Kokumire, Rabe, Sanda Yelwa, Toungo, Mbamoi, Bakko, Fattude Gobir, Bamngel, Malajiri (Wuro-Hausa) and Mammayefe. Due to the danger presented by Bagale, the settlement pattern in Yola was influenced by security situation. Warriors were settled at the outer wards of Damare, Doudore, and Wuro-Hausa while the Palace was at the centre. The East – West direction length of the town was about three kilometers.

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Conclusion

The main aim of this paper is to draw attention to one of the major consequences of the Jihad in Fombina Emirate. That is the changes which it caused in the development of human settlement. The urban development of Yola was revolutionary and far-reaching in scope. Three unique features of Yola were, first, Yola had ancestral founder, second, the foundation of the town was based on Islamic ideal, third, Fulbe were the most dominant group and thus, other people of diverse origin who migrated and settled at Yola were integrated into Fulbe culture. These three features were to shape the course of its history and influence the socio-economic development of the town up September 1901 when the British colonial power conquered the town. Thus, Yola emerged as administrative, commercial, religious and educational centre.

The British occupation brought about a new shift in the pattern of urbanization. The economy of the emirate was set on a different footing. The emirate, like other parts of the colonies, was reduced for the status of producing cheap agricultural raw materials to British industries and a dumping ground for British manufactured goods. One of the consequences of the imposition of British rule is that it subordinated the economy of the region, which necessarily affected and stagnated the urbanization process of Yola. The close rural – urban linkages of Yola was destroyed. With colonialism, a new spatial order was created with a view to achieving colonial objectives at minimum cost. A new settlement, - Jimeta, developed seven miles away emerged and developed rapidly as dependent urban centre under the colonial socio-economic system. Jimeta was not made as centre of production but centre of import and export activities, collection of agricultural commodities produced in rural areas of Adamawa Province for export overseas, as well as a centre for distribution of imported manufactured goods.

References 1. Fombina is Fulfulde word for 'south'. It refers region lying to the south of Chad basin to the limit of rain forest. For more see Abubakar S., The Lamibe of Fombina; A Political History of Adamawa 1809 - 1901, A.B.U. Zaria Press 1977 2. Oyedele E. O. Colonial Urbanization in Northern Nigeria; Kaduna 1913 – 1960 PhD thesis ABU Zaria 1987 p.35 3. Ukwedeh J.N., Man and Environment: Some theoretical Considerations and Historical Examples. Departmental Seminar A.B.U. Zaria 1984 175 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

4. Njeuma M.N 'Establishment of Adamawa Emirate and its Legacies in Northern Cameroon' In H. Bobboyi and A.M. Yakubu (ed) The Sokoto Caliphate; History and Legacies, 1804 – 2004 Vol 11 Arewa House A.B.U. Zaria 2006 5. For detail on these groups see Pongri, J.H 'Political Development in Northern Adamawa 1809 – 1902: A Study in Historical Development of Inter- Group Relations' PhD thesis A.B.U. Zaria 1987 6. Abubakar op cit p36- 38 7. Abba, I. A. 'Islam in Adamawa in 19th and 20th centuries', M. A. thesis A.B.U. Zaria 1976 8. See M. Hiskett 'Kitab Al Farq: A work on the Kingdoms attributed to Uthman Dan Fodio' B.S.O.A.S.xxiii (1960) pp558-579 9. Abba, A, History of Yola 1809 – 1914, A.B.U Zaria. Press 2004 p29 10. ibid 11. Kirk – Greene, A.H.M. Adamawa Past and Present; An Historical Approach to the Development of a Northern Cameoon, Oxford University 1958, p126 12. Alkasun op cit p44 13. Ibid p45 14. Njeuma M. The Fulani Hegemony in Yola (old Adamawa) 1809- 1902, Centre for Education and Research, Yaounde 1978 15. Abba A. Op cit p32 16. The Lamibe that ruled the Emirate to 1901 were Modibbo Adama died in 1847, Lamido Lawal (1847-1872), Umaru Sanda (1872- 90), Zubairu (1890-1901). 17. For more on Dumde see Njeuma op cit and Abba op cit 18. Abba A. Ibid p75-86 19. For more on these scholars see Tahir G. The contribution of Early Intellectual Community in Yola to the Development of Islamic Learning in Fombina Emirate., I.A. Abba op cit and Zalikha'u Z.A. Scholar and Scholarship in Adamawa Emirate; A Review of Dr. Yusuf Wali's PhD thesis: Arabic Culture in Adamawa From 1804- 1990,2009 20. Hamman-Diram U. 'The Fombina Jihad: The Basis of Fulbe Leadership and the Role of non-Fulbe peoples.' Paper presented at bicentenary Conference of Adamawa Emirate 2009 21. Mobogunje, A.L. Urbanization in Nigeria University of London press 1968 p64 22. Interview with Alh. Saidu Muhammadu Barkido in his compound at Yola.

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The Indigenship-Settler Question in Plateau State: A Study of Ethno-Religious Crises In Jos North Local Government Area, 2000 – 2017

Abdulsalami M. Deji, PhD, Simon Bala Fwangyil Department of History and Diplomatic Studies Faculty of Arts Taraba State University Email: [email protected] & Alaba Babatunde Israel Department of History and International Studies, Faculty of Arts, Lagos State University, Ojo, Lagos

Abstract One would expect Nigeria to have overcome the problem of indigene settler question after attaining a century old as a Nation State on January, 2014. Unfortunately, Nigeria is still faced with this problem. Even the seemingly chronic nature of Jos North crises rests on the question of indigene/settler syndrome which interrogates ethnic identity as the basis for qualification and recognition in Nigeria with particular reference to Jos North Local Government Area. The paper discusses the strategies to be adopted for ensuring national integration. Prominent among such strategies include adequately enforcing the constitutional provisions for citizenship in the country. The paper posits that there should be a fair and equal treatment of all Nigerians wherever they live in the country irrespective of their ethno-religious affiliations. The paper relied on primary and secondary sources of data to arrive at these findings. Such sources include interviews, textbooks, newspapers, internet materials, among others. Keyword: indigeneship, settler, national question, citizenship, citizenship requirement, democratic stability.

Introduction It is common in Jos North to hear labels such as settler, native, non-native, host community, foreigner, stranger, squatter, non-squatter, immigrant, migrant, indigene, non-indigene, among many others are used daily in Jos North to describe, stigmatize or stereotype the other people as a category who does not belong to the Local Government Area or community. These labels are used commonly among the Berom, Afizer and Anaguta. These

177 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies groups claim to have founded Jos. They claim that there was not Jos when they arrived on the Plateau, that they founded and nurtured Jos into a modern city. However, a recent publication circulating among the Hausa- Fulani cited the 1930 Jos township census to demonstrate that back then the Hausa constituted by far the most numerous ethnic group in the township. The Hausa-Fulani also point out that part of what is Plateau State today used to be under the Bauchi Emirate. This claim and counter-claim over the ownership of Jos by the two groups have remained the major cause of conflict between the two groups. The contemporary Ethno-Religious conflict between the indigenes and the Hausa-Fulani dates back to at least two decades. During the military administration of Gen. Ibrahim Babangida, the Hausa-Funali actively lobbied for the establishment of a Local Government Area in which they would be predominant. In 1991, their request was granted with the creation of Jos North Local Government Area. The new boundaries made the Berom, Aanguta and Afizere (BAA) minorities within Jos North Local Government Area. The three ethnic groups vehemently protected the creation of Jos North Local Government Area arguing that they were never consulted and that they had not consented to it . They view the split of the old Jos Local Government Area to Jos North and Jos South Local Government Area as a deliberate strategy to give full political control Jos North Local Government Area to the Hausa population. Ironically, Jos North Local Government Area does not only comprise the commercial centre of Jos but most importantly the main political and traditional offices, such as the palace of the indigene traditional leader the Gbong Gwong of Jos. Since the creation of Jos North Local Government Area, election and political appointment have been accompanied by strong tension between the Hausa and the Berom, Afizere and Anaguta. The first minor crises occurred in 1994 over the appointment of a Hausa candidate as Chairman of the Jos North Local Government Council. The BAA and other indigene groups who argued that a member of their group was supposed to be appointed the Council Chairman strongly protected the appointment. Four people were killed during the protests, which some parts of the Jos market as well as an Islamic Schools and Mosque were destroyed. 1. The Indigeneship and Settler Question in Jos North Local Government Area 2. Citizenship and Indigeneship Rights in Jos North Local Government Area The Nigerian constitution grants every citizen the right to settle anywhere within the country and prohibits the government from discriminating against citizens based on ethnicity or religion. On the contrary, strong

178 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies regulations continue to favor the indigenes within a state and even in LGA. Non-indigenes are not only excluded from scholarship and pay higher school and university fees but also recruited into civil service of states they are claimed to be non-indigenes. The lack of political representation is thus perpetuated on non-indigene settlers. The foregoing discriminatory measures deny the so-called settlers of important political, economic and educational benefits in the states they reside. The long-term exclusion of the elite of one group from political office erodes mutual harmony. For instance, the Jasawa population have continued to complain since the early 1990s of the extreme difficulty the face in the efforts to secure indigene status despite the fact that they settled in the area over a generation ago . The proponents of indigene rights claim that any settler can return to his/her original place of origin to obtain indigene certificate. However, many of such people cannot even trace from where they came from. This has rendered them into the dilemma of not being legitimately here or there. This has remained the fate of the Hausa/Fulani community in Jos North Local Government Area. Human right watch refers to such settlers as stateless citizens who are gravely disadvantaged and have no access to higher education or jobs in the civil service the Military or the Police Force. This dilemma has compelled many Hausa/Fulani in Jos to seek indigeneship certificates from such states as to obtain certificate from Kano or Bauchi. But even if they can receive certificate there indigene Bauchi or Kano. But this alone is not a solution to their stigma, since the certificates are of little use for employment within the Plateau state civil service . The irony is that even though many Christians of the Igbo and Yoruba communities in Jos North Local Government Area whose ancestors settled in the area at the same period as the Hausa-Fulani do not claim indigene right and have never been dominant in the politics of the city. This is in contrast to the Jasawa elite who held political offices under the British and under the former military administration. The continued agitation for political participation in Jos by the Hausa/Fulani has therefore being considered as the main cause of their friction with the co-called indigenes. The foregoing formed the basis for the assertion by Chief Austine Okorocha, an Igbo elder in Jos North that: The city settlers problem is a Jasawa problem, in his words, for the fact that they have settled in the city for a long period of time does not give them the right to claimed indigenship of the area, because they met the Beroms, Anagutus and the Afizers and that even the house they are living they bought the land from a Berom man and that his father happen to marry a Berom lady, as such they cannot claim indigenship right, to him settler

179 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies problem is strictly a Jasawa problem that the Igbo community cannot and will not claim indigenship rights in Jos North . However, Okorocha's argument cannot be used to rationalize the discrimination the Jasawa are being subjected to in Jos North Local Government Area based, especially, on the provision of the Nigerian constitution. A Hausa/Fulani elder in Jos North stated that if a solution could be found to the conflict over indigenship rights, that 95 percent of the potential for violent conflict in Plateau state would be removed. He stated that: … that the conflict in Jos North is over indigenship rights that as long as the Hausa/Fulani are denied the rights and privileges, the conflict in Jos North and Plateau state will not be d resolved as many of them have settled for is long that Jos North is now their home, that they pay tax and contribute in the development of the city, so they should be given indigenship certificate to enable them enjoyed the privileges that come with it… On the contrary, the Berom, Anaguta and Afizere (BAA) elders have reiterated time and again, that they are not willing to compromise over the Hausa/Fulani settler status. For instance, in BAA elders stated in the Commission of inquiry set up by the Federal Government over the 2001 Jos crisis that: “not only is Jos, Berom, Anaguta and Afizere land, but Jos is our JERUSALEM and is indigenously inhabited by the Berom, Anaguta and Afizere, that even if the Hausa had been in Jos North for more than 1000 years, they would remain non-indigenes… as long as the Hausa/Fulani do not identify themselves as Berom, Anaguta and Afizere, they will be identified as settlers. They must effectively submit to Berom, Anaguta and Afizere political control. Thomas Ajayi, a Yoruba elder, however, introduced another dimension of the Jos North conflict when he stated that: If it were not for the Hausa/Fulani being referred to as a common enemy, the Berom, Anaguta and Afizere would be fighting among themselves over the ownership of Jos privileges. That the decent tensions between the Berom and the Afizere under line how easily notions of indignity are manipulated. The Afizere had sided with the Jasawa in the lead-up to the 2008 Local Government Elections against People's Democratic Party (PDP) candidate, Jonah Jang. After Jang assumed office, Afizere complapined that he intended to chase them out to Bauchi and sent a letter of complaint to the Prince Bola Ajibola Judicial Commission of Inquiry into Jos unrest of over claims to indigene rights and political control over Jos North Local Government Area. Land Conflicts in Jos North Local Government Area The issues of land conflicts existed in Jos long before the September, 2001, 180 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies crisis. The sporadic violent confrontations over farming and grazing land were already reported during the colonial times. However, before the 2001 crisis, conflicts between farmers and herders in Plateau State had not reached levels as high as in some neighboring states. Indeed, local community leader settled most tensions without having recourse to violent means. With the expansion of agricultural activities over the past decades, the problem of land for farming and grazing started to become consistent. The increase of farming activities has reduced the herders access to water sources for their livestock. This development changed the mode of interaction between farmers and herders. For instance, pastoral Fulani have been accused of allowing their cattle to graze on the farm lands of the indigene population. This is claimed to be the genesis of rustling of large number of cattle and attacks on Fulani communities. The counter reactions have been attacks on mostly Christian villages. Since the hostility began in 2001, many lives and property have been lost from both sides. For instance, the Fulani claim to have lost at least 1,800 tribe members and more than 160,000 cows between September 2001 and May 2004. The Religious Dimension Several factors have contributed to the religious dimension of the confrontation in Jos. Religious has become entrenched in Nigeria political space since in the 1960s, with both politicians and religious leaders urging their followers to vote along religious line. The transition from military rule to democratic rule in 1999 introduced the religious factor in our body politics. This explained why be birth of the Fourth Republic was followed with violent conflicts between Muslim and Christian in the northern states, particularly in the Middle Belt states or the north central region, thereby eroding the spirit of trust and harmony between adherents of the two religions. Specifically, the introduction of sharia criminal code in 12 states of the northern part of the country in 2000 was the main cause of friction between adherents to Islam and Christianity. It provoked major protests from Christian minorities in northern cities. Inter-religious violence in Kano and Kaduna. The stories carried to Jos by some Christians who fled from such northern states as Kano and Bauchi generated tension between religious communities in Jos. The religious conflict in Jos perceived by many to be linked with regional and national politics. There has been the fear that if Hausa / Fulani Control Jos, they will soon control the whole plateau state. Some Christians in Jos and the northern region believe that they and if they have Nigeria, they Africa. However, other Christians in the north do not want to portray the

181 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies local conflict over Jos North LGA as a religions confrontation of international dimention. Generally, however the Christianity community in Jos use the term “Jihad” and terrorism to explain the current situation in Jos. Several Christian leaders and their members, including and NGOS understanding the struggle over Jos North LGA as a direct extension of the 19th century Dan Fodio Jihad. They point to the destruction of places of worship rather than political institutions during electoral disputes during and after elections as being religious motivated. Chapter of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), Archbishop Ignatius Kaigama, known his active role in inter-faith peace-building reacted about the 2008 riot that: “We are taken aback by the turn of events in Jos. We thought it was political, but from all indication, it is not so. We are surprised at the way some of our churches and property were attacked and some of some of our faithful and clergy killed. The attacks were carefully planned and executed. The questions that bog our minds are, why were churches and clergy attacked and killed? Why the business premises and property of were incent civilians destroyed? We strongly feel that it was not political, but pre-meditated acts under the guise of election” (This Day 2008). On the contrast Muslim leadership in Jos vehemently protested the religious framing of the 2008 crisis. Reacting on behalf of the Muslim Ummah, in Jos North LGA, the leadership argued that: “The November 2008 violence in Jos was Ethno-political in all ramifications. Its antecedent, the circumstance, the principal actors, and the reason so for adduced by all parties only point to one inevitable conclusion: the struggle by ethnic groups to capture political power and manipulate for selfish reason or to keep as a vehicle for attaining socio-political goals (…) we cannot deny the fact that mosques and churches were destroyed in the Mayhem. So also schools, residential houses, market and other places that serve the common need of all regardless of faith were destroyed” (Jos North Muslim Ummah 2009).

The Violent Conflicts in Jos North LGA of Plateau State The Violence in Jos north LGA occurs mostly in the densely populated poor neighborhood. This includes the commercial center around the terminus area, the markets around the burnt-out market building and the market streets of Dilimi. Other areas also mostly affected by violence are the large central neighborhoods of Nasarawa Gwon, Dutse Uku, Congo-Russia, Ali Kazaure and Rikkos. The settlement around the University of Jos. The violence in Jos has significantly compartmentalized settlement pattern along religious lines. For instance, Angwan Rogo has become exclusively Muslim since the 2001 Crisis and has therefore remained peaceful. On the

182 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies other hand, Apata area has become exclusively Christian settlement mainly occupied by Igbo-after 2001 crisis. Similarly, while Congo-Russia, a Christian neighborhood, was almost completely razed to the ground during the 2008 riot, Ali Kazaure and Nassarawa Gwon which used to be mixed have now become predominantly Muslim. Generally, since the violence in 2008 and 2010, the Christians mostly live in segregated parts of the neighborhoods. Notwithstanding the widespread incident of violence in the Jos metropolis during the 2001 crisis, Tudu Wada area was not affected until during the 2008 and 2010 crisis. The area was massively affected by the two crisis during which large number of Muslims in the area were killed. Even the Anglo Jos area which did not experience the 2018 crisis was affected by the January 2010 crisis. During the crisis, youth groups from the neighboring Christian village of Kufang attacked and looted Anglo Jos in January 2010. Most of the Muslim population managed to flee via the main road to the army barracks at Old Airport road. However, the areas located between Jos North and Bukuru where the State and Federal low Cost House Rantya are located did not witness large scale fighting because the elders and religious leaders agreed to avoid violence. Nonetheless, the killing of Muslims still took place in Mai Adiko, a poor area on the outskirts of Reified. Generally, the prevailing crisis in Jos North has created spirit of suspicion especially between Christian and Muslims. For instance many indigences, accuse Hausa –Fulani community of planning to displace the non-Hausa population permanently from the central areas in Jos North L.G.A, including Angwan Rimi, Angwa Rogo, Bauchi Road, Congo-Russia, Dogon Duste Gangare, Nassarawa and Rikkos. This strategically planned displacement s alleged to be intended to enable mean that Jasawa candidates would win the Hausa/Fulani to permanent assume control over Jos North Local Government Area. On the contrary, the Jasawa in turn have continued to allege that the indigence politicians want to drive them entirely out of Jos North Local Government Area. Consequently, many of the Hausa-Fulani no longer feel safe in the outer areas of the city and thus have moved into the already congested city centre, have even left the state entirely. The 2001 Crisis Unlike the 1994 crisis, the 2001 crises began as a conflict over the appointment of a Jasawa to the National Poverty Eradication Commission by the Olusegun Obasanjo led Federal Government. The acclaimed indigenes strongly protested the appointment. Human Right Watch reported that the Berom Youths and the Jasawa Youth Association sent threatening memos to the Governor of Plateau State before the violence

183 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies erupted. This was because despite clear indicators and warning from several NGOS, the government did not undertake any significant preventive measures. The 2001 crisis started in Congo-Rusia, a Muslim dominated area. The main street was blocked during Friday prayer and the attempt by a Christian woman to pass through the congregation stirred up tension, which resulted in the outbreak of the crisis. Even before years. Human Rights watch reported that, immediately, Christians and Muslim youths faced each other with homemade weapon made up of arrows, sticks, machetes and guns. The fighting was reportedly very severe. The strong religions dimension underlined the violent clashes from the first day. Church bells were rang, while the Muslims calls to prayer continued throughout the night. While Christians were attacked around the university of Jos area, next to Agwan Rogo, Muslims were attacked and driven out of Apata. The mixed neighborhood of Ali Kazaure soon became a battle ground between both groups. Many testimonies point to the selected targeting of individuals as neighborhood took the opportunity to settle private scores during the crisis. In term of targeted selective killings, the religious factor stood up very prominent. Consequently, the 2001 crisis resulted in religious segregation within the city centre Jos. With the strongholds identified as the Sharia line and the New Jerusalem. The 2002-04 Killing and the State of Emergency After the 2001 crisis, the violent clash between herders and farmers erupted the Southern Lowlands of Plateau State in 2004 up to 2004. The worst hit areas were Shendam, Wase and Langtang North and South Local Government Areas. Other areas affected included Kanam, Kanke, Mikang and Panshin Local Government Areas. Many lives and property were lost in the course of the crisis. Similarly, in Yelwa town in Shendan Local Government Area, violent clashes broken out following the creation of new Districts. This resulted from conflict over districts' boundaries and political control. The presence of segmented local vigilante groups facilitated mobilization along ethnic and religious lines. By 2004, more than 100 villages were attacked damaged, or destroyed by well-armed militia groups. Unfortunately, the presence of state security operatives appeared to be virtually absent. This led to the escalation of violence in the lowlands. For example, the almost two years, militia groups managed to block the road between Wase and Langtang isolating Wase. The main protagonists were generally small but very highly well-armed mobile group with assorted weapons, among which included AK-47s, machine guns, sub-machine guns, G3 rules, mark 4. Rifles, single and doublebarrel shotguns, pistols, obsolete, fir arm and

184 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies locally made guns. The killings that resulted from the Yelwa crisis were, indeed, massive from both sides. Prior to the 24th February, 2004 attacks, over seventy five (75) were reported killed in Yelwa twon. Many of them were reportedly killed within a Church compound by attackers who came in pick-up truck shouting religion slogans. The retaliation from Christian groups two months later was fierce resulting in the killing of about 700 Muslim in Yelwa town. The aftermath of the Yelwa killings was the declaration of state of emergence on Plateau State for six months by the President Obasanjo led Federal Government during which Governor Dariye was suspended and Maj. Gen Chris Ali was appointed as the Administrator. Even though efforts were made to retrieve firearms from illegal hands through amnesty approach and house to house search in villages and small towns, the state of emergency left the political conflict in Jos completely unaddressed. The confrontation between the indigenes and the Jasawa continue the following years, thereby heightening tension, particularly in Jos metropolis and its environs. This was exacerbated by the prevailing Fulani herders attacks on the rural communities. The 2008 Jos north Election Crisis After the expiration in 2002 of the tenure of the Jos North Local Government Chairman who was elected in 1999, no local Government Elections were suspended in the Area by the State Government due to security issues in the Local Government Area. This was amidst protest by the Governor Janah Jang led state government for several years. This was largely because Governor Jang was set to do without the Jasawa as reported by Osien (2009): when the Plateau state Local Government elections took places “the stage was set as a show down between the indigene and the Jasawa in Jos North. The posture adopted by Jang clearly introduced hostile religious while the indigenes secured the support of the Church for their political campaign on the PDP ticket, the Jasawa allied with the Afizere on the All Nigeria People's Party (ANPP) platform. The Jasawa and ANPP supporters were convinced that Jang and the PDP would never win Jos North Local Government Area. Both the Church and the Mosque strongly called their congregation to vote only for a Christian or a Muslim candidate respectively. Though the election process went smoothly and peacefully, both parties had youth groups following the stages of vote collection and the transportation of ballot boxes to the collation center to “guard” their votes. The relocation of the collation without official announcement created tension which eventuation led to violent clash between supporters of the two political

185 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies blocs. This was exacerbated by the action of the police to forcefully disperse supporters of the two political blocs from the new collation centre. The 2008 crisis was very devastating in terms of its effects on both life and property. For instance, according to Local courts possibly more than 850 people were killed. The Jasawa Muslim Community (Ummah) alone reported that 632 lives were lost, while over 5000 injured; 20 Islamic Schools destroyed; 22 Mos1ues burnt and 891 residential buildings destroyed in Jos. Similarly, the Catholic Community reported 23 people killed and at least 800 houses and ships burnt or destroyed. The Christian Community ever submitted names of victims in its memoranda to the Plateau State Judicial Commission of Inquiry (Ajibola Commission) which was set up following the crisis. In similar vein, foundation reported that 103 Christians were killed in Congo-Russia, Nassarawa Rikkos, Sarki Mangu and Tudun Wada areas, while 330 houses were burnt in Jos North. In addition, the Commission report states that 118 Christian Igbo and 31 Yoruba were killed, and at least 75 people died in extra-Judical killings perpetrated by security forces, who gunned unarmed citizens in their homes as well as chased and killed men trying to flee to safe areas. According to CAN report, at least 10,000 people were displaced. The Muslim Ummah in their Memorandum stated how victims were killed through gunshot suggesting that guns were much more widely used than in the previous crisis. To them, 90 percent of Muslim victims died through gunshots. The 2010 Jos Crisis The 2010 crisis erupted on the morning of 17th January, 2010. The main cause of the outbreak of the crisis on Sunday has remained contentious. While the Muslim claimed that it resulted from attack on a Muslim who was reconstructing his house which was burnt down during the 2008 crisis in Dutse-Uku, within the city center, the Christians, on the other hand, argued that the reconstruction of project was just a pretext to stir up trouble in the area. They maintained that the owner of the house brought hundreds of armed men to work on his construction site, insulting Christian passersby and attacking them. It is reported that the brawl that ensued as a result of the clash led to the destruction of a nearby church. The foregoing hostility had a devastating spillover effect beyond the Jos main city encter. Neighbourhoods that had remain peaceful since after the 2008 such as Anglo Jos became sites of violent battles, looting and destruction. Bukuru, to the south of Jos city, was also heavily affected by violence and destruction. The fighting was later quelled by a heavy Military deployment in Jos and Bukuru. Notwithstanding the efforts by the Military detachment to control the crisis

186 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies in Jos city and Bukuru, weeks after the incident, large scale massacre took place at the outskirt of Jos city. At least 180 Muslim were killed in Kuru Karama. In a reprisal attack, at least 200 Christians were reported killed in Dogo Nahawa on the 7 March, 2010. In both places, the victims were mostly children, women and the elderly who could not manage to hide or escape from the assassins. The two incidents caused grave trauma not only on relatives of the victims but also on adherents of the two major religious blocs, Islam and Christianity. This was largely due to the inhuman cruelty exhibited in terminating human lives. And since then, the hostility in the relationship between the two groups in Plateau State has remained hostile the spontaneous outbreak of crises and guerilla attacks on one another leading grave consequences on lives, property and relationship. Causes of the Ethno-Religious Conflict in Jos North The recurrence of conflicts in Jos North is attributed to a number of immediate and remote causes. This paper identifies the following factors as responsible for the incessant cries in Jos North and its environs. The Settler and Indigeneship question in Jos North Local Government Area One of the main factors responsible for the Jos North crisis is the claim of ownership over the area and dispute over land ownership. The findings of the various Commissions set up to identify the causes of the incessant crises in the area and to proffer solutions revealed that the Berom, Anaguta and Afizere groups are the true founders of Jos town. The problem of ownership of Jos was first generated by dispute over ownership of scarce land for both agricultural and pastoral activities since the indigenes are mostly farmers, and with the Fulani being cattle rearers. The struggle for the scare land for these occupational activities has therefore been the major cause of conflict between the two groups. The Creation of Jos North Local Government Area/Delineation of Electoral Wards The division of Jos Local Government into Jos North and South Local Government Areas by the Federal Military Government of Nigeria header by General Ibrahim Babangida in 1991 created enemity between the two blocks, those popularly referred to as indigenes and the Hausa/Fulani. The indigenes claimed it put them in Jos creation as a ploy to confine their control only over Jos South Local Government Area, while giving the control of Jos North Local Government Area especially Jos metropolis, to the Hausa/Fulani. It should be noted that earlier, the Jasawa community had enjoyed political advantage over appointments during most of the Hausa/Fulani-led Military era in Nigeria especially from 1978 to 1999. The delineation of the electoral wards in Jos North was alleged by the indigenes to have been done in an

187 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies inequitable manner in order to give the large indigene population fewer electoral wards compared to the Hausa-Fulani dominated areas which had much smaller population.

Ethno-Religious Differences Ethnic difference has remained one of the apparent cause of the crisis in Jos. Nigeria is a country of diverse people that is highly polarized along ethnic and religious lines. Ethno-religious affiliation is placed above state or National allegiance. The religious factor however seemed to subsequently overwhelm the ethnic factor in the crises in Jos North Local Government Area in particular. This was manifested by perpetrators of the crises attacking even their ethnic group members who identified with the other religious bloc other than the faith most dominant among their tribal group. Political Factors The indigene-settler syndrome produced political factor in the soaring relationship between the acclaimed indigenes and settlers. This became pronounced following the creation of Jos north Local Government Area. Indeed, the immediate causes of the crises in 1994, 2001 and 2008 were imbalance in appointments into political posts and elections respectively. Some politicians in Plateau State and in Jos North Local Government Area have continued to capitalized on indigene-settler factor to instigate and prosecute hostility between the indigene and Hausa/Fulani for political and economic control of Jos North Local Government Area in particular. Fulani herders' Trespass on Farm Lands Cause of trespass by Fulani herders' cattle on farm lands have played major roles in the recurrent crises in Jos North Local Government Area. This feature prominently in the 2001, 2004 and 2010 crises. The prevalence of this unfortunate phenomenon soon spread to other parts of Plateau State. The 2010 Solomon Lar Committee equally identified encroachment on grazing reserves by farmers as well as one of the causes of the 2010 crisis in particular. Socio-Economic Factors The factors such as youth unemployment, poverty, the quest for economic dominance over of Jos North, as well as the absence of adequate private sector participation in Economic activities in Plateau State was identified by the various Commissions as some of the causes of the crises. Human Rights Watch however associated the crisis purely with economic factors. It stated that religious, political and ethnic factors often served only associate factors to the economic factors. The Commissions corroborate this by stating that if there is the need to struggle, even violently, to gain control and dominate Jos North; it is for the purpose of gaining the economic upper-

188 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies hand. Failure to Implement Commissions' Reports The failure of successive governments to implement the reports of Commissions of inquiry into causes of crisis has contributed significantly to the persistence of the crises. The Federal Government and the Plateau State Governments responded by setting up Commissions of inquiry Panels, and Committees to investigate the causes of the crises, to identify those responsible for the crimes committees and to make recommendations to help prevent future violence. The followings were the most notable among such commissions in respect to, particularly the Jos crises” 1. The Commission of inquiry into riots of 12th April, 1994 in Jos metropolis (Fiberesima Commission). 2. The Jucial Commission of inquiry into the civil disturbances in Jos and its Environs, 2001 (Niki Tobi Commission). 3. Plateau Peace Conference, 2004 (18th August – 21st September, 2004). 4. The Commission of inquiry into the unrest of 28th November, 2008, in Jos North Local Government Area, Plateau State (Ajiblola Commission), and 5. The Presidential Advisory Committee in Jos crisis, 2010 (Solomon Lar Advisory Committee). The commissions carried out their mandates by receiving memoranda from members of the public and interviewing witnesses. They identified and indicated certain individuals and groups in their report as responsible for the crisis. They also traced the origins and causes of the crisis and several recommendations. However, their reports have been consistently shelved and the recommendations made were unimplemented. The non- implementation of the recommendations and non-prosecution of indicted individuals and groups has made other to think that they can commit crime against humanity and go unpunished, which is why the crisis has continued unabated. Impact of the Conflict on Intergroup Relation in Jos North Local Government Area The reality of the Jos crisis is pronounced in the social life of the society and families as the basic units of the society. Women and children who managed to escape being slaughtered during the several massacres that took place in Jos are mostly at the receiving end of the crisis as they have become widows and or phans respectively, in addition to being homeless. Umeha (2010) stated, for instance, that; “some of them who saw their husbands or fathers killed-burnt alive are still being haunted by the trauma. They need to be rehabilitated but most of them are left without basic requirement for living.”

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The crises have created a strong hatred between the rival groups the Christians and Muslims in particular. The situation has degenerated to a level where there are separate Christian and Muslim dominated areas. It has degenerated to the level that it is even risky for any member of the two blocs to visit or even pass through one another's areas without being attacked. Even patronage to businesses is highly discriminatory along religious lines. For instance, Christians buy from one another and patronage one another's businesses and vice versa. The attack on Jos by Boko Haran made the situation even worse. The Jos crises have had a devastating impact on the economics of state. A major happening that characterized each of those crises, besides the bloodshed, was the wanton and indiscriminate destruction of property including markets, government buildings and private properties. Consequently, thousands of people have lost their sole sources of livelihood due to the recurrent violence without been compensated for the losses. The crises have halted state development in all areas socio- economic and civil life. Conclusion No one individual or group is an inland due to constant movement and intermingling of groups for obvious beneficial and other reasons. Invariably, cooperation and conflicts are bound to occur. However, in the case of conflict, what matters is not the conflicts perse, but now they are managed. The inability of the state governments, societies, individuals and even the Federal Government of Nigeria to manage conflicts has remained the major cause of recurrent conflicts or crises all over the country. The issue of Jos North Local Government Area, which this study focuses on, is a fact that differences in ancestral origin and history are not the main problem in the Local Government Area, but rather the manipulation of these issues by the political elite. They use the issue of the settler-indigene to divide the people for their selfish political benefits. Settlers-indigene question in Nigeria is largely the manifestation of the manipulative skills of the political elites in the country. Therefore, it is not the movement of people across ethno-regional boundaries that is the problem, but rather the inability to manage conflicts that management of the conflict that might result from such movements. Recommendations The amendment of section 147 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) in order to expunge the indigeneship clause which encourage elements of discrimination to fellow Nigerians in some parts of the country. Similar clauses that seem to promote discrimination against fellow Nigerians in some parts of the country should equally be expunged in order to promote

190 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies national unity and allegiance. This will, among other things, even help to solve the lacuna of ethnicity in the country. Merit should be considered above ethnic and religious affiliations in appointment to political posts and employment in Jos North Local Government Area and Nigeria at large. The quota system and Federal Character, though have their merits, seen to be part of the problems in the Nigerian Federation which have contributed immensely in pulling Nigerians apart. Every Nigerians should be given equal opportunity to serve and enjoy the rights of being a Nigerian. Emphasis should be on what you can offer not where you come from or who you know. Many efforts should be made especially by the National Orientation Agency (NOA), to conscientize Nigerians to be more focused on what unite them and for progress than what disunite them. Nigerians should be informed to shun political elite who manipulate them on ethno-religious grounds for selfish gains. Laws should be enacted and strictly implemented in order to prevent the movement of animals into farmlands. Consequently, government should provide the basic amenities needed for the provision of a grazing reserve for the Herdsmen that should be done in collaboration with private partnership. Effort should be made to bring the two contending groups (acclaimed indigenes and settlers) together through a deliberate policy of assimilation through inter marriages and social events like sporting events. The establishments of State police to complement the effort of the Federal Government. This is basically because security agents are inadequate and are not conversant with the environment that they are sent to keep peace during crises. Therefore, the Constitution should be amended to give room for state policing.

References 1. U. Danfulani. The Jos Peace Conference and the Indigene Settle Question In Nigeria Politics: African Studies Center and University of Jos http//www.ascleiden/nl/pdf/ paper –Danfulani- pdf.2006 2. A. G. Best: Religions and Religious conflicts in Northern Nigeria (2001) University of Jos Journal of political scenie vol2 No3 December 3. B. Christiana and Abu: Pen and Peace: the Plateau state Experience Jos, and Peace Studies, University of Jos Nigeria International Center for Reconciliation and Center for Conflict Management.2007,952,53.56

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4. Human Rights watch: 2006 for details P38 5. O. Philip: Jonah Jang and the Jasawa Ethno-Religious Conflicts in Jos Nigeria, Muslim Christian Relations in Africa August www/.sharia Africa net/media Publication Ethno- Religious- Conflict Jos Nigeria/Ostien Jos pdf.2009 p5 6. Chief Austin Okrocha, 71yrs interview in Apata Jos 18th June, 2019. 7. Alhaji Musapha Abubakar, 67yrs interview in Dilimi Market Jos 20th June, 2019. 8. Mr. Thomas Ajayi.75yrs, interview in Adebayo Street Jos 24th June,2019 9. R. Blenah: The Transformation of conflict Between Pastoralist and Cultivators in Nigerian: http;//www roger blanch. Infol conflict/holder farmer conflict/in Nigeria pdf. 2003 10. T. Falola: Violence in Nigeria; The Crisis of Religious Politics and Secular Ideologies. New York university of Rochester press 1998 11. Stetanos Foundation: Deceased Name Recorded in Rikkos/Nassarawa/congo/Tudu wada/sarki mangu Area; unpublished memorandum obtain from the Statanos foundation. 12. U. Danfulani: Fwangshak. The Jos Peace Conference and the Indigene/Settler Question in Nigeria Politics leiden and Jos Africa studies center and university of Jos;www.ascleiden.n//ptt/paper Danfulani pdf 2006 13. Human Right Watch: Jos A City Torn Apart vol3 No 9 December 2001 New Yoke p-60 14. O. Philip, Jonah Jang and the Jasawa Ethno-Religious conflict in Jos, Nigeria Muslim-Christian Relations in Africa August 2009 http//www.sharia-in Africa net/mediu/publication/ethno-religious conflict in Jos Nigeria lostion Jos PDF 15. A.Kalu:“A cycle of reprisals-vanguand, Gomper “protracted security Breaches in plateau state http;//www.inapactgeuia.org 16. Fiberesma Report (2004) 12:17,NikiTobi Report 2002 24,Ajibola report (2009) 17. The Ajibola Report (2009) 49 Fiberesma report (2004) 21 18. Ajibola report (2009) 49 Fiberesma report (2004) 21 19. Higazi, (2011), 27 Niki Tobi Report (2002) 44 Solomon Lar report (2010) 5 20. Solomon Lar report (2002) 78 21. A n a l y s i s o f I C C R e p o r t o n N i g e r i a s i t u a t i o n

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http;jubilecampaign.org 22. Umeha: Nigeria Jos crisis = Dally champion 27 June 2010 hittpl//allafrice.com/stories/201006 2807532 Accessed 4 April, 2018 23. Famorati: Seeking Justice and Restitution for Victims of Jos Crisis National Mirror 9 February, 2011 24. F. Omotoso. Settlers and Indigenes Phenomenon in Nigerian Federalism; An assessment of Jos, Plateau State.2014. Retrieved from http://www.google.com/settlers and indigene-phenomenon in Nigeria an assessment of Jos Plateau State 25. Federal Republic of Nigeria: 1999 Constitution(as amended) of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Lagos: Federal Government printer 26. Higazi, (2011), 27 Niki Tobi Report (2002) 44 Solomon Lar report (2010) 6 27. Best, Christian and Abu: Pen and Peace. The Plateau State Experience Jos. International Center for Reconciliation and centers. For conflict Management and Peace studies university of Jos.2017 p5. 28. Human Right watch (HRW): A city torn Apart vol.13 NO. 9 (A) December 2010 New Yok: HRW.http//www.hrw.orglnedel76878 29. Stetanos Foundation: Deceased Name Recorded in Rikkos/ Nassarawa/congo/Tudu wada /sarki mangu Area; unpublished memorandum obtain from the Statanos foundation. 30. Human Right Watch: Jos A City Torn Apart vol3 No 9 December 2001 New Yoke p-62 31. Fiberesma Report (2004) 12:17, Niki Tobi Report 2002 24, Ajibola report.

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