Andreas Umland
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Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany
University of Vermont ScholarWorks @ UVM UVM Honors College Senior Theses Undergraduate Theses 2018 Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany William Peter Fitz University of Vermont Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses Recommended Citation Fitz, William Peter, "Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany" (2018). UVM Honors College Senior Theses. 275. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses/275 This Honors College Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Theses at ScholarWorks @ UVM. It has been accepted for inclusion in UVM Honors College Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UVM. For more information, please contact [email protected]. REACTIONARY POSTMODERNISM? NEOLIBERALISM, MULTICULTURALISM, THE INTERNET, AND THE IDEOLOGY OF THE NEW FAR RIGHT IN GERMANY A Thesis Presented by William Peter Fitz to The Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of The University of Vermont In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements For the Degree of Bachelor of Arts In European Studies with Honors December 2018 Defense Date: December 4th, 2018 Thesis Committee: Alan E. Steinweis, Ph.D., Advisor Susanna Schrafstetter, Ph.D., Chairperson Adriana Borra, M.A. Table of Contents Introduction 1 Chapter One: Neoliberalism and Xenophobia 17 Chapter Two: Multiculturalism and Cultural Identity 52 Chapter Three: The Philosophy of the New Right 84 Chapter Four: The Internet and Meme Warfare 116 Conclusion 149 Bibliography 166 1 “Perhaps one will view the rise of the Alternative for Germany in the foreseeable future as inevitable, as a portent for major changes, one that is as necessary as it was predictable. -
Helsinki Watch Committees in the Soviet Republics: Implications For
FINAL REPORT T O NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARC H TITLE : HELSINKI WATCH COMMITTEES IN THE SOVIET REPUBLICS : IMPLICATIONS FOR THE SOVIET NATIONALITY QUESTIO N AUTHORS : Yaroslav Bilinsky Tönu Parming CONTRACTOR : University of Delawar e PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATORS : Yaroslav Bilinsky, Project Director an d Co-Principal Investigato r Tönu Parming, Co-Principal Investigato r COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 621- 9 The work leading to this report was supported in whole or in part fro m funds provided by the National Council for Soviet and East European Research . NOTICE OF INTENTION TO APPLY FOR COPYRIGH T This work has been requested for manuscrip t review for publication . It is not to be quote d without express written permission by the authors , who hereby reserve all the rights herein . Th e contractual exception to this is as follows : The [US] Government will have th e right to publish or release Fina l Reports, but only in same forma t in which such Final Reports ar e delivered to it by the Council . Th e Government will not have the righ t to authorize others to publish suc h Final Reports without the consent o f the authors, and the individua l researchers will have the right t o apply for and obtain copyright o n any work products which may b e derived from work funded by th e Council under this Contract . ii EXEC 1 Overall Executive Summary HELSINKI WATCH COMMITTEES IN THE SOVIET REPUBLICS : IMPLICATIONS FOR THE SOVIET NATIONALITY QUESTION by Yaroslav Bilinsky, University of Delawar e d Tönu Parming, University of Marylan August 1, 1975, after more than two years of intensive negotiations, 35 Head s of Governments--President Ford of the United States, Prime Minister Trudeau of Canada , Secretary-General Brezhnev of the USSR, and the Chief Executives of 32 othe r European States--signed the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperatio n in Europe (CSCE) . -
Russia: CHRONOLOGY DECEMBER 1993 to FEBRUARY 1995
Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/CHRONO... Français Home Contact Us Help Search canada.gc.ca Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets Home Issue Paper RUSSIA CHRONOLOGY DECEMBER 1993 TO FEBRUARY 1995 July 1995 Disclaimer This document was prepared by the Research Directorate of the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada on the basis of publicly available information, analysis and comment. All sources are cited. This document is not, and does not purport to be, either exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed or conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. For further information on current developments, please contact the Research Directorate. Table of Contents GLOSSARY Political Organizations and Government Structures Political Leaders 1. INTRODUCTION 2. CHRONOLOGY 1993 1994 1995 3. APPENDICES TABLE 1: SEAT DISTRIBUTION IN THE STATE DUMA TABLE 2: REPUBLICS AND REGIONS OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION MAP 1: RUSSIA 1 of 58 9/17/2013 9:13 AM Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/CHRONO... MAP 2: THE NORTH CAUCASUS NOTES ON SELECTED SOURCES REFERENCES GLOSSARY Political Organizations and Government Structures [This glossary is included for easy reference to organizations which either appear more than once in the text of the chronology or which are known to have been formed in the period covered by the chronology. The list is not exhaustive.] All-Russia Democratic Alternative Party. Established in February 1995 by Grigorii Yavlinsky.( OMRI 15 Feb. -
Studienabschlussarbeiten Sozialwissenschaftliche Fakultät
Studienabschlussarbeiten Sozialwissenschaftliche Fakultät Rost, Vincent: Linke Stichwortgeber der Neuen Rechten Rezeption als strategische Methode des Kulturkampfs Masterarbeit, Wintersemester 2020 Sozialwissenschaftliche Fakultät Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München https://doi.org/10.5282/ubm/epub.74140 GESCHWISTER-SCHOLL-INSTITUT FÜR POLITIKWISSENSCHAFT Münchener Beiträge zur Politikwissenschaft herausgegeben vom Geschwister-Scholl-Institut für Politikwissenschaft 2020 Vincent Rost Linke Stichwortgeber der Neuen Rechten – Rezeption als strategische Methode des Kulturkampfs. Masterarbeit bei Prof. Dr. Karsten Fischer 2020 Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München Geschwister-Scholl-Institut für Politikwissenschaft Inhaltsverzeichnis 1. Einführung ....................................................................................................................................... 2 2. Hegemonietheorie nach Antonio Gramsci ...................................................................................... 4 2.1 Politische und Zivile Gesellschaft ................................................................................................. 4 2.2 Funktion der Intellektuellen .......................................................................................................... 7 2.4 Hegemonie und Konter-Hegemonie ............................................................................................ 10 2.5 Politische Parteien als Ausdruck der Hegemonie ....................................................................... -
Productivity of the Main Ear of Winter Soft Wheat Varieties in Ontogenesis
E3S Web of Conferences 285, 02030 (2021) https://doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202128502030 ABR 2021 Productivity of the main ear of winter soft wheat varieties in ontogenesis V. V. Kazakovа*, V. S. Kazakova, N. V. Repko, and V. S. Dinkova Kuban State Agrarian University, 350044, Krasnodar, Russia Abstract. The study of the realization of the productivity potential of the main ear in winter wheat plants shows that the Pamyat variety most fully realizes the inherent genetic potential, forms a well-executed ear, but it is inferior to the experimental varieties in yield, which is explained by a lower level of productive bushiness of this variety. Varieties Kurs, Adel and Kalym, inferior to the ear of the ear, formed high yield indicators, due to a more powerful density of standing ears. Wheat is one of the oldest and most famous agricultural crops. It is not known exactly where wheat originated, but many scientists suggest that the current form of wheat originated from three types of wild cereals that grew in areas of Asia Minor, Southern Europe and North Africa. This is the most valuable and common grain crop grown around the world. The great popularity of wheat is due to the universal use of grain, which has a great nutritional value. Wheat can be used to produce: flour, pasta, confectionery, alcoholic beverages. Grain contains starch, protein, fat, sugars, fiber, ash elements and other substances, while starch – from 40 to 70%, which is more than in any other crop, and the nutritional value of wheat is slightly inferior only to corn. -
Identitarian Movement
Identitarian movement The identitarian movement (otherwise known as Identitarianism) is a European and North American[2][3][4][5] white nationalist[5][6][7] movement originating in France. The identitarians began as a youth movement deriving from the French Nouvelle Droite (New Right) Génération Identitaire and the anti-Zionist and National Bolshevik Unité Radicale. Although initially the youth wing of the anti- immigration and nativist Bloc Identitaire, it has taken on its own identity and is largely classified as a separate entity altogether.[8] The movement is a part of the counter-jihad movement,[9] with many in it believing in the white genocide conspiracy theory.[10][11] It also supports the concept of a "Europe of 100 flags".[12] The movement has also been described as being a part of the global alt-right.[13][14][15] Lambda, the symbol of the Identitarian movement; intended to commemorate the Battle of Thermopylae[1] Contents Geography In Europe In North America Links to violence and neo-Nazism References Further reading External links Geography In Europe The main Identitarian youth movement is Génération identitaire in France, a youth wing of the Bloc identitaire party. In Sweden, identitarianism has been promoted by a now inactive organisation Nordiska förbundet which initiated the online encyclopedia Metapedia.[16] It then mobilised a number of "independent activist groups" similar to their French counterparts, among them Reaktion Östergötland and Identitet Väst, who performed a number of political actions, marked by a certain -
Introduction
Introduction Entangled Far Rights A Russian-European Intellectual Romance in the Twentieth Century Marlene Laruelle ince the early 2010s and more visibly since the Ukrainian crisis in 2014, Russia’s support for the European Far Right—and for conservative and S populist leaders more globally—has become a cornerstone of the West’s perception of Moscow as a “spoiler” on the international scene. Russia is now perceived as a danger to “established democracies”: its support for far- right politics is interpreted as part of a broader strategy that also includes supposed meddling in elections and referendums—the 2016 U.S. presiden- tial elections, Brexit, and the Catalonia referendum, among others. Many observers expected that Russia, if it chose to intervene on the European political scene, would reactivate Soviet soft power toward the European Left. The fact that Russia’s most fervent supporters are now to be found on the right of the ideological spectrum therefore came as a surprise. Two key points explain the present reality. The first is that the Europe- an Left has undergone dramatic changes since the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Soviet Union. Although the European Left’s stance on international affairs may share some ideological features with Russia’s position—such as being anti-NATO, cautious toward transatlantic insti- tutions, and reluctant to see a too neoliberal European Union gain more power over nation-states—both are deeply divided on societal issues. Both the “old” Left, which maintains a certain proximity to communism, and the “new” Left, as it has emerged in Greece, Spain, and among many an- 1 © 2018 University of Pittsburgh Press. -
12 the Return of the Ukrainian Far Right the Case of VO Svoboda
12 The Return of the Ukrainian Far Right The Case of VO Svoboda Per Anders Rudling Ukraine, one of the youngest states in Europe, received its current borders between 1939 and 1954. The country remains divided between east and west, a division that is discernible in language, culture, religion and, not the least, historical memory. Whereas Ukrainian nationalism in the 1990s was described in terms of “a minority faith,” over the past half-decade there has been a signifi cant upswing in far-right activity (Wilson, 1997: 117–146). The far-right tradition is particularly strong in western Ukraine. Today a signifi cant ultra-nationalist party, the All-Ukrainian Association ( Vseukrains’ke Ob ’’ iednanne , VO) Svoboda, appears to be on the verge of a political breakthrough at the national level. This article is a survey, not only of its ideology and the political tradition to which it belongs but also of the political climate which facilitated its growth. It contextualizes the current turn to the right in western Ukraine against the backdrop of instrumental- ization of history and the offi cial rehabilitation of the ultra-nationalists of the 1930s and 1940s. MEMORIES OF A VIOLENT 20TH CENTURY Swept to power by the Orange Revolution, the third president of Ukraine, Viktor Yushchenko (2005–2010), put in substantial efforts into the pro- duction of historical myths. He tasked a set of nationalistically minded historians to produce and disseminate an edifying national history as well as a new set of national heroes. Given Yushchenko’s aim to unify the country around a new set of historical myths, his legitimizing historians ironically sought their heroes in the interwar period, during which the Ukrainian-speaking lands were divided, and had very different historical experiences. -
THE WARP of the SERBIAN IDENTITY Anti-Westernism, Russophilia, Traditionalism
HELSINKI COMMITTEE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS IN SERBIA studies17 THE WARP OF THE SERBIAN IDENTITY anti-westernism, russophilia, traditionalism... BELGRADE, 2016 THE WARP OF THE SERBIAN IDENTITY Anti-westernism, russophilia, traditionalism… Edition: Studies No. 17 Publisher: Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia www.helsinki.org.rs For the publisher: Sonja Biserko Reviewed by: Prof. Dr. Dubravka Stojanović Prof. Dr. Momir Samardžić Dr Hrvoje Klasić Layout and design: Ivan Hrašovec Printed by: Grafiprof, Belgrade Circulation: 200 ISBN 978-86-7208-203-6 This publication is a part of the project “Serbian Identity in the 21st Century” implemented with the assistance from the Open Society Foundation – Serbia. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia, and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Open Society Foundation – Serbia. CONTENTS Publisher’s Note . 5 TRANSITION AND IDENTITIES JOVAN KOMŠIĆ Democratic Transition And Identities . 11 LATINKA PEROVIĆ Serbian-Russian Historical Analogies . 57 MILAN SUBOTIĆ, A Different Russia: From Serbia’s Perspective . 83 SRĐAN BARIŠIĆ The Role of the Serbian and Russian Orthodox Churches in Shaping Governmental Policies . 105 RUSSIA’S SOFT POWER DR. JELICA KURJAK “Soft Power” in the Service of Foreign Policy Strategy of the Russian Federation . 129 DR MILIVOJ BEŠLIN A “New” History For A New Identity . 139 SONJA BISERKO, SEŠKA STANOJLOVIĆ Russia’s Soft Power Expands . 157 SERBIA, EU, EAST DR BORIS VARGA Belgrade And Kiev Between Brussels And Moscow . 169 DIMITRIJE BOAROV More Politics Than Business . 215 PETAR POPOVIĆ Serbian-Russian Joint Military Exercise . 235 SONJA BISERKO Russia and NATO: A Test of Strength over Montenegro . -
National Bolshevism
TOTALLY LEFT. TOTALLY RIGHT. NATIONAL BOLSHEVISM Its Essence, Roots and Contemporary Relevance Peter Wilberg 2011 A publication of the National People’s Party in the U.K. Contents Introduction....................................................................................................................... 1 On the term ‘National Bolshevism’ ................................................................................... 4 ‘Social Revolutionary Nationalism’ versus ‘National Socialism’ ....................................... 4 National Bolshevism, National Socialism and ‘Strasserism’ ............................................. 6 ‘Naz-Bol’ versus ‘Nat-Bol’................................................................................................. 8 A New Spiritual and Philosophical Foundation for National Bolshevism ........................ 9 The Awareness Principle ................................................................................................. 11 Eurasianism..................................................................................................................... 13 Introduction This essay aims to provide a new political-economic focus and a new spiritual-philosophical foundation by which to redefine National Bolshevism – as Social Nationalism, National Marxism and National Communist - anti-capitalist, anti-fascist, anti-racist, anti-Zionist – and above all directed against the domination of all nations by the international banking and monetary system and its political puppets. The National Bolshevism -
The Effects of Nationalism in Post-Euromaidan Ukraine
WL KNO EDGE NCE ISM SA ER IS E A TE N K N O K C E N N T N I S E S J E N A 3 V H A A N H Z И O E P W O I T E D N E Z I A M I C O N O C C I O T N S H O E L C A I N M Z E N O T Populism Spreads East: The Effects of Nationalism in Post-Euromaidan Ukraine PAUL ALDAYA Open Source, Foreign Perspective, Underconsidered/Understudied Topics The Foreign Military Studies Office (FMSO) at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, is an open source research organization of the U.S. Army. It was founded in 1986 as an innovative program that brought together military specialists and civilian academics to focus on military and security topics derived from unclassified, foreign media. Today FMSO maintains this research tradition of special insight and highly collaborative work by conducting unclassified research on foreign perspectives of defense and security issues that are understudied or unconsidered. Author Background Paul W. Aldaya is a Major in the U.S. Army currently serving as a Eurasian Foreign Area Officer (FAO). He received his BS in international relations from the U.S Military Academy and his MA in Russian, East European, and Eurasian studies from the University of Kansas. He spent 10 months in Ukraine (Sep 2014-Jul 2015) as part of his FAO training, where he worked with various DOD agencies. Before transitioning to FAO, Major Aldaya served in various company and battalion-level positions as an Army aviator, deploying twice to the Middle East. -
Novorossiya: a Launching Pad for Russian Nationalists
Novorossiya: A Launching Pad for Russian Nationalists PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 357 September 2014 Marlene Laruelle The George Washington University The Ukraine crisis is a game changer for Russia’s domestic landscape. One of the most eloquent engines of this is the spread of the concept of “Novorossiya,” or New Russia. With origins dating from the second half of the 18th century, the term was revived during the Ukraine crisis and gained indirect official validation when Russian President Vladimir Putin used it during a call-in show in April 2014 to evoke the situation of the Russian-speaking population of Ukraine. It appeared again in May when the self- proclaimed Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics (DNR and LNR) decided to unite in a “Union of Novorossiya.” In August, a presidential statement was addressed to the “Insurgents of Novorossiya,” though the text itself referred only to “representatives of the Donbas.” The powerful pull of Novorossiya rests on its dual meaning in announcing the birth of a New Russia geographically and metaphorically. It is both a promised land to be added to Russia and an anticipation of Russia’s own transformation. As such, “Novorossiya” provides for an exceptional convergence of three underlying ideological paradigms that I briefly analyze here. “Red” Novorossiya The first ideological motif nurturing Novorossiya emphasizes Soviet memory. Novorossiya is both a spatial and ideological gift to Russia’s reassertion as a great power: it brings new territory and a new mission. This inspiration enjoys consensus among the Russian population and is widely shared by Russian nationalists and the Kremlin.